Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Questions about the numbers of learners in classrooms have been discussed for
more than a century, but many issues remain unresolved. One reason for this is a
continuing lack of clarity in terminology. Furthermore, the contexts in which large
classes occur and the reasons for their occurrence are varied and complex.
Terminology
Class sizes vary tremendously both between and within national education sys-
tems: primary classes ranging from 5 to 60 pupils have been reported in Malaysia;
secondary classes as small as 14 and as large as 167 have been observed in Guinea;
and a study of remedial English teaching in Nigerian universities found between
5 and 200 students per class. There are also reports of over 300 participants per
class in a yobiko (cram school for university entrance) in Japan, approximately 500
students in a university English class in Kenya and as many as 5,000 students in a
class at an open-access university in Thailand. Thus, there can be no universally
accepted numerical definition of a “large-sized class”; a large class, then, is one
which is perceived by the teacher teaching it or the learners learning in it to be large.
●● The terms “large-size(d) class” (USA) and “large class” (rest of the English-
speaking world) are problematic because they are subjective. In some countries
the term “large class” is thought to refer to the dimensions of the classroom
rather than the number of occupants. In Francophone countries in Africa the
terms “les classes en sureffectif” (classes oversupplied with learners) and “les
classes à effectif pléthorique” (classes with large numbers of learners) are often
used, but these are equally problematic.
●● “Teacher-learner (T:L) ratio” refers to the number of pupils compared to the num-
ber of teachers in an education system. Some countries have regulations concern-
ing minimum and maximum T:L ratios, but the theoretical foundation of these
regulations is usually unclear. There are often considerable differences between
Contexts and Causes
Large-size classes are found in both under-resourced educational settings in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America as well as in well-resourced settings in Asia (such as
Hong Kong and Japan), the United Kingdom, the United States, and Australia.
Moreover, large-sized classes can be found in the teaching of a wide range of sub-
jects, including liberal arts and sciences and even professional subjects such as law
and engineering. Additionally, the phenomenon of large classes is prevalent at all
levels of education from early years through primary and secondary schools to
tertiary education. In the case of English language teaching, large classes are
widely reported in Asia and Africa, but there is no mention of them in the United
Kingdom or North America in the literature. This may be because ESL/ESOL
classes in well-resourced contexts are mainly provided for minority or interna-
tional students and have a focus on personalized learning. The phenomenon of
large-sized classes is therefore widespread around the world, except for ESL/
ESOL classes in some well-resourced contexts.
The reasons for classes having the number of learners that they do are complex
and context-dependent. They include the following, all of which are influenced to
some extent by policy decisions made by national governments, local education
authorities, and individual schools:
●● National development: nations with “very high” and “high” human develop-
ment—as defined by the United Nations’ Human Development Index—spend
more on education in absolute terms than do countries with “medium” and
“low” human development. The more highly developed nations also tend to
Five major dimensions of class size are the way that teachers perceive the size of
their classes, how they think about teaching and learning in larger and smaller
sized classes, how classroom processes in larger classes can be described and
understood, how large classes can be managed to facilitate learning, and whether
there is any relationship between the number of people in a class and the amount
of learning that takes place in it.
Although “large” and “small” classes cannot be defined simply in terms of num-
bers, it is useful to investigate how teachers perceive class size. During the 1980s
and 1990s, extensive research was carried out by the Lancaster-Leeds Language
Learning in Large Classes Research (L5CR) project in Indonesia, Japan, Madagascar,
Mali, Nigeria, South Africa, Turkey, and elsewhere. It was found that teachers’
responses to the question “What is a large class?” depend, to some extent, on the
number of learners that they normally teach and the number of learners in the
largest class they have ever taught. As experienced class size increases, the teach-
er’s perception of the number of learners that constitute a “large class” also tends
to increase. The conclusion reached by the L5CR project was that teachers do not
share a universal conception of the numbers of learners in “small,” “ideal” and
“large” classes.
However, later research showed that only a third of variation in teachers’ percep-
tions of the point at which a class becomes large can be explained by the class sizes
they have experienced. Other variables also play a role in influencing perceptions
of class size. These include: the numbers of learners in neighboring classes and
institutions, several physical factors such as the space in the classroom, and the
amount and availability of resources vis-à-vis the number of students (density and
crowding), several learner and teacher-related factors such as teacher competency,
and learners’ age and grade level, classroom processes including teacher–learner
and learner–learner interaction, the nature of the subject being taught, and, increas-
ingly, teachers’ aims to encourage learner participation and active learning in the
classroom as manifested in the assessment and feedback strategies used as well as
management of teaching-learning in the classroom (see Figure 1).
Figure 1 presents a set of variables without attempting to determine directional-
ity or relationships among them. The number of students is the only variable that
is easy to quantify and, therefore, normally the first thing noticed and talked about
in any discussion of large classes. However, other factors which are more opaque
require careful observation, particularly in terms of their interaction with other
variables, which, in turn, affect teaching and learning in the classroom. Further
research is needed to explore the interaction of different variables with class size.
