POS 30 – D

[12.09.2019]
Final Paper
Sevilla, Mark Andrew
[184511]
Modernizing Historical Political Thought:
Challenging the Canon Via Gender Discourse &
The Competencies of Political Realms

Started from the Bottom and We are Still Here

(Introduction)
Studies on society have indefinitely shaped how we have looked and have been
viewing the social nature of human beings. Fundamentally, we have been provided by
our past thinkers the various perspectives in which we can attempt to analyze the
antics that comprise our communities’ foundations – economy, social relationships,
and of course, politics. Throughout the course of time and due to the fact that our
knowledge about ourselves is dynamic and time-bound, we have made progress into
creating lenses with which we can utilize in understanding institutions that we involve
ourselves in. Politics, as a societal institution, more often than not gives off the
general idea that it is a sphere typically dominated by men. This type of political set-
up has been borne out of the teachings and traditions that have lived over notable
epochs and civilizations, and as a result, the principles they carry are undoubtedly
cognizant of present-day politics. One perfect contemporary example of this
manifestation is the fact that there has never been a single female U.S. president to
have ever ruled. Certainly, one cannot but wonder about the factors that explain why
this social phenomenon is a recurring trend to most countries before and up until now.
In the objective of shedding light into this puzzle, it is a must that one must first
understand why and how political male dominance existed and for that matter was
sustained in societies, the consequences of this culture bear, and what we could
possibly do to solve this conundrum granted that they hinder the proliferation of better
political set-ups. With this, I have come up with questions to find answers to this
puzzle: a thea, theorein, theoria, and theorema (which shall be discussed in the latter
part of this paper).
Thea – Why do most countries such as the U.S. and the Philippines for
example, have a male-dominated political set-up, and what could this possibly bring to
the general welfare of their respective societies? (with the PH as an example)
Theorein – In what particular ways has this set-up been manifested throughout
history and recent times? Is it really about a matter gendering politics or does this
phenomenon also include how men are taught about and formed in the politics in
society?
 Theoria – Male-dominated political spheres are perhaps brought about the
teachings and canon of historical political thought introduced by past philosophical
thinkers such as Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Augustine, and as a point of contention,
Christine de Pizan for this matter. Considering the complex set-ups of the modern
times, how can we address the issue that is to be presented in the latter portion of this
paper?
The Problematic Canon
(Location & Controvery/Gap)
In order to fully explain the issue raised in this paper, it is a must that we
initially understand where such ideas, on a major level, originated from. Having this
regard, we start of by going back to the time of Ancient Greek civilizations
particularly during the time of Plato and consequently Aristotle. Before iterating how
these thinkers viewed society in a gendered perspective, understanding the
domineering influence of men in society has something to do with how women are
treated and placed in society whether in the realm of politics or in general. To
jumpstart, it is significant to take note of the societal context that these thinkers lived
on. During those times, the social structure of Ancient Greece was mainly broken up
between Free people and slaves who are owned by the former; moreover, slaves –
who were either prisoners of war or from foreign slave traders, did not have any legal
rights.1 Many slaves lived closely with their owners with a few as craftsmen who were
not paid much. As the Athenian society changed and evolved, the Free people were
further divided into two groups – Citizens & Metics. A citizen is an individual born
with Athenian parents and were considered as the most powerful group because they
could they partake in polis’s government whereas a Metic is a foreigner that had
migrated to Athens to trade or practice a craft. 2 Citizens were required of military
service in the army and were expected to become government officials who take part
in Jury service. Unlike the citizens, the Metics had to pay taxes and neither can they
own land and houses let alone allowed to participate in the government. What’s
interesting about this is that these social classes were only applied to men since
women were subjected to the social and legal status of their husbands. Women in
ancient Greek society were not permitted to take part in public life. 3 Since we are on
the topic of social classes and as well as gender for that matter, what could explain
this further is how Plato, through his mouthpiece Socrates in the his famous work The
Republic, creates a ‘perfect’ society. Based from his book, his idea of perfect society
comprises of three major classes: a) the Guardians; b) Auxiliaries and; c) Craftsmen.
The first and highest group is the guardians who may also be referred to as rulers or
philosopher-kings, and they should epitomize physical strength, spiritedness, and a
love for learning. The formation of guardians, as argued by Plato should start as early
as childhood – quoting directly, “…We must look for some men who are the best
1
University Press Inc. Ancient Greek Everyday Life. (Ancient Greece, 2017.)
http://www.ancientgreece.com/s/Life/. Culture and Society Section
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
guardians of their conviction that they must do on each occasion seems best for the
city. We must watch them straight from childhood by setting them at tasks in which a
man would most likely forget and be deceived out of such conviction.” 4 Furthermore,
Plato subdivides this class which gave the distinction between complete guardians and
the auxiliaries. Complete guardians will be the most enlightened, so that they will
strive for the good of the city before themselves because they are its foundation while
the auxiliaries will be the city’s soldiers who are ‘the supporters of the guardians’
convictions.5 The third and final class is the craftsmen who are assigned to agricultural
matters and the development of material goods for use and trade.
Having mentioned that Greek society had not put an equal footing for women
in terms of participating in the public domain, Plato’s proposed ‘perfect’ society
aimed to shed light for women to gain some leverage in at least becoming part of the
guardian class. Specifically, in the 5th book of The Republic where Adeimantus raises
the concern for the part of women and children, this is where Plato, through Socrates,
realized the loophole of his argument insofar. To be more particular, the said chapter
contains two viable proposals in light of the social organization of Plato’s ideal state
with the first one being that guardianship could be performed by men and women
alike – that women deserve the same education and rearing as men, and that could also
partake in things that men partake in such as public affairs (Book V, 451c-457b). 6 For
the second proposal, it is mentioned that for the guardians, the private household, and
as well as the institution of marriage should be abolished (Book V, 457b-466d),
considering that the guardians must not own private property and that child rearing is
regarded as a communal responsibility.7 The reason behind this, as emphasized, lies
on the idea that guardians must solely focus on the welfare of the city and not
anything else. The aforementioned proposals can be deduced as consequences of two
fundamental moral and for that matter, political principles specifically: a) people
having to box themselves to primary social roles for which they are best fitted relative
to their education and temperament and; b) that such proposed institutions constitute a
threat to social cohesion, opening up the possibility of eliminating the state. As a
repercussion of these consequences, the guardians – both male and female – are to be
deprived of private lives because Plato believed that such things will distract them
from their virtue of totally dedicating themselves to public service.8 Taking into
account that wives of Athenian society are confined to the private sphere, female
guardians are not conventionally ‘wives’ of their male counterparts; rather, they are
companions whose shared social role includes temporary sexual liaisons which in turn

4
Plato & Allan Bloom (trans.). The Republic. (USA, BasicBooks-HarperCollins Publishers. 1968). Book III,
413d.
5
Plato. The Republic. Book III. 414b
6
Plato. The Republic. Book V. 451c-457b
7
Plato. The Republic. Book V. 457b-466d
8
Rachana Kamtekar. Virtue and Happiness: Essays in Honour of Julia Annas - Role of Women In Plato's
Republic. (London.
Oxford University Press,2016). p. 1
functions to perpetuate the guardian class, for the sake of the ideal state’s fulfillment. 9
For the average modern reader, this might give off a feminist idea in Plato’s ‘perfect’
society – which is contradictory to my initial claims stated above. However, I would
like to raise a point of information that Plato’s outlook on the emancipation and added
participatory leverage for women must be understood in the context of the
aforementioned moral and political theory he operates in. His idea of gender equality
in the political sphere and of educational opportunity for that matter are very much the
same with classical liberal opinion. His grounds of seemingly ‘radical’ feministic
thoughts are hostile and to a degree misaligned primarily because he does not argue
for the equality of status with respect to fairness or women empowerment, rather, on
abstract political principles indicated in The Republic. Even though nonetheless that
these abstract principles contribute indirectly to the upliftment of female guardians, it
deems erroneous that such ideals are attainable within his preferred form of political
organization and for that matter, his ‘perfect’ society.
