A Star in The Ravens Shadow Exhibition Catalogue 2008 PDF

A Star in the Raven’s Shadow / János Vitéz
On the occasion of the Renaissance Year, the National Széchényi

Library as the main collector of the written sources of Hungarian
culture has organised an exhibition about book culture.
The exhibition introduces the beginnings of humanism in Hungary,
giving summary of earlier research findings and offering some valuable
new contributions.
János Vitéz’s personality and activity are a key to the High

Renaissance in Hungary. As a literary figure, diplomat, patron, book
and the
collector, Renaissance high priest and, not least importantly,
a member of Pier Paolo Vergerio’s close circle, there is a direct link to
the first great generation of humanists, even though he never studied
Beginnings
at Italian universities. This catalogue is a tribute to János Vitéz,
the exceptionally talented man and his library.
of
Humanism
A Star in the Raven’s Shadow
in
János Vitéz
Hungary
and the Beginnings of

Humanism in Hungary
Vitez borito_EN.indd 1 9/8/08 6:22:52 AM
János Vitéz and the Beginnings of Humanism in Hungary
Vitéz-címer (Kat. 24.)
János Vitéz
and the Beginnings of Humanism
in Hungary
Exhibition organised by the National Széchényi Library

14th March – 15th June 2008
National Széchényi Library

Budapest, 2008
Edited by
Ferenc Földesi and the National Széchényi Library
Responsible Editor: István Monok, Director-General of the National Széchényi Library
© Országos Széchényi Könyvtár

© Földesi Ferenc et al.; 2008
Curator of the exhibition: Ferenc Földesi
Catalogue designed by János Lengyel
Exhibition designed by Pál Héjjas
Executor: Kiáll Kft.

Exhibition constructed by Kiáll Kft.
Translated by Eszter Tímár

The study of Edit Madas translated by Eszter Timár and András Németh
The translation controlled by Krisztina Magyar and András Németh
Lending Institutions:
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Roma
Bibliothek St. Peter - Stift St. Peter, Salzburg
University Library of Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
Cathedral Library, Esztergom
Cathedral Library, Kalocsa
Hungarian National Gallery, Budapest
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien
Schottenstift, Wien
Reproductions: © Lending Institutions

Photographs of the manuscripts from the collection of the National Széchényi Library
made by József Hapák and Lajos Karasz
Colour separations by GMN Repro Kft., Budapest

Typeset by W-Press Kft., Budapest
Printed and bound by Alföldi Nyomda Zrt., Debrecen
Responsible leader: Géza György Director-General
ISBN xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
RENAISSANCE
Y E A R 2 0 0 8
Contents
1. Medieval book culture in the fifteenth-century Hungary

Edit Madas: The late-mediaeval book culture in Hungary from the 1430s to the late 1470s
7
Anna Boreczky: Book painting in Hungary in the age of János Vitéz

Cat. Items 1–18
25
2. The library of János Vitéz. The Middle Ages and the Renaissance –
a meeting point
Ferenc Földesi: A society of scholars and books. The library of János Vitéz
92
Péter Ekler: Propugnacula Christianitatis – studia humanitatis. Relations between Byzantium

and Byzantine humanists active in Italy and Hungary in the middle of the 15th century
105
Edina Zsupán: János Vitéz’s Book of Letters

Cat. Items 19–37
117
3. The influence of János Vitéz. Patronage. Foundation of a university.

Printing house
István Horváth: The Esztergom Palace of Archbishop János Vitéz
Cat. Items 38–50
197
List of abbreviated literature

241
A kiállított kötetek jegyzéke

253
A katalógustételek szerzôi
András Németh
Balázs Kertész
Edina Zsupán
Edit Madas
Ferenc Földesi
Judit Lauf
Kinga Körmendy
Péter Ekler
Péter Tóth
Tünde Radek
1. Medieval book culture in the
fifteenth-century Hungary
Edit Madas
The Late-mediaeval Book Culture in Hungary
from the 1430s to the late 1470s
It was in 1408, according to the tradition – 600 years ago by coincidence – that János Vitéz
was born at Zredna in Körös County (Croatia today). The “Renaissance Year”, proclaimed
on the 550th anniversary of Matthias Hunyadi’s enthronement as king of Hungary (1458) is
a momentous occasion to remember János Vitéz of Zredna who played a crucial role in
bringing Italian humanist culture to Hungary.
The present study aims at introducing briefly the Hungarian book culture of the fifty
years referred to in the title, which roughly coincides with the activities of János Vitéz of
Zredna (†1472). The period is approached with the focus on the medieval use of books,
which may best illustrate the novelty and impact of Vitéz’s initiatives in the same way as the
exhibition in his honour does. At this point, Renaissance book culture is only touched upon
as his books will be analyzed in another study of this volume. Nevertheless, emerging Ren-
aissance features are highlighted in the case of medieval book genres that kept flourishing in
the period.
It is well known that – due to internal and external wars, the Turkish occupation and the
Reformation – a considerable part of the books collected in medieval Hungary has been
destroyed. In the age of János Vitéz of Zredna, however, royal court life and medieval ec-
clesiastical institutions with great demand of books were flourishing and, among city burgh-
ers too, numbers of the literate kept growing. Bearing in mind the natural destruction of
books as well as the losses due to wars and fires, one should calculate tens of thousands of
books in Hungary in the middle of the 15th century, most of which had been transmitted
from previous centuries. Thus a major part of earlier codices kept being used while new
books were also growing fast in number. However, only a few dozen have survived to our
day of the several thousand books, actively used in years between the 1430s and 1470s.
Földesi Ferenc: Tudósok és könyvek társasága. Vitéz János könyvtára. [A society of scholars and books. The library of
János Vitéz.]
Mezey László: Fragmenta codicum. Egy új forrásterület feltárása. [Fragmenta codicum. Revealing a new area of
sources.] MTA I. Osztályának Közleményei, 1978. 65–90. Parchment codices were in use for two or three hundred
years. Later if the institution was safe, these volumes were kept in chapter or monastic libraries. See the liturgical
codices the Zagreb bishopric received at the time it was founded in the late 11th century. (Most recently Szendrei
Janka: A „mos patriae” kialakulása 1341 elôtti hangjegyes forrásaink tükrében. [The development of mos patriae in
the musical sources of pre-1341 Hungary.] Budapest, 2005.) On the occasional destruction of prebendal property, see
Madas–Monok 2003. 44.

Despite their small number, they give a good starting point for reconstructing habits of using
books and for grasping the innovative changes in book culture in regards of content, pro-
duction and attitudes to books.
1. “Medieval” books used for studying and practising intellectual professions
The books in this category, usually paper codices in Latin, reflect their possessors’ own per-
sonal sophistication and dedication through the content rather than by the appearance of the
volumes. The Hungarian words that occasionally crop up in them indicate the ongoing in-
teraction of the Latin written word and Hungarian oral communication.
a. Schoolbooks
In the 15th century there were fourteen cathedral chapters and twenty-eight collegiate chap-
ters in Hungary that would maintain chapter schools providing primary and intermediate
education through well trained teachers. At the archbishopric seats, a professor with master
degree of theology was required to teach theology, as well as at the bishopric seats, canon
law had to be delivered by a doctor of canon law. The Esztergom cathedral school was one
of the most prestigious educational institutions in medieval Hungary. It provided a solid
intermediate education, which qualified the students both for ecclesiastical and secular ca-
reers as well as paved their way towards university studies.
The fifteenth-century curriculum of the Esztergom cathedral school has been preserved
in two codices. A fourteen-part composite volume (Cat. No. 1) gives the flavour of how
subjects of the liberal arts were taught between 1419 and 1423 in the archiepiscopal see.
Students had already mastered the basics of grammar (Donatus) and were in the middle of
studying pseudo-passive verbs and Latin synonyms through didactic poems, both written by
Johannes de Garlandia (13th century) in hexameters. The explanation of the text was done
in Latin, as the Latin glosses between the lines demonstrate. However, a few Hungarian
words were also carefully recorded between the lines on occasion the teacher gave the Hun-
garian equivalent of an unfamiliar word for the students. The textbook contains didactic
poems on arithmetic, computus (calendar calculations), and astronomy as well: besides the
widespread works of Alexander de Villa Dei and Johannes de Sacrobosco, the computus of
Central European authors (Johannes de Polonia and Johannes de Erfordia) also figure in this
codex.
The various parts of the other composite volume (Cat. No. 2) were copied between
1463 and 1476 by older students preparing for their pastoration. The volume contains the
In this form, the item numbers of the present catalogue are referred to.
10
Ten Commandments in verse, supplied with interlinear glosses in Latin and Hungarian, and
a detailed commentary, as well as richly annotated treatises on the mass and on the Seven
Sacraments, and a rich collection of model sermons. This book has equally preserved quite
a few Hungarian words as remnants of the teacher’s explanations in Hungarian. Another
schoolbook has also survived from this period with a mixed content of grammar, calendar
calculations and theology. The various parts of this codex were recorded at the Pécsvárad
Benedictine monastery between 1426 and 1435. In the 15th century, besides episcopal and
monastic schools, parish schools were continuously growing in significance, but the famous
Sárospatak school records of László Szalkai, later archbishop of Esztergom from 1489–90 fall
beyond the period presented in this study.
The schoolbooks introduced above are relatively cheap paper codices consisting of dif-
ferent texts that were copied by the students themselves, using Bastarda or Gothic cursive
script and trying to make the best use of space. It was usually later that the teaching material
of several years was bound into one volume.
At the end of the 14th century, the archdeacon of Bars, János Budai intended to enable
poor students to study abroad. Therefore he established the Collegium Christi, a foundation
for the students of the Esztergom chathedral school. Members of the Collegium Christi mas-
tered the secondary curriculum at the chapter school, and then, with the financial support of
the foundation, proceeded to Vienna, Prague, Krakow or one of the Italian universities. The
Collegium Christi had its own library. The books of this library can be identified as the name
of the owner institution was entered into these volumes. Among the volumes, there is an
important legal commentary prepared for Pope Gregory IX’s Decretales, copied by Simon
Darvas in the middle of the 15th century in Padua (Cat. No. 3), where László Kozárdi, doc-
tor of canon law, obtained this volume for the Collegium Christi.
Kinga Körmendy has come to the conclusion that the Collegium Christi had at least fifty
books, of which eight volumes have been identified: one Bible, two books with the cur-
riculum of the faculty of arts, two volumes of canon law and three books of theological
subjects. The ones dating back to the 15th century are also paper codices that assisted uni-
versity studies and scholarly engagement, and also reveal the tight budget of the institution
in background.
b. Canons’ university studies abroad, their use of books; chapter libraries
Chapter libraries did not grow through purchases or copying but through donations and
bequests of the bishops and the canons. The special duties imposed on chapters necessitated
Holl Béla: Egy ismeretlen középkori iskoláskönyv és verses magyar nyelvemlék 1433-ból. [An unknown medieval
schoolbook and rhyming linguistic monument in the Hungarian language.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1984. 3–23.
C odices 1985. No. 174.
Körmendy Kinga: Az esztergomi Collegium Christi és könyvtára a XIV-XVI. században. [The Esztergom Collegium
Christi and its library in the 14th-16th centuries.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1983. 1–20; Körmendy 2007. 76–80.
11
the regular use of books of definite genres, thus indicating the literacy of the canons and the
character of chapter libraries. The obligation of the canons was primarily to take care of the
right formalities and solemnity of the liturgy (masses and offices). (Personal attendance was
obligatory only at the beginning.) In addition, they assisted in governing the diocese, took
part in ecclesiastical jurisdiction, maintained the school, and carried out the duties of locus
credibilis (place of authentication). Of the collegiate chapters, only the largest ones operated
as loca credibilia and had their own schools.
In rich chapters, the chief dignitaries received revenues considerable enough to employ
paid assistants for accomplishing their duties. With the help of their lucrative benefices, the
dignitaries could afford even university studies abroad, and becoming highly qualified intel-
lectuals, they would often enter the royal service while retaining their church revenues. It
also happened rather frequently the other way around: the reigning king paid intellectuals
for royal services by offering one or two benefices in exchange. From the 14th century on-
wards, kings had the right to appoint bishops and canons supplied with benefices. This is
how the diocese provided a stable financial background for intellectual work inside and out-
side the Church.
From the first third of the 15th century, three book lists have survived as part of detailed
inventories of chapter properties: those of the Veszprém (153 volumes), of the Pozsony (to-
day Bratislava) (82 volumes) and of the Zagreb (226 volumes) chapters. The fact that litur-
gical books outnumber others is due to liturgical duties of the chapter. Legal books were
always in demand for ecclesiastical jurisdiction, in issuing legal documents at loca credibilia
(places of authentication), at councils, when taking minutes of canonical visitations, etc. The
book list of Veszprém testifies to a significant legal training. In Zagreb, the so-called natu-
ralia, or natural sciences in the Aristotelian and medieval sense, were represented primarily
in quaestines and summae, books attaining university level. The same applies to medical books.
Both the Veszprém and the Pozsony book lists indicate a lack of interest in theology as a
discipline: both libraries contained a large number of Biblical commentaries but otherwise
they were limited to basic works. In this respect, the Zagreb library was richer and more
sophisticated than the others: it housed theological treatises and quaestiones, as well as six cop-
ies of Peter Lombard’s Libri IV Sententiarum and separate commentaries to this work, which
were otherwise part of regular university curriculum.
For the understanding the use of libraries, another inventory of the Veszpém Cathedral
provides even more significant data than the book lists themselves. In this inventory,
Lucus credibilis is a legal institutiom peculiar to Hungary, which was provided by cathedral chapters as well as by
convents of the Benedictines, Premontratensians and the order of Saint John. By a notarial service, the main task
of this institution was to issue the lay people legal documents with public authentication and archive these written
records.
Mályusz 1971.
Madas–monok 2003. 43–48. Madas, Edit: Les bibliothèques des chapitres de Veszprém, de Presbourg et de Zagreb
d’après leurs inventaires. Formation intellectuelle et culture du clergé dans les territoires Angevins (Milieu du XIIIe-
fin du XVe siècle), sous la direction de Marie-Madlaine de Cevins, Jean-Michel Matz. Rome, 2005. 221–230.
12
1. Budapest, ELTE Egyetemi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 98, f. 106r (Cat. No. 5)
13
24 book borrowings were recorded in the period between 1482 and 1504.10 As chapter
dignitaries could afford to establish their private libraries and to employ paid assistants for
their work, the borrowers of books might mainly have been canons. Legal volumes were
primarily borrowed but also books preparing for university studies and supporting the ac-
tual studies as well as manuals for teaching in the cathedral school (by the sublector). The
books did not only serve practical purposes but also helped self development and thorough
scholarly engagement.
The Esztergom chapter did not produce a book list that is extant now. However, thanks
to Kinga Körmendy’s research, Esztergom canons’ foreign university attendance and use of
books have been exhaustively explored.11 In the period under scrutiny, 45 Esztergom preb-
endaries with university experience are attested in the sources. They acquired their books
during their university studies, mainly theological and legal manuscripts. Kinga Körmendy
also makes an important statement about the generation of humanists beyond the period
discussed in this paper:12
The readings of the canons became twofold. On the one hand, they read works by hu-
manists and editions of classical authors for their own personal interests. On the other hand,
the volumes containing professional material reflect the high-level medieval scholastic edu-
cation of the members of the chapter… Among their professional skills, canon law is of the
utmost significance.
Because of the unsuccessful attempts at establishing a university (Pécs 1367, Óbuda 1395,
1410), Hungary was the only one of the western Christian countries without a permanent
university. The consequences were clearly reflected in Hungarian book culture and litera-
ture: there were absolutely no works attaining a level of higher standards such as treatises,
commentaries or debates (quaestio disputata) by Hungarian authors, which would have laid
the foundations of practicing abstract disciplines. King Matthias and János Vitéz of Zredna
realized this strong need but their endeavor to establish a university (Pozsony, 1465) did not
yield a lasting result either.
c. Manuals for pastoration
Christian teaching and higher level culture reached the widest society through the parish
churches and monastic orders that were active in pastoration. There were some three thou-
sand parishes in Hungarian villages and in small and agricultural towns. The main duties of
parish priests included conducting church services, conferring the sacraments and taking the
general spiritual care of their flock from baptism to burial. In the 15th century, both the par-
10 Solymosi László, Könyvhasználat a középkor végén. [Using books at the end of the Middle Ages.] In: Tanulmányok
a középkori magyarországi könyvkultúráról. Ed. Szelestei N. László. Budapest, 1989. 77–119.
11 See an excellent new monograph on the Esztergom prebendaries and their university studies as well as their use of
books by Körmendy 2007.
12 Ibid. 143–144.
14
ish priests’ wills and their book lists testify to their increasing erudition, widening interests
and growing ambition to collect books.13 Even so, their books served primarily their profes-
sion as priests and pastors. Among the common manuals assisting both areas, there were
theological summaries such as Rainerus de Pisis’s theological encyclopedia, the Pantheologia14
and Guido de Monte Rocherio’s Manipulus curatorum15, a manual for priests.
The main vehicle of teaching the faith and morality, however, was regular preaching in
the vernacular. It must have been a consequence of the increasing demand from the laymen
and the emerging heretic movements that larger parishes started employing preachers to as-
sist the priests from the late 14th century onwards. This happened at Nagybánya (Baia Mare)
in 1387, at Pécs, Sopron, Lôcse (Levoca) and Kassa (Kosice) in the early 15th century, as well
as in Kolozsvár (Cluj) in the late 15th century. The priest had to be very well prepared for
his sermons and to this end he needed books. The most useful manual was a Latin sermon
collection compiled for each Sunday of the year and the Saints’ feasts. Because of the use of
Latin, a popular sermon book could have been applied anywhere in Europe and sustained
preaching in the language of the particular community. The fact that these sermons were
rendered into the vernacular is attested by the Hungarian glosses in the volumes used in
Hungary. The collection of Sermones dominicales (Sunday sermons), compiled in the Pécs
diocese (Fig. 1, Cat. No. 5.), belong to this type of sermon collections. The popularity of
the work, supplied with over two thousand Hungarian words, is indicated by the fact that it
has survived in two copies. The large number of Latin and Hungarian glosses between the
lines of the pericopes demonstrates that the pericopes were explained separately.
János Aranyasi Gellértfi, who studied at Vienna University, compiled for himself a rich
manual for priests instead of copying a collection of sermons. His compilation was used by
several parish priests later in the Spis region. (Cat. No. 4). This codex contains an Esztergom
ordinal for use in the Spis region, prescribing the rules for celebrating the liturgy, Spis coun-
cil decrees, two treatises discussing the rules for sermon composition, writings about the
sacraments, confessions and penance, and finally a short treatise on the plague. Manuals for
priests were usually simple paper codices for private use. As sermon collections were very
much in demand, they would quickly find their way into printing houses.
The appearance of philosophical, university-level dogmatic and exegetic works and clas-
sical authors in a parish priest’s private collection suggests personal interests and advanced
studies. It was only at the turn of the 16th century that the numbers of such works increased,
reflecting the time when parish priests became able to afford university studies and cheaper
printed books.
13 Mályusz 1971; Madas–Monok 2003. 54–57.

14 In the will of the Schönberg vicar Matheus de Rupe (Bibliotheca Hungarica III, No. 2658) and in the book list of
the Selmecbánya vicarage (Bibliotheca Hungarica III, No. 2811).
15 See this text in a priest’s manual copied by Bertalan, a priest of Szepesolasz for himself (Budapest, University
Library, Cod. Lat. 65) as well as in the will of Máté Dezem of Streza (Slavonia) (Bibliotheca Hungarica III,
No. 1301) and in that of Georgius Petri, priest of Bártfa (Bardejov) (Bibliotheca Hungarica III, No. 2405).
15
2. Medieval books of secular content: chronicles and leisure readings
Interest in history goes beyond professional use of books, and was characteristic for the
royal court as well as for noble courts. Leisure literature was present in the form of the Al-
exander novel, the Gesta Romanorum, the Historia Troiana, the Indian history of priest John and
similarly instructive stories. Related to Hungarian chronicles, these texts may often be con-
sidered to constitute a complex of secular readings.16 At other times, exactly because of their
edifying character, they found their place among religious texts.17 The fourteenth-century
Acephalus Codex (Cat. No. 12) of mixed content reflects the clerical culture of the court. In
addition to the fourteenth-century Hungarian chronicle composition, the Acephalus Codex
contains a Alexander the Great’s deeds, East-Asian travel stories, a somniarium and notes on
mathematics and astrology, thus following the scriptor’s versatile interests. The volume was
compiled in Buda or Esztergom, but in the course of the 15th century it is attested to have
been in the Esztergom Church’s possession, where readers appended more and more entries
to it.
Johannes de Utino’s World Chronicle is also from the 14th century, but some Hungarian
appendices are argued to have been added in the 15th century. This version illustrated with
kings’ portraits has survived in Latin and in German translation, both in more than one copy
in abroad (Fig. 2–3, Cat. No. 13). The Dubnic Chronicle was compiled in Várad around 1479
(Cat. No. 14), comprising important additions in comparison with the 14th century Illumi-
nated Chronicle and the Buda Chronicle (Cat. No. 50), which came out in print in 1473. Cer-
tain elements of Saint Ladislaus’ legend are known exclusively from this source. The final
section to be regarded as an independent piece praising Bertalan Drágffy in connection with
the 1479 Kenyérmezô Battle suggests that the Drágffy family had an influence on the com-
pilation. This codex is attested to have been later in the family’s possession.
In 1475 in Várad, the local episcopal governor, László Egervári commissioned a leisure
reading for himself instead of a historical study by the hired scribe Máté Sztárai (Cat. No.15).
In this manuscript, the biography of the seven Greek wise men (Historia septem sapientium)
also appears in addition to the Gesta Romanorum. At this point, the complete lack of Hungar-
ian secular literature in medieval Hungary seems to be astonishing. Hungarian secular litera-
ture was not fostered earlier because of the insufficient level of the nobles’ chivalric culture
nor by the shortage of educated burghers in the period this study covers. The German
burghers acquired their own readings from German-speaking territories. The first printing
house in Hungary, however, was established at Buda by András Hess in 1472, a rather early
date even by European standards. Hess came probably at the invitation of János Vitéz of
16 Nagyenyed Codex (1462) (Budapest, MTA Könyvtára, K 32, Bibliotheca Hungarica I, No. 683); Béldi Codex
(Pozsony, Kapitulská knižnica /Chapter Library/, Cod. Lat. 84, Bibliotheca Hungarica III, No. 2413, Codices, 1985.
No. 146)
17 Ritoókné Szalay Ágnes: Eleink szórakoztató olvasmányairól. [On our ancestors’ leisure readings.] Irodalomtörténeti
Közlemények, 1980. 650–655.
16
2. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Germ. 53, f. 4v (Cat. No. 13)
3. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Germ. 53, f. 48r (Cat. No. 13)
17
Zredna but arrived at an unfortunate historical moment: shortly before his death, at the time
when Vitéz had fallen out of king Matthias’s favour. With the above-mentioned Buda
Chronicle, Hess targeted secular readers. Without a true patron, however, the readers’ de-
mand in itself was not strong enough to maintain a printing house. Booksellers and publish-
ers found the compromise solution of either selling popular books produced in abroad or
having the books, when commissioned in Hungary, printed abroad. The content of printed
books, however, was not markedly different from that of codices. Book culture remained
basically of ecclesiastical character. The greater presence of secular books simply indicates the
increasing demand for school authors.18
3. Religious readings in the vernacular
Up to the 15th century, Latin was the vehicle of acquiring the knowledge of reading. By
participating in the Latin liturgy, children first learnt to read and next mastered the language
at school. Later they used Latin books for their work. At the monasteries, it still often hap-
pened that although the monks sang and recited the Offices in Latin, they did not fully un-
derstand the texts. The first book in Hungarian, the Jókai Codex (around 1440) contains the
legend of Saint Francis and his followers (Cat. No. 16). The translator was obviously strug-
gling with the language as he could not often manage very well the translation of complex
Latin structures. Nevertheless, he intended to create a text to be read out regularly in a Fran-
ciscan monastery. This must have helped monks and lay brethren living with them to follow
the founder’s life model.
Almost all of ca. 50 codices in Hungarian up to 1530 contain direct translations of Latin
texts or compilations based on them. The greatest early undertaking was to translate the
Bible in Hungarian. Most of the scholarly literature attributes this achievement to Hussite
priests, but further research is needed for a conclusive answer. It is not known whether a
complete translation was made in the 1420s and 1430s but three independent parts copied at
three different places and at different times have survived. The Bécsi Codex (Cat. No. 17)
contains various Books from the Old Testament (around 1450), the Müncheni Codex (1466,
in Bibliotheca Hungarica II. No. 2009) the four Gospels and the Apor Codex (late 15th century,
in Bibliotheca Hungarica II. No. 2621) the psalms.
By the end of the century, the reading ability had not depended on Latin schooling any
longer. Nuns and a few other aristocratic ladies also learnt to read in order to obtain spiritual
nourishment through their personal readings. The Nagyvázsony Paulines gave the Festetics
Codex (Fig. 4, Cat. No. 18), copied around 1493, to Benigna Magyar-Kinizsi, the wife of the
founder of their monastery, Pál Kinizsi. Although prayer books in Hungarian at the beginning
of the 16th century are usually simple paper codices, Benigna Magyar-Kinizsi’s prayer book
18 Csapodi Csaba: Az ôsnyomtatványok tartalma. [The content of incunables.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1996. 283–291.
18
4. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, MNy 73, f. 54r (Cat. No. 18)
19
as a representative gift is copied onto parchment in careful bastarda script, while the margins
are richly decorated, the incipits are highlighted by ornamental initials and all majuscules are
painted in gold. Tünde Wehli argues that “based on the floral tendrils around poles and the
characteristic colours, they are more modest versions of the type characteristic for the Buda
book-painting workshop.”19 The Renaissance character of the illumination is unique in
codices in the vernacular. Hungarian manuscripts with religious content find their grateful
audiences mainly in nunneries. The pinnacle of the genre would be the first third of the 16th
century, only to be interrupted suddenly by the Turkish invasion and Protestantism. By this
time, however, the written Hungarian language had left the confines of monastery walls.
4. The emergence of Italian Renaissance Humanism
I will touch upon this theme, as I indicated earlier, only in brief. Latin humanism took root
in Hungary rather fast, which was certainly promoted by the fact that the language of edu-
cated people had always been Latin in Hungary. As another characteristic element, the new
ideology, favouring classical literary and scientific interests, stays in harmony with the Church.
Thus, the new ways of understanding man and the world are primarily applied to affirm the
faith. This is why besides Matthias Hunyadi’s Renaissance court the episcopal sees became the
centres of Humanist ideas in Hungary. In this process, the high priests’ studies pursued in It-
aly definitely played a crucial role20. The luxury associated with Humanist culture is expressed
by the outstanding quality of writing materials, the wide margins, the possibly flawless texts
and the new, harmonic Humanist script. The rich Renaissance illumination that appears in
Humanist codices is rather an indicator of the patron’s preference for luxury.
5. The emergence of liturgical books at the crossroads of the

Gothic and Renaissance periods
The most important church obligation was to conduct appropriately church services, for
which liturgical books were indispensable. These books were usually written on parchment,
which not merely expressed the respect for content but also guaranteed durability. A good
example of continuous use is the Pontifical of the Veszprém bishop Mesko from the first half
of the 14th century (Cat. No. 8), which was used in the second half of the 15th century in
Esztergom and furnished with an elaborate Renaissance binding. Esztergom archbishop
György Pálóczi’s (†1439) missal (Cat. No. 9) constitutes an important monument of book
painting in King Sigismund’s age (1387–1437). This Missal was in everyday use even after
19 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 264.