Another concept that needs further investigation is that of teachers’ “threshold
levels” for class size (Shamim, 1993). It is hypothesized that teachers have varying
threshold levels for class size, which in turn, can influence their decisions to use
“core” and “enhancing” activities in their classes. For example, a teacher might be
comfortable with using group work with 30 students in a spacious classroom with
movable chairs (an enhancing activity), while another teacher may find managing
group work exhausting or unproductive in a similar or different context. As a
result, she may decide to use only teacher-centered and “core” activities that focus
on covering the syllabus and preparing learners for exams. Similarly, some teach-
ers may feel comfortable lecturing to 400 or more students using a PowerPoint
presentation in an auditorium, while others may find this kind of large-class teach-
ing too depersonalized and ineffective for the teaching-learning of English.
Class size in
Physical
neighboring
factors
classes
Learner- Teacher-
related related
factors factors
Assessment Classroom
and feedback management
●● physical aspects such as teacher and student mobility in the classroom, audibil-
ity, visibility of the teacher/board (particularly where the teacher is the only
resource in the classroom);
●● maintaining discipline/controlling off-task behavior;
●● teacher’s physical stress and exhaustion due to increased workload (e.g., main-
taining the attendance register);
●● time, for example, for entering and leaving the classroom;
●● organizing productive pair and group work;
●● assessment and providing feedback;
●● high level of noise;
●● inadequate resources for teaching, e.g., the number of textbooks available in
comparison with the number of students;
●● planning and course management (in higher education, in particular, with
course teams).
A few studies have focused on teachers’ perspectives on learner behavior in large-
class teaching. Learners are reported by their teachers to suffer from passivity and
anonymity, leading to disengagement and absenteeism in large classes.
Research on learners’ own perspectives on learning in large classes is relatively
limited. Three doctoral studies at the University of Leeds between 1995 and 2000,
using data from Kenya, Malaysia, and Thailand, suggested, counter-intuitively,
that studying in larger classes, particularly in higher education in under-resourced
settings, may have a beneficial effect as it encourages learners to develop inde-
pendent and cooperative learning skills. This finding has been confirmed more
recently by a study in Syria (Ajjan, 2012). In contrast, secondary-level learners in
Pakistan experience discomfort in large classes (see below).
Learners’
competence, Theories
Achievement of
expectations, of the
local adaptation
experiences, profession
learning styles
Figure 2 The achievement of local adaptation in classroom events (Coleman, 1996, p. 130).
activities in smaller classes. It was also found that location of the learners in a large
class, particularly if it was teacher-centered, influenced both interaction and learn-
ing opportunities: learners seated in the front row—who were therefore closer to
the teacher—were in the “action zone.” Meanwhile learners at the back of the class
found themselves out of the action zone; this limited their opportunities for inter-
action with the teacher as well as participation in other classroom activities
(Shamim, 1996).
Using data from a primary school in Sri Lanka and a university in Eritrea (both
with around 50 learners), Coleman (1996) has also attempted to understand why
classroom events are as they are when they involve large numbers of learners. He
shows how class size (one aspect of the physical context) interacts with seven other
elements. What happens in each large class is a “local adaptation” achieved by the
participants in that class (Figure 2).
the plenary format, but that such sessions should be used only for purposes of
boosting motivation, maintaining group cohesion, and carrying out essential
administrative matters; meanwhile the real learning takes place in non-conventional
contexts outside the classroom or lecture theater. It was concluded that the
compromise approaches offer the greatest potential for future development (see also
Shamim, 2012).
end of primary school) in the United Kingdom. (This longitudinal research was
later extended to 11–14 year olds in secondary school.) The CSPAR project was
different from the earlier class-size projects in the United States (e.g., STAR) in two
ways: first, instead of creating experimental small and large classes, it focused on
naturally occurring classes of different sizes ranging from 25 to 31 in different
schools; second, one of the major aims of the project was to investigate what hap-
pens in different size classes in terms of grouping, teacher-pupil and pupil-pupil
interaction, and other teacher-learner behaviors and classroom processes. The
CSPAR project used systematic classroom observation data to investigate class-
room interaction and student engagement and on-task behavior. The findings of
CSPAR, similar to the STAR project, favored smaller over larger classes.
Significantly, the findings indicated that the positive effects of smaller classes
could be explained in terms of greater teacher-student interaction as well as higher
levels of student engagement and on-task behavior. However, the “CSPAR study
was still essentially correlational in design, and so one cannot be exactly sure about
causal effect or direction” (Blatchford, 2012, p. 535).