To further emphasize the said counter to the argument, Richard Lewontin who
is an American evolutionary and famous social commentator said that Plato’s
argument in the fifth book implies that the differences in men’s and women’s natures
is irrelevant to the range of possibilities for their vocations; hence, both can be
philosophers, warriors, physicians, but regardless, individuals will ultimately vary in
their capacities.10 Women of the guardian class are indeed to be given the same
educational background, but only to the extent that they are acknowledged as
‘colleagues’ of their husband or other male guardians. Considering this point of
information, it is needless to say that given the social structure that Plato was living on
and for that matter the kind of society that he yearns – which by the way was not even
fulfilled, this kind of treatment reserved for women in society was maintained
throughout. Consequentially, this presents the idea as to why even up until today,
majority of societies have male-dominated political spaces, and even if they did garner
women, it did so no to an unequal extent. Clearly, not much has been changed in this
discourse years after Plato’s time. Aristotle also has his own share with regards to how
women are seen and ought to be in society, and in order to understand this, one has to
understand his worldview. Aside from having similar societal context with that of
Plato’s, Aristotle’s understanding of human being and ultimately how the society
works play an important as to where he puts women. Aristotle’s fundamental
approach, as based from his world view – a world that is without a beginning or end, a
steady-state world in which man is a part of nature, argues that human institutions,
although disrupted by catastrophes, are part of an unchanging natural order; therefore,
human beings do not have to discover or invent their humanity – traditional views
must be what’s correct together with slavery and patriarchy being fundamentally
right.11 From this, it is easy to recognize that the tradition that his society follows was
9
Rachana. Virtue and Happiness. p. 2
10
Richard Lewontin & R.J. Nelson. Plato's Women. (The New York Review of Books, 1984).
11
Francis Sparshott. Aristotle on Women. (Toronto, Binghamton Univerity, 1983). p.2
https://orb.binghamton.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1106&context=sagp
in accordance to the natural order, and in terms of women having a limited space for
public domain, it was supposed to be. To be more particular, we have to consult to his
works Ethics and Politics. He deals with the relation between men and women in two
distinct contexts – one being described from the latter and the one in the latter. In his
work Ethics, the context of the topic is that of personal bonding and parenthood
(1161b16-1162a34).12 Whereas in the Politics, it focuses more on economic, and
master-slave relations taken up at the same time. To be more specific especially on
what it is stated on the latter, it deals with the family as opposed to the city with the
homestead as its subject. The homestead is said to be a product of political activity,
and part and parcel of the significance of the homestead is that the prototypes or
‘models’ if I may of the fundamental political relationships – monarchy, aristocracy,
polity, democracy, oligarchy, and tyranny – are found and based on it; moreover, the
only difference of the homestead and society is that the latter is in itself fundamental
and ineradicable, as it conditions human existence and serves as the locus of society’s
necessities (food supply and generation) for human survival (De Anima B 415a23 –
26).13 Considering that the family reflects an important role in the describing and for
that matter, forming the society, the homestead as thus defined is an independent
socio-economic unit; and according to the key passage in Aristotle’s Politics, within
this unit comprises three relationships: a) man-wife; b) master-slave; c) parent-child.
Since the homestead is a policy-making and policy-following entity, the members
within it are differentiated by the way of their ‘deliberative’ operational functions. 14
For the slaves, it is not very operative since they have no say in matters such as how
the farm is run let alone public matters in the society. The children for this matter is
not yet operative since they still have to develop and mature, but as they do so, they
can have a say in societal matter. As for the wives, they can be operative but to a
‘limit’ because the followed norm in society was that of a patriarchy. The point of
contention here however is that unlike Plato who at a degree, implies that women are
subordinate to men, Aristotle made no particular mention that women should be under
the rule of men alone. To support this idea, it is written in his book Ethics that human
pair-bonding where men and women come and stay together for sex are bound
because of: a) children; b) the division of chores; c) recognition of particular spheres
of responsibility and; d) ‘virtue’ – out of mutual liking and respect (VIII). 15 In this
premise, nothing is said about the incapacity of women; on the contrary, each is
actually responsible to their partnership. Another circumstance where this contention
is reinforced is when he actually objected Plato’s rejection of sexual differentiation
among the Guardians in The Republic. His contention however is not directly toward
the inclusion of females in the government, but to be more precise, his objection is on
Plato’s ignorance on the division of labor in the homestead. 16 What’s interesting about
this is that idea of women having more say in society particularly on the public
12
Aristotle & Ross. Nicomachean Ethics. (Kitchener, Batoche Books, 1999).
13
Aristotle & Hugh Lawson-Tancred. De Anima (On the Soul). (Penguin Classics. 1987). B 415a23 – 26
14
Sparshott, Aristotle on Women. p. 4
15
Aristotle & Ross. Nicomachean Ethics. VIII.
16
Sparshott, Aristotle on Women. p. 5
domain is somehow touched by Aristotle. As much as this provides a possible solution
to male-dominated political spheres, the question still lies, “Is this enough?”
Unfortunately, as years passed and as a multiplicity of civilizations have been
established, the public sphere and political domain for that matter have never been
different – patriarchal structures were still followed and women were boxed to
familial and domestic responsibilities. On this note, we can also examine the social
standing of women during the height of the Roman Empire and most notably during
the Medieval times. In Roman civilization, the exact displacement and status of
women is still the same as in most ancient societies, and this has been brought by the
obscurities of the biases that ancient male writers shared to the world. In the majority
of cases, women in the Roman world were predisposed to their perceived role in
society – as the mother of the household who has the responsibility of looking after
the home and to nurture the family (pietas familiae), and bear legitimate children; on
the other hand, families were also male-dominated headed by the most senior figure
paterfamilias.17 Women in this sphere were considered as subordinates which is even
reflected in Rome’s naming culture: male citizens had three names (praenomen,
nomen, and cognomen) whereas the women were simply referred to the feminine
version of their family name.18 Considering that women were forced to attend to the
needs of the home and for that matter, they can do no more than spend their lives in
the slave workforce in the household and work on handicrafts. Although women who
belonged in the upper class were able to study literature and philosophy just like men,
it is to be taken into account that this portion of the female population is little
compared to the totality of society. More on this is that women had dependence on
their male relatives, and this was reflected in the matters of finance and law because
women were obliged to have a male nominee to act on their behalf in the pursuit of
their own interests (tutela mulierum perpetua). Furthermore, this rule was designed to
keep property, especially inherited ones, in the male-controlled family, even if male
and female offspring had equal inheritance rights under the Roman law. 19 As it can be
observed here, despite the fact that the law permits, women were still limited with
respect to privileges of owning properties – even though they were generally allowed
to own land, they were not allowed to manage them. The reason behind this and
perhaps an even more chauvinistic explanation is that they were thought by society as
incapable of handling affairs by themselves. In fact, this perspective where women
had weak judgement (infirmitas consili) was expounded by Cicero, a historic political
thinker during the Roman empire. Marcus Tullius Cicero was known for this work De
Republica, but with regards to how he primarily regarded women in society, there are
accounts in which he negatively portrayed them. To be specific, one of the most
notable things one can examine where his perspective on women can be found is
through his speeches in his career. In his speeches, he negatively portrayed three
17
Mark Cartwright. The Role of Women in the Roman World. (Ancient History Encyclopedia). Para. 1
https://www.ancient.eu/article/659/the-role-of-women-in-the-roman-world/
18
Mark Cartwright. The Role of Women. Para. 1.