20 Körmendy 2007. 138–139.
20
5. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 359, f. 99r (Cat. No. 9)
21
22
the bishop’s death as shown in the continuously added entries and received a Renaissance
binding in the second half of the 15th century. The missal passed into the ownership of one
of the Cathedral’s altars finally in 1501.
The Várad archbishop, János Filipecz (1476–1490) had an impressive liturgical book series
made for the Várad cathedral’s choir. The antiphonal follows the Várad rite. However, judg-
ing by the notation and Gothic illumination, one can attribute it to a Czech workshop, prob-
ably that of the Prague Master Matheus. The leaves of the antiphonal were then recycled for
binding printed books and archival files. The still intact parts of the antiphonal were bound
into one volume in 1872 with the request of the bishop of Gyôr, János Zalka. Even today,
new fragments are found that are characteristic for this series (Cat. No. 10). Quite recently,
one fragment was identified as a part of the Office of Saint Demeter, Hungary’s forgotten
patron saint, supplied with musically notations that have not survived anywhere else.
Renaissance taste found its way also into liturgical books. As might be expected, it did not
affect the content of fixed liturgical texts nor did the script: for the liturgical texts, a slightly
more rounded version of the Gothic script was used. The Gothic ornaments, however, were
replaced by rich Renaissance illuminations. There is a distinctive characteristic for the illumi-
nation of these liturgical codices, if compared with that of the humanist codices that have only
the title page decorated with miniatures and ornamental borders. While the humanist codices
furnished the rest of the volume only with simpler initials, the liturgical codices are decorated
throughout and the main feasts are emphasized by frames and emphatic miniatures. These il-
luminated Renaissance codices were probably not in liturgical use. They served the bibliophile
needs and personal representation of high dignitaries of the Church, who commissioned them.
As far as the date of their production is concerned, they usually go beyond the upper limit of
the time frame of this study. Nevertheless, one example is still worth citing. Domonkos
Kálmáncsehi was a loyal assistant to János Vitéz of Zredna and King Matthias, a diplomat to
King Vladislav II Jagello (1490–1516), provost of Fehérvár from 1474, bishop of Várad from
1495. His liturgical codices are representative Renaissance manuscripts. His richly illuminated
Breviary in the National Széchényi Library follows partly the Esztergom, partly the Zagreb rites.
It was illuminated around the early 1480s by Franciscus de Castello Ithallico, book painter
working in Buda (Cat. No. 11). Beyond the Renaissance book culture, recognition of the
advantages of book printing is revealed by the fact that the Esztergom Breviary was printed for
diocese’s use in Venice in 1480 at King Matthias’ order and with the approval and supervision
of Mihály Túroni. In this case, King Matthias used his royal supremacy because the archbish-
op’s seat was unoccupied. 21 Even later, Vitéz’s nephew, Péter Váradi left behind his contem-
poraries by using exclusively printed books that he had carefully illuminated at the Buda book
painting workshop. This is what happened to his Esztergom missal that was printed on parch-
ment in Venice in 1498 (Cat. No. 44). In talking about him, however, this summary not only
has said more than its theme has allowed but has also run far ahead in the Vitéz exhibition.
21 Körmendy 2007. 106.
23
Anna Boreczky
Book painting in Hungary in the age of János Vitéz
János Vitéz, bishop of Várad (1445–1465) and later archbishop of Esztergom (1465–1472) is
seen in the public eye as the man who brought Italian humanist culture and Renaissance art
to Hungary. Even if his art patronage is not to be compared to that of King Matthias, Vitéz
was among the first to respond to impulses from Italy. Although he possessed beautiful books
and his library was famous in his age, Vitéz was not a bibliophile collector. His library was
much rather a humanist scholar’s collection, as the main consideration in acquiring volumes
was content and clarity rather than representative appearance. Still it was the first collection
of books in Hungary that contained a considerable number of items of Italian Renaissance
book culture. János Vitéz was active mainly in the years 1430–1470, which is the late
Gothic age in the history of Hungarian book painting, a style markedly different from Italian
Renaissance in its sources and directions. Highlighting certain characteristic features of late
Gothic book painting, this essay will outline the medium in which the book collector János
Vitéz conducted his activity and in which his books were issued; it will highlight the meet-
ing points of late Gothic and Renaissance book culture; in order to illustrate the embedded-
ness of Renaissance book culture, it will introduce the characteristic Hungarian “mixed
style” of the late 15th century, which incorporates both Gothic and Renaissance features.
Hungarian relics of late Gothic book painting – namely volumes made and/or used in
late medieval Hungary – have survived in reduced numbers. We can hardly identify codices
that were definitely produced in the same place and at closely the same time, so as to provide
a basis for grasping the characteristic features of a certain style, school or workshop. Unfor-
tunately, we cannot speak of such a thing as “Esztergom book painting”, although it is
likely to have existed, in the same way as there is no continuity similar to that of the Vien-
nese “Hofwerkstatt” in the case of manuscripts originating from the royal court. The only
place from where codices have come down to us in a somewhat bigger number is Pozsony
(today Bratislava, Slovakia) but even in this case they do not provide sufficient evidence to
For János Vitéz’s life and library see Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984 and Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 57–69 (Hoffmann),
235–237 (Wehli) and Török 1987. 730–732.
A summary of Hungarian book painting: Berkovits 1965 and Török 1985. 35–48. A summary of the Late Gothic age:
Török 1987. 725–733 and more recently Buran – Šedivý 2003. 513–527.
I use the standard term of the literature ”Hofwerkstatt” for the sake of clarity. However, I am aware that the activity of
some masters working for the Vienna court, their interrelations and the provenance of works are much more complex
than what the term “workshop” or “studio” may describe. For this, most recently: Schmidt 2005/ I, 4.
25
prove that a workshop was active in the town for an extended period. Nevertheless, one
thing seems to be clear. Late Gothic book painting in medieval Hungary was an integral part
of that Central European book culture that emerged from the middle of the 14th century in
Czech, Moravian and Austrian lands and had a great impact on the arts in the territories from
Tirol to Silesia, with the most influential hubs being Prague, Olomouc, Brno, Salzburg and
Vienna, where as a result of wandering books, wandering painters and occasionally even
wandering workshops, their interaction was inevitable. This wider latitude marked by vari-
ous points of contact is the medium in which Hungarian relics can be located; the more so
because the exact place books originate from is often impossible to identify with certainty.
Esztergom before the age of Vitéz
The earliest “group of relics” of the time is made up of the books owned by György Pálóc-
zi, the predecessor of János Vitéz as archbishop of Esztergom between 1423 and 1439. Three
of his codices are known: the first is a breviarium embellished with figurative initials as well
as floral margin decorations (Salzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. M. II. 11), the second
is a simpler missale (Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat. 359, Cat. No. 9) (Fig. 7), and finally a vol-
ume containing Johannes Buridanus’s Questiones in libros Meteorologicorum Aristotelis (Wien,
ÖNB, Cod. 3976). The painters of the breviarium and the missale are not identical. How-
ever, their style, and especially that of the breviarium reflects strong parallels with Austrian
relics. Their place of origin is unknown. The Buridanus codex only has one initial, a pen-
and-ink drawing. The breviarium has Pálóczi’s coat of arms painted into it in two different
places, but the missale and the Buridanus volume have no such identification, therefore they
are categorized as Pálóczi’s property on the basis of their ownership marks. These codices (at
least the breviarium) could have been used in Esztergom during János Vitéz’s time too. Pálóc-
zi had left the breviarium to the Esztergom cathedral and it seems quite certain that it went to
Salzburg through János Vitéz’s successor, Johann Beckensloer (archbishop of Esztergom be-
tween 1474 and 1479 and later archbishop of Salzburg). The blind-stamped brown leather
Buran 2004. 316.

It is a question to what extent we would see differently the directions and points of contact of Late Gothic Hungarian
book painting if the majority of surviving and known relics were not from the north-western regions. For localisation
problems of Central European codices and possible research methods, most recently Roland 2003. 121–153.
Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 43–46 (Hoffmann), 231 (Wehli); Haidinger:1980. 94–100, 227–229; Codices
1985. No. 106 (Török Gyöngyi); Zsigmond 1987. II. 373–374 (Török Gyöngyi); Sigismundus 2006.
418–419 (Alois Haidinger).
Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 44–46 (Hoffmann), 231 (Wehli); Codices 1985. No. 108 (Török Gyöngyi); Zsigmond 1987.
II.. 375 (Török Gyöngyi); Sigismundus 2006. 417–418 (Boreczky Anna).
Körmendy 2000. 356, and irrespective of it: Veronika Pirker–Aurenhammer In: Die Illuminierten Handschriften
2002. 225–227.
26
7. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 359, f. 17v (Cat. No. 9) – Virgin Mary adoring the Child Jesus
27
binding of the codex must have been made during János Vitéz’s time. There is a fourth
codex, a two-volume antiphonale (Esztergom, Fôszékesegyházi Könyvtár Ms. I. 3c, and Bu-
dapest, MTA Könyvtár, Kézirattár, K 483. Fragments: Budapest, MTA Könyvtár, Kézirat-
tár, T 308 and Budapest, Egyetemi Könyvtár, Fr. 1. m. 236) which was considered to
originate from Pálóczi’s collection.10 However, it became questionable whether the volumes
belonged together, and even its relation to the Esztergom rite was challenged.11 On the ba-
sis of the musical material it has preserved, it is regarded today as a book adopting Czech
influences and made for one of the churches in the Esztergom diocese in the middle of the
15h century.12 Accordingly, its only noteworthy embellishment, a composition of the Ma-
donna with the child inside the S initial (or to be more precise: placed before it) and the
decoration on the margins tell us about the character of volumes used in the archbishopric
around the middle of the century.
Between Vienna and Pozsony: Illuminator Michael
Similarly to Pálóczi’s books, two charters (Bratislava, Archiv mesta Bratislava, Sign. 1435,
Sign. 1436) donated to the town of Pozsony by Emperor Sigismundus and made in an un-
known place also testify to Austrian contacts.13 Both are decorated with a building repre-
senting the gate of Pozsony in a round medallion with the words “SIGILLUM CIVITATIS
POSONIENSIS” running around it and with floral ornaments on the margins in which this
time the painter hid various animal figures (bear, monkey, owl and stork). Judging them by
their style, these charters were illuminated by ‘Michael’, a prolific painter employed also by
the court of Vienna, whose work can be traced from the 1420s to the middle of the century,
and whose name has been preserved by the 1420-1424 inventories of the Klosterneuburg
Augustinian canonry near Vienna.14 Michael must have been selected as illuminator due to
his appreciation in the Vienna court, but it may be asked whether this reflects the taste and
preferences of Sigismundus and his chancery or rather those of the dignitaries of Pozsony.
Since Sigismundus is known to have visited Pozsony, Vienna and Klosterneuburg in May
1436, it seems obvious that he or a member of his chancery commissioned the job (at this
Schallaburg 1982. 152, No. 28 (Koroknay Éva) says that the binding of the breviarium was made before 1476 in Esz-
tergom, it is similar to the bindings of two codices of János Vitéz, but mainly identical with an incunable from Roma
(Székesfehérvár Püspöki Könyvtár Inc. 11).
10 Berkovits 1965. 48–50.
11 Körmendy 1979. 81–82.
12 C odices 1985. No. 183 (Szendrei Janka). Also Zsigmond 1987. II.. 375–376 (Török Gyöngyi).
13 Most recently Sigismundus 2006. 313–315 (Dušan Buran).
14 Oettinger 1933. 1–16; Schmidt 1963. 93–114. Re-edited: In: Schmidt 2005/I. 12, 21–22; Schmidt 1967. 134–178.
Re-edited: Schmidt 2005/I. 60– 63; Haidinger 1980. 110–123; Schmidt 1992. 183–194. About Hungarian contacts
of the illumionator Michael (in addition to the summaries about Late Gothic book painting in Hungary cited above):
Wehli 1987/II. 364–367.
28
time János Vitéz was probably already working for the chancery!15). However, the illumina-
tor Michael must have had earlier contacts with Hungarian patrons through different chan-
nels; his style must have been known in a wider circle, as testified by a Pozsony missale dating
from the 1420s (OSzK, Cod. Lat 218) and the decorated pages bound to precede the
Körmöcbánya (today Kremnica, Slovakia) town minutes started in 1426 (Kremnica, Štátny
archív, Banská Bystrica, pobočka Kremnica, no mark).16 The two above-mentioned char-
ters, dated 8th and 9th July 1436, were handed over to the Pozsony envoy on 15th July 1436
in Buda.17 These data are very hard to reconcile even if in theory it is possible that the pro-
duction, illumination and handing over of a charter happened in different locations. Thus,
unless we wish to assume that the illuminator Michael paid a visit to Buda, it is still impos-
sible to determine how and where the two charters were made.18 In the middle of the 15th
century, Michael reappears in Hungarian art history, this time clearly related to the court,
but this second episode has no major significance in the later developments of book painting
here. He was commissioned to illuminate a copy of the grammar of Donatus, copied by the
Melk presbyter Simon in 1445 for King Ladislaus V, who was educated under the guardian-
ship of Frederick III. (Wien, ÖNB Cod. 23*)19, but because of Ladislaus’ short life, this
volume probably never reached Hungary.
New impulses of Austrian art in the middle of the 15th century
The numbers of relics from the middle of the 15th century seem to drop. Apart from the
Esztergom antiphonale discussed earlier, there are only two volumes in this group, which,
however, still reflect the intensity of Austrian relations and their new directions. The style of
the decorated margins inhabited by animals, and that of the canon-page in a missale (Bratisla-
va, Archív mesta Bratislava, EL 13/a) that was probably made for the Pozsony cathedral re-
flect a mediocre, although experienced hand. The missale seems to originate from a workshop
that in the middle of the 15th century worked for the Brixen bishopric and somewhat later
in south German territories.20 The job of painting the register of the Vienna University’s
Hungarian nation (Wien, Archiv der Universität, N.H.1)21, or more precisely the initials
15 Csapodi–Gárdonyi 1984. No. 10.

16 The earlier function of these pages is uncertain, but their separate character supports their imported nature.
17 Sigismundus 2006. 313 (Dušan Buran).
18 For the fact that a charter may have been written, illuminated and approved in different locations, see the supposed
production procedure of the Kassa (today Kosice, Slovakia) charter, confirmed in Kassa by Sigismundus on 31st
January 1423. According to Gerhard Schmidt, the text originates from Kassa, while the ornamentation from Krakow.
Schmidt 2005/I. 336.
19 Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 54–55 (Hoffmann), 235 (Wehli); Haidinger 1980; Codices 1985. No. 110 (Otto Mazal).
20 Studničková 2004–2005. 149–159.
21 S challaburg 1982. 332–334 (Török Gyöngyi); Codices 1985. No. 143 (Török Gyöngyi); Sigismundus 2006. 630
(Martin Roland).
29
representing the fight between Saint Ladislaus and the Cumanian, and the standing figures of
two Hungarian saints, Stephen and Imre was in 1453 entrusted to a young painter in Vienna,
the so-called ‘Lehrbüchermeister’. (Fig. 8, 9) This master received his name from the three
textbooks made for Count Maximillian (the later Emperor Maximillian I) around 1465-1470
(Wien ÖNB, Cod. 2289, Cod. 2368, Cod. Ser. Nov. 2617). In its style, in addition to the
decisive character of the Viennese book and panel painting of the previous period, the indi-
rect Franco-Flemish influence of around 1400 is also to be reckoned with.22 In addition, the
Lehrbüchermeister seems to have had certain - much more up-to-date - knowledge of the art
of the West, namely that of the Low Countries. The source of a debated composition show-
ing the mourning of Christ (Berlin, SMPK), which many scholars attribute to the Lehrbüch-
ermeister, is to be found in the circle of Rogier van der Weyden.23 The Lehrbüchermeister
was active around 1450–1470; thus the register illumination is from his early period.
His last dated work from 1469 is the Franciscan missale (Roma, Bibl. Ap. Vat., Cod.
Rossiana 1164)24 that King Matthias commissioned for a certain Frater Thomas de Hun-
garia. Most probably Frater Thomas was not a monk in Hungary, as the calendar of the mis-
sale does not contain any Hungarian saints. The miniature showing the stigmatization of
Saint Francis on f.125v has many similarities with the image of Saint Hubertus in Johann
Siebenhirter’s prayer book (Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, A 225), which is also the
work of the Lehrbüchermeister, dating from not much before 1469.25
Coloured pen and ink drawings close to multiplication - Johannes de Utino’s chronicle
There are some secular books came down to us from the middle and from the second half
of the 15th century that belonged to medieval rather than to humanist book culture. In
contrast to the volumes introduced so far, these books were decorated with a cheaper and
faster method, namely with pen and ink drawings. This technique was traditionally con-
nected with certain genres, primarily with pieces of didactic purpose, and had less to do with
the demands and financial situation of the buyer. Its role was textual illustration rather than
embellishment. The speed of production and the division of labour made possible an almost
industrial production system, which was indeed necessary to meet the increased demand in
the period directly preceding the emergence of book printing. This can be seen in the case
of the chronicle of a fourteenth-century Franciscan monk Johannes de Utino, or more pre-
cisely, in its text variant prepared after 1458 that also included a list of Hungarian kings.26
22 About the Lehrbüchermeister: Holter: 1955. 217–231 (225); Schmidt 1963. 93–114. Re-edited: In: Schmidt 2005/I.
9–30 (12, 23-24); Schmidt 1967. 134–178. Re-edited: Schmidt 2005/I. 45–83 (78–81).
23 Rosenauer 1969. 157–166 and recently Simon 2002. 238–240.
24 Csapodi 1973. 437–438; Török 1987. 725–733 (732); Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. 58–59, 428–433.
25 Reproduction in: Schmidt 2005/I. 80.
26 About the chronicle of Johannes de Utino: Vizkelety 1985. 195–209.
30
8. Wien, Archiv der Universität, N.H.1. f. 5r
Matricule of the Hungarian students registered at Vienna University
Fight of Saint Ladislaus and the Cuman warrior
It seems that this book existed in several copies and in more than one language in Hungary.
One of them (Roma, Bibl. Ap. Vat., Ottob. 47927), written in Latin, belonged to Tamás
Drági, who was a jurist in the court of King Matthias, and who as János Thuróczy’s superior
seems to have played a key role in the birth of the last medieval Hungarian chronicle, the
Thuróczy Chronicle of 1488. Another copy of the Utino-text, which contains the German
translation, belonged to the Pozsony Capuchiners in 1740 (Martin, Slovenská národná
knižnica sign J. 324 V 18).28 Two of the further copies (one in Latin and another one in
27 Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 124–125 (Hoffmann), 261 (Wehli).