In summary, the findings concerning the relationship between class size and
learning are often difficult to interpret, ambiguous, and contradictory. Moreover,
even if this research—mostly carried out in North America and to some extent in
Europe—had managed to generate convincing conclusions, its relevance for
developing countries—where classes are often much larger—would be question-
able. This research failed partly because of the impossibility of agreeing on defini-
tions of “large” and “small” and partly because class size is just one of the many
variables which impact on learning and teaching.
Significant changes have occurred over time in research and development, and in
policy matters.
Research and Development
Research and development in the treatment of class size has suffered from five
weaknesses:
●● It has largely been atheoretical. No comprehensive theory or model has been
developed to guide research efforts in this area.
●● The definition of the units of analysis, i.e., “small,” “large,” and “very large”
has varied from study to study.
●● Earlier studies tended to treat class size as an independent variable. More
recently it has been recognized that class size is a contextual variable and that
it interacts with and upon other variables in the classroom. Consequently, more
sophisticated statistical models are required to study class-size effects.
●● Earlier studies also tended to employ a purely quantitative and over-simplistic
research design and related methodology.
●● Many experimental studies used artificially created “small” and “large” classes.
Inevitably, they were unable to provide insights into what happens in real
classes of different size.
Calls for alternatives to purely quantitative correlational investigations of the
effects of large classes have been made for more than half a century. The same
concerns motivated the non-experimental investigations of varied class sizes in
naturalistic settings by, for example, Shamim (1993) and the CSPAR project. But
research on the effects of classroom interventions for improving the teaching and
learning of English (or any other subject, for that matter) in large classes is still
rare. There have also been calls for teacher-led classroom research in large EFL/
ESL classes in developing countries (Shamim, 2012) and for a “third generation
of research that would systematically evaluate the effectiveness of selected peda-
gogical changes in small classes” (Blatchford, 2012, p. 548) in better resourced
contexts.
Policy Issues
Policy debates on class size have continued for a very long time and are still active,
particularly in well-resourced contexts. These debates are concerned with two
major issues: finding an optimal class size and the economics of reducing class size.
Several large-scale projects and meta-analyses of research have been undertaken
to identify an optimal class size for the school level. As indicated above, some of
these—mainly undertaken in the United States and Europe—have made a signifi-
cant contribution to our understanding of class-size effects. However, researchers
have not succeeded in identifying an “optimum” class size for different age and
grade levels in different contexts. Some recent studies in other well-resourced
countries such as Hong Kong and Japan have also been unable to find supporting
evidence for small classes as a desired policy option to improve student learning
outcomes and close the achievement gap among schools (for example, see
Akabayashi & Nakamura, 2014).
No large-scale project has been undertaken in the area of TESOL to inform policy
making. A noteworthy small-scale research initiative in this regard was undertaken
by KMUTT, a public university in Thailand. Under this initiative English depart-
ment faculty were encouraged to undertake research to address the various
problems they were facing as a result of an increase in their class size. The aims
were to improve teaching-learning in large classes and to bring about a change in
class-size policy (Todd, 2006). However, this and similar small-scale studies, largely
undertaken by individual teachers or researchers, have had negligible influence on
policy making. More importantly, often large classes are masked under govern-
ment statistics on teacher-student ratios and are therefore an “invisible” difficult
circumstance, particularly in under-resourced settings (Coleman, in press).
Connected to the search for an optimum class size, the question of whether
reducing class size is an economically feasible education reform has engaged pol-
icy makers in well-resourced educational environments for many years. As noted
earlier, teachers consider large classes to be detrimental to quality teaching and
While several research-based insights are now available into what happens in
small and large classes in terms of teacher-learner behavior and classroom pro-
cesses, research into effective pedagogy for small- and large-sized classes is still
limited. However, numerous descriptions of strategies for dealing with challenges
in teaching English in large-sized classes can be found in the literature. There is
also increasing interest in the implications for initial teacher education and teacher
development.
Problems and Solutions
Proposals for innovation focus on providing solutions to identified problems in
large classes. The proposed solutions have tended to fall into three categories: ad
hoc suggestions, ecological approaches, and the deriving of principles from care-
ful study of actual classroom practice (also see Shamim, 2012).
Ad hoc approaches include published guidelines for large-class teaching and
teachers’ accounts of how they used one or more strategies to address large-class
problems. These are numerous. An example is the advice to teachers to use group
work to increase opportunities for learning in large classes (see Shamim et al.,
2007). However, the time, effort, and skills required by a teacher to set up and
manage group work effectively within the constraints such as fixed benches,
crowded classrooms, and high noise levels have dissuaded many teachers from
adopting these recommendations.
Attempts have also been made to learn from a careful study of the local culture
and indigenous practices. This “ecological” approach builds on an understanding
of the situation through a systematic analysis of the host culture before introduc-
ing an innovation. One example is Holliday’s attempt to use distance learning
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Suggested Reading
Shamim, F., & Kuchah, H. (2016). Teaching large classes in difficult circumstances. In G. Hall
(Ed.), Routledge Handbook of English Language Teaching. London & New York: Routledge.