19
Mark Cartwright. The Role of Women. Para. 2.
particular women: Sassia, Clodia, and Fulvia who were prominently featured in the
Ciceronian corpus. These women had a direct influence on Rome’s public life because
they were part of the few who contested against the patriarchal prejudice of society,
and as a consequence, their activities led to Cicero’s involvement in judicial
proceedings that concerned women.20 For Cicero, Sassia represents a villainous
mother, Clodia as a notorious profligate and society woman, and Fulvia who is a
woman of great political influence and appeared in the public domain, is considered to
be offensive to society.21 Cicero’s portrayal of Sassia as a disgraceful mother roots
from the Pro Cluentio. Having mentioned that the Roman society expects women to
be ‘soft-hearted’ and caring mothers of the household, Cicero condemned Sassia
because she victimizes her daughter by snatching away her husband (Clu. 10-12),
seeks the demise of her son (17-18, 44, 175, 178), is savage and daring (177, 184), is a
murderess (185), and seeks the destruction of her children (18, 188, 190, 191). 22 As for
the case of Clodia, it is discussed in Pro Caelio. Cicero described Clodia as a noble
woman but a notorious one at that – mulier nobilis sed nota (Cael. 31).23 He further
considers it wrong to refer a woman as a matrona who is in contrast to the common
social and cultural definition of the said title (a wife of an honorable man), and in the
case of his perception of Clodia, the character was censured in terms of the accepted
moral personality of a Roman matrona. Progressively, Cicero insinuates the female
character that is in all ways un-Roman and by any standard or moral, ‘un-noble’. 24
Among the aforementioned women whom Cicero negatively labeled, Fulvia is
arguably the most notable of the three. Cicero’s portrayal of her was comprehensively
discussed in the Philippics. The Philippics were a set of Cicero’s undelivered but
published political speeches in response to Mark Antony’s attacks against the orator.
Just to provide context, Mark Antony who is also known as Marcus Antonius was a
Roman politician and general who played a critical role in the transition of the empire
from an oligarchy into an autocratic one. In this matter, Cicero attempts to prove that
he [Mark Antony] had become morally bankrupt and professionally incompetent in
his and administration of state affairs, and one of the reasons as to why Cicero claimed
this is because of the overpowering influence of Antony’s wife, Fulvia. 25 Cicero’s
portrayal of Fulvia is similar to that of Chelidon who is said to have influenced her
husband politicians; the reason being Fulvia possessing a strong political character
and that she acted the same way as expected of men. 26 She is mostly shown to have
20
S Ige. Rhetoric and the Feminine Character: Cicero’s portrayal of Sassia, Clodia, and Fulvia. (Durban,
University of Natal.
2003). p. 45.
21
Ibid. p. 45.
22
Gábor Tahin. Pro Cluentio – Heuristic Strategies in the Speeches of Cicero. (Switzerland, Springer
International
Publishing. 2014). pp. 145-168.
23
Marcus Tullius Cicero & Andrew Dyck (editor). Cicero: Pro Marco Caelio. (United Kingdom, Cambridge
University
Press, 2013).
24
S Ige. Rhetoric and the Feminine Character. p. 52.
25
S Ige. Rhetoric and the Feminine Character. p. 53.
26
S Ige. Rhetoric and the Feminine Character. p. 54.
been active historical accounts in arenas and spheres exclusively for men, and as other
relative accounts would show, she was operating under what could be called as
hegemonic attitude because her desire was not solely to participate in the events of the
public domain but as well as to subordinate men who were supposed to be public
leaders.27 Considering all the statements describing Fulvia, it is quite obvious to note
that the idea of a woman controlling a man in terms of political affairs is deviant and
against the Roman norm of a male-dominated public domain; hence the reason why
Cicero condemned her as a threat to Roman society.
It is clear now that even during the time of the Roman empire, women were
excluded in state and political affairs. They were confined in the domestic sphere
forced to do household work. And because this has been the norm, thoughts and acts
of deviances were considered wrong. Compared to the Greek civilization, Rome was
not entirely different when it came to placing women in society and in appropriating
roles, responsibilities and privileges. As much as there had been a light increase in the
appreciation of women – being regarded as important members of society whose job
was to ensure the proper growth of ultimately Roman society, they still did not have
freedom for their own. Not to mention that Cicero firmly believed that his idea of
perfect society was that of Rome’s. Years have passed and still, societies have taught
their people that it is normal for women to be excluded in the public let alone political
sphere. Come the fall of the Roman empire, people were devasted for their society had
fallen into ruins. On this onset, religion (specifically the Christian Catholic) played a
vital role as a unifying agent to keep the people together. In hopes of finally giving
women an equal footing in society, worse is yet to come for them in the Medieval
times. Transitioning to the Medieval period, it is a good point to note the societal
context during this time. During the Medieval times religion solely determined who is
to be in power, and what social norms should be followed by the general public.
Meaning, the individuals who garnered the most influence were those belonging, if
not in the religious orders, the nobility, and ultimately the king. To be more specific,
Feudalism was the domineering kind of rulers-state relations - the land was ruled by a
king, and most of its area are owned by the major nobility. The society was
dominantly Christian in terms of religious orientation; thus, most of religious
teachings were considered as the standards for what was the right thing for people to
believe and consequently do. Since tradition and authority has faltered, religion,
particularly the Roman Catholic Church became the beacon of stability because it
provided the people some semblance of good behavior or moral code. Now that the
Catholic Church has been placed at the seat of power responsible to unify society and
consequently discipline its people, one would have to ask, “Where will women be put
in the advent of religion’s providence of moral code? Is there now a difference?” In
answering this question, we have to consult prominent political thinkers during this
epoch, and for that matter, there is a need to look into the lives of St. Augustine of

27
Ibid.
Hippo, and Christine de Pizan, and as well as their works about society, how theirs
worked, and more importantly how it could and should possibly be better.
According to Henry Chadwick in his volume entitled The Early Church,
Augustine by the range and profundity of his world view came to tower not only over
all his immediate contemporaries but as well as the subsequent development of
Western Christendom.28 The influence on the history of the Christian church can be
discerned in both Catholic and Protestant faith, and it was from him more than any
other theologian that during the Medieval times took its theological framework of
ideas.29 Consequently, this has catered an effect on how he viewed women in light of
the yet developing Christian religion. As such, understanding his notion regarding
women takes into account the nature of his philosophical and social background. St.
Augustine came from lower-middle class family in Thagaste, Numidia. One of the key
persons that greatly influenced his life was his mother Monica whom he described as
he wrote in his Confessions – “womanly in her dress but virile in faith, mature in her
serenity, motherly in her love, Christian in her piety.” 30 What’s to take note of in this
excerpt is the manner in how he described his mother with a masculine adjective,
‘virile’. In his youth, Augustine spent most of his time on sexual profligacy common
to the practice of men during their day. In fact, at seventeen years of existence, he
took a concubine with him whom he had a son. The utilitarian view of women was
likened to that of paganistic culture and custom, for the reason being that the
distinctions set by Greek men who assigned women in the structural classes were
based on social functions. Women, wives in particular, were seen nothing more than
as a means of reproduction. To add insult to injury, they were not even valued because
of their intelligence nor the sexual pleasure they provide men. What made it even
worse is how the early church began to adopt, and worst ‘sanctify’ the canon
encouraging such distinctions. Rather than addressing that this was a point of concern
that signifies oppression and injustice against women, the church unfortunately did
otherwise. Going back to how Augustine viewed women, there are two aspects of his
political and philosophical thought that can be referenced in examining her writings
regarding women of society. Firstly, during the year of Augustine’s son’s birth, his
mind began to turn back to Christianity with the influence being one of Cicero’s
philosophical dialogues. For him, “the style of scripture seemed…inferior to Latin
classics”; he predisposed the Old Testament as ‘old wives’ fables”; and he argued that
the church was a body lacking in cultural distinction. 31 Because of this change in
perspective, he had taken a liking towards with Manichean sect who also rejected the
Old Testament and appealed to reason. Having been disillusioned by the Manichees
28
Henry Chadwick, The Early Church: The Pelican History of the Church, vol. 1, (New York: Penguin Books,
1967),
p.216.