28 Sopko 1986. 142–144 and Gotika 2003. 788–789 (Dušan Buran).
31
9. Wien, Archiv der Universität, N.H.1. f. 15r
Matricule of the Hungarian students registered at Vienna University
Saint Stephan and Saint Emeric
German) are kept in the National Széchényi Library (Cod. Lat. 544,29 and Cod. Germ. 5330,
Cat. No. 13). The place of origin is unknown for all these four Utino manuscripts. The Ger-
man text of the copy kept in the Széchényi Library is written in the Bavarian Austrian dia-
lect. This points out the territory, where either the codex itself or the translation was made.
Should the Tamás Drági volume have been produced in Buda, it would provide invaluable
29 Vizkelety 2007. 220–222. The codex was produced before 1463 and appeared in 1970 at Sotheby’s auction.
30 Codices 1985. No. 144 (Vizkelety András). Earlier the volume belonged to the Cistercians in Heiligenkreuz. (Cat.
No. 13; Fig. 2, 3, 10, 40)
32
10. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Germ. 53, f. 9v (Cat. No. 13)
Johannes de Utino’s World Chronicle
Moses and the burning bush
information about book painters active in the town. Irrespective of this fact, it is interesting
and informative that in Matthias’ court such a book, traditional in its genre and mediocre for
the quality of its illustrations, also found a place. A modest relic of coloured pen and ink
drawings is a bestiarium from the late 15th century (Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat. 506, Cat. No.
7)31, discussing the nature and symbolic interpretation of various beasts. The volume that
contains some notes in Hungarian was probably used as supplementary material for preachers
in one of the south Hungarian monasteries.
31 Codices 1985. No. 175 (Vizkelety András).
33
Várad
We hardly have any relics of book painting originating from Várad (today Oradea, Roma-
nia) and more generally from eastern (and southern) territories of late medieval Hungary.
This situation probably contributes greatly to the fact that in the overall image of Late
Gothic Hungarian book painting relations with the art of Czech and Austrian regions are
dominant. The situation must have been much more complex, though. Nevertheless,
whether by accident or not, the style of the only codex that can be considered as related to
Várad, apart from Vitéz’s library in Várad and the volumes he used there, still leads to Cen-
tral Europe. This is the so-called “Zalka antiphonale”, a liturgic book complex badly trun-
cated through the ages (Gyôr, Püspöki Papnevelô Intézet Könyvtára, no mark, Cat. No. 10),
which received its name from the bishop of Gyôr, János Zalka, who had the remaining
manuscript restored in 1872.32 On the basis of the remains, the “Zalka antiphonale” origi-
nally consisted of antiphonale, graduale and sequentionale, and is most probably identical with
the magnificent book series known from other sources that János Filipec commissioned for
the Várad cathedral.33 Filipec, who was of Moravian origin, was János Vitéz’s successor as
bishop of Várad between 1476 and 1490, and he also acted as administrator of the Olomouc
bishopric between 1482 and 1491. In light of all this, it is no surprise that the illumination
of the codex series was done in the prestigious Prague book painting workshop, in the
workshop of the so-called ‘Master Matheus’.34 The miniatures and initials reflect the influ-
ence of German engravings, which at the same time helps in dating the codex. It shows that
the painter was familiar with Schongauer’s pre-1485 Carrying of the Cross;35 therefore the
antiphonale was most probably produced in the second half of the 1480s, when Filipec was
still bishop of Várad.
In addition to the “Zalka antiphonale” there is one more volume related to János Filipec
and ornamented with his coat of arms: a pontificale (Esztergom, Érseki Simor Könyvtár, 2-
36-4/7864)36. Since a pontificale is intended for a bishop, Filipec must have used the codex
in Várad, although its decoration integrating certain Renaissance elements is to be placed
into the circle of the so-called book painting of Buda.
32 Several fragments of the codex are known, scattered in different libraries. Cf.: Körmendy 1988. 33–41, and Frag-
menta et codices V, No. 64–68, 85, 86, 90. (Cat. No. 10)
33 Szendrei 1988. 21–31.
34 Codices 1985. No. 185 (Zentai Loránd).
35 Vayer 1953. 1–2, 115–133 (130–133).
36 Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 122–124 (Hoffmann), 261 (Wehli); Codices 1985. No. 142 (Zentai Loránd). Pannonia
Regia 1994. 419–421 (Wehli Tünde).
34
11. Victorinus-corvina – Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 370, f. 1r (Cat. No. 36)
Initial O and blossom border
35
At the meeting point of Gothic and Renaissance: liturgic books belonging to high priests
Medieval and humanist book culture, Gothic and Renaissance lived side by side for a long
time, and on occasion met within the very same work. The pre-1462 “Victorinus”, a book
from the Bibliotheca Corviniana, whose place of origin is unknown, shows how a reading
testifying to a humanist interest is clad in a Gothic guise (Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat. 370,
Cat. No. 36).37 The volume contains the fourth-century author Caius Marius Victorinus’
Commentarii in Ciceronis librum de inventione. Its main ornament is to be seen on f.lr: an initial
O/mnis/ at the head of the text and the ornament on the margin with acanthus leaves and
flowers in which there are four lifelike birds. The decorative tendril is a characteristic motif
of Central European Gothic; the airy structure with sharp outlines is closest to mid-fif-
teenth-century items of Austrian book painting.38 It is a hypothesis that the Victorinus cor-
vina was produced in Várad; what is certain is that in 1462 “Jo”(hannes) – most probably
János Vitéz, bishop of Várad at the time – had it emended in Seben. The Regiomontanus
corvina (Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat. 412, Cat. No. 49)39 is an example of Gothic and Ren-
aissance book ornamentation appearing side by side. The book contains the work of the
German astronomer Regiomontanus (Johann Müller von Königsberg) on the movements of
fixed stars, dedicated to King Matthias, which he probably wrote during his stay in Hungary.
Invited by János Vitéz, he taught at the Academia Istropolitana, the University of Pozsony,
between 1465 and 1468, then again between 1469 and 1471. On the title page of the man-
uscript (f.1r), where the dedication to Matthias is placed, there is a high-quality Renaissance
frame with symmetrical lines of flowers strung on two poles; on f. 3r, where the tract itself
starts, there is the usual tendril ornament of Central European Gothic. The provenance of
the codex is still unclear. The volume may have been made in Hungary (Buda?, Pozsony?),
on the basis of Matthias’ coat of arms, perhaps before 1469, but it is not very likely that the
decorations of the two pages were included at the same time and place. The style of the title
page is usually associated with the excellent Florentine miniator Francesco d’Antonio del
Cherico and his disciple Francesco Rosselli, but while, as far as we know, Cherico never
visited Hungary, Rosselli probably arrived as late as around 1480. The 1480s, especially the
years between 1485 and 1490, represented the heyday of Matthias’ library, the Bibliotheca
Corviniana, when exquisite codices were commissioned from the best Florentine work-
shops. This is the time when the so-called “Buda book painting workshop” came to life, a
workshop which, among others, employed Italian masters and adapted elements of Italian
37 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 61 (Hoffmann), 236 (Wehli); Csapodi 1973. 391–392; Csapodi–Gárdonyi 1984. 145–146;
Codices 1985. No. 118 (Pajorin Klára); Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. 38–39, 154–157. (Cat. No. 36)
38 Török 1985. 35–48 (43) reckons with the effects of the so-called Albrechtsminiator.
39 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 80 (Hoffmann), 252 (Wehli); Csapodi 1973. 343–344; Balogh 1985. 294–295; Codices
1985. No. 131 (Zentai Loránd); Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. 39, 158; Potentates 2002. 228 (Földesi Ferenc).
(Cat. No. 49)
36
12. Breviary of Domonkos Kálmáncsehi – Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 446, f. 8r (Cat. No. 11)
Decoration with Kálmáncsehi’s coat of arms
37
13. Breviary of Domonkos Kálmáncsehi – Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 446, f.100r (Cat. No. 11)
Initial S with Adoration of the Magi and the Way of the Magi in the corners
38
14. Breviary of István Nagylaki – Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 343, f.11r
King David with harp and Shield with monogram of Nagylaki
39
art.40 However, the early 1480s marked a turning point in the spread of the Renaissance in
Hungary as well. Outside the direct environment of Matthias, Italian elements appear main-
ly in pontifical circles, especially in liturgical books.41 In addition to the pontificale of Filipec
discussed earlier, primarily the four codices of Provost Domonkos Kálmáncsehi (1474-1495),
later bishop of Várad (1495-1503), belong here: a breviarium (Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat.
446, Cat. No. 11), a breviarium and missale (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, G 7), an-
other missale
(Zagreb, Riznica zagrebačka katedrale, RK 355) and a prayer book (Paris, Bibliothèque
Nationale, NAL 3119).42 A number of delicately painted frames in his breviarium, scenes and
coats of arms enclosed in frames, several of its initials, and on simpler pages, the pen-drawn
ornaments applying the same motifs as the frames were created by a certain Franciscus de
Kastello Ithallico de Mediolano, who signed his work in three places (f. 2r, f. 215r, f. 428r).43
(Fig. 6, 12, 13, 36) The New York breviarium and missale is the product of more than one
hand; one painter’s style is reminiscent of that of Franciscus de Kastello, and some of the
decoration of the margins reminds one of the ornamental borders, with poles and flowers, of
the Regiomontanus corvina. The complex of elements known from various Hungarian
codices is complemented by a number of figurative initials and even full scenes (among them
the Crucifixion) that can be traced back to the engravings of Master E.S. This heterogene-
ity suggests that the product had Hungarian origins. A further penetration of the Renais-
sance design, parallel with its provincialisation can be observed in each of the following
books: the missale of Lukács Apáti (provost of Veszprém and Eger), the breviarium of István
Nagylaki (canon of Bács and Fehérvár), as well as the prayer book of Benigna Magyar (wife
of Pál Kinizsi, commander of King Matthias). Only fragments of Lukács Apáti’s missale,
completed in 1489, have survived (Bratislava, Archív mesta Bratislava, EC Lad. 2/40 and
Mestské múzeum v Bratislave A/4)44; the ornaments in it seem to originate from the circle
of Kálmáncsehi’s codices. In István Nagylaki’s breviarium (Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat. 343)45,
Renaissance elements are mixed with Gothic ones. On the title page (f. 11r) there is a
Gothic acanthus tendril running up a pole, while at the bottom of the page one finds István
Nagylaki’s monogram in a medallion held by Renaissance putti. (Fig. 14) The painter must
have had such widely known models of angels holding coats of arms in mind (although we
40 About book painting in Buda, see.: Wehli 2000. 19–26.

41 For the spread of the Renaissance in Hungary, the volume discovered by Madas Edit in the Vienna Diözesanarchiv,
containing the epistles of Diogenes Laertius may be of interest. (Bibliotheca Hungarica I. No. 26). On the title page
of the codex there is a typical element of Renaissance book painting, namely the white vine-stem. According to the
notes in it, the book belonged to the Esztergom church, and was taken to Buda in 1465. If I interpret data correctly
and the manuscript belonged to the church already in 1465, it is to be considered as a very early example of Renais-
sance reception, irrespective of Matthias’ immediate environment.
42 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 111–119 (Hoffmann), 259–260 (Wehli); Balogh 1966. I. 532–533; Wehli 1994. 411–412;
Wehli: 2000. 19–26.
43 Codices 1985. No. 139 (Zentai Loránd); Pannonia Regia 1994. 413–419 (Mikó Árpád).
44 Balogh 1985. 296–297, 299; Sopko 1986. 63–65; Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 243 (Wehli).
45 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 130-131 (Hoffmann), 262 (Wehli); Codices 1985. No. 179 (ZENTAI Loránd).
40
15. Agathias De bello Gothorum – Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 413, f. 1r
Initial O and border with unified coat of arms of King Matthias and Queen Beatrix
41
16. Prayer book of Benigna Magyar – Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, MNy 73, f. 2v (Cat. No. 18)
Virgin Mary with silver crescent and ornamented border with coats of arms of families Kinizsi and Magyar
42
17. Missal – Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 219, f. 8r
Initial and ornamented border
43
18. Missal – Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 222, f. 78r
Initial T(e igitur)
do not need to find concrete examples) as the ones decorating the title page of the Agathias
volume dedicated to Queen Beatrice (Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat. 413). (Fig. 15) In the
Hungarian prayer book of Benigna Magyar, completed shortly before 1494 (Budapest,
OSzK, MNy. 73, Cat. No.18)46, one finds again the pole and flower ornament of the Re-
giomontanus corvina, or rather a derivative of it at a much less sophisticated level. (Fig. 16)
46 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 139–140 (Hoffmann), 264 (Wehli); Codices1985. No. 182 (Vizkelety András).
44
Pozsony once again – the circle of Ulrich Schreier
From the 1480s we have another group of relics, taking us back to Pozsony and the world
of Late Gothic.47 The liturgic codices concerned were commissioned by well-to-do citizens
and witness the unfailing intensity of Austrian/Viennese relations. The two-volume antipho-
nale of Johannes Han, canon and parish priest of Pozsony (Bratislava, Archív mesta Bratislava,
no mark; Slovenský, národný archív v Bratislave, Sign. Kapitulská knižnica No. 4; and a few
fragments: Metské múzeum v Bratislave)48 was most probably painted in 1487 or 1488 in the
workshop of Ulrich Schreier, a highly prolific book painter of Salzburg origin who probably
worked in a good-sized workshop with several apprentices, and who from the late 1470s
worked for Viennese and Lower Austrian buyers.49 Johannes Han entrusted the same work-
shop to paint the new Crucifixion for the missale (Alba Iulia, Batthyaneum, R II. 134) which
had originally been produced over a century earlier, in 1377, for János Imrefia, canon of
Pozsony, as well as to paint the ornaments on the margins, which meant that in some places
they were to paint over the originals completely.50 There are a few other manuscripts in a
similar style that may be grouped around Johannes Han’s codices (a part of them supposedly
originated from the same workshop), including the missale that in 1488 was ordered by
Magdalena Rosentalerin, widow of the Pozsony citizen Wenzel Rosentaler, for the Saint
Martin Cathedral (Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat. 219),51 or the so-called Pottenberger missale
(Budapest, OSzK, Cod. Lat. 222).52 (Fig. 17, 18) The unbroken line of these volumes – es-
pecially compared to the more sporadic character of earlier Austrian contacts – leads to the
assumption that Ulrich Schreier’s workshop, or at least members of it were present in Poz-
sony for a somewhat longer period of time.
In conclusion: these codices are of special interest because they are symptomatic of the
socially situated limits of the reception of Italian Renaissance book culture. In other words,
they demonstrate the fact that the occasionally very open-minded and far-reaching ambi-
tions of János Vitéz, King Matthias and some high priests and aristocrats had an impact on a
relatively narrow circle of intellectuals and that the urban culture of late fifteenth-century
citizens cherishing their own deep-rooted contacts was unaffected by the Italian Renais-
sance, a culture which was still felt to be basically alien.
47 Most recently: Buran 2000. 45–65 and Buran 2004. 307–321.