29
Colin Brown, Philosophy and the Christian Faith (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1968), p. 15.
30
Augustine, Confessions, 3.11-12; cited in Daughters of the Church, by Ruth Tucker and Walter Liefeld
(Grand)
Rapids: Academie Books, Zondervan Publishing House, 1987), p.123.
31
Chadwick, op. cit., p. 217.
for nine years, he moved to Milan. From then, Augustine became acquainted with the
preaching of Ambrose who operated in the conjoined principles of Christianity and
Neoplatonic mysticism, and started appreciating the thought. He exacted the
differences between Manichaeism and Neoplatonism, and doing so highly emphasizes
the concept of ‘flesh and spirit’ dichotomy. ‘Flesh’ having been identified with the
physical body, and by extension, the baser of physical appetite, human sexuality was
regarded as a negative but functional need for procreation, and when viewed in the
lens of Biblical reference, it was regarded as the main reason for the fall of mankind
through Eve’s seduction of Adam. In relation to Augustine, he notes in his Literal
Commentary on Genesis that Adam was already spiritual ‘in mind’ but was led astray
because of Eve; moreover, he concludes as well that the reason why this happened
was – “woman was given to man, woman who was of small intelligence and who
perhaps still lives more in accordance with the promptings of the inferior flesh than by
the superior reason…that through her the man became guilty of transgression.” 32
Having mentioned that most of the theological framework emanated from Augustine’s
works and philosophy and that religion was the prime dictator of mores and social
ethics, it is not surprising that people would believe and act upon what is implied to
the teaching of Church. Considering the just mentioned idea of Augustine towards
women, it becomes a proponent for people to instill in their minds what I would call a
‘misogynistic’ social perception. And even to reinforce this comment, Tucker and
Liefeld, in their work Daughters of the Church, also had a similar observation –
“Rosemary Reuther, referring to Augustine’s view that the relationship of woman to
man is similar to that of body to spirit, and in his conclusion that only the man
possesses the full image of God, calls this perhaps the ultimate core of misogynism.” 33
One might be thinking about what the book of Genesis said about man and woman –
the latter regarded as ezer kenegdo or a ‘helper’ of the former (Gen. 2:18b). However,
in Augustine’s exegesis of I Cor. 11:7b, “…for he is the image and glory of God, but
the woman is the glory of man.”, it denies the image of God in the creation of woman.
More on this note is written in his On the Good of Marriage, he postulates that in the
idea of the oneness of husband and wife, “God willed…to create all humans from one
person, so that they might be held fast in their society not only by likeness of descent,
but also by the bond of relationship. Thus, the first tie of natural human society is the
husband and wife. And yet God did not make each one separately and then join
them…he created one from the other. For they were joined to each other from the
sides, they who walk side by side, they who look together where it is they walk.” 34
This suggests that he held more than a utilitarian view on women. Despite this light
however, it is clear that he still had doubts on the matter. In his Literal Commentary
on Genesis, figuratively speaking, the woman is found walking behind the man,
barefoot and pregnant, and based from his reasons towards the purposes of
32
Elizabeth A. Clark, Women in the Early Church, Message of the Fathers of the Church, vol. 13, (Delaware:
Michael Glazier,
Inc., 1983), p. 40.
33
Tucker and Liefeld, op. cit., p. l24.
34
Clark, op. cit., p. 28.
companionship and assistance in physical labor, another man would have been a more
suitable ‘helper.’35 He even concludes that: “If it were not the case that the woman
was created to be a man's helper specifically for the production of children, then why
would she have been created as 'helper' (Gen. 2:18)? I cannot think of any reason for a
woman's being made as a man's helper, if we dismiss the reason of procreation." 36
Considering all that has been stated so far about how Augustine viewed women, the
one thing that is clear is the fact that even when the modern society thought that the
church has come to amend the kind of societal treatment and limitations that has
pinned down among women, it is through these accounts that tell us the reality of
societies back then and some today. And because of the major influence that religion
had during that particular time in history, it has been embedded into society and
perhaps the world’s informal institutions.
Admittedly, there were a lot of people who were aware of this oppression, but
their efforts to change the system were to no avail. For this matter, we take note of
other great thinkers who challenged the canon that speak highly of men, but nothing
or dehumanizing of women. One of them and perhaps who is famous for countering
the main issue that this paper presents is Christine de Pizan. To provide context,
Christine de Pizan was Franco-Italian, and is the daughter of the French court
astrologer, Tommaso da Pizzano. In terms of social class, she came from the upper
classes of society, and during her time, women who belonged in the said class were
educated and lettered. She lived most of her life during the Hundred Years War, and
was able to write Le Livre de la Cite des Dames which is considered as classic
literature repudiating the patriarchal culture of society. In questioning the ills of
society, de Pizan had presented – how men and equally society, had negatively
predisposed thoughts regarding women. She was able to recognize that the writings
and treatise of men, learned or not, always conclude that women and their behavior is
inclined to and full of every vice. 37 Despite spending time with ladies who are of
different statuses such as princesses, great ladies, ladies from the lower and middle
classes, etc., she could not quite fathom as to where such dispositions of men towards
women come from. With that, she realized that the reason was not solely because of
men’s attitude toward women but also because of women’s complacency and
ignorance of the matter. In her conversation with the three crowned ladies: Reason,
Rectitude, and Justice, there are several reasons that point out as to why women were
subjected to such negative disposition. One of which is the use of grammatical figure
which is antiphrasis which means calling something bad states that it is actually
good.38 This reason aside, more of them adhere to the fact that men attack women
because they are motivated by jealousy, old age, and the smallness of their mind. And
even though some writers have claimed that their attacks are defined by good
intentions, it is nevertheless dehumanizing on the part of women. With so many
35
Matthew Brown. The Woman of Augustine Hippo. (Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, 1990). p. 10.
36
Clark, op. cit., p. 28.
37
Christine de Pizan. The Book of the City of Ladies. (New York, Persea Books. 1982). p. 4
38
De Pizan. The Book. p. 7
reasons that explain this controversy, the main argument of de Pizan is that society
should learn to appreciate the capabilities of women in taking active part in societal
endeavors – that women are equally capable as men. Men should not see women
disgraces to society and as a means of tools for procreation, but they should
acknowledge that women can also do what men can do such as govern, manage, and
other activities alike. Evidences that back this claim is anchored on the regiment of
women – women having the power to understand justice, women in the sciences –
women being able to discover and invent in the field of sciences. Refuting the
comment made by Augustine, she presented in her work how God created woman as
the man’s ezer kenegdo or companion. In her view, the idea that considering the man
needs a helper, this would mean that the helper is actually far better and greater than
who is helped.39 Coming from this argument, it is clear that if men were actually so
great and better than women, how come past societies fell into ground? If men were so
learned than women, how come that wars were waged for unreasonable causes?
Notably it isn’t just de Pizan who were considered as the ‘women’ of the Medieval
period. It is also worth mentioning other famous personalities such as Hildegard of
Bingen (1098-1179), Eleanor of Aquitaine (1122-1204), and Joan of Arc (1412-1431).
These women were, if not directly fighting for the inclusion of women in society, at
the very least showed what women are capable of – equally on par with men in terms
of political will, and for Joan’s situation, warfare. Having mentioned these accounts, it
is important to note that despite the fact religion reinforcing the societal prejudice
against women, it was also during this time that moments of retaliation were recorded.
These accounts only prove that there should not be any reason as to why women be
put in the low grounds of the community. Women during the medieval period were
not passive victims of a religious and political patriarchy no matter how often the
claim is repeated because women frequently found ways around the obstacles placed
in their attempt to be appreciated in society. 40 And in the works and efforts of the
aforementioned ladies, women were considered individuals with value and not just
men’s possessions. Could this finally be a solution to the conundrum that this paper
presents? Would humankind finally create society beneficial for all? In answering
these questions, there would be a need to cite notable events in recent times that
support the claim.
It is a fact that in modern times, the problem with the canon has been made
known by contemporary scholars, and in the sidelines were movements that push forth
new ideologies that tend to ‘correct’ what seem to be mistakes of our past. With
regards to women, the concept of feminism emerged as tool for people to uplift the
status of women in society. The basic idea of feminism describes cultural, economic,
and political movements that aim to establish equal rights and legal protections for
women; moreover, several of the particulars this idea includes are on issues such as
contracts, property, suffrage, integrity, autonomy, protection from domestic violence,
39
De Pizan. The Book. p. 23.
40
Joshua Mark. Women in the Middle Ages. (Ancient History Encyclopedia, 2019).
https://www.ancient.eu/article/1345/women-in-the-middle-ages/
sexual harassment, and fundamentally all forms of discrimination against women. 41 Of
course, the emergence of this movement did not happen in an instant, lest it has a long
history and is still happening even up until today. The history of Feminism can be
divided into three waves: a) the first wave (early 19th-20th century) – was mainly
concerned with women’s right to vote; b) the second wave (1960s-1970s) – was
centered on women’s liberation for equal legal and social rights and; c) The third
wave (beginning in the 1990s - present) – a collective continuation and reinforcement
of the second wave.42 Delving on the specifics, first-wave feminism proliferated the
equal contract and property rights for women because it was stated by (in countries
such as the U.S.) law that the rights of properties of married couples are to be given to
the husband. If we would look back into the Roman civilization, it can be observed
that this is a direct action towards solving the matter of unequal distribution of
property. By the late 19th century, the idea of women’s suffrage surfaced. From here it
can be observed that women were already garnering more mobility in the public and
political sphere. In the case of the United States, it ended on a positive note – with the
passage of the 19th amendment to the US constitution in 1919, it had granted women’s
vote to right.
To provide a more vivid image of women who fought for their political
inclusion, one key example that I would like to discuss is how women in the
Philippines gained their place in the country’s political and state affairs. Dating back
from the time when the American colonial policy was newly established, it served as
the first step for women to be known and acknowledged in society. Although they did
not formally participate in politics, they acted behind the official powers of their
husbands and were generally inclined to doing civic work in and for society. 43
However, the road towards this end was not a relatively easy one. In fact, different
factors such as education, and the development of the ‘ideal’ modern woman became
the stepping stones for women to have a place in the public sphere. When American
suffragist Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt went and visited the Philippines to promote
suffrage movement, Filipino women hesitated to call themselves suffragists because
the culture back then was that it was still considered crass campaign and run for
office.44 One explanation for this is that women during those times were preoccupied
with the clash between the Hispanistas (who were the European-educated elite) and
the Sajonistas (pro-American Filipinos); thus, this explains why women restrained
themselves from overt political agitation for issues such as the right to vote, run for
office, or even lobby for pro-women legislations.45 On the other hand, education and

41
Sally Ann Drucker. Betty Friedan: The Three Waves of Feminism. (Ohio Humanities, OH Blogs and News,
2018). para.
1. http://www.ohiohumanities.org/betty-friedan-the-three-waves-of-feminism/
42
Sally Ann Drucker. Betty Friedan. para. 2.
43
Mina Roces. Women, Power and Kinship Politics: Women in Philippine Politics and Society. (Westport,
Greenword Press.
1998).
44
Ibid. p. 3.
45
Ibid. p.4.
civic were identified as the extension of women’s role in the society, and by choosing
to focus in these areas, they succeeded in acquiring prominence and power quickly
over time.46 The significance of education and civic work in relevance to politics is
that it never neglected politics; in fact, debates on suffrage resurfaced with more
urgency when women became leaders of civic work and education. Although they did
not directly focus on the matters of suffrage and the procurement of official political
power and influence, it was from 1925 when wives of politicians joined election
campaigns in the goal of their husbands; electoral success. 47 From this observation, we
can already note that women were already engaging in political actions such as giving
campaign speeches, and it can never be negated that they were already operating in
the political arena exercising unofficial power. Considering that the power of
Philippine politics heavily relied on kinship and familial affairs, women became
political agents that helped strengthened their kin’s influence and power. Come
postcolonial era, gendered politics and power became more less established – men
exercising official power whereas women exercising unofficial power through their
connections, and perhaps the reason as to why this happened is because of it had
become the norm. When male officials get elected, their wives were presented the
option exploring unofficial power in the political sphere, and as time progressed, it
was not long after when women were finally occupying political offices. It was
generally assumed that formation of the Asociacion Feminista Filipina and Asociacion
Feminista Ilonga in 1905 and 1907 respectively kickstarted the first wave feminism in
the Philippines; however, in reality, their definition of ‘feminista’ was neither militant
advocates of suffragist, rather it was aptly translated to ‘women’s organization’ than
‘feminist organization’.48 Looking at the timeline of events, the official birth of
feminism in the country was during 1923 when the National Federation of Women
Clubs included suffrage in their agenda, and a possible reason as to why it took this
long is because women opted to focus on education and civic work than politics. It
was only when women had redefined themselves by learning to speak English,
attaining a good educational background, and entering honorable professions did
politics became their next target or agenda. For the majority, it was argued that
political providence for women catered threats in the homestead and welfare of
children since their primary perceived role in society was centered on those agendas.
Not to mention that it was not really in the intention of women to include themselves
in politics a few years back. By 1920s, notable women such as Dra Paz Mendoza
Guazon (president of La Liga Nacional de Damas de Filipinas) and, Maria Ventura
(who formed the Women’s Citizen’s League) began to give politics equal importance
along with civic and charity work.49 Women gave speeches and participated in
political debates on suffrage issues. One of the most notable persons who fought for
the extension of vote for women was spearheaded by the historian Encarnacion
Alzona. She argued that doing so was a happy presage for the future of democracy in
46
Ibid.
47
Ibid.
48
Ibid. p 17-18.
49
Ibid. p.19.
the Philippine islands because women could contribute much and even more for that
matter to the enactment of just legislation.50 Her reply to those who rationalized
women’s marginalization from the right of suffrage was that women must be protected
from ‘dirty politics’, and that the shortcomings of irresponsible male politicians beget
consequences to women as much as to men. 51 The campaign for suffrage officially
began in 1933, and in 1937 women’s suffrage was finally enacted through a 300,000
plebiscite vote.
At this point, it is very much clear that this had led us Filipinos to accept and
welcome women in the political space. On a more extended note, we have had female
politicians who had done good for the betterment of Philippine society. Among these
women is late Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago. Santiago was a Barbour scholar in
1975. Barbour scholarships aimed: a) to help oriental women attain status in their
countries; b) to prepare them through scientific and broad training to take positions of
leadership, and life of service and; c) to acquaint them with western ideas and thereby
bring closer understanding between occidental and oriental people. 52 Because of her
passion in the field capabilities and outstanding powerful character, she became one of
the prominent personalities who opened doors and opportunities for women in male-
dominated territorial spaces. In fact, in her tenure of political office, she had made a
lot of contributions for the welfare of Filipino people – women and men included. She
held and excelled positions in the different branches of the government – becoming a
presiding judge of the Regional Trial Court in Quezon City (judicial), immigration
commissioner, a cabinet member, agrarian reform secretary (executive), and a senator
for most her political career.53 Since most of her tenure was during her office as a
legislator, she had introduced a lot of bills and laws. Among the bills Santiago
sponsored or authored since her election in 2004 were: a) the Reproductive Health
Law; b) Renewable Energy Law; c) Sin Tax Law; d) Biofuels Law; e) Magna Carta of
Women; f) Anti-Photo and Video Voyeurism Law; g) Philippine Act on Crimes
Against International Humanitarian Law, Genocide, and Other Crimes Against
Humanity; h) Cybercrime Law; i) Seatbelt Law; j) Exact Change Law; k) Philippine
Standard Time Act; l) Motorcycle Helmet Act; m) Kasambahay Law; n) Anti-
Bullying Law; o) Archipelagic Baselines Law; and p) Climate Change Act: moreover,
in terms of bills, some (which are still being lobbied in congress) of the most
prominent are the Anti-Epal Bill, Anti-Dynasty Bill, Certificate of Intention to Run for
Public Office Bill, Compulsory Teaching of Ethics Bill, Magna Carta for Philippine
Internet Freedom, and Magna Carta of Workers in the Informal Sector. 54 Her service

50
Ibid. p.19.