48 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 154–158 (Hoffmann), 265 (Wehli). Most recently: Gotika 2003. 790–791 (Dušan Buran
– Juraj Šedivý).
49 About Ulrich Schreier: Zirnbauer 1927; Schmidt 1963. 93–114. Re-edited: Schmidt 2005/I. 9–30 (12, 25); Schmidt
1967. 134–178. Schmidt 2005/I. 45–83 (75-76); Holter 1972. 233–236; Schmidt 1983. 37–41.
50 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 152–158 (Hoffmann). Most recently: Gotika 2003. 782 (Dušan Buran).
51 Codices 1985. No. 182, No. 178 (Zentai Loránd); Gotika 2003. 791 (Dušan BURAN).
52 Gotika 2003. 789–790 (Dušan BURAN – Juraj Šedivý).
45
1
SCHOOLBOOK FROM ESZTERGOM
Esztergom, 1419–1423, paper, 143 leaves, 220×148 mm, bastarda and Gothic cursive script
Parchment binding, now darkened
Wien, Benediktinerabtei U. L. Fr. zu den Schotten, Cod. Lat. 305.
The Esztergom cathedral school was one of the most significant educational institutions in
Hungary, ensuring continuous education from the basics of reading and writing to college
level. Primary and secondary schooling could be capped by local studies of theology and law
or it could form the basis of university studies abroad. In the same way as at medieval artes
faculties, the curriculum was a medieval adaptation of the ‘seven liberal arts’. One school-
book has survived from Esztergom that contains this general curriculum. The codex con-
tains 14 works or their excerpts. Johannes de Garlandia’s metric collection of synonyms and
his didactic poem Verba deponentalia on dependent verbs formed part of the grammar cur-
riculum. Arithmetic was introduced through Johannes de Sacro Bosco’s Algorismus. Calen-
dar calculation and astronomy are represented in the curriculum by Johannes de Erfordia’s
Computus, Alexander de Villa Dei’s Massa computi and Sacrobosco’s Sphaera mundi. Be-
tween the lines of the collection of synonyms there are Latin as well as Hungarian glosses,
which indicates that the teacher would occasionally use the vernacular to teach the Latin
language. In the colophons at the end of each work, the students copying the text indicated
their own names (Gregorius Slavus de Zdencz, Blasius Slavus de Rasczinya and Siculus de
Siculia), as well as the date (all dates between 1419 and 1423), the place of copying (the
‘lectorium’ of the Esztergom school) and the name of Master Tamás Zákáni. The subsequent
owner of the codex, Jacobus de Bela took it to Vienna around 1436, where he was pursuing
his university studies, and subsequently donated the codex to the Schottenstift together with
a number of other codices in his possession.
Literature: Hübl, Albertus: Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum qui in bibliotheca monasterii B. M. V. ad Scotos
Vindobonae servantur. Vindobonae et Lipsiae 1899, No. 225; Madas Edit: Esztergomi iskoláskönyv a 15. század elsô
negyedébôl. [Esztergom schoolbook from the first quarter of the 15th century.] Mûvelôdéstörténeti tanulmányok a
magyar középkorról. [Cultural historical studies on the Hungarian Middle Ages.] Ed. Fügedi Erik. Bp. 1986. 159–175,
334–339; Codices 1985. No. 97.
Edit Madas
46
19. Wien, Benediktienerabtei U. L. Fr. Zu den Schotten, Cod. Lat. 305, f. 114r (Cat. No. 1)
47
2
SCHOOLBOOK AND PASTOR’S MANUAL FROM THE
Esztergom SCHOOL
Esztergom, between 1463 and 1476, paper, 224+I’ leaves, 218×148 mm, bastarda and cursive script
19th century paper binding
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 410.
The varied texts of the codex made up of four separate parts were assembled by a teacher (sub-
lector) at the Esztergom chapter school, thus preserving valuable sources on the teaching ac-
tivities he was supervising. It was in 1463 that a parish priest called Nicolaus copied the Mary
hymn (Salve preclara celorum regina) (ff. 6r–9v) that could be applied as a perpetual calendar
and that later the schoolmaster used for instruction on calculating the Sundays around Easter.
The schoolmaster might have used the sections of Nicolaus de Blonia’s treatises on the Sacra-
ments, Offices, Excommunication, and on the Mass (ff. 26–126), copied in 1476, to give his
Upper Hungarian students pastoral knowledge necessary to weaken the Hussite tenets that had
gained ground in the conflict between King Matthias and George Podjebrad King of Bohemia
(1458–1469) as well as during the fights for the Czech crown. The Ten Commandments in
verse (ff. 127r–138r), originating from Krakow around 1450, was copied and studied at the
Esztergom chapter school in 1463 and its commentary featuring here must have been written
in Esztergom. This text assisted students in their preparation for the obligatory holy confession
of the lay people and in compiling sermons for Lent. Every 17th of December, when they
recited the antiphon O sapientia at the Vespers, the teacher of the chapter school was to give
a sermon at the Esztergom Cathedral. This was helped by the draft sermons in the codex (ff.
160v–162r), which are not organically fitted to the sermon-cycle for the major feasts at the end
of the year (ff. 150–224). Hungarian glosses between the lines of the Ten Commandments and
at the sermon-cycle also suggest that the texts served the purposes of the school. On the last
leaf (f. 224) in the early 16th century Saint Adalbert’s sequentia with the incipit Corona sanc-
titatis was copied and supplied with Hungarian cursive musical notation. During the Turkish
occupation this codex went from Esztergom to the Vienna Hofbibliothek, from where it was
returned to Hungary in 1932 under the terms of the Venice agreement.
Literature: Jakubovich Emil: Két magyar glosszás bécsi kódex. [Two Vienna codices with Hungarian glosses.] Magyar
Nyelv, 1927. 35–36; Bartoniek 1940. No. 410; Meyer, Otto: Ein Marien-Gebet als Hilfsmittel der Zeitrechnung. Die
Ebracher Überlieferung des Salve preclara regina celorum (1410). Festschrift Ebrach 1127–1977. Ed. Gerd Zimmermann.
Volkach, 1977, 123–134; Körmendy Kinga: 15. századi eszmetörténeti kérdések az esztergomi Fôszékesegyházi Könyvtár
Ms. II. 7. jelzetû kódexében. [History of ideas in codex Ms.II.7. in the Esztergom Cathedral Library.] Tanulmányok
a középkori magyarországi könyvkultúráról. Ed. Szelestei N. László. Budapest, 1989. 183–201; A magyar iskola elsô
évszázadai. [The first centuries of Hungarian schools.] Gyôr, 1996. No. 87; Németh András: Közép-európai verses
Tízparancsolat egy 15. századi esztergomi iskoláskönyvben. [Central European Ten Commandments in verse in a 15th
century schoolbook.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 2007. 1–21.
András Németh
48
49
3
COMMENTARIUS IN LIBROS V DECRETALIUM
Padua 1451, paper, 470 leaves, 340×235 mm, bastarda script
Modern binding, Vienna, 18th century
Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 5051
The five books of Pope Gregory IX’s Decretal is one of the major collections of canon law,
the basis of legal studies. The copying of his commentary was completed by magister artium
Symon Darwas de Hanwa (f. 470v) in 1451, who was entered into the register of Vienna
University as Simon Dorffas de Hanna in 1442. He conducted his studies at Padua Univer-
sity in 1448–1450, where together with other subsequent canons from Esztergom he was
Jacobus de Zocchis’s student. His handwriting features in another Padua decretal commen-
tary too (ÖNB Cod. 4169). The codex, incomplete at its beginning and containing Jacobus
de Zocchis’s commentaries on Book II of Decretals and on some sections of Pope Clement
V’s decretal collection (Clementinae), was copied in 1448–1449 by different hands. On ff.
85r-86v Symon Darwas copied a gloss, and his marginal notes crop up on several pages of
the codex. On 19th October 1450 Symon Darwas de Hanwa, together with archdeacon of
Bars László Kozárdi, was present as a witness at Nicolaus Barius’s doctoral examination. The
current archdeacon of Bars was at the head of the Esztergom Collegium Christi, the institu-
tion financing poor students’ university studies abroad. In the codex (f.470v), there is an
almost contemporary note of ownership of Collegium Christi. Symon Darwas’s manuscript
must have been acquired by Kozárdi during his studies at Padua either for himself or for the
Collegium Christi library because, on the verso of the unnumbered third leaf coming after
f. 470, there is a fragment of an obligation: obligor magistro Symoni… manu propria fate-
or… The further part of the page is torn off, and perhaps not by accident. Collegium Chris-
ti had its own library in Esztergom. Most of its books went to Buda after the Esztergom
castle had been occupied by the Turks, and from there to the Vienna Hofbiblithek in
1686.
Literature: Unterkircher, Franz: Die datierten Handschriften der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek von 1451 bis
1500. Katalog der datierten Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift in Österreich Bd. III/1. 154, III/2. Abb. 15. Wien,
1974; Körmendy Kinga: Padova kánonjogi doktorai és kódexeik az esztergomi káptalanban a XIV–XV. században.
[Padua’s doctors in canon law and their codices in the Esztergom diocese in the 14–15th centuries.] A magyar mûvelôdés
és a kereszténység. A IV. Nemzetközi Hungarológiai Kongresszus elôadásai. [Hungarian culture and Christianity.
Papers at the 4th International Congress of Hungarian Studies.] Róma–Nápoly, 1996. szeptember 9–14. Ed. Jankovics
József, Monok István, Nyerges Judit. Budapest–Szeged, 1998. 527–537; Körmendy Kinga: Studentes extra regnum.
Egyetemjárás és könyvhasználat az esztergomi káptalanban. [Studentes extra regnum. Attending universities and using
books at the Esztergom diocese. 1183–1543.] Budapest, 2007. 62–80. (Bibliotheca Instituti Postgradualis Iuris Canonici
Universitatis Catholicae de Petro Pázmány nominatae III/9.)
Kinga Körmendy
50
4
THE CODEX OF János Aranyasi Gellértfi
Spiš region, 1462–1473, paper, 402 leaves, 164×110 mm, Gothich cursive script, several hands
16th century blind stamped leather binding
Budapesti Egyetemi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 73.
The codex is one of the most complex and most interesting composite volumes in the Uni-
versity Library, Budapest. Its earliest owner and copyist of the main sections, János Aranyasi
Gellértfi, was a schoolmaster at Csütörtökhely (Spišský Štvrtok) in the Spis region, then a
priest at Lôcse (Levoča). He intended to create a practical volume for pastoral duties. The
main feature of his book is that when copying its sections, he did not strive for completion,
but prepared abstracts and applied everything to meet his own needs. Thus the volume
hardly contains any complete and intact text. Its content, nevertheless, gives an accurate idea
of the interests of an educated 15th century pastor in Upper Hungary. One of the most sig-
nificant items in the manuscript is the Esztergom Cathedral’s Ordinal, or rather its abstract,
which is known only from this codex, followed by 14th-15th century decrees of Spis coun-
cils. In addition, the abstracts and annotated versions of a number of works on theology,
church law and asceticism also figure in the codex. There is also a didactic poem of Biblical
content, probably copied when János Gellértfi still acted as schoolmaster, as well as an oth-
erwise very rare tract of Spanish origin on the theory of preaching (Ars praedicandi) and
even a medical study of the plague, which was again considerably reedited, developed and
extended by the scribe. The language of the codex reflects the same degree of variety as the
content, giving a faithful picture of the multi-lingual Spis region at the end of the Middle
Ages: besides the mostly Latin works, there are quite a few German texts too (ff. 277–292),
and even a Hungarian entry (f. 267v). Gellértfi’s book was later transferred to other priests
in the Spis region, thus first to János in Gölnitz, then to Kristóf in Leubitz and at the begin-
ning of the 16th century to the pastor Tamás in Szepesszombat (Spišská Sobota), who all
made additions to texts of the codex. In 1628 it passed into the ownership of Jesuits in
Nagyszombat (Trnava), and when the Order was dissolved, it ended up in György Pray’s
private collection. As the first director of the University Library, together with his books,
Pray bequeathed it to the library.
Literature: Csontosi János: Aranyasi Gellértfi János codexe 1462–1473-ból. [János Aranyasi Gellértfi’s codex from 1462-
1473.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1879. 69–83; Mezey 1961. No. 73; V. Kovács Sándor: Avicenna középkori magyarországi
hatásához. [On Avicenna’s impact on medieval Hungary.] Filológiai Közlöny, 1961. 341–342; Mályusz Elemér: Egyházi
társadalom a középkori Magyarországon. [Ecclesiestical society in medieval Hungary.] Budapest, 1971. 322–323; Codices
1985. No. 161; Földváry Miklós: A középkori Magyarország ordináriuskönyvei. [Ordinals in medieval Hungary.] Az
Egyetemi Könyvtár Évkönyvei, 2006. 48–59.
Péter Tóth
51
52
53
5
Sermones Dominicales
Pécs diocese, second half of 15th century, paper, 235 leaves, 289×204 mm, Gothic cursive script
Original blind stamped leather binding, restaured in the 19th century
The volume known as Sermones dominicales is a collection of 123 sermons for Sundays
ranging from Advent up to the 24th Sunday after Pentecost. The sermons constitute a uni-
form collection, which is headed by a separate prologue. Although a considerable number
of the sermons originate from such well-known works as Jacobus de Voragine’s sermon-col-
lection, as a whole the volume may be regarded as an independent manual. Even in the
borrowed pieces there are a number of Hungary-related details, supplements or examples,
with hundreds of glosses and etymologies in Hungarian between the lines. The compilator
referring to “our Pécs diocese” must have been from Pécs, which is supported by the per-
icope system observed in the volume. The author remarks that he received first-hand infor-
mation about the Franciscans’ most recent saint, Bernardino of Siena from John of Capes-
trano. On this basis, the approximate time of the volume can be related to John of Capestrano’s
visit in Pécs in May 1456. Relying on these data, Szilády thought that the author was a Pécs
canon, Dénes Mohácsi, who had studied at Vienna University. On the other hand, Andor
Tarnai tended to think that the compilator was a Pauline monk. Whichever assumption
proves to be right, it is certain that the author of Sermones dominicales created a popular
collection which – as an exception in Hungary – survives in two copies. In addition to the
one at the University Library, the second part survives in another codex as well (the sermons
for Lent and Pentecost), which is now kept in the Central Franciscan Library. While origi-
nally the Franciscans’ copy was certainly in the possession of the Paulines of Remetinc, the
origins of the University Library’s volume are uncertain, although there is a strong possibil-
ity that it came from the library of one of the (perhaps also Pauline) monasteries dissolved in
the 18th century.
Edition: Szilády Áron: Sermones dominicales. Két XV. századból származó magyar glosszás latin codex. [Sermones
dominicales. Two 15th century Latin codices with Hungarian glosses.] I–II. Budapest, 1910.
Literature: Mészöly Gedeon: Jegyzetek a „Sermones dominicales” szótárához. [Notes to the “Sermones dominicales”
dictionary.] Magyar Nyelv, 1910. 401–406; Zolnai Gyula: A Budapesti és Németújvári Glosszák. [The Budapest and
Németújvár Glosses.] Magyar Nyelvôr, 1910. 460–474; Mezey 1961. 162–163; Codices 1985. No. 165; Tarnai Andor:
A budapest–németújvári Sermones dominicales. [The Budapest-Németújvár Sermones dominicales.] Irodalomtörténeti
Közlemények, 1983. 23–30.
Péter Tóth
54
23. Budapest, ELTE Egyetemi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 98, f. 73v (Cat. No. 5)
55
24. B
udapest, ELTE Egyetemi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 98, f. 170v (Cat. No. 5)
56
25. Budapest, ELTE Egyetemi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 98, f. 180v (Cat. No. 5)
57
6
PS. Petrus De Palude: SERMONES de tempore
Letter by SCRIBE János Privigyei FROM BESZTERCE
Before 1477, paper, 487 leaves, 314×212 mm, Gothic cursive script
Original wooden boards, blind stamped leather binding with metal mounting
The volume contains sermons for the Sundays of the ecclesiastical year. The Novus thesau-
rus sermonum dominicalium (f. 1r), probably compiled in Poland in the 15th century, was
edited in several incunables. In the 16th century it was mistakenly attributed to the Do-
minican Petrus de Palude. The present manuscript also originates either from Poland or from
Northern Hungary. On the flyleaf glued to the back board, there is a letter from Beszterce-
bánya (Banska Bystrica) in 1477. This letter leads to the conclusion that the codex was at
Beszterce in 1477 and that it had been completed earlier than that year. The writer of the
letter, János Privigyei (Johannes Prividia), whom we do not know from any other source,
was a scribe from Besztercebánya: in his letter he is requesting a certain Father Prisco to
provide paper for him so that he can copy Aegidius Romanus’s works. In 1815 the Beszter-
cebánya Senate donated the codex to the Hungarian National Museum.
Literature: Csontosi János: Adalék a magyarországi XIV–XV. századi könyvmásolók és betûfestôk történetéhez.
[Additions to the history of Hungarian 14th –15th century scribes and illuminators.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1879.
145-146; Bartoniek 1940. No. 268; Codices 1985. No. 170; Schneyer, Johann Baptist: Repertorium der lateinischen
Sermones des Mittelalters für die Zeit von 1150–1350. Bd. V. Münster, 1973. 525–537.
Balázs Kertész
26. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 268, f. 8r (Cat. No. 6) – Flyleaf glued to the back board
58
27. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 268, ff. 264v-265r (Cat. No. 6)
59
7
JOHANNES HEROLT: SERMONS
BESTIARY
Hungary, 15th century, paper, 293 leaves, 217×146 mm, Gothic cursive script
15th blind stamped leather binding
The most substantial part of the codex (ff. 1r–258r) is made up of the sermons of Johannes
Herolt, one of the most popular Dominican preachers in the 15th century. The Bestiary (ff.
286r–293v) is present probably as supplementary material for preachers. The medieval bes-
tiaries going back to the Greek Physiologus associate symbolic religious and moral interpre-
tations to real and imaginary beasts, as preachers would often apply symbols from the world
of animals to add rhetorical effect to their words. The codex was probably used in Southern
Hungary in one of the Franciscan monasteries. This is suggested by scattered Hungarian and
Croatian glosses in the volume. In addition, on the flyleaf glued onto the back board of the
binding there is a note from 1532 that informs of the Turks’ military movements in South-
Western Hungary. In 1661 the codex belonged to the Németújvár (Güssing) Franciscan
monastery, from where it went to the library of Zirc Abbey.
Literature: Fejérpataky László: A német-újvári szent-ferenczrendi zárda könyvtára.[The library of the Németújvár Saint
Franciscan convent.] Magyar Könyszemle, 1883. 105; Codices 1985. No. 175; Vizkelety 2007. 145–147.
Balázs Kertész
60
61
8
THE PONTIFICAL OF MESKO, BISHOP OF VESZPRÉM, IN ESZTER-
GOM USE
Hungary, first half of 14th century – second half of 15th century, parchment, 141 leaves, 325×228 mm, Gothic script
Blind stamped brown leather binding, Esztergom?, Around 1470
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár Cod. Lat. 317.
The codex containing the bishop’s rituals and blessings is significant evidence for the history
of music in Hungary. It was most probably made for Mesko, bishop of Veszprém, in the first
half of the 14th century. Important facts for the future use of this codex have not received
sufficient scholarly attention. The codex is supplemented with a nine-folio Roman curial-
rite appendix in quadrate notation as well as with several entries by a fifteenth century hand
throughout the whole codex. The manuscript was rebound around 1470. This date is deci-
sive in defining the circle of 15th century users of the codex. On the flyleaf glued to the back
board of the binding, there are excerpts from three charters by Mihály Túroni, who was
canon of Esztergom and became bishop of Milkó (1459–1501) and vicar of Esztergom from
1463. The formulae were copied by the member of the Esztergom chapter who also entered
the dates of archbishops’ and canons’ deaths into the calendar of the Esztergom Capitulare
(OSZK Cod. Lat. 408) as well as Mihály Túroni’s donation (f. 3r) to the Saint Margaret altar
(1460). Thus, there is further evidence to support Emma Bartoniek’s statement concerning
the use of the Pontifical in Esztergom. The fact that it was used in Esztergom in the 15th
century may also lead to the conclusion that it was bound in Esztergom. The codex went to
Buda after the Turkish occupation of Esztergom (1453). When Buda was liberated, in 1686
it was taken along by the Franciscan friar Ferenc Szürtey. Thus it ended up with the Kassa
Dominicans and later the Nádasdy family. The National Museum bought it from Adolf
Ehrenfeld in 1879.
Literature: Bartoniek Emma: Az Orsz. Széchényi Könyvtár 317. sz. középkori kódexérôl. [On Cod. Lat. 317 of the
National Széchényi Library.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1923. 200–204; Bartoniek 1940. No. 317; Codices 1985. No. 70;
Rozsondai Marianne: Pontificale. Pannonia regia IX–35; Körmendy Kinga: Kódexek, könyvek Esztergomban 1543
elôtt. [Codices and books in Esztergom before 1543.] Lux Pannoniae. Ed. Horváth István. Esztergom, 2001. 112–113.
Kinga Körmendy
62
63
9
THE MISSAL OF GYÖRGY PÁLÓCZI, ARCHBISHOP OF ESZTERGOM
Hungary, first half of 15th century, parchment, 204 + I’ leaves, 331×240 mm, Gothic script
Hungarian Renaissance leather binding, Esztergom? Around 1490
This Hungarian missal of the Esztergom rite is made up of two parts which were united or
rebound around 1490. Originally, the lengthier first part of the present missal (ff. 1r–177v)
was in the possession of György Pálóczi (1424–l439), archbishop of Esztergom. Its owner-
ship mark – G. de palocz aep. Strig. – appears on f. 1. This part was made for the bishop’s
use before 1439 (f. 5v–6r) in Gothic script. Its musical notation preserves the first standard-
ized form of Hungarian notation. Its figurative initials and decorations in the margins are
high-quality productions of Hungarian book painting in the age of King Sigismund (1387–
1437). The manuscript is a significant source of liturgical book culture in Esztergom. The
second part (ff. 178r–204v) is a conscious and continuous supplement of the fragmented
Commune Sanctorum of the missal. The complete undecorated text is a copy by a some-
what later hand. It seems likely that the codex was bound or unified to the command of the
Esztergom canon Mihály Túroni, who was bishop of Milkó (1459–1501) and vicar of Esz-
tergom from 1463. He donated the codex as a single volume to the Fabianus and Sebastian
altar of the cathedral. The act of donation was entered (f. 7r) after Túroni’s death (30th July
1501). The decorated missal could not have been made to György Pálóczi’s individual order
either in its original or in its supplemented form. It was a missal produced in a Hungarian
scriptorium, probably in Esztergom, and was possessed and used by the bishop. It is not of
the same quality as the breviary supplied with his coat of arms and kept in Salzburg today
(Universitätsbibliothek, M. II. 11), which he donated to the Esztergom church. The missal
was in continuous use in the 15th century. Later the printed Esztergom missal replaced it in
official liturgical practice. This is why it was left unguarded in the castle occupied by the
Turks in 1543. When the castle was recaptured in 1595, the bishop of Vác, grand provost
and vicar of Esztergom, István Szuhai found and obtained the codex (f. 1r). For the next
three hundred years nothing is known of its whereabouts. The National Museum bought it
in 1898.
Literature: Bartoniek 1940. No. 359; Szendrei Janka: Középkori hangjegyírások Magyarországon. [Musical notation
in medieval Hungary.] Budapest, l983. 76–77. (Mûhelytanulmányok a magyar zene történetéhez 4.) (Papers about
Hungarian music history 4.); Zsigmond 1987. M 15. 375; Körmendy Kinga: Kódexek, könyvek Esztergomban 1543
elôtt. [Codices and books in Esztergom before 1543.] Lux Pannoniae. Ed. Horváth István. Esztergom, 2001.
111–112; Boreczky Anna: Pálóci György esztergomi érsek missaléja. [Esztergom archbishop György Pálóci’s missal.]
In: Sigismundus 2006. No. 4, 141, 417–418.
Kinga Körmendy
64
65
31. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 359, f. 22v, detail (Cat. No. 9)
66
67
10
FRAGMENTS OF THE VÁRAD (ZALKA) ANTIPHONAL
Prague (for Várad use), between 1477–1490, parchment, 790×595 mm, Gothic script, Czech musical notation
Gyôr, Egyházmegyei Könyvtár, Fr. 65/5, 6; Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Fr. A 58
Fragments originating from the Várad Antiphonal served as material for binding books and
archival files. The originally enormous and richly executed codex series included the full
Gregorian repertoire of the Várad cathedral. New fragments have been found not only of
the antiphonal but also of the now lost gradual which was part of the series as well as of the
collection of sequentiae. The Várad origins of the codex series have proved to be unques-
tionable. This is strengthened by the emphatic cult of King Saint Ladislaus and the fact that
in the antiphonal the arrangement of the Offices follows the Várad rite. It is attested by
Ransanus in his Epitomae rerum Hungarcarum that the Várad bishop, the Moravian János
Filipecz (1476–1490) had an impressive liturgical book series made for the Várad cathedral
choir. It cannot be excluded that the exhibited fragments originate from this series. The style
of illuminations suggests that the codex was made in a Czech workshop, probably in that of
the Prague Master Matheus. All this is confirmed by the Czech influence in the Office and
the Czech notation. For the miniatures representing a scene as well as for ornamental deco-
rations surrounding the initials, German and Dutch models of engravings were followed.
There are analogies in two Bohemian codices in the Vienna Österreichische Nationalbibli-
othek (Cod. 15.501 and Ser. Nov. 2657). In the 17th century, the full codex series was at-
tested to be present in Gyôr. Its leaves (antiphonal, gradual, sequentionale) were then used
for binding books in a Gyôr workshop. Fragments found in books in various libraries and
archives (Kolozsmonostor, Kassa, Esztergom) suggest that the leaves of the codex were also
used by other bookbinders. In 1872 János Zalka, bishop of Gyôr, had the surviving leaves of
the truncated antiphonal, originally in several volumes, bound into one bronze-mounted
leather-bound volume. The fragments of the antiphonal on display carry richly-decorated
initials characteristic for the whole codex and one fragment carries part of the musically
noted office of Saint Demeter, Hungary’s forgotten patron saint, which has not survived in
any other place.
Literature: Radó 1973, No. 181; Rómer Flóris: A gyôri káptalan Antiphonaléja. [The antiphonal of the Gyôr chapter.]
Archeológiai Közlemények, 1877. 12–27; Vayer 1953. 131. Anm. 72; Szendrei Janka: A magyar középkor hangjegyes
forrásai. [Sources for the musical notation in medieval Hungary.] Budapest, 1981. 40–41; Codices 1985. No. 185;
Körmendy 1988; Szendrei 1988; Fragmenta et codices V. No. 65, 83–90, 105–107, 110; Szent Demeter, Magyarország
elfeledett védôszentje. [Saint Demeter, Hungary’s forgotten patron.] Ed. Tóth Péter. Budapest, 2007. 144.
Judit Lauf
68
33. Gyôr, Egyházmegyei Könyvtár, Fr. 65/5r, detail (Cat. No. 10)
69
34. Gyôr, Egyházmegyei Könyvtár, Fr. 65/6r, detail (Cat. No. 10)
70
35. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Fr. A. 58 (Cat. No. 10)
71
11
BREVIARY OF Domonkos Kálmáncsehi
Buda, 1480s, parchment, I+522+II’, 302×225 mm, Rotunda-type Gothic script
Worn dark red velvet binding with wooden boards, with punched gilded edge, late 15th century
Domonkos Kálmáncsehi was a loyal assistant of János Vitéz of Zredna and King Matthias, a
diplomat to King Vladislav II Jagello, provost of Fehérvár from 1474, bishop of Várad from
1495 and he was appointed archbishop of Kalocsa in 1503, although he died before the papal
confirmation of his new position. Only his liturgical codices survive which are representa-
tive manuscripts prepared for private use and commissioned individually. The Breviary kept
in New York today is of the Esztergom rite, whereas the copy in the National Széchényi
Library follows partly the Esztergom, partly the Zagreb rites. Its miniaturist was identified
with Franciscus de Castello Ithallico, book painter from Buda, whose activity has been stud-
ied mainly in connection with the Corvinas. Franciscus de Castello named himself at three
points (f. 2r, f, 215r, f. 428r) in the codex rich in full decorative pages, illuminated frames
and figurative initials. The illumination is dated on the basis of two charters issued by the
Buda royal chancellery in 1481. Their painter has been identified as Franciscus de Castello.
The Breviary repeatedly features the two forms of Kálmáncsehi’s coat of arms: it appears
with a wreath at the bottom of the marginal frame (f. 100r) illustrating the Epiphany, while
the frame of the Feast of the Immaculate Conception (f. 277r) contains the arms without the
wreath. The miniatures also allude to the person who commissioned the piece. The initial
of the Feast of the Purification (f. 308r) represents Domonkos Kálmáncsehi as kneeling and
being blessed by the infant Jesus sitting in Mary’s lap, identified by the inscription on the
frame is Dominici prepositi Albensi[s]. The identity of the owner is also confirmed by two
representations of Saint Dominic (f 406r, f. 410r). Domonkos Kálmáncsehi’s library was
scattered. In 1867 the codex was in the Lambach Benedictine abbey in Austria, but was re-
moved from there at a later date. It was bought by the National Széchényi Library in 1939.
Literature: Bartoniek 1940. No. 446; Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 111–119 (Hoffman), 259–260 (Wehli); Wehli 1994.
411–412; Mikó Árpád: Breviarium. OSZK Cod. Lat. 446. Pannonia regia IX/5, 413–419; Wehli 2000; Körmendy
Kinga: Kódexek, könyvek Esztergomban 1543 elôtt. [Codices and books in Esztergom before 1543.] Lux Panonniae. Ed.
Horváth István. Esztergom, 2001. 113–114.
Kinga Körmendy
72
73
37. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 446, f. 88v (Cat. No. 11)
74
75
12
THE ACEPHALUS CODEX
Hungary, second half of 14th century, parchment, 127 leaves, 219×166 mm, Gothic script
Modern binding, Vienna, 18th century
The codex bears the name Acephalus (headless) because both the beginning and the end of
the manuscript are missing. The whole codex, containing nine different works compiled for
private use and reflecting the Christian clerical culture of the court, was copied by one hand
with the exception of ff. 106v–111v. The first work in the codex (ff. 1v–34v) belongs to the
family of the Buda Chronicle and is a fragmented variant of the fourteenth-century chroni-
cle composition, narrating the history of Hungarian People from the biblical origins up the
death of Charles I of Anjou and the coronation of Louis the Great in 1342. After the blank
ff. 35r–47v, the hand copying the Chronicle added a narrative on Alexander the Great’s
deeds, a coronation Ordo of the Holy Roman Emperor, and finally the Italian Franciscan
Odoricus de Pordenone’s travelogue on East Asia. These are followed by mathematical
notes, Pseudo Daniel’s Somniarium and astrological notes. The final work of the present
codex is a collection of synonyms. Conclusions about who used the codex may be drawn
from the notes by other hands. On f. 107r, between the Asian travel story and the mathe-
matical notes, the Italian Augustinian Father Gentile’s prophesies, made in 1300 in Paris, are
copied in cursive script by the second hand. The third hand entered a medical text on f.
106r. Of medieval Hungarian chronicles, it is only the Acephalus Codex that comprises a
description of the local activities of Esztergom archbishop Csanád Telegdi (1330–1349).
Relying on the references to Esztergom, one may assume that not only the chronicle com-
pilation but also the codex itself was produced in the Buda court of Tamás Vásári, arch-
bishop Csanád Telegdi’s niece and member of the royal chapel, who became later Esztergom
archbishop (1350–1358) or in the Esztergom court of his follower, archbishop Miklós Keszei
(V.) (1358–1366). Later the codex went to the Vienna Hofbibliothek. It is known from a
note by Ádám Kollár, the learned director of the Hofbibliothek that the codex had the own-
ership mark of the Esztergom church. In the 18th century when the codex was rebound in
the Hofbibliothek the leaf bearing the Esztergom possessor note was thrown away. To-
gether with a number of other codices of Hungarian provenance, it was returned to the
National Széchényi Library in the framework of the Venice cultural agreement in 1932.
Literature: Bartoniek 1940. No. 405; Bibliotheca Hungarica I. No. 917; Körmendy Kinga: Az Acephalus-kódex
esztergomi vonatkozásai [Esztergom aspects of the Acephalus Codex (OSzK Cod. Lat. 405).] Magyar Könyvszemle,
1999. 66–69.
Kinga Körmendy
76
77
13
JOHANNES DE UTINO’S WORLD CHRONICLE WITH HUNGARIAN
CHRONICLE APPENDIX
Bavarian–Austrian dialect, shortly after 1458, parchment, 50 leaves, about 405×295 mm, bastarda script
Modern leather binding
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Germ. 53.
The world history compendium that discusses the story of the salvation from the Creation
to the dispersal of the apostles and introduces popes and emperors in parallel may be related
to the Franciscan friar Johannes de Utino († 1363) of the Aquileia bishopric. As far as we
know, the original Latin manuscript was made on a scroll in the 1340s and its main source
was Petrus Comestor’s (around 1100–1178) Historia scholastica which had been popular
throughout the Middle Ages. The world chronicle was supplemented twice in the 15th
century based on the chronicle of Martinus Polonus († 1278) and other sources. As it is
known today, there are three Latin manuscripts (OSZK Cod. Lat. 544; Roma, Bibliotheca
Apostolica Vaticana, Ottob. 479; Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. Guelf.
1,6,5, Aug. 2o) that contain Hungarian chronicle appendices. Tamás Drági, ‘lieutenant of
the royal personal presence’ of King Matthias, has been suggested as author. Besides the Bu-
dapest manuscript exhibited here, Johannes de Utino’s world chronicle is extant in another
four, equally fifteenth-century German manuscripts. In the Budapest manuscript, the pro-
logue is followed by the History of Salvation beginning with Adam and ending with John
the Evangelist; the chronicle of emperors is interrupted at Frederick III (1442), while the
chronicle of popes with Pope Pius II (1458); the Hungarian chronicle appendix follows
events from Prince Géza (970s) to the election of King Matthias (1458); finally the chronicle
ends with other supplements related to the year 1457. Earlier the codex was in the possession
of the Heiligenkreuz Cistercian convent, and in 1935, through an exchange, from the anti-
quarian József Faragó it passed into the National Széchényi Library.
Literature: Mályusz Elemér: A Thuróczy-krónika és forrásai. [The Thuróczy Chronicle and his sources.] Budapest,
1967. 76–77; Ott, Norbert: Johannes de Utino. Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon. Hg. v. Kurt
Ruh. Bd. 4. Berlin–New York, 1983. 785–788; Vizkelety András: Zur Überlieferung der Weltchronik des Johannes
de Utino. De captu lectoris. Wirkungen des Buches im 15. und 16. Jh., dargestellt an ausgewählten Handschriften und
Drucken. Hg. v. Wolfgang Milde–Werner Schuder. Berlin–New York, 1988. 289–309; Norbert H. Ott: Typen der
Weltchronik-Ikonographie. Jahrbuch der Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft, 1980/1981. 19–55; Veszprémy László:
Martin von Troppau in der ungarischen Historiographie des Mittelalters. Die Anfänge des Schrifttums in Oberschlesien
bis zum Frühhumanismus. Hg. v. Gerhard Kosellek. Frankfurt a. M., Wien, 1997. 225–236.
Tünde Radek
78
40. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Germ. 53, f. 48r (Cat. No. 13)
79
14
DUBNIC CHRONICLE
Várad?, not earlier than 1479, paper, 104 leaves, 281×203 mm, bastarda script
Contemporary leather binding
The Dubnic Chronicle deals with Hungarian history up to 1479 and is based on several nar-
ratives. After copying five chapters of the more extensive Illuminated Chronicle (Országos
Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 404), the compilator of the Dubnic Chronicle went on to
work on the shorter Buda Chronicle, printed in 1473, at some points supplementing its text
with parts of the Illuminated Chronicle. What makes the Dubnic Chronicle valuable is that
the codex comprises unique sources for the events of 1345–1355 on King Louis the Great
(1342–1382), which are not known from any other source. The author is a Franciscan friar
whom some scholars identify with János Kétyi, lector of the Eger Franciscan monastery who
became later the chaplain, confessor and preacher of Louis the Great’s mother, Queen Elis-
abeth, as well as the king’s confessor. Certain elements of Ladislaus’ legend are also known
only from this source. The ending of the chronicle is also unique: after the last chapter that
extols Matthias, there is a section in the spirit of opposition. This is the first time in Hungar-
ian historiography that a monarch at the height of his power is being criticized, which proves
that the chronicle was produced outside the royal court. Recording events around Várad
indicates that it may have originated in the bishop’s seat. The closing section, which may be
regarded as an independent piece, praising Bertalan Drágffy in connection with the 1479
Kenyérmezô Battle, suggests that the Drágffy family probably had an influence on the author
of the section. From notes on the Drágffys which date back to the mid-16th century, it may
be concluded that the codex was in the family’s possession at the time. It went to the Hun-
garian National Museum from the library of the Illésházy family at Dubnic. The volume was
designed to be richly illuminated, but the rubrics and the spaces for miniatures remained
blank.
Edition: Chronicon Dubnicense cum codicibus Sambuci, Acephalo et Vaticano Chronicisque Vindobonensi Picto et
Budensi accurate collatum. Recensuit et praefatus est M. Florianus. (Historiae Hungaricae fontes domestici, pars prima:
Scriptores, III.) Quinqeecclesiis 1884. 1–204.
Literature: Domanovszky Sándor: A Dubniczi Krónika. [The Dubnicz Chronicle.] Századok 1899. 226–256,
342–355, 411–451; Domanovszky Sándor: A Dubniczi Krónika kódexe. [Codex of the Dubnicz Chronicle.]
Magyar Könyvszemle, 1899. 64–72; Bartoniek 1940. No. 165; Mályusz Elemér: A Thuróczy-krónika és forrásai.
[The Thuróczy Chronicle and its sources.] Bp. 1967. 65–76; Horváth, János: Die ungarischen Chronisten der
Angiovinenzeit. Acta Linguistica, 1971. 321–377; Codices 1985. No. 148.
Balázs Kertész
80
81
15
Gesta Romanorum
Várad, 1474, paper, 107 leaves, 278×213 mm, Máté Sztárai’s Gothic cursive script
19th century red morocco binding, made in Istanbul at the time the codex was returned in 1877
The Gesta Romanorum, or the Deeds of the Romans was one of the most popular books in
the Middle Ages. It contains several hundred interesting and instructive stories of various
lengths, some of which are related to Roman emperors. This is the reason of the slightly
misleading title that gives one the impression of its being a work of historiography. In all
probability it was compiled in Anglo-Saxon territory in the 13th century. The collection
was also well-known in medieval Hungary; the impact of some of its stories can be traced in
Hungarian literature from the late 15th century onwards, from Pelbárt Temesvári through
codices in old Hungarian [e.g in the Érsekújvári Codex (Budapest, Magyar Tudományos
Akademia Könyvtára, K 45) and the Debreceni Codex (Bibliotheca Hungarica I. No. 1148),
and in some places in the Példák Könyve (Bibliotheca Hungarica I. No. 468)] to the first
publication in Hungarian, by János Haller, of a selection from Gesta Romanorum in 1695.
The text of the Gesta in the exhibited codex contains five stories that do not exist in any
other extant manuscripts, and they seem to follow a special order, too. The manuscript in-
cludes another work as well, which often features together with the Gesta: the seven Greek
wise men’s Lives (Historia septem sapientium), which ends with the allegoric-moralizing
explanation of the wise men’s stories not known at all from other sources. According to the
note in red ink on f. 47, it was produced in Várad in 1474. The scribe’s handwriting is seen
in another codex, too, owned by the University Library (Cod. Lat. 72) where he identifies
himself as Máté Sztárai and says that he made his manuscript in Várad in 1475 on the com-
mission of the Episcopal Governor László Egervári. The fate of the codex in coming centu-
ries is unknown. In 1877 it passed from the Topkapi Serai in Istanbul into the University
Library as a gift from Abd-ul-Hamid II.
Literature: Katona Lajos: A Gesta Romanorum Sztárai-codexe. [The Sztárai codex of the Gesta Romanorum]
Egyetemes Philologiai Közlöny, 1898. 401–411, 878–879; Mezey 1961. 42–43; Sopko, Julius: Stredoveké Latinské
kódexy Slovenskej proveniencie v Mađarsku a v Rumunsku. Matica Slovenská 1982. No. 241a; Codices 1985. No. 149.
Péter Tóth
82
83
16
JÓKAI CODEX
Around 1440, paper, 81 leaves, 195×136 mm, bastarda script
Original leather binding with a wooden board
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, MNY 67.
The Jókai Codex is the earliest hand-written book in the Hungarian language. One of the
watermarks suggests that the codex was copied around 1440, while the translation itself – as
testified by its language and spelling – may have been prepared in the last quarter of the 14th
century. It introduces the biography of Saint Francis and his followers. The translator did not
render one particular biography into Hungarian; rather, he selected material from several works
on the founder of the Order and other friars. This linguistic monument marks the beginning
of a period in the history of the Hungarian language – the late old Hungarian period – in
which, as a result of regular translation work in monasteries and, parallel to the gradual break-
away from Latin, an independent written Hungarian literary language emerged. This is why
the clumsy text of the codex, riddled with innumerable misunderstandings and Latinisms, is
often impossible to understand without the original. It is most likely that both the original
translation and the copy were produced for Franciscan friars with a poor command of Latin.
Named after Adolf Ehrenfeld, the young secondary school student who discovered and ob-
tained the codex in Nyitra in 1851, the book was known as the Ehrenfeld Codex up to 1925.
After Ehrenfeld’s death, the family repeatedly offered to sell it to the National Széchényi Li-
brary, but the transaction was not completed because of the high price. In February 1925, the
heirs had the codex auctioned at Sotheby’s, at an upset price of 1000 English pounds. Then the
Hungarian Parliament decided to save the linguistic monument. The effort that required seri-
ous financial sacrifice from the country was successful: the same year the book was placed in
the National Széchényi Library. That is when it was given its present name in commemoration
of the hundredth anniversary of the birth of the Hungarian novelist Mór Jókai.
Edition: Ehrenfeld Codex. Ed. Volf György. Budapest, 1878. (Nyelvemléktár 7); Jókai-kódex. (Facsimile) Ed. Szabó
Dénes, Lotz János. Budapest, 1942. (Codices Hungarici 1); Jókai-kódex. XIV-XV. század. A nyelvemlék betûhû olvasata
és latin megfelelôje. [The Jókai Codex. The letter-perfect reading of the linguistic monument and its Latin equivalent.]
Ed. P. Balázs János. Budapest, 1981. (Codices Hungarici 8)
Literature: Katona Lajos: Az Ehrenfeld és Domonkos Codex forrásai. [Sources of the Ehrenfeld and Domonkos Codices]
Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1903. 59-78; Codices 1985. No. 116; Szörényi László: A Jókai-kódex kérdése a
Szent Ferenc-legendára vonatkozó újabb kutatások fényében. [The Jókai Codex in the light of recent research on the
Saint Francis legend.] Historia Litteraria. Tarnai Andor emlékkönyv. Ed. Kecskeméti Gábor. Budapest, 1996. 273–281;
Ritter, Ralf-Peter: Az Ehrenfeld-kódex latin megfelelôjéhez. A magyar mûvelôdés és a kereszténység. I-III. [To the
Latin equivalent of the Ehrenfeld Codex. Hungarian culture and Christianity. I-III.] Ed.. Jankovics József, Monok
István, Nyerges Judit. Budapest-Szeged, 1998. II. 507-516; Jakab László: A Jókai-kódex mint nyelvi emlék szótárszerû
feldolgozásban. [The Jókai Codex as a linguistic monument in a dictionary-type presentation.] Debrecen, 2002.
Balázs Kertész
84
85
17
BÉCSI CODEX
Around 1450, paper, 162 leaves, 214×140 mm, bastarda script
19th century gilded leather binding of the Vienna Hofbibliothek
The codex contains the following books of the Old Testament in the earliest translation into
Hungarian: Ruth, Judith, Esther, the second book of the Maccabees, Baruch, Daniel, and
the twelve Minor Prophets. It was copied by three hands, but the scribes and the place of
copying are unknown. The Bécsi Codex and two further linguistic monuments in Hungar-
ian, the Müncheni Codex (Bibliotheca Hungarica II. No. 2009) and the Apor Codex (Bib-
liotheca Hungarica II. No. 2621) are organically connected: the three manuscripts preserve
different sections of the same Bible translation. The Müncheni Codex, copied in 1466, con-
tains the four gospels, and the Apor Codex, which was copied in the late 15th century, the
psalms. On the basis of the calendar in the Müncheni Codex, which is for the years 1416–
1435, the original translation is dated to two decades after the year 1416. There are several
renderings and expressions in the text that suggest a monastic environment. Its immediate
source is not the Bible, but liturgical books: the Bécsi Codex followed a lectionary for cho-
ral practice; the Müncheni Codex followed an evangeliary, while the Apor Codex used a
choir Psalter. The translator has not been identified: equal evidence has been provided to
support a Franciscan, a Premonstratensian and a Benedictine origin. By contrast, the major
number of scholars thinks that the translation was made by Hungarian Hussites and calls it
the Hussite Bible. The Bécsi Codex and Müncheni Codex are the first linguistic monuments
in Hungarian where instead of letter combinations diacritical marks are used in order that the
principle of ‘one letter representing one sound’ should be realized. Supporters of the theory
of Hussite origin observe, in this spelling system, the influence of Jan Hus’s orthographic
reform. According to the Franciscan Chronicle, two Hussite priests Tamás Pécsi and Bálint
Újlaki fled into Moldva from the Szerémség (today Croatia, Srijem and Serbia, Srem) and
translated the Bible there. Up to the 18th century nothing is known of the Bécsi Codex.
However, in the early 18th century it was already kept in the Vienna Hofbibliothek. To-
gether with a number of other codices of Hungarian provenance, the codex was returned to
the National Széchényi Library in the framework of the Venice cultural agreement in
1932.
Edition: Bécsi Codex. [Vienna Codex.] Ed. Volf György. Budapest, 1874. (Nyelvemléktár 1); Bécsi Codex. [Vienna
Codex.] (Letter-perfect transcript and Latin equivalent.) Ed. Mészöly Gedeon. Budapest, 1916. (Új Nyelvemléktár 1)
Literature: Gálos Rezsô: Legrégibb bibliafordításunk. [Oldest Bible translation in Hungarian.] Budapest, 1926; Károly
Sándor: A Bécsi Kódex nyelvtana. [The grammar of the Vienna Codex.] Budapest, 1965; Codices 1985. No. 160.
Balázs Kertész
86
44. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, MNy 72, f. 107v (Cat. No. 17)
87
18
FESTETICS CODEX
Pauline monastery in Nagyvázsony, around 1493, parchment, 209 leaves, 145×102 mm, bastarda script
Leather binding with wooden boards and gilded edge
The Festetics Codex is a prayer book in Hungarian compiled for Benigna Magyar by Pauline
monks in Nagyvázsony. The monastery in Vázsony was established in 1483 by Benigna’s
husband Pál Kinizsi who assisted its maintenance through generous gifts. Donating the rep-
resentative parchment codex to the founder’s wife seems to have been the monks’ expres-
sion of gratitude, as implied by the Kinizsi coat of arms placed on f. 2r and the arms of the
Kinizsi and Magyar families on f. 2v. In the richly illuminated codex, there are a number of
initials and ornamental frames, as well as a miniature in the field next to the first seven lines
of the text on f. 2v, which represents the Virgin Mary dressed in sun over a silver crescent
(Fig. 16). The elaborate illumination is enhanced by the neat script, very careful and attrac-
tive. The codex is closely related to the popular prayer book of the late Middle Ages, in-
tended for the private devotions of lay individuals. In Benigna Magyar’s volume occur the
Little Office of Blessed Virgin Mary, as well as the beginning of the Gospel of John (1,1–14),
which was probably copied somewhat later onto the originally blank leaves of the codex.
The Festetics Codex contains the first Hungarian translation of Petrarch’s Seven Penitential
Psalms. The codex can be dated on the basis of Paal wram betegseegerewl zerzet Imaadsaag
[Prayer on Pál Kinizsi’s illness]. Kinizsi died on 20th November 1494, but had already been
very sick two years earlier, as indicated by the prayer for his recovery. Thus the manuscript
must have been made between 1492 and 1494. The pocket size is due to its function: as it
served the owner’s daily private devotion, it had to be easy to use. The book bears testi-
mony to the fact that Benigna was literate. All we know about the future of the volume is
that by the end of the 18th century it must have been in the Keszthely library of the Festet-
ics family, whose name it bears now, and from there it passed into the National Széchényi
Library in 1947.
Edition: Festetics Codex. Ed. Volf György. Budapest, 1885. (Nyelvemléktár 13); Festetics-kódex. [Festetich Codex.]
The facsimile and letter-faithful transcript of the language relic with introduction and notes. Ed. N. Abaffy Csilla.
Budapest, 1996. (Régi Magyar Kódexek 20) [Old Hungarian codices.]; Festetics-kódex. [Festetich Codex.] CD. Ed.
Kertész Balázs, Káldos János. Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Magyar Elektronikus Könyvtár, 2007.
Literature: Katona Lajos: A Festetics-codex bûnbánati zsoltárai. [The penitential psalms of the Festetich Codex.]
Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1905. 149-157; Gondán Felicián: A középkori magyar pálos rend és nyelvemlékei.
[The medieval Pauline order and its language relics.] Pécs, 1916; Codices 1985. No. 182.
Balázs Kertész
88
89
2. The library of János Vitéz.
The Middle Ages and the Renaissance –
a meeting point
Ferenc Földesi
A society of scholars and books
The library of János Vitéz
The heyday of Hungarian Renaissance and, within it, the history of book culture raises a
number of questions. Whether it be the history of Matthias Hunyadi’s library and its stocks
that we place under scrutiny, or the later life of the Bibliotheca Corviniana during succeed-
ing monarchs, or the highly complex symbiosis of Renaissance and Gothic book produc-
tion, the relationship of medieval and classical-humanist literary genres over the century, or
again the late 15th century cultural radiation of the Buda court, we are invariably faced with
undecided questions.
Whatever is true for the second half of the century, applies even more to the beginnings
of Hungarian humanism. Due to the centuries-old traditions of Hungarian historical and
political thinking, research has been primarily focused on Matthias Corvin’s cultural cre-
ations: researchers have been attracted to the age of “national greatness”. In addition, the
small number of relics surviving from the first 60 years of the century also explains the rela-
tively limited interest in the period. Hardly do the surviving relics provide sufficient evi-
dence for us to draw a complete picture or, if we want to be more modest, at least one book
collector’s portrait. This is the reason why since the late 19th century, Hungarian cultural
history has regarded János Vitéz’s library as a unique source, while the primate’s activity,
education and patronage of art have been treated as unparalleled phenomena. His personal-
ity, the chronology of his life (including his date of birth), his schooling and university stud-
ies as well as his scholarly contacts all leave us with uncertainties. However, it has never been
questioned that Vitéz’s lifework and the beginnings of Hungarian humanism are identical;
his extant works, and his Book of Letters in the first place, and his library (even in its frag-
mented form) constitute a source that enables us to draw the priest’s portrait.
Not only did Joannes de Zredna of Slavonian origins (as he never wrote down the fam-
ily name Vitéz) take an active part in the cultural historical changeover that took place north
of Italy and in the course of which Hungarian intellectuals were among the first to adopt
classical humanist education, but he was also the one who created the institutional system
– library, patronage, printing house and university – that made possible the naturalisation of
the new cultural ideals. Nevertheless, his lifework represents elements of two different peri-
ods. His library is the first humanist collection in Hungary where he intended to gather the
most authentic texts of antique authors; at the same time it contains the medieval codices
that he had acquired from the collections of his predecessors in the Várad archbishop’s seat.
His Book of Letters is of a similar dual character. The letters repeatedly show sparks of a clas-
92
sical-based education, mainly in the form of citing ancient authors, while in the Book of
Letters, the often clumsy usage of words, the wordiness of sentences and the strict limiting
of the genre to diplomatic correspondence in particular are characteristics of a medieval au-
thor who does not regard those of his own letters worthy of publication in this volume that
possess the simplicity, directness and personal touch of Cicero’s epistolae familiares. The
duality of János Vitéz’s education is reflects an age in which medieval and Renaissance cul-
ture existed side by side, frequently exerting a mutual influence in literary genres, the arts
and, not least, in book culture.
Nothing is known of János Vitéz’s childhood and schooling. It may be supposed that
being of Slavonian origin, he completed his studies in Zagreb. Following his first biographer,
we put his date of birth at 1408, although there are no positive data to confirm this. He
became a priest in the diocese as a young man; later it was apparently thanks to the head of
the royal chancery, earlier provost of Zagreb, Mátyás Galgóczi that he was admitted to the
court of King and Emperor Sigismund. It was only in 1434 that he enrolled at Vienna Uni-
versity, where he did not study for long. He acted as a notary up to the king’s death, and
under the next monarch, King Albert, he was already acting as a protonotary. Besides com-
piling letters and other documents, he also carried out diplomatic duties. It is known that,
among others, he was in the Krakow delegation that in 1440 invited Ulaslo I to the Hungar-
ian throne. Following the Zagreb post, in 1442 he was awarded the title of Várad prebend,
in all likelihood in acknowledgement of his clerical work.
Scholars at Buda, Várad and Esztergom
Transferred to Sigismund’s court, Vitéz attended Vienna University, but the most important
event while at the chancery is his meeting with Pier Paolo Vergerio. The ageing master,
who died in Buda in 1444, entered the emperor’s service at the Council of Constance. By
the time of their encounter, he had created most of his lifework, of which his most outstand-
ing work (De ingenuis moribus) was to become a groundwork of Renaissance educational
theory. Although his contacts with Italy had loosened, he did not relinquish his academic
performance, translating Arrianos and Herodian from Greek into Latin. Vergerio is likely to
have given a strong impulse to Vitéz on his road to discovering the new classical-humanist
cultural ideal. The rather sickly humanist was also a member of the small scholarly society
that formed around Vitéz early on, and which we regard as the first Hungarian academy. Its
intellectual leader was probably Vergerio himself, its soul, however, was Vitéz. The exis-
tence of the academy is confirmed both by distant and detailed sources. In his famous col-
lection of biographies Florentine bookseller Vespasiano da Bisticci relates that Vitéz’s house
was always full of good people. In De homine, Galeotto Marzio mentions that “scholars
would flock to him as to the father of literature”. In his work written in the 1480s about
King Matthias’s adages, he remembers the primate as someone “surrounded by excellent
93
men, who had studied almost all the sciences”. Our main source, however, is the work of
Philippo Buonaccorsi, a founding member of the Academia Romana, about the Polish hu-
manist, Grzegorz z Sanoka. The Polish high priest, known in Hungarian literature as Gerge-
ly Szánoki, arrived in Hungary in 1440 with Ulaslo I and lived here to the end of the decade.
The following quotation, which recalls the battle of Varna comes from Buonaccorsi’s biog-
raphy:
“At the time, at the head of the Várad Church was the man called Joannes Gara
whose good reputation, which he had gained through his erudition, exemplary
way of life and high moral principles surpassed that of all the other bishops, and
who, for this reason, deserved to be promoted, at a later date, archbishop of
Esztergom.
… At the same time, there were two very intelligent men here, namely Paulus
Vergerius and Philippus Podachatherus, who, due to various problems, had ar-
rived from Italy and Cyprus, respectively, in order to see the same bishop consid-
ered as a refuge for all good men… Because of the similar nature of their studies
and morals, they and Gregorius found it easy to establish contact, and the joint
enthusiasms for good science was enough for people of very different nationalities
to make friends; although their education was of equal value, the way they wrote
was not identical, as Paulus excelled mainly in oration, while Philippus was more
gifted in composing poetry. Thus with Gregorius, the one had contests in com-
posing rhymes, and the other in rhetoric… In their exercises, the bishop acted as
referee; in fact he would usually assume the role of competitor and sharpen his
intellect with exercises of the same type. They found ample opportunity for dis-
cussions, during meals and night vigils; these discussions usually focused on issues
of science. Thus, nothing could be more sacred and more dignified than a society
of friends living together: virtue was the subject and the ulterior motive of all
their conversations… It was good to see this bishop in debate with such outstand-
ing people about all manner of virtues and making every effort to develop them
as scholars and improve them as humans… They were involved in endless debate
and query among them, as the topic, time and place required.”
In Buonaccorsi’s text there are apparent factual mistakes. He calls the Várad archbishop Gara,
although, in fact, it is Vitéz. He features Vergerio, who had died in 1444, as part of the
archbishop’s company, although Vitéz bore the title only from 1445, and Philippo Podo-
cataro was doing his studies in Ferrara at the time. The reason for these errors is that the text
was written in 1476, a good thirty years later than the events described, and the author did
not actually witness them, but relied on Szánoki’s account. In fact, he combined two schol-
arly groups. Around Vitéz, there was a small academic circle at Buda, which, according to
Buonaccorsi, was modelled on Italian academic groupings, because they would meet in or-
94
der to do exercises, conduct scholarly debates and make enquiries. The leader of the Buda
contubernium was Vergerio, the much-respected scholar, but by this time Vitéz too must
have enjoyed a good reputation as a scholar with the country’s literate. According to the
report, he would sometimes act as judge in the scholarly symposia, at other times as “com-
petitor” in the designated subject and genre. The author gives morality as the topic and
target of their discussions. The terminology used by Buonaccorsi, who was familiar with the
developing academic movement, makes it clear that he saw a small Hungarian academy in
this group, the type of which was closest to the academy around one of the most distin-
guished 15th century scholars, Cardinal Ioannes Bessarion. A contubernium was organised
around a patron priest: it was a scholars’ friendly society whose meetings were characterised
by vivid debates and contests, in the main target of which they saw science and religious
virtue as inseparable: “becoming more and more knowledgeable and virtuous”.
In the spring of 1444 the latest, Vitéz left the court and perhaps retired to Várad for a
short while before leaving for Italy. He may have been prompted by the very uncertain in-
ternal political situation, but it is also possible that due to Vergerio’s progressing disease he
felt deprived of the intellectual climate without which, it seems, he was unable to live. He
set out on the desired road (“via, quam optabat animus,” he says in a letter a year later),
meant to go to university, but got only as far as Zagreb. The editor and publisher of his let-
ters, archdeacon Pál Ivanich, writes in his note to the letter quoted: “Susceperat enim viam
ad Italiam pro studio, sed propter insidias latronum, et eciam quia inhibitus fuit ab isto tran-
situ per condam Mathkonem banum, a Zagrabia retrocessit”, that is: “He started out towards
Italy to conduct studies there, but because of robbers’ truculence and because Prince Máté
[Thallóczi] did not allow him to travel through, he returned from Zagreb.” Thus, he came
back to Várad, and even if he wished to study at Italian universities at a later date, he never
managed to get there.
Várad
As an episcopal seat, Várad was a major cultural hub since the 12th century. Despite this, not
a single relic of book history has survived in the town from the period preceding the Tatar
Invasion. The first known codex that was certainly produced in Saint Ladislau’s town is the
book of Bishop Benedek (from 1291 to 1296) preserved in the cathedral library up to the
mid-15th century when Vitéz merged it into his own library, took it along to Esztergom,
from where it went to Salzburg. Today it is kept in the Austrian National Library. The
priests of the town’s cathedral chapter and two additional chapters, as well as the priests of
the six or seven parish churches and the members of the monastic orders settled here in-
creased the number of intellectuals there. The leading role in spreading book culture was
played by members of chapters, always including book-loving priests who had completed
their studies abroad. The cathedral library was made up of their bequests, but as handling of
95
documents was not strictly regulated – no list of the holdings survives, for instance - it was
possible for a primate like Vitéz to enrich his own collection from the books his predecessors
had amassed. In the 14th century, under our Anjou kings, the town saw a cultural upheaval.
The cathedral was reconstructed twice, but as there was a fire at the end of the century, the
library had to be moved to the Saint Catherine chapel. First mention of the well-organised
and carefully handled collection was made in the first third of the 15th century, when An-
drea Scolari (1409-1426) was bishop. In 1419 the bishop of Florentine origin applied to
Rome for a prebend for Antal, the son of Miklós Nagymihályi, director of Saint Catherine
chapel. According to the document he is paid 25 forints annually for directing the chapel and
the library. (It must be noted that the chapel director was given the prebend only on the
second application in 1421.)
Very little is known about Scolari’s activity in the field of book culture. It is certain that
he is to be regarded as a high priest and patron, although his activity as a patron of art was
targeted as much at his own home town as at the episcopal seat; this is proved by the fact that
his stamp bears the figure of Saint Ladislau as well as Florence’s patron saint, Saint John the
Baptist. In his will dated January 1426, he places the main emphasis on establishing a mon-
astery in Florence. It is, however, even more significant for us that the witnesses to his testa-
ment are all Italian. On the basis of the few objects that survive from the bishop’s environ-
ment, it cannot be claimed that early Renaissance influences strongly emerged in Saint
Ladislau’s town during his years of church administration. On the other hand, it is clear that
Italian contacts had become much stronger, a trend that was most likely to continue in the
years following his death, as the bishop’s seat was then regularly occupied by Italians.
The primate’s books at Várad and Esztergom
In 1445 Vitéz was awarded the title of bishop, after his predecessor, Giovanni de Dominis,
had fallen at Varna. This position equipped him with all the means required for the establish-
ment of an “academy” or contubernium, the like of which he had already worked on at
Buda. From the second half of the 1440s Gergely Szánoki and Pál Ivanich stayed at Várad
for shorter or longer periods; at the end of the decade, Marcin Król, later professor in Kra-
kow, as well as the young Janus Pannonius, who in one of his poems in Latin wrote the first
literary praise of the library.
“And now farewell, great library, to you,