51
Ibid. p.20.
52
Ibid. p.11.
53
Senate of the Philippines. Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago – Biography & Curriculum Vitae: Accessed:
https://www.senate.gov.ph/senators/sen_bio/santiago_bio.asp
54
GMA News Online. Miriam Santiago Still Has the Most Number of Bills and Resolutions Filed. (GMA News
Online.
2015). https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/nation/399777/miriam-santiago-still-has-most-number-of-
bills-and-resolutions-filed/story/.
for the Filipino people truly deserves recognition. While her contributions to political
and state affairs affirm the notion that the inclusion of women is necessary for the
benefit of Philippine society, there are cases or politicians in particular who have done
otherwise.
Take for example ex-president Corazon Aquino. As much as the United States
did provide an initial platform for women to have a say in public and pollical affairs,
the colonial influence they left in the influence made it hard for the country to adjust
after gaining independence from them. As such, one has to take into account the
legacies that American influence had for Philippine democracy. First among these
legacies is patronage-infested political parties that heavily relied on pork-barrel funds
for public works which are dependent on the responsibilities of national legislators;
moreover, U.S. governor-general William Howard Taft’s ‘policy of attraction’ wooed
the landlord class away from the revolutionary struggle which in turn established
strong ties with the United States – the economic elite during the Spanish period
transformed into allies of America who continue to hold power up until today. 55 The
second legacy is that the colonial political system, as nurtured by U.S. rule, ensured
the exclusion of the masses further widening the gap of the class divisions present in
Philippine society; whilst the third legacy is centered on the provincial basis of
national politics (influential provincial elites took over and thrived in the national
political arena), and as result, there was little to no essence of representativeness of the
people from across the country.56 This has been the set-up of Philippine politics, and
come the presidency of late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, his connections and
inclination with the United States further aggravated the masses who longed for
democracy and on the grass-roots level, better lives . After years of political and civil
conflicts, people gained freedom following one of the most notable events in
Philippine History – People Power or EDSA Revolution of 1986. Considering that one
of the prime personalities that opposed the Marcoses in the time of political turmoil
was Benigno Aquino Jr. a.k.a. ‘Ninoy’, his death and the revolution paved the way for
the rise of a de facto president who is Corazon Aquino. Analyzing the background of
Corazon Aquino, it was clear to everyone that she does not have any experience when
it comes to state and political affairs. Thus, when she officially held power as the
president of the Philippines, her inexperience and the problems left by the previous
administration combined with the legacies imposed to us by the U.S. colonial rule, had
left the country in political and civil unrest. At the time, the country celebrated the
shift from an authoritarian rule to a democracy, but little did everyone know, this was
not enough to ensure people of a better society. The country’s return to democratic
structures revealed many underlying problems. First of which are the numerous coups
against the Aquino government that demonstrated the challenges of returning the
military into the barracks after their power during Marital Law; secondly, the Maoist
55
Paul Hutchcroft. The Arroyo Imbroglio in the Philippines. Journal of Democracy 19 no. 1 (John Hopkins
University
Press, 2008). p. 142.
56
Ibid.
insurgency of the Communist Party of the Philippines and its New People’s Army
continued to spread influence all over the archipelago which ultimately hindered to
glue socioeconomic divides; thirdly, the reinstatement of pre-martial law politicians
catered the power restoration of cacique democracy and; fourthly, the rise in number
of political parties remained indistinguishable from one another in terms of
programmatic and policy positions.57 In other words, granted an environment in which
political institutions are weak, social structures are disrupted, differences in leadership
styles have a particularly immense effect on political and public outcomes; hence,
Corazon Aquino who is widow of a martyred politician, is an elite restorationist, for
the reason being that one of her major achievements as to rebuild the previous
political set-up present in the elite-dominated structures under her authoritarian
predecessor.58 In the case of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, she also made headlines that
serve as evidences of an ineffective leadership. No one has had longer tenure of office
as president of the Philippines than her with exemption of Ferdinand Marcos’s terms.
She assumed presidency back in 2001 after Joseph Estrada’s ousting. After serving the
remaining years of Estrada, she was then elected president for another six years. Over
the course of her nearly a decade in office, she had been involved in several travails
such as an urban poor uprising in 2001, military mutiny in 2003, the infamous ‘Hello,
Garci’ election scandal, a bombing at the House of Representatives in 2007 that killed
a notorious congressman from Mindanao.59 Considering all the problems present in
her term as the president of the country, it is not entirely erroneous to say that while
the problems emanated from the present political and informal institutions of the
country, her own self-serving interests in the seat of power played a role the furthered
degradation of Philippine society.
This is obviously the point of contention that this paper aims to highlight. As
much as there is surely the case of gendered politics coming into play, another
problem that arises from what has been happening at least in the context of the
Philippines is ultimately the competence and capabilities of our leaders. While it is a
milestone for the Philippines to be acknowledge by other countries as a country that
had been successful in the insertion of a feministic institution, the question is still at
hand, “Why are we still suffering and not moving forward?” Too much attention has
been given to the fact that societies fail because of the exclusion of women in the
political arena and public domain. Indeed, there are female politicians and public
servants who have done a great job in contributing to the welfare of society, but it’s
deems that we should not just look through this perspective but ultimately through the
character of who becomes a leader – either man or woman. This is why there must be
a new framing to correct the ‘mistakes’ or at the very least address the past (i.e. the
prejudiced writings of dead white men towards how societies operate, how people in
power rule, how citizens act). In a swiftly evolving world, how can we work towards
addressing the present issue for the future while at the same time learn from the past?
57
Ibid. p. 143.
58
Ibid. p. 144.
59
Ibid. p. 141.
Pressing the Right Buttons: A Tailored Society
(The New Framing)
The current political status of Philippine politics is doing more harm than good
for the welfare of the Filipinos. Considering that it has been shaped and arguably
poisoned by the shortcomings of past administrations, there posits an urgency to
improve the current status quo of socio-political structures, and more importantly
informal institutions. Provided the different conundrums that continue to disrupt our
way towards progress, two major factors come into understanding why such problems
are not properly addressed – the presence of incompetent leaders, and the alarming
political apathy that is instilled in within Filipino culture. In light of hoping for a
better political set-up we must assess the skills and capability of our politicians, be it a
man or a woman, through adapting some of the principles of past historical thinkers
such as Jeremy Bentham, Plato, Machiavelli & John Locke. On the other side of the
spectrum, the citizens or the state must overcome the informal institutions that pose as
challenges toward having a better government-state relationship; furthermore, the
constituents must develop a sense of understanding and appreciation towards political
and state affairs. Relative to introducing the new framing, this also necessitates
tweaking some of the suggestions that have been laid down by the aforementioned
philosophers.
We Are and Should Be Involved
(Public)
The primary focus of the new framing is to adapt principles and philosophies of
great political thinkers in light of improving the current condition of Philippine
society. Although a lot of scholars have argued that most of the ‘model societies’ that
these philosophers introduced have not really been attained, the ideas that they have
presented to the world are nevertheless applicable in the country’s socio-political
landscape. Since this new perspective involves the cooperation between the leaders
and their constituents, they too will serve as the actors that could make this new
framing work. On the side of the government, there is a need to appropriate
competent, promising and willful individuals into political positions because the
responsibilities that they will hold in the case that they get elected or appointed will
ultimately affect everyone in the state. It is now then the job of the constituents to
better themselves as citizens who should be involved in the country’s political
discourse. Afterall that we claim to follow a democratic regime, the degree of freedom
that the state has should not exceed to limits that already suggests political apathy to
thrive among its citizens. In other words, both the rulers, and the ruled have their own
responsibilities in this new political set-up.
Our Past Mistakes are Our Present
(Critical Abstraction)
 One of the major problems that this new framework aims to address is current
kind of political set-up that have long been poisoning our socio-political sphere.
Granted that until now, the gap between the oligarchs and the rest of society has
always been there even before the time of Commonwealth. Incumbent legislators such
as Cynthia Villar (who is apparently the owner of the café franchise Coffee Project)
actually involve and identify themselves in the upper classes of society who own big
companies and corporations. Even though it is not against the law for them to own
such establishments, it impedes the idea that national legislators like her are supposed
to be, by paper, representatives of the national people. It is then quite ironic that given
a large percentage of the Filipino population are impoverished, our legislators could
not possibly understand the demands and interests of such sector of society. Clearly,
the said senator does not exemplify the kind of political woman that was frequently
promoted during the peak of political feminism in the country. Due to the fact that
impactful political events transpired thereafter, it certainly changed the notions we
have for our leaders. After suffering from the hands of a dictator and failing to
improve the lives of the people after the advent of Martial Law, the people
immediately demanded for their daily sustenance. From that point on, it became a tool
for running politicians to include in their platforms short-term solutions that were
favorably palpable towards the citizens; hence, this proceeds us to the problem of the
state. Aside from the problems posed by the presence of cronies and oligarchs, another
conundrum present in the political reality of the country is that the standards that
people have in appointing or voting for leaders. There are certain cultures that
Filipinos have when it comes to political discourse. To be more particular, people tend
to have little to no regard when it comes to discussing about socio-political issues, and
this shows the kind of outlook that majority of the Filipinos have. In order to explain
this further, take the recently concluded senatorial elections. There is no doubt that
almost every criterion or standard used in modern political systems in terms of
President Duterte’s preferences for the Senate pale in comparison with those offered
by the opposition. Otso Diretso – Bam Aquino, Gary Alejano, Samira Gutoc, Chel
Diokno, Pilo Hilbay, Romy Macalintal, Mar Roxas, and Erin Tanada are possibly the
best that we can get in line with following the new framework of appointing
competent leaders. In the light of the complexities that have overshadowed the
Philippine politics, the formation of a professional political class is needed to ensure
that the welfare of society is in good hands. Obviously, the fact that they did not get
elected poses problem that is within the fault and responsibility of the masses. Much
of this shall be discussed in the framework’s systemic mistake.
Identifying Our Faults
(Systemic Mistake)
Highly educated and informed about national and international affairs with
extensive experience in public service, the Otso Diretso candidates exhibit dynamism,
flexibility, vision, political will, intelligence, and nationalism. They are outstanding
individuals who can prove their excellence and exceed qualifications and expectations
given the opportunity for public office. However, it is peculiar and thought-provoking
that they were lagging behind election surveys. The reason behind this problem lies on
Filipino political values as influenced by society’s informal institutions. Filipino
political values have regressed from the modern, at least in aspiration, towards the
traditional view; moreover, the respect reserved for the erudite, politically-aware, or
‘woke’ individuals such as critics and debaters is often regarded useless. 60 On an
extended note, voter preference today appears to incline those who are perceived to be
approachable, compassionate, and service-oriented; in other words, those who say
they can help Filipinos with their short-term needs.61 This perhaps explains why the
popularity of President Rodrigo, during his campaign for presidency, rose because of
his platforms that guaranteed the people of quick yet effective action (i.e. eradicating
the societal drug problem in just 6 months, eradicating corruption, etc.). Filipinos had
hoped for a shortcut into a better Philippine society. As opposed to the other party,
there seems to be a social factor as to why the president’s party had become more
appealing, and we have citizens to be responsible for it. As equally detrimental as
having negative value judgments about competent potential leaders, the culture of
political apathy also seems to thrive among Filipinos particularly the youth. A study
which polled 81,230 freshmen nationwide was conducted by the Far Eastern
University’s Public Policy Center, and it showed that those who belonged to
Generation Z are not inclined to participate in political and civic affairs. 62 In an
interview with JC Punongbayan, the head of the research team explicitly described
individuals who belonged in the said generation heavily relied on social media and the
internet for news however, they lacked discernment. He mentioned, “Gen Z reads the
news, they accept that what they read was true and they don’t bother to evaluate,
that’s why we need to guide them in their choices in the 2019 polls and to instill
greater critical thinking and inculcate them against disinformation.” In a society where
fake news is rampant, the situation becomes more complicated. 81% of the study’s
respondents said that they would rather focus on their studies and find a good job after
graduating. Headlines like this reinforces the notion that Filipino political values add
fuel to the fire of further pushing the society towards the worse. Admittedly, this poses
a threat to who will be in power. In order to prevent this from happening, we can look
at what Jeremy Bentham proposed in his work Introduction for Principles of Morals
and Legislation. According to him, “Nature has placed mankind under the governance
of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure. They alone point out what we ought to
do and determine what we shall do; the standard of right and wrong, and the chain of
causes and effects, are both fastened to their throne. They govern us in all we do, all
we say, all we think; every effort we can make to throw off our subjection ·to pain and

60
Randy David. The Antipolitical in Politics. (Inquirer. 2019). Para. 1.https://opinion.inquirer.net/121159/the-
antipolitical-in-politics-2
61
Ibid. para. 2.
62
Neil Jayson Servallos. Study: Youth ‘Apathetic’ to Political Social Issues. (The Manila Times, Manila Times
Publishing
Corp. 2018). https://www.manilatimes.net/2018/11/21/news/top-stories/study-youth-apathetic-to-political-
social-issues/470799/
pleasure· will only serve to demonstrate and confirm it. A man may claim to reject
their rule but in reality, he will remain subject to it.” 63 The utilitarian view of Bentham
focuses on the consequences on the self and others, and given that the citizens are
responsible for electing their political leaders and that leaders should be responsible to
run a good office, decisions that should be made by both parties should inculcate the
significant welfare of the totality of society. Ultimately, one’s personal actions affect
their life, but given the societal structures that put people into different classes, there
posits a need for society to understand the value of socio-political welfare. In order for
the people in power to not get ahead of themselves, the action by which people
become politically involve helps in ensuring that: a) the people they vote for are
competent and fit to become leaders; b) they fulfill their roles as responsible citizens.
With this kind of set-up, society can avert from the institutional ills that corrupt the
political arena and consequently society at large. Although the platonic worldview is
alien to modern liberal democracies, Plato somehow reinforces the idea of our
responsibilities as citizens through his discussion on justice. Much like the principle of
a person having to fulfill a certain virtue, he mentions that it is important to have and
do of one’s own and what belongs to oneself. 64 Of course, it should not be taken with
to an exceeding extent where deviating or doing more than expected is unjust; rather,
this should serve as a reminder for us to do what we ought to do as citizens – vote
wisely, follow the law, do good, and as for the leaders – create, execute, and enforce
just laws, take steps to better the welfare of society and the likes.