So filled with splendid books from ancient times
That Phoebus leaves his home here to reside,
And the fair daughters of Mnemosyne
No longer pine to see Castalia’s spring.”
(translated by G. F. Cushing)
96
Nikola Modruški (Nicolaus Machinensis), bishop of Modrus, who arrived in Hungary in
1463 as a delegate of Pope Pius II and who stayed in the court of Vitéz for a few weeks, was
also active in the academic circle for a short time. After his departure, he sent to Vitéz a copy
of his work on human happiness, supplied with a preface addressed personally to Vitéz. In
the preface he relates how happy and memorable for him was the winter that he spent in the
library at Várad, in the company of so many a distinguished scholar and among the innumer-
able books written by the most distinguished authors. He adds that he owes the birth of his
book to Vitéz, because during a debate, the bishop asked him to put forth his views on the
subject, which he is doing now. As compared to the Szánoki biography cited earlier, this
source is from a very precisely defined year, namely 1463 and records scholarly life at Várad
in the early 1460s. In its general impression, however, it does not differ at all from the pic-
ture painted by Buonaccorsi. The bishop is surrounded by intelligent men who conduct
discussions about certain topics. Debate constitutes part of the discussions: it typically con-
cerns religious or ethical issues – in this case, for instance, it concerns the role of divine an-
nunciation in finding the ultimate purpose of the human race. A vitally important element
is defining the scene of their meetings, which is the library. This also features in Vespasiano
da Bisticci’s account, in which he recounts that Vitéz
“has furnished a very nice library, with a wish to possess books in all of the dis-
ciplines, and these books he had collected from inside and outside Italy. He had
many books copied if they could not be obtained in Florence, not concerned
about the costs, only aiming at beautiful appearance and carefully revised texts.
He enhanced the reputation of his country by having all books delivered there
that he could possibly find: works in the original as well as translations. There
were few books written in Latin missing from his collection”.
The library is inseparable from the academic circle: it is partly a requisite that provides the
right frame for the scholarly meetings, partly the basis of academic work. The most detailed
account is given by the Vienna professor, Georg Peuerbach, the court astronomer of King
Ladislau V. They first met at Bécsújhely (Wiener Neustadt) in 1453. Vitéz intended to invite
Peuerbach to Hungary. Although he was not successful, Peuerbach wrote three works on
the bishop’s request. In the dedication to Tabulae Varadienses he says:
“... with your particularly valuable library, a well-known gem of your house,
you wish to enrich Dacia and Pannonia, the books see you as their father and
creator. They are as much more precious than all other furnishings as people
see silver and golden objects more precious than earthenware. As books are
eloquent tools of building knowledge, it is well known that you never spared
97
effort and cost to collect them yourself from foreign lands. In them, posterity
will see how your generosity and sophisticated mind grew and flourished by
the day”.
Both Peuerbach and Bisticci emphasize the fact that the codices were purchased
from different countries. In practice, it involved Italy, to a lesser extent the German
and Austrian regions, and what is not mentioned is that the collection also included
codices made in Hungary, more specifically in Várad. Among them, there is the
13th century codex that he had inherited from his predecessors and of which men-
tion has been made, and the extant volume of the Vitéz library that is regarded as the
earliest codex made for him. According to the colophon, Tertullianus’s Apologeticus,
which is kept in Salzburg today, was copied by the priest Bereck Polánkai in Várad
in 1455: “Ex Waradino per Briccium pr[esbyter]um de Polanka Anno D[omini]
1455 D[omi]no Johan[n]i de Zredna Ep[iscop]o S[anctae] D[ioecesis]
W[aradiensis]”(Catalogue Nr. 21). The codex is not illuminated; it is a very simple,
undecorated item, proving that copying work was going on at Várad at the time,
even if we have no knowledge of the existence of a scriptorium. Also made in Hun-
gary and, according to Vilmos Fraknói, author of the most comprehensive biogra-
phy of Vitéz, equally a copy made by Bereck Polánkai is the Vitéz codex that at the
end of the 19th century was still kept in the Franciscan monastery at Szentantal, but
has either been destroyed since or is hiding somewhere and is known only from an
archival photo kept in the Photography Collection of the National Széchényi Li-
brary (Catalogue Nr. 27).Vitéz made the following entry at the end of the codex:
“visa et emendata aliqualiter Strigonii 1457 Jo[annes] Ep[iscopus] W[aradiensis] in
certa autem Waradini completa et signata 1458”, meaning that he read it and amend-
ed it to some extent in Esztergom in 1457, but completed it only at Várad, where
he foliated it in 1458. In the spring of 1457, after the killing of Ulrik Cillei, as a
friend of the Hunyadis, Vitéz was thrown into prison too together with the king, but
through the mediation of his influential friends, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini and
Cardinal Carvajal, he was allowed to spend his short sentence at the residence of
Esztergom archbishop Dénes Szécsi, which in fact offered him a peaceful and quiet
time for work rather than the torture of genuine captivity. It was during these few
months that he started correcting the text of the undecorated codex, and in all like-
lihood finished it after Matthias had been elected king. The most beautiful Vitéz
codex made in Hungary is also acknowledged by the literature related to the Biblio-
theca Corviniana. The antique writer Caius Marius Victorinus’s commentaries on
Cicero’s rhetorical work (Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 370. Cat. Nr. 36)
were amended by Vitéz in Seben in September 1462 (“Emendavi quantum fieri
potuit et finivi Cibinij XXVII Septembris MCCCCLXII Jo[annes]”). The hand-
writing clearly suggests that the codex was copied in Hungary, and the Gothic mar-
98
gins of the title page may also originate from Várad, which, however, seems impos-
sible to ascertain. After Vitéz’s death, the Victorinus codex passed into Matthias’s
library, was given a gilded Corvina leather binding in the Buda royal book bindery,
and the king’s crest was placed in the middle of the binding board. Its ownership
mark in itself raises the question which we are going to formulate in connection
with several corvinas, notably whether the notes by the Várad primate provide
enough evidence to prove that the book actually belonged to him, and was not just
another volume in the Bibliotheca Corviniana that he amended. In this instance,
however, the early date of the amendment, 1462, makes it certain that the codex
cannot have been produced for Matthias’s library, because our sources and surviving
dateable Corvinas suggest that the royal collection must have been set up later.
The humanist scholar’s books
The codices mentioned so far reveal much about their owner’s sophistication. Bisticci’s
statement cited above also emphasises two characterstic features of the collection, which
obviously he could have done in connection with a number of other humanists’ libraries:
“attractive appearance of its items and carefully revised texts”. The beauty of the books
bears testimony to the bibliophile qualities of the Renaissance high priest. The magnificent
illumination of a few extant volumes of his library, primarily the three-volume Livy kept in
the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (Clm 15731-15733. Catalogue Nr. 31-33) surpasses even the
most exquisite Corvinas. The perfection of the texts, on the other hand, is proof of the
humanist’s dedication as a philologist. We have no other 15th century collector who should
have demonstrated such “obsession” in correcting and editing the texts that carried the wis-
dom and beauty of the distant world of classical antiquity, and whose revival was to rebuild
that wisdom and beauty. Amendment of texts would usually start in the scriptorium. The
scripter who had to copy the work from a sample, or in larger workshops, the “editor” who
was to make the amendments would study the manuscript, supplying the missing words on
the margins, and correcting the mistakes arising out of misreading or carelessness. Among
the surviving pieces of Vitéz’s library, there are also a number of codices where on the mar-
gins the first layer of amendments is constituted by the copyist’s corrections. If the owner
who had commissioned, bought or was given the codex was a scholar himself who took
pride in the perfection of the text, he would continue making improvements. Vitéz was an
owner of this type. The first layer of his notes is language correction, the actual amendment,
a time-consuming undertaking requiring scrupulous attention. Therefore, he was not always
able to complete it. He made the following entry in Tacitus’s Annales (ELTE Egyetemi
Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 9.): “Jo[annes] Ar[chiepiscopus] legi transcurrendo a[nno] 1467 sed
mansit inemendatus”. He had to read it through in a rush, “transcurrendo”, therefore it was
eventually left uncorrected.
99
The primary fixing of the texts at this stage was made possible by Vitéz’s excellent com-
mand of the Latin classical-humanist literary language. However, simple language checking
was not sufficient for the full amendment of a codex. At the end of the Budapest University
Library’s Tertullianus codex (Cod. Lat. 10. f.178v), “leafing through” or reading “in a rush”
is mentioned again: “Finivi transcurrendo Nitrae die 2 Junii 1468. Emendare bene non po-
tui propter inemendatum exemplar”. Translated into English, this means “I finished in a
hurry on 2nd June 1468 at Nitra, but because of the uncorrected sample, I was unable to
properly amend it”. This suggests that a control copy was needed: moreover, one that in-
cluded a reliable reading of the text. (The entry in a codex kept in Vienna is an interesting
and remarkable example of a reliable sample. The volume was read and in places corrected
by Vitéz too, but the first amendment was made by Carolus Podocatharus. He made the
following remark: “... pro Guarini exemplari ...”, or based on Guarino’s copy. In this case,
the reliability of the sample was ensured by the prestige of the owner: Guarino Veronese, the
world-famous Ferrara Humanist.) In Hungary, reliable texts were not invariably available.
All through the century, the centre of distributing primarily required antique classics was
Italy, where different variations of the same text would emerge from scriptoria and schol-
arly Humanists’ libraries. In Hungary, however, because there was no large-scale copying, it
was much harder to find variants and reliable editions. For this reason, amended codices
were valued highly, could become the bases of further copies or may have helped in amend-
ing existing texts. Most probably, the latter is exemplified by a well-known section of a
Janus Pannonius letter, where he half-seriously remarks to Galeotto Marzio how good it is
that they do not speak Greek in Buda, because if they did they would have borrowed his
Greek codices too, not just the Latin ones. Vitéz’s library served as a basis of this type. Medi-
ated by Marcin Król, who was staying at Várad in the late 1440s, the Krakow archbishop
Olesnicki leased a Livy volume from his collection for copying, while the secretary to Fred-
erick III, Aenes Sylvius Piccolomini borrowed Vitéz’s Tertullianus. Although our sources
have no such recollections, amending books was an integral component of the scholarly life
of Vitéz’s contubernium(s). In this respect, the Vitéz entry on the last page of Marcus Manili-
us’s Astronomicon (Roma, BAV, Vat. Palat. Lat. 1711. Catalogue Nr. 23) is to be treated as
an important piece of information: “legi et emendavi cum M[a]g[ist]r[o] Galeotto 1469.
Jo[annes] Ar[chiepiscopus] Strig[oniensis]” — “I read it through and corrected it with Mas-
ter Galeotto in 1469: János, archbishop of Esztergom”. Master Galeotto is Galeotto Marzio,
who was living in Hungary in those years and seems to have had closer contact with Vitéz,
even dedicating his De homine to him (Catalogue Nr. 47), despite the fact that there could
hardly be two personalities more different from each other than the supposedly pious and
virtuous archbishop and the Italian wandering Humanist.
In the course of making amendments, an abundance of available sample copies must have
been rare but not unexceptional. In his codex containing Saint Jerome’s letters, which is
today found in the Austrian National Library (Cod. 644.), Vitéz indicated the date of his
amendment on more than one page. The first large unit was completed on 11 July 1470, the
100
second on 23 July, and by 1st September he had checked the whole codex. Next to the final
date (fol. 397), he made the following comment: “Emendare ad plenum non potui propter
varia exemplaria emendacior tamen est aliis similibus quos viderim Jo[annes]”, explaining
that because the samples were not identical, he was unable to correct it fully, but even so the
text became more accurate than any he had ever seen. In connection with the amendment
of some codices Vitéz had read or owned in his library and the already mentioned Janus let-
ter, we should examine his command of Greek. He learnt the language from Vergerio
Manuél Chrysoloras, one of the most outstanding Greek Humanists in Italian exile. He
definitely did translation work from Greek, but his sources still need further analysis. Janus
Pannonius was an excellent scholar of Greek, as testified by his translations. There is no data
whatsoever of Vitéz’s knowledge or study of the Greek language. Greek scholarship outside
Italy was to be revived only in the 1520s, primarily due to Erasmus’s editions; up to the late
15th century, however, only Italy, the new home country of Greek scholars fleeing Byzan-
tium had prided itself on outstanding achievements. Only those northerners tended to speak
Greek who had spent a longer period studying in Italy. Vitéz cannot have conducted Greek
studies in Vienna, and there is no hint either that in Vergerio’s environment there may have
been such studies. Nevertheless, some Greek entries in extant Vitéz codices are most likely
to have been made by his hand (Budapest, National Széchényi Library, Cod. Lat. 370.,
423.). The uniform colour of ink Vitéz used in making his notes, the positioning of the few
words on the margins, the size of letters and the conduct of words relate these Greek notes
to Vitéz’s Latin amendments, at the same time indicating that the hand is incomparably ex-
perienced in Greek. None of these notes are true corrections, but rather highlighting of
notions (e.g. sophia) in the text. It may be established with full certainty that the bishop did
not know Greek (well). While his Latin improvements clearly show him as a dedicated phi-
lologist, the Greek chunks of the texts in the same codices are partly or completely left
without amendment. Lacunas stemming from a lack of the copyists’ language skills are nev-
er supplied by amenders, including Vitéz as well. No Greek codex has survived from his
library, nor are there bibliographical references to any. All that the few entries we have at
our disposal suggest is that Vitéz may have had closer contact with the language.
Esztergom
Following the death of Cardinal Dénes Szécsi, in 1465 King Matthias gives the archbishop’s
seat to Vitéz. It is not known what sort of plans he is bringing from Dacia to Pannonia, but
it seems certain that his plan for establishing the university is ready, as hardly had he occupied
the bishop’s seat when Matthias submitted to Pope Paul II the application for the university.
The charter is issued within a few weeks, and Vitéz as the Archbishop of Esztergom starts
organisation as the chancellor of the Church institution he supervises. The assumption that
he had had this consideration in mind already during the last years at Várad seems less likely.
101
Analysing the duality that characterised Vitéz’s activity in this filed is interesting and requires
further study. In most cases he sends his patrons to Guarino’s Ferrara school, and only after
having spent years there do they do university studies. In Hungary, he does not create a
humanist type of institution, but modelled on Bologna University, an institution that is par-
allel to Central European universities in operation for over a hundred years. At this time,
Bologna is by no means the leading centre of Humanism. The content of the Vitéz library
could hardly have assisted this type of university, as Greek and Roman classics constituted
the bulk of the collection. Works on theology were fewer, and anyhow they were authors
from early Christian literature who did not form the basis of higher education in theology.
In the same way, there are no traces of works on law and canon law, although one of the
main aims of university studies was educating clerical workers for government administra-
tion. If Vitéz had prepared a library for any educational institution at all, it is more likely to
have been something attached to the Ferrara master’s school. However, there are no traces
of such plans.
Because of our very limited sources, the reasons for inviting leading Italian Humanists to
Buda over the following years, primarily Ióannés Argyropoulos, are not clear. It is possible
that it was for the Universitas Istropolitana that in1471Matthias intended to win the Greek
scholar who in 1465 had dedicated his Aristotle translation to Vitéz. It is also possible that
these invitations were intended to boost the court’s prestige. Finally, it is not unthinkable
that on Vitéz’s earlier urging, the main purpose behind them was to strengthen classical-hu-
manist studies in Hungary.
The signed entries during the Esztergom years are much fewer in number than those
made in the Várad period. This is natural, since the time left to the end of the priest’s life is
only a fraction of the over two decades he spent at Várad. On the other hand, most of the
archbishop’s energy must have been devoted to organizing the university, where teaching
started in 1467. The proximity of Buda and office duties must have required time and atten-
tion too. Last but not least, the construction project at the archbishop’s seat was another
factor that may have been in the way of thorough scientific work, although certain elements
of the building work reflect a flourishing humanist scholarly existence.
By the end of the decade, relations between Vitéz and the king had deteriorated. In a
sense, Matthias had continued his father’s policy concerning Vitéz. In the first years of his
reign, he obviously needed the experienced diplomat, the family friend who had witnessed
his early years and “freed” him from Podiebrad’s prison. The monarch of outstanding talent
and force, however, was more and more reluctant to allow Vitéz too much responsibility
and authority lest he should build bastions around himself. In 1464, the king appointed Vitéz
chief and secret chancellor, but did not propose him for the rank of cardinal. Vitéz was
given the bishopric of Nitra, as well as the revenues of a number of Benedictine abbeys and
the Premontrean provostship, but for example, after the launching of the University of Poz-
sony, the king did not give him his full support in its further development. The reason for
the two men’s drifting apart was probably twofold. Vitéz disagreed with the king’s real
102
politics in the Turkish and Czech questions. The traditional anti-Turkish attitude inherited
from János Hunyadi did not count with the country’s political and military balance of forc-
es, and Vitéz was watching Matthias’s southern and eastern defensive politics and attempt at
maintaining the status quo with incomprehension. At the same time, he saw the long drawn-
out fight against Podiebrad as postponing the more important goals and as a weakening of
power. In addition, with the death of the Czech king who sympathized with the Hussites,
justifying the war as an anti-hereditary drive also lost its grounding. On the other hand,
Vitéz’s own ecclesiastical and personal interests were also different from the king’s. Supple-
mentary taxes were weakening Hungarian high priests, as not only their dioceses but their
courts too were hard hit by the continuous warfare. The growing tension is marked by an
unconfirmed event: In November 1470 in parliament, King Matthias is said to have slapped
the old primate, the earlier master in the face
In 1471 dissatisfaction escalated. By inviting the Polish Prince Kazimierz, the conspira-
tors virtually appointed a counter-king. Matthias, however, acted quickly and decisively. He
returned from Moravia, summoned parliament, where with his promises as well as using
force, he conquered the opposition. Most lords and bishops took an oath of loyalty, but
Vitéz, Janus Pannonius and the Zagreb bishop Osvát Thuz were not among them. Janus fled
and on his way to Italy, died at Medvedgrad near Zagreb. Vitéz was taken into custody by
the king, spending his last months at the Esztergom palace. Although formally he had made
peace with the king, he died as a prisoner on 9th August 1472.
The remains of the Vitéz library
It is exclsuively on the basis of surviving pieces that the further hsistory of Vitéz’s library may
be reconstructed. The professional literature suggested very early on that the king had con-
fiscated the collection. The appropriation would not have been unprecedented, but the
evidence to support it is limited to a few Corvinas. There are two surviving volumes from
the Bibliotheca Corviniana (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. lat. 7809., Budapest, OSzK,
Cod. Lat. 415. Kat. sz. 37.) on whose title page underneath the Matthias crest traces of the
Vitéz crest can be identified. They definitely came here from the archbishop’s property.
Apart from these two, there are quite a number of Corvinas where although there is no trace
of the Vitéz crest, the marginal amendments are certainly by his hand. It cannot be stated
about them with full certainty that once they had been in the Vitéz library because it is per-
fectly possible that a scholarly philologist should enter corrections into his monarch’s vol-
umes. At the same time, even the image of the early pieces that were taken into the Biblio-
theca Corviniana still in Vitéz’s life, is not uniform from this point. In this group of the
royal library, there are codices that Vitéz amended very carefully and others that he did not
amend at all. Regarding the corrected volumes as an end product of regular philological
work, they would probably outnumber the uncorrected ones. It seems that the items an-
103
notated by Vitéz but not bearing his crest also originally belonged to him. The obvious an-
swer to how they got to Buda would be confiscation. This assumption is, however, ques-
tioned by the fact that quite a few of the archbishop’s books ended up abroad, something
that the Hungarian public was faced with as late as 1878. That is when the historical and
literary exhibition of the National Museum’s Széchényi National Library put on display for
a few months the pieces kept in Vienna and Munich. Both collections had received the re-
mains of the Vitéz library through Salzburg in the first quarter of the 19th century. Their
way to Salzburg is related to the history of the archbishop’s seat.
In 1472 Johann Beckensloer, the Eger bishop of Silesian origin, who was Matthias’s sec-
retary was awarded the Esztergom archbishop’s seat. When the king was away in 1476, tak-
ing the treasures of the palace, he left the country and offered his services to Emperor Fred-
erick III. He handed over most of the treasures to Frederick, but kept the books and when
he was appointed archbishop of Salzburg, he took them again. If Matthias had intended to
merge the collection with his own, he would have taken the pieces that later ended up in
Salzburg rather than letting them stay in the archbishop’s palace up to 1476, especially be-
cause they are the most beautiful known Vitéz codices. Thius, confiscation did not happen.
The volumes that are regarded (also) as Corvinas reached Buda during the archbishop’s life
because they were probably used in the court as apparently reliable texts and after Vitéz’s
death they found their place in the Corviniana.
All the sources regarding the library are ecstatic about its wealth and beauty but do not
say a word about its size: “totality” is not quantifiable. Contemporary Central European
parallels are missing, as in the second half of the century there is no humanist library similar
to Vitéz’s in the region. (Janus’s collection is a special case: as he did not supply his books
with possessor notes, his library is impossible to take stock of. ) The only estimate is of some
500 volumes. It is not easier either to quantify Vitéz’s surviving books. The 15 volumes with
crests certainly belonged to him. Further pieces that did not survive but were dedicated to
the priest are very likely to have been in his collection. The differences in the literature are
caused by the codices that he supplied with his notes only, mostly the pieces that went into
the Bibliotheca Corviniana. The codices where identifying the notes is not unambiguous
cause further uncertainties. Anyhow, even by the most generous interpretation, the number
of extant Vitéz codices is no more than 35 or 40 pieces. Nevertheless, even if fragmented, it
is the most magnificent unique Hungarian humanist library from the 15th century.
Bibliography
Boronkai 1980; Boronkai 1987; Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984; Fraknói 1878; Fraknói Vilmos: Vitéz János esztergomi érsek
élete. [The life of Esztergom archbishop János Vitéz.] Budapest, 1879; Hoffmann – Wehli 1992; Jakó 1976; Klaniczay
1993; Klaniczay 2001a; Kubinyi András: Mátyás király. [King Matthias.] Budapest, 2001; Pajorin 2005; Szakály Ferenc:
Vitéz János, a politikus és államférfi. (Pályavázlat – kérdôjelekkel.) [János Vitéz, the politician and statesman. (Career outline
with question marks.)] In: Vitéz János Emlékkönyv.[János Vitéz memorial book.] Chief editor. Dr. Bárdos István
Esztergom, 1990. (Esztergom évlapjai – Annales Strigonienses 1990.) 9–38.
104
Péter Ekler
Propugnacula Christianitatis – studia humanitatis.
Relations between Byzantium and Byzantine humanists active in Italy
and Hungary in the middle of the 15th century
After the successful defence of Nándorfehérvár (today Belgrade, Serbia), in the anti-Turkish
propaganda Hungary was often referred to as the stronghold of Christianity, a name which
earlier was applied, among others, to Constantinople. Byzantium, pressed by the Turks and
dwindled to almost negligible as compared to its earlier size, was expecting help not only
from the Pope and Venice, but also from Hungary, the strongest state in contemporary Cen-
tral Europe, which was also threatened by the Ottoman Empire. Enjoying outstanding pres-
tige due to his fights against the Turks, János Hunyadi understood that Ottoman conquerors
should not only be kept away from Hungary’s borders but should be expelled altogether
from the whole of Europe. In his lifework, saving Hungary is strongly related to the defence
of Byzantium, as embodied in his crusades in the Balkans. Our sources reporting the fall of
Byzantium clearly witness that to the very last Hunyadi did not give up helping Constanti-
nople.
In Byzantine poetry and in the public eye, the Turk-defeating János Hunyadi enjoyed
great respect; his character was enriched by mythical traits, and in folklore he even gained
the title of “the Emperor of Byzantium”. Hunyadi was the last glimmer of hope for the
Empire on the brink of complete destruction. Some sources originated Hunyadi’s mother
from the last Byzantine imperial dynasty, the Palaiologos family.
The Byzantine Empire came into being on the day the imperial city at the Bosporus
under Constantine the Great (324–337). The fall of Byzantium (29th May 1453) was com-
memorated even by Janus Pannonius. The last ruler of the Empire was Konstantinos (Pal-
aiologos) XI (1449–1453), who fell in a fray in the fight against the Turkish Sultan Mehmed
II (the Conqueror) (1451–1481):
Concidit antiquae Byzantion aemula Romae:

heu peragunt quales lubrica fata vices!
Sub Constantino nomen sublime paravit,
For the advice and help he offered in the preparation of this study, the assistance of Professor John Monfasani is grate-
fully acknowledged. (Executive director, The Renaissance Society of America).
Kapitánffy 2003. 99.
Moravcsik 1953. 350–351.
Moravcsik 1953. 359. For the Byzantine image of János Hunyadi, see also: Gyóni 1940.
Ostrogorsky 1963. 472; Bréhier 1999. 490.
105
Sub Constantino depopulata perit.
Nomen idem geminum miserae sibi praestitit omen,
funestum nunc est, quod fuit ante bonum.
In the knowledge of contemporary Hungary’s political and military weight, it is understand-

able why reports about Hungary and events there are so frequent in Byzantine historiogra-
phers’ works in the half century preceding the fall. The fall is described by Geórgios Sphrantz-
es, Dukas, Michael Kritobulos and Laonikos Khalkokondyles.
Georgios Sphrantzes (1401- after 1477) was in the service of the Palaiologos family
from the age of sixteen. He was the governor of important cities, a diplomat and a personal
friend and courtier to the last emperor Constantine Palaiologos. After the occupation of the
capital, he fell into Turkish captivity. Following his release, he fled to the Peloponnesus and
consequently to the island of Corfu, where he died as a monk. His historiography, Chroni-
con minus, deals with events in a diary fashion from the early 15th century up to 1477, ap-
plying a strict chronological order. (A more voluminous work has also survived under his
name, which, however is not his, as it dates back to the second half of the 16th century.)
A work by Dukas (around 1400 – after 1462, 1470?), which has been preserved in
manuscript form, introduced historical events up to 1462. In his view, the fall is God’s pun-
ishment for the sins of Byzantinians.10 Michael Kritobulos’s (after 1400 – around 1470)
Historiai has also survived in a manuscript, introducing the period between 1451 and 1467.
Kritobulos dedicated his work to the Turkish sultan Mehmed II. The piece adopts the Turk-
ish perspective and structure, introducing the stages of the Turks’ sweep. According to Kri-
tobulos, the Ottoman conquest is not a catastrophe, as he regards the Turkish rule as the
continuation of the Byzantine.11
About Hungarians, the most detailed report is given by Laonikos Khalkokondyles
(around 1423 – after 1463, 1490?).12 His historiography (Apodeixeis historion) offers an over-
view of the period 1298–1463. Preceding the description of King Sigismundus’ 1396 cru-
sade, he makes a geographical and ethnographic detour about Germans and Hungary. He
takes the Hungarian vitéz, the word for hero, into the Greek language in the form βιτéζης.13
Khalkokondyles is a well-educated author, whose voice is objective and whose judgment is
not limited by party considerations. His interest and curiosity remind of Herodotus, while
Mayer–Török 2006. No. 309. Cf. V. Kovács 1972. No. 223.

Dimitriosz-Kapitánffy 1974. 799; Moravcsik 1967. 373.
Karayannopulos-Weiss 1982. 518–519; Moravcsik 1984. 340–1. Text published by Grecu 1966.
Karayannopulos-Weiss 1982. 518–519; Moravcsik 1984. 340–1. Text published by Grecu 1966.
10 Karayannopulos-Weiss 1982. 519; Hunger 1978. 1, 490–1. Text published by Grecu 1958.
11 Karayannopulos-Weiss 1982. 520–521; Hunger 1978. 1, 500–503; Dimitriosz-Kapitánffy 1974. 254. Text
published by Papadopoulos 1935; Grecu 1963.
12 Dimitriosz-Kapitánffy 1974. 800; PLP 1994. 187 (No. 30512); Karayannopulos-Weiss 1982. 519–520; Hunger
1978. 1, 485.
13 Hunger 1978. 1, 486–489.
106
his language of Thukydides.14 He devotes a separate chapter to the characterisation of János
Hunyadi.15
Dukas and Sphrantzes use the word Ungroi, while Khalkokondyles and Kritobulos use
Paiones when talking about Hungarians. Ungroi was taken from a Slavic source and with
some interruptions was used all through the Byzantine Empire. Paiones features as early as
with Herodotus. Labelling Hungarians thus is partly due to metonymy based on the similar
sounding names (pannonok - paionok), and partly – with hindsight – to scholarly negligence.
In other cases as well, it happened that Byzantine historiographers used the names of peoples
occupying an area earlier to designate those living there later, as for example Ottoman Turks
= Persai, Serbs=Triballoi, Bulgarians=Mysoi.16
In addition to the real political contacts detectable through historical documents, Byzanti-
um had another thread too tying it to contemporary Hungary. The main actors of the cul-
tural influence and intellectual wave were Greek émigrés fleeing Byzantium. The main scene
of their activity was Italy rather than Byzantium or the Balkan Peninsula. It is worth a thought
that while Byzantine historiographers did not have a strong impact on fifteenth- century Italian
(thus Western and Central European or Hungarian) humanism, many of the Byzantines active
in Italy played a major role in the development and strengthening of studia humanitatis.
There is not much information in the works of Byzantine historiographers about the first
remarkable Hungarian humanist, János Vitéz, who acted as diplomat for János Hunyadi and
later also for King Matthias. Through his own or his nephew Janus Pannonius’s contacts, as
well as through his readings he maintained good and meaningful relations with Byzantine
Greeks working in Italy.
János Vitéz
From the early 1440s, Vitéz wrote his political and diplomatic letters and speeches observing
the rules of classical rhetoric and the examples of Roman authors. He acted as Matthias’s
representative in the most important foreign political negotiations. His pontifical courts in
Várad and later in Esztergom were the first Renaissance centres in Hungary. He held sym-
posia, collected and read humanist codices, correcting them with scholarly precision. He
employed Italian artists and sent Hungarian youths, for example his nephew Janus Pannon-
ius, to Italian humanist schools and universities. Among others, Giuliano Cesarini, who had
(friendly) contacts with Leonardo Bruni, Poggio Bracciolini, Francesco Filelfo and Bessari-
on, was also part of Vitéz’s Buda contubernium.17
14 Darkó 1912; Darkó 1907. Jenô Darkó’s critical edition is still regarded as authoritative: Darkó 1922–1927.
Cf. Hunger 1978. 1, 489; Olajos 1995. 387.
15 In Darkó’s edition (1922-1927) II, 185, 19.
16 Darkó 1910. 285–286, 349–350.
17 V. Kovács 1971. 7, 53.; Klaniczay 2001b. 23; Klaniczay 1993. 36.
107
One of the most crucial elements and results of Renaissance humanism, namely the
widespread direct study of the Greek language and literature would not have been possible
without the contribution of Greek émigrés from the (former) Empire to (primarily) Italian
towns (Venice, Florence, Rome, etc.). Their immigration took place in several waves from
the late 14th to the 16th century. In the area of their taking up contacts with the west, the
Council of Ferrara-Florence in 1438–39 was regarded as a milestone. Many of them were
highly educated scholars at home in classical Greek, who in their new home were engaged
in education, copying manuscripts, publishing classical authors and later in preparing them
for printing.18 In the 1460s, the Italian Golden Age of Byzantine scholars, in Florence Ioan-
nee Argyropulos, in Bologna Andronikos Kallistos, in Padua Demetrios Chalkokondylas, in
Milan, Naples and Messina Constantinus Lascaris, while in other Italian towns Andronikos
Kontoblakes and Demetrios Kastrenos were teaching Greek. Theodoros Gazes was active in
Naples and Rome, Georgius Trapezuntius worked as a translator and teacher in Rome and
Venice. Cardinal Bessarion, in turn, made a memorable contribution by supporting the
Greeks.19
Italian towns (e.g. Venice) involved in Mediterranean trade always turned towards By-
zantium with heightened interest. The Greek exodus brought along to the West the thriving
scholarly literature of an empire seeing its final days, with its Platonic-Aristotelian traditions,
textual critical considerations and collection of text books. Thanks to the lively mutual (cul-
tural) relations, Greek manuscripts containing classical works, dictionaries, grammars and
commentaries emerged in Italy in larger numbers.20 Italian humanists’ keen interest in clas-
sical Greek culture was satisfied by Byzantium, as it is there that the classical heritage had
been preserved. In the West the foundations of Greek philological studies were laid down
by Byzantine scholars.21
Our contacts with Byzantines active in Italy
Based on Callimachus Experiens’s biography of Gergely Szánoki, it is well known that János
Vitéz acted as a referee in the rhetorical and poetical contest between Pier Paolo Vergerio,
Philippo Podocatoro and Gergely Szánoki. The contubernium described by Callimachus
must have been formed before May 1444 in Vitéz’s Buda house or residence, and besides the
four of them some others must have been present too.22 Philippo Podocatoro later studied
with Guarino in Italy. In a letter addressed to Vitéz on 8th December 1450, Janus Pannonius
18 Geanakoplos 1962.
19 Monfasani 1990. 52–53.
20 Kristeller 1979. 141–143.
21 Ostrogorsky 1963. 1.
22 Klaniczay 1993. 29–37; Pajorin 2005. 19–21.
108
mentions that both Philippo Podocatoro and himself are well.23
Theodoros Gazes (around 1400–1475/76) was born in Thessaloniki. In the mid-1440s
he taught Greek and rhetorics in Ferrara. In 1448 he was promoted to be the rector of Fer-
rara University.24 In the first half of the next decade he was active in Rome, and in 1456–7
he lived in the court of Alphonso of Aragonia in Naples. He left his library to Demetrios
Khalkokondyles. Through Bessarion he received the bequest of S. Giovanni a Piro in the
Calabrian Policastro, the town where he lived to the end of his days.25
In his epigram written during his stay at Ferrara (1447–54), Janus called Gazes “the pride
of the two languages” [Latin and Greek]:
Nobile linguarum decus, o Theodore, duarum,

inclita quem nobis Thessalonica dedit.26
Although no direct acquaintance can be proved, it is obvious that Gazes had a major influ-
ence on Janus, who rightly praised the Greek scholar’s familiarity with classical languages:
not only did Gazes render Greek authors into Latin,27 but also Roman authors (e.g. Cicero:
De senectute, Somnium Scipionis) into Greek. The Theophrastos corvina (Cod. Lat. 1.) kept in
the Budapest University Library gives a closer insight into the difficulties of fifteenth-cen-
tury translation practice. One of Gazes’s major undertakings was the translation into Latin of
Theophrastos’s botanical work, Historia plantarum and of De causis plantarum, which was
dedicated to Pope Nicholas V. Although Jenô Ábel had a very negative opinion of the cor-
vina copy of the Gazes translation (in other words, of the manuscript that served as the basis
of the translation, as well as of Gazes’s rendition), it is worth noting the following: Gazes
himself was aware of the shortcomings of the Greek codex available to him. Although Latin
is not his own mother tongue, he tried to find Latin expressions suited to the Greek names.
Whenever this seemed impossible, he was obliged to introduce a new name or to keep the
Greek one:28
23 V. Kovács 1971. 203.

24 Monfasani 1983. 179.
25 PLP 1977. 139 (No. 3450).
26 Mayer–Török 2006. No. 7; In his study Irmscher publishes the poem under the title of De Gaza, and recommends
that the two-line epigram be supplemented with another two lines (1975. 313–316.): Vivito sic longum, ut gazis
pascamur opimis, / Inque unum redigas Hellada cum Latio. Irmscher refers Janus’s following lines also to Gazes:
Accipe magnifici clarum rectoris honorem, / accipe purpureae pallia rubra togae. (see Mayer–Török 2006. No. 5).
27 A part of Gazes’s translations were published also in printed form in the 15th century: GW 310 (Aelianus Tacticus:
De instruendis aciebus), GW 2350–2352 (Aristoteles: De animalibus), GW 2452–2453 (Aristoteles: Problemata),
GW 8425, 10 229 (Ps.-Dionysius Halicarnassaeus: Praecepta de oratione nuptiali).
28 Ábel 1880b. 4–6; Mazal 2003. 295–7.
109
[…] (fol. 3r) Sumus enim inter latinos non minus lingua, quam patria peregrini.
Quapropter non solum amplum ac difficile quoddam opus vertendum in linguam
latinam nunquam meo quidem arbitrio mihi sumerem, sed nec parvum quoddam
aggredi auderem. […] (fol. 4v–5r) Sed omnium durissimum illud certe accedit,
quod textus propositi operis mendosus adeo est, ut nulla fere pars sit exemplaris,
quod unum tantum habere possumus, que vel librariorum inscitia vel alias
temporum offensa non tam depravata est, ut et summa cum difficultate sit
emendandum, et non nulla intermitti necesse sint, que vix congrue intelligi
possint. […] (fol. 5r) Aggrediar igitur, quem meus hic dulcis tyrannus [sc. papa
Nicolaus V.] interpretari coegit, et partim plantarum nomina, quibus latina
lingua non caret, diligenter pro viribus queram, partim nova rebus novis nomina
imponam, ubi id non inepte pro meo modulo facere possim, et ex fonte
deducendo grecorum, quoad liceat, latinorum succurram inopie. Non nusquam
etiam grecis utar, aut quia usitata latinis hominibus sint, aut quia proferri aliter
nequeant. […]
Anyhow, the first known Latin translation of the two works is by Gazes, which were also
printed for the first time in 1483.29
Demetrios Khalkokondyles (Khalkokandyles, Khalkondyles) was the historiographer
Laonikos Khalkokondyles’s cousin.30 He was born in Athens in 1423; came to Italy in 1449;
died in Milan in 1511. He was a student of Theodoros and a teacher of Johann Reuchlin and
Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. In his work, the editio princepsei (1488) of Homer’ epics are
of outstanding significance. He taught Greek for nearly five decades (1463–1511) at the
universities of Padua and Florence, as well as in Milan.31 Although his Greek grammar was
widely used, Erasmus appreciated that of Gazes more.32 According to Ágnes Ritoók-Szalay,
Khalkokondyles must have stayed in Buda for some time and must have had contact with
Vitéz.33
Ioannes Argyropulos (around 1415 – 26th June 1487) was teaching Greek in Padua
between 1441 and 1444, then in Florence from 1456 to 1471, and was professor of Greek
philosophy in Rome from 1471 to 1477 and again from 1481 to 1487.34 He became known
primarily as an Aristotelian, but his teaching activity (in Florence) integrated organically the
tenets of pre-Socratic and Platonic thinkers as well.35 His translations of Aristotle form a
vital part of his lifework, some of which were printed out in the 15th century.36 The Göt-
29 BMCVI 894; CTC 1971. 246, 266. Cf. Einarson 1976. 73.
30 Hunger 1978. 1, 485.
31 PLP
1994. 186–7 (No. 30511); Hunger 1978. 1, 485.
32 Sandys 1958. 65.
33 Ritoókné 2004. 56.
34 PLP 1976. 118–119 (No. 1267).
35 Field 1987; cf. Huszti 1925. 22, 37.
36 GW 2341 (De caelo et mundo), GW 2346 (De anima), GW 2359, 2361–2366 (Ethica ad Nicomachum), GW 2417
110
tingen Aristotle corvina (Libri physicorum VIII) contains Argyropulos’s interpretation dedi-
cated to Cosimo Medici.37
According to Vespasiano da Bisticci, on Janus’s first visit to Florence (1458) he listened
to a lecture on logic and another one on philosophy given by Argyropulos, who was teach-
ing there.38 There are also two epigrams Janus wrote to and about Argyropulos. In one he
is celebrating the Greek humanist’s translation skills:
Gratia magna tibi, de Grajo qui facis, ut sim

Italus, et facilis, qui modo durus eram.
Vix bene nota meis olim mea dicta, Pelasgis
te duce nunc Latiis en patuere viris.
Quid, consanguinei quod sunt interpres et auctor,
possidet et geminum Graecia nostra decus?
Scriptores alios ipsi vertere Quirites,
at me gentili munere Roma legit.39
Similarly to Trapezuntios, Gazes, Bessarion, Andronikos Kallistos and Niccolo Leonico

Tomeo, thanks to his thorough knowledge of languages, Argyropulos must have felt that he
was in a special privileged situation as a translator of Aristotle in the 15th century.40 In the
other poem, Janus praises Argyropulos’s merits in philosophy:
Iure dedit clarum tibi porta argentea, nomen:

qui nitidum ad sophiam tam bene pandis iter.41
The epigram is a pun on the Greek scholar’s name: By teaching the silver gate (in Latin ar-
gentea porta, in Greek argyro-pylos), Argyropulos opens up a radiant way (nitidum iter) to wis-
dom (sophia).
Although there is no direct reference to it, Argyropulos is most likely to have been a
visiting professor at the University of Pozsony (Universitas Histropolensis or Universitas Istro-
politana). The contact must have been initiated by Janus, who visited Argyropulos in Flor-
ence in 1465. It must have been on Janus’s advice that Argyropulos recommended the
translation of Aristotle’s De coelo to Vitéz, who was interested in astronomy:
(Analytica posteriora), GW 2442 (Physica)

37 Gött 36; Gebhardt 1884. 11, 14–17; Mazal 2003. 165. Cf. GW 2442.
38 Jankovits 2002. 40–41.
39 Mayer–Török 2006. No. 363.
40 Cf. Monfasani 1990. 56.
41 Mayer–Török 2006. No. 362.
111
[…] Accipe igitur hosce libros, sapientissime pater, in Romanam e Graeca
linguam a nobis nuper tua, vir optime, causa tuoque nomine versos, et perlege
felix. Non mediocrem ex hisce te puto voluptatem sumpturum; invenies enim
in ipsis et diluciditatem summam: quas namque sententias olim perobscuras
interpretandi modus ille rudis efficiebat, eas nunc omnis claras atque dilucidas
ultro sese offerre videbis, et concinnitates ac elegantiae satis, quoad ipse vertendi
modus efflagitare, materiesque pati videtur; non enim, ut scis, in talibus pervagari
licet, neque campus amplus ad dicendum conceditur; accedet et illud insuper,
quod magis quam caetera praesertim in libris talibus exoptatur. […]42
Subsequently, King Matthias must have requested in April 1471 the Signoria of Florence to
release the Greek scholar from the university’s service. In spite of his invitation, Argyropulos
changed his mind and moved to Rome on the invitation of the newly elected Pope Sixtus
IV.43 There is one more source related to Hungary, namely a letter by Argyropulos in
which he urges the poet László Vetési (provost of Veszprém from 1473) to make more
progress:
[…] Perge, igitur, ut facis, mi Ladislae, perge et in id studium, in quo versaris,

incumbe, ut et tibi honori et tuis utilitati et nationi tuae praeclarissimae non
solum emolumento, sed etiam gloriae esse possis. […]44
Georgios Trapezuntios (1395 – around 1471–72) with his own works and translations
features in eight survivng authentic corvinas, thus is “the most frequent” author and transla-
tor of the Bibliotheca Corviniana (among fifteenth-century authors and translators).45 He
was born on the island of Crete, and the name suggests the family’s origins. In 1420 he be-
came a citizen of Venice and converted to the Roman Catholic faith in Rome in 1426. He
lived a long and adventurous life, repeatedly spending time in prison and having heated de-
bates with Bessarion, Lorenzo Valla, Niccolo Perotti, Theodoros Gazes, and Ioannes Argy-
ropulos. He taught Greek, Latin, rhetoric, logic and philosophy, translated Greek authors
(mostly ecclesiastical leaders) and acted as Papal Secretary in the Pope’s Court in Rome. He
stayed in the Naples court of of Alphonso (V) of Aragonia. His student Pietro Barbo later
became pope under the name of Paul II.46
42 Ábel 1880a. 170–172.

43 Klaniczay 2001a. 110, 113–4; Klaniczay 1993. 41.
44 Ábel-Hegedûs 1903. 9; Ritoókné 2002b. 110–111.
45 Based on Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990 they are the following: EK 6; OSZK 281, 358, 415, 428; ÖNB 24, 218, 2485.
46 For Trapezuntios’s biography given in monographs see: Monfasani 1976; further short biographies: Rice Henderson
1987; DBI 2000. 373–382; PLP 1977. 202–204 (No. 4120).
112
Trapezuntios’s interest in Hungary and its people, as reflected in written documents, may
be dated to the late 1460s, i.e. to the last years of his life.47 The only exception is the 1441
letter addressed to Johannes de Dominis, the Várad bishop about his fear of the Ottoman
enemies and his urging of Christian unity.48
He dedicated his commentary (Commentaria ad Claudii Ptolomaei Magnam Compositionem)
to Ptolemai’s Magna composition to Matthias Hunyadi:
[…] Quasobres, quia iam pridem Claudii Ptolomei de motibus celestium opus
intellectu perdifficile a Graeca in linguam Latinam maximis invidentie periculis
traduximus, commentaria nunc ad illos a nobis edita, quibus obrutos eos tenebris
in lucem dei gratia eruimus, tue maiestati, Mathia, rex Pannoniorum illustrissime
atque inclyte, dedicamus, sperantes aliquando tabularum et numerorum, quibus
celestes motus investigantur et iam pre vetustate rerum non ad integrum quadrant,
emendationem ad nominis tui fore perpetuitatem sempiternam. […]49
Trapezuntios also translated Magna composition from Greek into Latin, giving a better text to
the reader than the medieval rendering based on the Arabic version. Kept in Vienna today,
the corvina containing the translation was in Esztergom in 1467. A drawing of the Univer-
sitas Istropolitana’s horoscope had been drawn on its last page: „figura celi hora institutionis
universitatis Histropolitanae anno domini 1467 in Iunii tempore equato die 5…”50
The translation of Saint Basilius the Great was also dedicated to people in Hungary, and
Adversus Eunomium to the Archbishop of Esztergom János Vitéz:
[…] Hos adversus Eunomium libros in Latinam linguam e Greca nobis conversos
tuo nomini potissimum dedicavimus tum virtutis et fidei prestantia, tum
imitatione rebus ipsis in Basilium tua. […] Quos labores nostros iterum atque
iterum queso atque obsecro ut ea qua soles benignitate accipias nosque in tuorum
familiarium numerum ex humanitate tua digneris ascribere. […]51
De Spiritu Sancto was dedicated to Janus Pannonius, bishop of Pécs:
47 Documents revealing Trapezuntios’s contacts in Hungary were introduced by the author of the present essay: Ekler
2007.
48 Monfasani 1976. 49; Monfasani 1984. 261. Cf. Pajorin 2005. 20–21.
49 A d Christianissimum inclitumque Pannonie regem Mathiam Georgii Trapesuntii commentariorum ad Claudii
Ptolomei Magnam Compositionem prefatio. Stuttgart 24; Cf. Monfasani 1984. 286–7.
50 ÖNB 24. Monfasani 1984. 75; Klaniczay 1990. 585.
51 The dedication to Vitéz (Ad Ioannem archiepiscopum Strigoniensem Georgii Trapezuntii in traductionem librorum
Magni Basilii contra Eunomium prefatio) is contained in two codices: OSZK 371 f. 116r-v, ÖNB 4857 f. 1r-v. Denis
1793–1802. Vol. II/I, 458–461. and Monfasani 1984. 275–276 publishs the text on the basis of the Vienna codex.
113
[…] Hunc librum, ut parte aliqua in officio tibi respondeamus, dignationi tue
offerimus. Nam cum ipse sciam te religione, vita, prudentia ceteros nostra etate
preire episcopos, nec me lateat omni te in litterarum genere non Latinarum
modo, sed etiam Graecarum eruditissimum, meque semper a te re ipse diligi et
meos amari sciam, non potui nisi ingratus esse velim meam erga te benivolentiam
devotionemque scriptis non profiteri. […] Sed de laudibus tuis, quas mente iam
complexi sumus, si a tanta alende familie cura otiosi erimus, feliciore stilo
consequemur. […]52
The two works above (without dedications to Vitéz and Janus) are contained also in a cor-
vina kept at the National Széchényi Library, with corrections made by Vitéz.53 Trapezuntios
may have met Janus in person, because Janus mentions Trapezuntios from Crete in a pane-
gyric written to Guarino:
Inde Iovis genitus de stirpe Georgius alti

Cretaea, simili pavit quem lacte sub Ida
Digna polo nutrix et apes non rauca secutae
Cymbala purpureis mel congessere labellis.
(632–635)54
György Kosztolányi (Policarpus), who was Janus’s school-mate in Guarino’s school, entered
into Trapezuntios’s family by marrying one of his daughters.55 The more frequent hints at
Hungary, Trapezuntios’s interest in Hungary and his possible coming to the country may
have been due to a possible professorship in Pozsony, although there are no direct signs of
an invitation.56
In the Corvinian Library, Trapezuntios had other works too belonging to the field of
studia humanitatis. In the form of a catechism De partibus orationis ex Prisciano compendium
made Priscian’s Institutiones more usable for school education. According to Csapodiné, the
corvina copy in the National Széchényi Library contains János Vitéz’s notes.57 Rhetoricorum
libri V – based primarily on Hermogenes, Cicero and Aristotle – provides a synthesis of the
Greek and Roman rhetorical tradition. It is the only truly influential rhetorical summary of
the 15th century, being the most comprehensive overview of classical rhetoric since Quin-
52 The dedication addressed to Janus (Ad Ioannem episcopum Quinqeecclesiensem Georgii Trapezuntii in traductionem
librorum Magni Basilii ad Amphilochium prefatio) is to be found: ÖNB 4857, f. 88 r-v. Denis 1793–1802. 463–465
and Monfasani 1984. 252–253 publish the full text; Ábel 1880a. 201–2 publishes it in part.
53 OSZK 415. King Matthias’s coat of arms is painted over János Vitéz’s. Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984. 88 (No. 13).
54 Thomson 1988.
55 Monfasani 1976. 196–7.
56 ÖNB 24. Klaniczay 2001a. 114 (=Klaniczay 1990,. 584–585.); Ritoókné 2002. 13; Monfasani 1984. 75.
57 OSZK 428; Ekler 2006. 315–322. The doctoral dissertation of the author of the present study will contain a detailed
analysis of Trapezuntios’s work. Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984. 142 (No. 110).
114
tilianus.58 The figure sitting in the rostrum of the initial C at the head of the text of the
corvina may represent the king or the author.59 A simplified reproduction of the initial ap-
pears on the back side of our one thousand forint note. A natural complement to Rhetorico-
rum libri V was Trapezuntios’s Isagoge dialectica, a manual on logic with a humanist’s approach,
based on Aristotle’s teachings and summarising the minimal knowledge of logic for speakers.
The manual was particularly popular, and saw as many as fifty-five editions between 1470/72
and 1567.60
The Italian leader of Greek humanists was Cardinal Bessarion. As far as his date of birth, the
literature is uncertain: he was born at the very end of the 14th century or at the very beginning
of the 15th in Trapezunt. His Christian name is uncertain as well, but is perhaps Basileios. He
became a monk in 1423. He was a student to the well-known philosopher Georgios Gemistos
Plethon. In 1438–9 he acted as the spokesman for the union party, and became cardinal in
1439. As a papal envoy he served in the Sacred Roman Empire, Venice and France. In 1468
he left his library to the Republic of Venice. The library was one of the richest private libraries
in contemporary Europe, and for Greek codices it was definitely the richest.61
The codex which contains three of his theological works must have been taken into the
Corvinian Library from Bessarion’s possession (Matthias’s coat of arms is painted over that of
Bessarion, but on the verso of the letter the Cardinal’s coat of arms can be clearly made
out.)62 They gained their final form together with Bessarion’s four other works between
1464 and 1467. De ea parte evangelii, ubi scribitur: “Si eum volo manere, quid ad te?” formulates
textual interpretation view against Trapezuntios’s reading of a certain point in the Vulgate (John
21:22). He wrote Epistola ad Graecos as patriarch of Constantinople, urging Greeks to unite
with the Church of Rome. De sacramento Eucharistiae is a dogmatic study about the Eucharist,
defending the Curch of Rome’s position against the Greeks.63
Bessarion’s house on the Via Appia was the scene of scholarly meetings attended, among
others, by Theodoros Gazes, Niccolo Perotti, Giovanni Gatti and Johannes Regiomonta-
nus.64 The Cardinal promoted the strengthening of studia humanitatis in Vienna in 1460, and
later he had a strong impact on the spirit of the Universitas Istropolitana. When to Rome (1465)
on his mission in order to submit the request to the Curia for establishing a university, Janus
invited to outstanding members (Gatti, Regiomontanus) of Bessarion’s circle to the new cen-
tre of learning.65 The Universitas Istropolitana was established on Vitéz’s initiative and with the
King’s full support. To realise his political goals as a Greek patriot, Bessarion must have had
58 Mack 1996. 85; Vasoli 1983. 22–7; MAMŰL IV. 197.

59 OSZK 281, f. 1r; Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. 136; Mikó 2004. 25; Madas 2004. 70.
60 ÖNB 2485. Mack 1996. 85; Monfasani 1976. 37–38; Monfasani 1984. 473–477; MAMŰL IV. 197.
61 PLP 1977. 65–68 (No. 2707); Karayannopulos-Weiss 1982. 540–1, Beck 1959. 767; Burckhardt 1978. 125; Setton
1956. 74.
62 Bartoniek 1937. 120–125.
63 OSZK 438. Monfasani 1981. 170–172.
64 Setton 1956. 73; Klaniczay 1985. 11.
65 Klaniczay 1993. 41; Klaniczay 2001a. 125; Ritoókné 2002a. 12–13.
115
regular contact with Hungary: he probably conducted several diplomatic negotiations with
Hungarian envoys and humanists, as Hungary was the main actor in the war against Turks.
During his 1460 stay in Vienna the Cardinal must have met Vitéz as well.66
Georgios Gemistos Plethon, who attended the Council of Florence (1439) had a strong influ-
ence on the Italian Platonic studies (as well as on the emergence of the fifteenth-century Pla-
tonic-Aristotelian debate). In his philosophical system, Platonism was mixed with classical Greek
polytheism and a type of fatalism.67 Trapeuntios joined the debate with two of his writings. Pro-
tectio Aristotelis Problematum is part of a Vienna corvina, while the copy of Comparatio philosophorum
Aristotelis et Platonis in the Vatican Library contains amendments by János Vitéz.68
Bessarion replied to Trapezuntios’s “pro-Aristotelian” Comparatio philosophorum Aristotelis
et Platonis with his Adversus calumniatorem Platonis (published in printed form in 1469). In
preparing the Platon apology, Theodoros Gazes also played an active part.69 This piece must
have been widely read in the Carpathian Basin, and Vitéz himself must have been familiar
with it, because he entered the following note in the codex containing Trapezuntios’s Comp-
aratio: “finivi legendo die 20 Septembris 1470. Contra hunc scripsit dominus Bissarion car-
dinalis Nicenus vir eruditissimus pro Platone non tamen contra Aristotelem… Jo”.70
List of codices referred to in the paper
BAV 3382 Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 3382
EK 6 Budapest, Egyetemi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 6
Gött 36 Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, Cod. MS. Phil. 36
OSZK 281 Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 281
ÖNB 218 Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 218
Stuttgart 24 Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Math. Fol. 24
66 Huszti 1925. 17.