Imagining the Finished Puzzle
(Symbolic Picture of Ordered Rule)
Since most of the new framing concerns government-state relations, and the
roles and responsibilities of each in society, having a government that is strong-willed
and competent to uplift the welfare of the state, constituents who are educated and
despite their chosen fields or profession, are politically engaged are the key indicators
wherein the framework is envisioned. The closest kind of picture of this kind of state
and government, and for that matter has been previously introduced to the world is
that of Niccolo Machiavelli’s Republic - the government being a strong institution
balancing power for the people, simultaneously ensuring the nobility to rule, prosper,
and govern with freedom thriving amidst the allowance of security and prosperity.
Although he is more popularly known by his work The Prince which was primarily a
handbook on how individuals get and maintain power, his other less known work
Discussions on Livy, somehow to an extent fits the description the society of the
presented framing. While it is interesting how Machiavelli discussed how power can
be attained, some of its aspects can be used. To provide a few citations, The Prince
generally discusses how leaders get power and for that matter, maintain this power.
Quoting directly from his work, “Principalities are either hereditary, in which case the
63
Jeremy Bentham. Introduction to Principles of Morals and Legislation. (Queen’s College Oxford, Clarendon
Press. 1789).
Chapter 1 – Principle of Utility.
64
Plato. The Republic. 433b.
family of the ruler has been long in power, or they are new. … The dominions thus
acquired have been accustomed either to live under a prince or to be free; and they are
acquired either by fortune (fortuna) or by ability (virtù).”65. If likened to Philippine
context, the culture of political dynasty ensembles the idea of hereditary passage of
political power. While it is through this means that leaders maintain their position, it is
also a must that they uphold the best interests of the people. However, his political
thought was operating on the assumption that man is inherently evil, wicked, and
demeaning. He points this out on Chapter 17 of his book – on whether it is better to be
loved or feared. He highlighted that rulers should ideally strive for the attainment of
both but since men by nature, are ungrateful, fickle, dissembling, anxious to flee
anger, and covetous of gain, it is better to be feared because the dread of punishment
ensures the ruler gets what needs to be done. 66 The new framing that this paper
presents would like to deviate from this line of thinking because a huge factor as to
why he thought that way is because he was defeated during the time he did this work.
In addition, the operational political thought that should be ruled in the envisioned
ordered rule is the acknowledgement that every individual or citizen is capable of
doing good through the responsible recognition of freedom. We can refer to John
Locke to expound on how freedom of the people should be defined. Locke introduces
the inclusion of the citizens in the rule of a political leader. This is because he
believed, as what he had also written in Chapter 2 regarding the State of Nature, that
no one has power over another; all are free to do as they please because men can, in
fact, be and are reasonable. He addresses a matter of significance with respect to the
behavior of men and in accordance to freedom, “Freedom from absolute, arbitrary
power, is so necessary to, and closely joined with a man’s preservation…No body can
give more power than he has himself; and he that cannot take away his own Life,
cannot give another power over it.”67 To support this, Locke also mentions, “The
freedom of man and liberty of acting according to his own will, is grounded on his
having reason, which is able to instruct him in that Law he is to govern himself by,
and make him know how far he is left to the freedom of his own will. To turn him
loose to an unrestrained Liberty, before he has reason to guide him is not allowing him
the privilege of His Nature to be free; but to thrust him our amongst brutes, and
abandon him to a state as wretched and as much beneath that of a man as theirs.” 68
The main point here is that even though it has been established the government
officials have prerogatives, the constituents are properly recognized as important
actors of upholding what’s best for society.
Arranging the Puzzle Pieces
(Change)
65
Niccolo Machiavelli & Atkinson (trans.). The Prince. (UK – Cambridge. Hackett Publishing Company. 2008).
Chapter I. 16.
66
Machiavelli. The Prince. Chapter XVII.
67
John Locke & Laslett (ed.) Two Treatises of Government. (UK-Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
1967). Second
Treatise 3.30.
68
Locke. Two Treatises. Second Treatise, 63.1-9
 Envisioning and applying the framework into an imagined society is one thing,
but attempting to translate such vision into a reality is another. Given that the
proposed framework caters: 1) a government who are full of competent leaders,
devoted into the development of the state (including the provision of necessities for
those who are marginalized), and are always reminded of the importance of the
public’s political participation and; 2) constituents who, despite professing their
virtues into different fields, recognize the importance of their efforts and participation
in the political realm, and care for the general welfare of the community, this can be
achieved in two major ways which is through proper and relevant education for the
masses, and the amendment of current political structures in the Philippines. In order
to encourage people to garner a sense of political involvement and appreciation,
perhaps what can be done is the inclusion of political science subjects in the current
curriculum, granted that they possess enough substance to motivate people. The
significance of the matter lies on the fact that as citizens, the people should at least
realize a sense of care towards the state, and that our actions when taken collectively,
affect its welfare. To add urgency in the matter, it is important to note that the current
stand of the Filipino youth with regards to the country’s current political system is
anti-establishment; composed of more than half the population, the youth and their
‘failure’ to make a meaningful impact during the mid-term polls raises many questions
about the future of the country.69 In the perspective of the rulers, appointing competent
public servants entails the need to construct higher standards of who is eligible to run
for office. Taking the legislative body of the current Philippine government for
example, it is stipulated in Article VI, Section 3 of the constitution that the
qualifications to run for office as a legislator are that the candidate must be a natural-
born citizen of the Philippines, at least 35 years of age, is able to read and write, a
registered voter, and a resident of the Philippines for not less than two years before
election day.70 For an office that caters the legislation of laws which obviously
demands extensive background on how the law works, it is rightfully so that in order
to have competent leaders as our government officials, it is perhaps helpful for law to
require candidates to have attained an education at the very least. With respect to
countering the structure of political dynasty which promotes the abuse of power of a
kin, bills such as the Anti-Dynasty bill introduced above should be passed in order to
ensure that other capable and potential individuals who wish to become leaders or
devout public servants are given more space to become viable contributors for the
welfare of society.
Working with What We Have Towards What We Can Be
(Conclusion)

69
Ana Santos. Philippine Youth Losing Faith in the Political System. (Deutsche Welle, 2019).
https://www.dw.com/en/philippine-youth-losing-faith-in-political-system/a-48816118
70
The Official Gazette of the PH. Legislative Branch. Accessed:
https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/about/gov/the-
legislative-branch/
 We can’t really stick to one model of society, for it is ever changing. No matter
how hard it may be to correct the ‘mistakes’ that our past had committed, we must do
our best in picking out the most crucial ones, and working to correct them using our
own resources. Much like thinking, contemporary political theorizing should gain
more appreciation as it is, although complex and not easily comprehensible,
nonetheless quintessential of understanding the complexity of our world. With the
Philippines as my example, the ideas, philosophies, frameworks, and models that past
political thinkers introduced to the world are all equally essential in gaining insights
and working towards what’s better for the community. As much as it cannot be denied
that some of the thoughts and principles presented by them are foreign to modern
thought, it is to them that we consult when we are moved to understand society on a
much deeper level. Furthermore, the past mistakes of dead white men who not only
put women in the low levels of society but also sanctified (through religion) the
legitimacy of ineffective leaders are definitely lessons that contemporary thinkers
would want to avoid, correct, and share to others. Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Augustine,
de Pizan, Machiavelli, and all the other historical thinkers have all contributed to the
field of politics. With so many principles and ideologies that they have shared with the
world, there are undoubtedly lessons that people can use in finding out what kind of
‘state’ is best for a certain society. Considering that in the modern times, the world is
ever so changing on a rapid rate, so does the art political theorizing. From trying to
picture the perfect society to the creation of institutions, the larger picture paints that
the act of theorizing ultimately requires humanity to evolve, and “If one’s political
theory requires so, then one does not only have a theory, one has a vision, a dream.” –
A.E. Samaan.
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