67 Hunger 1978. 1, 24–5.
68 ÖNB 218; BAV 3382. Cf. Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984. 142–143 (No. 111).
69 GW 4183 (Adversus calumniatorem Platonis); Monfasani 1976. 162, 170; Monfasani 1990. 61; Beck 1959. 769.
70 Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984. 88 (No. 14); 142 (No. 111).
116
Edina Zsupán
János Vitéz’ Book of Letters
Prologue
One of the most suitable – and definitely most popular – written genres of humanist intel-
lectual expression was the letter. When in the tract De ratione conscribendi epistolas Erasmus
attempts to make a theoretical approach to the letter, critically detaching himself from former
definitions and attempts at typifying, he clearly turns against any form of narrowing down
according to themes or length, and emphasises the many-faceted character of the letter both
in the topics it may cover and the possible linguistic means of expression. In the case of the
latter, he regards the “apte dicere” principle as the most important one, suggesting that it is
vital that the right mode of expression should be selected according to the addressee’s char-
acter and the writer’s intentions.
Although it maintains a certain degree of continuity with the conventions of the medi-
eval art of letter writing, the ars dictaminis, the humanist letter bears features fundamentally
different from the medieval genre. The genuine model for epistle-writing humanists, how-
ever, was not the medieval tradition, but Cicero’s and Livius’s art of letter writing.
When Petrarch discovered some of the Cicero letters in Verona in 1345, and this led him
to publish the collection of his own letters (Familiarum rerum libri), the humanist cult of the
Of the literature dealing with medieval and humanist letters, an excellent summary is given by Pajorin Klára: La
cultura di János Vitéz. Camoenae Hungaricae 2005. 13, 3. About the characteristics of the humanist letter, its con-
temporary theoretical approach and the earlier literature, an excellent review is given by H. Hart: Poggio Bracciolini
und die Brieftheorie des 15. Jahrhunderts. Zur Gattungsform des humanistischen Briefs. In: Der Brief im Zeitalter
der Renaissance. Mitteilung IX der Komission für Humanismusforschung. Hrsg. F. J. Worstbrock. Weinheim 1983,
81–99.
For the theoretical approach to the genre of the letter in the Renaissance, see Franciscus Niger: De modo epistolandi.
Venetiis 1490; Nicolaus Perottus: Rudimenta Grammatices. Venetiis 1486; Angelo Poliziano: Commento inedito alle
Selve di Stazio, a cura di L. Cesarini Martinelli. Firenze 1978 (Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento. Studi e
Testi V); Lorenzo Valla: De conficiendis epistolis libellus. In: Opera omnia. Con una premessa di E. Garin. Torino,
1962, vol. II, 97–115 (a reprint of the 1486 Florence edition). The views of the mentioned authors on the theory of the
letter and attempts at categorisation are summarised by Hart 1983, 89–90.
Seech. 1, De ratione conscribendi epistolas, entitled Qui epistolae character. Ibid.: … cum argumentorum species non
minus sint innumerabiles, quam mundi illi Democritici …. De conscribendis epistolis opus Des. Eras. Rot. Lugduni,
apud Theobaldum Paganum, 1557. Budapest, OSZK, Ant. 13 404.
The continuity between the medieval and humanist letter can be observed primarily in structure and function. In the
Middle Ages too, the parts of the letter were standardised according to classical rhetoric. A twelfth-century school
manual from Bologna, the Rationes dictandi lists the parts of the letter as follows: Salutatio, Captatio benevolentiae,
Narratio, Petitio, Conclusio. Hart 1983. 84–85.
117
letter was launched. Thus letter writing developed into a veritable art. The authors tried to
prove that they were well-prepared scholars and outstanding stylists by applying rhetorical
and linguistic means of expression and classical quotes.
At the same time, humanist letters take a large step towards becoming personal, as unlike
the medieval letter where the writer aimed only at expressing his own thoughts, they convey
a dialogue between the writer and the recipient. Thus the letter ceases to be merely a tool for
passing on information, and leaves room for a more personal exchange of ideas between people
far apart. In the European network of humanists, or the res publica litteraria, the letter was a
means of establishing and maintaining friendships. In the Renaissance, the notion of ‘friend-
ship’ was extended beyond its traditional meaning: it referred to the relationship between hu-
manists living in different locations, who sometimes never met in person. This ‘friendship’, in
fact, expressed that they all belonged to the same European community of the res publica litter-
aria. Letters and correspondence made possible the manifestation of this friendship.
This special relationship, wich could be called ‘professional’, is well reflected in the
themes, style and tone of the letters. As the humanists primarily discuss scholarly, philo-
sophical and philological issues, give accounts of current political events or conduct schol-
arly debates, the letters may represent almost all the prose genres of the age, including tracts,
literary conversations, travel stories, invectives, etc.
Besides and through their addressees, humanists intended their letters to be read by a
wide public. When composing them, they had their eyes on a larger literary audience, care-
fully structuring their work, ordering their argument and using appropriate language.10 The
ideal letter would be a reflection of knowledge as well as of the eloquence.11 Organising let-
ters into a volume and publishing them was one form of attaining the public. Following
classical models of letter collections, the Renaissance also yielded a number of such collec-
tions. They were copied, they served as independent readings or were occasionally used as
samples.12
V. Kovács Sándor: Humanista levelek, levélíró humanisták (Vitéz Jánostól az erazmistákig kb. 1440-kb. 1540). [Hu-
manist letters. Letter-writing humanists. From János Vitéz to the Erasmists ca 1440 – ca 1540] In: V. Kovács 1987.
259–313, 260.
Batkin considers dialogue as a basic cognitive structure in the Renaissance. See Batkin, Leonyid: Az itáliai reneszán-
sz. [Italian Renaissance.] Budapest 1986. 262–325.
In the first piece of Petrarch’s own letter collection that he addressed to Socrates, he closes down the “dialogue” with
him as follows: Dulci mihi colloquium tecum fuit …. F. Petrarca: Le familiari, I. I. 334–337. (Vol. I. 14.) Quoted by
Batkin ibid. 248.
Batkin considers “ … these letters … were vital tools of communication between people who, by the standards of the
time, were far apart, but for whom it was vital need to have their peers’ support and the maintenance of the group.” (p.
219). About the humanist letter in detail, Batkin ibid. 215–223.
Hart 1983. 91–92.
10 Hart 1983. 82.
11 Hart 1983. 92.
12 See, for example, Ficino’s collected letters in the Corvinian Library. The three volumes are today in the Wolfenbüttel
Herzog August Bibliothek, marked: Cod. Guelf. 73. Aug. 2o; Cod. Guelf. 2. Aug. 4o; Cod. Guelf. 12. Aug. 4o. Poggio
Bracciolini’s letter collection was especially liked because of his enjoyable novel-like style.
118
János Vitéz
The figure of János Vitéz emerges in Hungarian cultural history in a strangely unexpected
manner. In the literature, József Huszti’s claim is almost a cliché that “whoever is able to
explain the development of János Vitéz’s humanist personality has found the key to the se-
cret of the Hungarian Quattrocento”.13 The phenomenon is also remarkable because Vitéz’s
education was rooted in medieval tradition.14 In all probability, this was a fortunate coinci-
dence of many different influences, of which Pier Paolo Vergerio’s role is of the utmost
significance.
Vergerio (1370–1444), whom Coluccio Salutati called “the phoenix of all classical vir-
tues”15, had already had a long humanist career behind him when at the Council of Con-
stance he entered the service of King Sigismundus (1414–1418). Huszti argued that his most
fundamental feature was his universalism.16 Under the Carraras rule, he acted as chancellor
of Padua, was the apostolic secretary to Pope Innocent VII, and at the Council mentioned
above represented Ravenna. He taught humanities at the universities of Florence, Bologna,
Padua and Rome and later became an honorary lecturer. He studied Greek with Manuel
Chrysoloras in Florence, and when not so young any more, back on Hungarian soil, he did
translations. In addition, he is also a historiographer, a philosopher, writer and poet, writing
verse in Latin and Italian and a comedy in Terentius’s style. His surviving letters and peda-
gogical tract on Noble Morality (De ingenuis moribus)17 prove that he was not merely a “prac-
tising” humanist, but also seriously and frequently dealt with theoretical issues of the Renais-
sance.
Invited by Sigismundus, he came to Buda in 1418 and held the office of referendarius,
working as advisor and diplomat outside (and beyond) the hierarchy in the monarch’s envi-
ronment, almost as if acting as Sigismundus’s court humanist. Apart from his missions, he did
not leave Hungary again. For reasons unknown, he also reduced his contacts with Italy. He
died in Buda in 1444. 18
13 Huszti 1955. The quotation is on p. 521.

14 Klára Pajorin has vividly demonstrated that several elements of Vitéz’s education, including some that had earlier
been considered humanist traits, in fact originated from medieval education. Pajorin 2005.
15 Batkin, op.cit. 217.
16 Huszti 1955. 523. About Vergerio most recently in Hungarian: Kiséry Zsuzsanna: Vergerio és Luxemburgi Zsig-
mond. [Vergerio and Sigismundus of Luxembourg.] In: Sigismundus 2006. 292–294.
17 A manuscript version is available at the National Széchényi Library. Mark: Cod. Lat. 314. (Cat. No. 19)
18 Huszti 1955. 523–526.
119
The career of János Vitéz of Zredna (1408–1472) started in the early or mid-1430s when
he worked for Sigismundus’s secret chancellery.19 Thus the possibility of contact between
Vergerio and Vitéz was given for long years to come; the encounter between the influential
Italian humanist and the sensitive and talented young man proved to be especially fortunate.
Vergerio’s activity and personality must have served as a model for Vitéz in a large number of
areas. Nevertheless, it is important to underline the consciousness that Vergerio manifested in
approaching the humanist way of life on a theoretical level as well. In the course of their con-
versations, the educator and “theoretical expert”, Vergerio must have drawn the figure of the
ideal humanist to Vitéz and must have instructed him in how to attain the model. From the
point of the present paper it has special significance that Vergerio is regarded as one of the great
humanist letter writers.20 He started seriously cultivating this genre under the influence of
Petrarch and Giovanni Conversino da Ravenna, while his classical prototypes were also Cic-
ero and Seneca. Vergerio published, among others, Petrarch’s collection, the Epistolae famil-
iares. His library, a part of which some21 believe to have been inherited by Vitéz, probably
included all these works.22
The great historian of Hungarian literature, János Horváth, who says about Vergerio that
“János Vitéz became the true founder of humanism in Hungary mainly through his media-
tion, following his example and under his influence”, also attributes great significance to
contemporary Italian-Hungarian diplomatic relations in trying to identify antecedents.23
Naturally, Vergerio himself must have attracted his own friends to Buda, but a large number
of other highly distinguished humanists also visited Sigismundus’s court, among them Am-
brogio Traversari, Antonio Loschi, the Venetian Francesco Barbaro, the scholar of Greek,
Francesco Filelfo, Poggio Bracciolini, Jacopo Angelo and the traveler of antiquarian interest,
Ciriaco d’ Ancona.24 Meeting them, conducting official negotiations with them, where
wonderful humanist speeches must have been made, as well as their letters that had to be
answered preferably at the same level of sophistication, certainly made a huge impact. Of the
humanists listed, Poggio Bracciolini’s example appears to have been especially important for
Vitéz. Poggio was known as a celebrated epistle-writer, who compiled volumes of his let-
19 For János Vitéz’s official and political career, see Fraknói 1879; Szakály 1990, with a detailed review of earlier
literature; Kubinyi 1999; Kubinyi András: Vitéz János és Janus Pannonius politikája Mátyás uralkodása idején. In:
Humanista mûveltség Pannóniában. [The politics of János Vitéz and Janus Pannonius during the reign of king Mat-
thias. Humanist education in Pannonia.] Ed. Bartók István, Jankovits László, Kecskeméti Gábor, Pécs, 2000. From
the summer of 1439 he is a prothonotary, and from November his rank is that of a deputy chancellor. In the spring
of 1440, representing the chancery he accompanies to Krakow the Hungarian delegation to elect Vladislav I to be
Hungarian king, and he formulates Vladislav’s letter of faith too. Szakály 1990. 12; Kubinyi 1999. 45.
20 The basic edition of his letters: Smith, Leonardo: Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio. Roma, 1934.
21 Huszti 1955. 532; Kardos Tibor: A magyarországi humanizmus kora. [The age of Hungarian humanism.] Budapest
1955. 118–119; Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984. No. 23. Klára Pajorin brings forth convincing arguments for her doubts:
Pajorin 2005. 19., also Pajorin Klára: A magyar humanizmus Zsigmond-kori alapjai. [Bases of Hungarian human-
ism in the age of Sigismundus.] In: Zsigmond 1987. 193–211.
22 V. Kovács 1987. 263.
23 Horváth János 1935. 40.
24 Ibid.
120
ters25; he was also the teacher of one of the most significant humanist letter writers, namely
Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, the later Pope Innocent II. Poggio maintained regular corre-
spondence both with Sigismundus’s and Albert’s courts, offered his services as a historiogra-
pher even to János Hunyadi, and sent him the Latin translation of Xenophon’s Cyropaedia.26
Thus Vitéz had ample opportunity to study humanist letters.27 Vitéz’s predecessor in office,
the Várad bishop, Ioannes de Dominis (†10. Nov, 1444) should not be left without men-
tion, either. He possessed a remarkable humanist education and had direct contact with
Vergerio, as well as with the most distinguished Italian humanists.28 When Vitéz assumed his
office, he followed in his footsteps also by serving a new tradition and a new culture.
The question of Vitéz’s foreign travels and studies is rather problematic. There is hardly
any concrete information about these issues. Nevertheless, most researchers regard it impos-
sible that Vitéz’s comprehensive humanist education could have been obtained without
studies abroad, especially in Italy, or at least without travelling abroad. Fraknói asserts that
Vitéz must have studied at Padua, as among the youths of the Zagreb diocese, where Vitéz
himself belonged, this was rather frequent.29 Fraknói tentatively suggests, while Ferenc Sza-
kály already proves that János Vitéz was among those who accompanied Sigismundus on his
foreign trips.30 Several scholars toy with the idea that Vitéz may have been present in Rome
in 1433 when Sigismundus was crowned emperor by Eugene IV, although there is no direct
evidence to prove the assumption.31
There is one single piece of evidence regarding Vitéz’s studies, namely that in 1434 he
entered the faculty of art of Vienna University, but never completed his studies.32 His later
contacts – Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Georg Peuerbach, Miklós Lasocki and Krakow dean,
Grzegorz z Sanoka – as well as his diplomatic missions also seem to suggest a Viennese, Czech
and Polish orientation. He gives an account of his planned study trip to Italy, which, how-
25 Edition of Poggio’s letters: Epistolae I–III. A cura di T. Tonelli, Florentinae 1832–1861.

26 Ábel 1880. 158–159. See also Csapodi Csaba: Hunyadi János és Poggio Bracciolini. [János Hunyadi and Poggio
Bracciolini.] Filológiai Közlöny, 1965. 155–158.
27 V. Kovács 1987. 263–64.
28 Pajorin 2005. 20–21.; see also: Kubinyi András: Vitéz János a jó humanista és a rossz politikus [János Vitéz the good
humanist and poor politician]. In: A magyar történelem vitatott személyiségei [Questionable personalities in Hungar-
ian history.] Budapest, 2002.
29 Fraknói 1879. 10–11. Fraknói anyhow notes ( note 1 ) that the list of Padua students does not survive from the 15th
century.
30 Fraknói 1879. 12; Szakály 1990. 11. Based on the justification for a 1437 donation letter addressed to Vitéz, Ferenc
Szakály proves Fraknói’s tenet that from it it transpires that Vitéz was indeed one of the monarch’s escorts on his
foreign trips. No concrete data, however, about the times and dates of these trips are available.
31 Szakály 1990. 11.
32 Op.cit.; Kubinyi 1999. 45.
121
ever, fell through, in a piece in the Book of Letters.33 Tibor Klaniczay finds evidence in a phrase
by the primate himself that not only in 1444 but never did he do any studies in Italy, saying:
“As I also think of myself as a son of the uncultivated land whose fruit I miss more than its
busy hands…”34. By “uncultivated land” he is presumed to mean Hungary, while the “busy
hands” would be the humanist masters, primarily Vergerio.35 In this context, mention should
be made of the domestic forum where these “busy hands” were able to exert their most direct
influence, namely the Vitéz’s contubernia in Buda and Várad (Oradea, Romania). Already dur-
ing the Buda years, a scholarly society was formed around Vitéz, whose members would often
be engaged in witty conversation, literary exercises and contests. Members of the first contu-
bernium included Grzegorz z Sanoka, the humanist vicar of Wielicka, educator of Vladislav I
and László Hunyadi and a friend of Vitéz’s; the dean of Krakow Miklós Lasocki, Hungary’s
delegate at the Holy See; Filippo Podocataro, the poet and diplomat from Cyprus; based on
his classical education Archdeacon Pál, Vitéz’s colleague, who later encouraged him to com-
pile the Book of Letters; probably Pál Ivanich, canon of Zagreb as well, who was later to be the
editor of the Book of Letters and the highly educated Papal delegate Cardinal Giuliano Ce-
sarini, Vergerio’s close friend. Although the society was organised around Vitéz, its spiritus
rector appears to have been still the elderly Vergerio.36
This was the spiritual environment that formed the author of the Book of Letters in the
period preceding the writing of the letters.
The Book of Letters
There is no data about János Vitéz’s work for the chancellery after 1441. Following Vladislav
I’ accession to the throne, although he helped the king, for reasons unknown Vitéz lost some
33 Dated as the turn of 1444, addressed to the Krakow dean Nicholas: Infelici occupatus tempore via, quam optabat
animus, incedere minime potui, verum revectus in meam infinite temptacionis domum, ipsemet – ut vera loquar
– ignoro, quo iam consistam gradu. [Bogged down because of unfortunate times, I was unable to set out on the road
where my spirit craved to go, but returning to this house of endless trials, honestly, even I myself don’t know what
my rank is.] Ivanich adds in a note: Via: susceperat enim viam ad Italiam pro studio, sed propter insidias latronum,
et eciam quia inhibitus fuit ab isto transitu per condam Mathkonem banum, a Zagrabia retrocessit, et propterea
dicit infra: ‘revectus’ etc. [on the road because he set out to go and study in Italy, but because of the danger of
highwaymen and because a certain Count Mathko returned from Zagreb, therefor he says ‘removed’ etc.] Boronkai
1980. 60–61. Epistolarium 20. The reliable edition of the Book of Letters in the Vienna manuscript (ÖNB, Cod. 431)
up to Boronkai’s edition see: J. G. Schwandtner: Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum veteres ac genuini. II. Vindobonae
1746, with a preface by Mátyás Bél. This edition, however, only includes a part of Ivanich’s notes. Excerpts from
Vitéz’s letters are from now on included exclusively in the translator’s rendering into English from Iván Boronkai’s
Hungarian translation in the following volume: Boronkai 1987. Vitéz planned to do studies in Italy once more in
1451, for which he received Pope Nicholas V’s permission, but his plan repeatedly fell through. Pajorin 2005. 21.
34 C um autem ego quoque noverim me pariter eo rure alitum, cui huius culture frugem magis quam operam abesse
queror … Epistolarium 2, Boronkai 1980. 39.
35 Klaniczay Tibor: Vitéz János contuberniuma.[János Vitéz’s contubernium.] In: Klaniczay 1993. 37–38.
36 Klaniczay 1993. 27–38.
122
of his power, and appears again as prothonotary and canon of Zagreb and was not donated
an estate by the young monarch. It needs to be added that in 1441 he was appointed to be
provost of the Várad chapter, which he presumably did not see as sufficient compensation,
though. It is possible that this treatment hurt his self-esteem, and that is why he relinquished
his service for the chancellery, leaving Buda and withdrawing to Várad.37 Presumably, this
is also the time he entered into János Hunyadi’s service. Vitéz’s non-transparent profes-
sional and political career, full of strange twists and turns, raises a number of questions. It is
hard to explain why he was repeatedly pushed aside and rejected. Between 1441 and 1452
he was in Hunyadi’s exclusive unofficial service, acting as his personal secretary and writing
his diplomatic letters. Sometimes he is even referred to as ’Hunyadi’s pen’. The charge has
been brought against Hunyadi that he expropriated Vitéz. Around 1445 there are some
slight hints again that he may have received a temporary government post worthy of his
abilities, but this is completely unverified. Anyhow, in 1445 he was consecrated bishop of
Várad.38
János Vitéz’s Book of letters (Cat. No. 34) is “a consciously edited humanist collection, the
first literary product of Hungarian humanism related to the chancery, which also proves
Vitéz’s great authority.”39 According to the scenario that transpires, it was János Vitéz’s
former colleague at the chancery, Archdeacon Pál, who asked the primate as early as 1445
to gather and publish his letters, because he had already gained a reputation as a highly re-
spected scholar. According to Sándor V. Kovács, however, the actual initiator was Vitéz
himself, hiding behind Pál as a requirement of the genre and for reasons of obligatory mod-
esty.40 In 1451 the letters were collected and arranged into a volume by Pál Ivanich, the
scholarly canon of Várad and member of Vitéz’s Várad contubernium.41 At the head of the
collection and at its end, constituting a preface and an epilogue, there are Pál Ivanich’s letters
giving a report about the work done to Archdeacon Pál, dated as of 12 January and 15 De-
cember 1451, respectively. Ivanich’s introductory letter is followed by two of János Vitéz’s
as the first and second prologues, both addressed to Archdeacon Pál. The first is dated 24th
April 1445, while the second 18th March 1448, both responding to Pál’s request. The vol-
ume contains 78 letters primarily of diplomatic content from the period between 1445 and
1451. Its special feature is that Pál Ivanich supplied the text with abundant notes on the
37 Szakály 1990. 13. Ferenc Szakály’s opinion is supported by the following spot in the Book of Letters where Vitéz
Writes about the art of writing as of something he gave up a long time before: … abiectum iam pridem usum
moremque scribendi … Epistolarium 1, 31.
38 Szakály 1990. 14–22. Later, between 1453 and ’56 he returns to official politics, and becomes Ladislaus V’s secret
chancellor. Later Matthias is, to a certain extent, to rehabilitate him.
40 V. Kovács 1987. 264.
41 Based on a 15th century Vergerio biography, Florio Banfi supposes that Ivanich was in touch with Vergerio. Klanic-
zay 1993. 36. Pál Ivanich’s figure is made special in the eyes of posterity by the fact that he spoke Turkish, as a result
of which his service was required in the court of Pope Nicholas V. Huszti József: Magyar humanista mint török
tudós V. Miklós udvarában [A Hungarian humanist as a ‘turcologist’ in the court of Pope Nicholas V]. Századok
1927. 334–350.
123
margins. This is why János Horváth says „this is a veritable scholarly publication of the mas-
ter’s letters, serving as a model and edification, in the form of two followers’ keen enter-
prise.”42
The framework of the Book of Letters: preface and epilogue

Two letters by Pál Ivanich to Archdeacon Pál dated 12th January and
16th December 1451
Pál Ivanich’s praefatio or his first letter written to Archdeacon Pál is, in fact, an editorial pref-
ace in which he informs Pál and, through him, the future reader of the circumstances of the
book’s creation. Nevertheless, in the preface, reality is mixed with certain fictional circum-
stances, which as typical features of the genre, cannot be absent from the introduction to the
letter corpus of a Humanist educated on Cicero, Plinius and Seneca. This is how Ivanich
starts at the very beginning:
With many others, I regarded it my pleasant duty to have the letters long required
by our common father sent to you. Not only readily but also with great
enthusiasm and with his consent have I gathered into one volume the letters
scattered all over, sometimes left on sheets or thrown into the corner, occasionally
even carelessly trampled on, so that you should know: both of us have competed
to possess them with a strong desire – I have been silent and you voicing your
wish.43
Later, discussing the structure of the volume, he proposes similar ideas:
You should also know that in arranging these letters, I was unable to consider
the chronological order of their birth and dispatch. I have presented them as the
copies cropped up and as I found the material.44
Then in his first letter, Vitéz himself also returns to the same motif:

43 Dudum expetite a communi patre nostro epistole et tibi mitterentur, ego inter alios operam iussus dedi. Ego, inquam,
eas hinc-inde disiectas, in scediid suis atque angulis mandatas, nonnullas eciam ex incuria proculcatas in hoc
volumen ipso annuente recolligere ne solum pronus, sed eciam solicitus fui, ut cognosceres et me tacentem et te
loquentem eque cupido animo ad eas habendas cucurrisse. Epistolarium, Praefatio, Boronkai 1980. 27. Klaniczay
draws attention to the fact that the word pater for Vitéz might be important also because the leaders of academias, or
scholarly groups, in the 15th century were given the titles princeps and pater. Klaniczay 1993. 42.
44 Noveris preterea, quod in collocandis hiis epistolis ego ordinem illum servare non potui, quo eedem facte editeque
fuere, sed ut occurrebat copia ac materia inventa. Epistolarium, Praefatio, Boronkai 1980. 27.
124
Well, let us see what you wish. You want me, don’t you, to search every nook
and cranny of my house for pages of my old letters and to hand them over to
you for reading, arranged in a volume?45
Thus the situation described at the launch of the letter corpus suggests a careless attitude in
a positive sense, as well as a degree of unaffectedness. It was an almost obligatory convention
that the humanist letter collection was supposed to stress at its start this kind of ad-lib and
perfunctory character.46 Naturally, classical epistle-writers provided the source. For exam-
ple, Plinius the Younger begins the first book of his letters as follows:
My dear Septicius, You have often prodded me that I collect and publish the
letters I have written with more care. Well, I have gathered them but with no
regard for their chronology, just as I chanced upon them, as after all, this is not
a historical work. I hope you won’t regret your advice, neither will I regret
taking it. In that case, it is possible that I will find the others too that are still
lying about, and when I write new ones, I won’t hide them. I wish you well.47
It should be noted, however, that both Plinius the Younger and Renaissance humanists se-
lected, revised and improved with utmost care their letters intended for publication, and
parallel to them, their speeches which are inseparable from the letters. What is more, it is
obvious that in most cases, already at the moment of writing, they had the future public in
mind. It is a question if this is also true for János Vitéz.48 Care, conscientiousness and the
intention of observing the rules and elements of classical rhetoric are undeniable in his work
too. It is not easy to decide, however, if he is “reluctant” to make his letters public due to
the obligatory modesty and warns us through Ivanich that the letters should edify rather than
present an artistic form (praefatio). The two letters following the preface are so imbued with
some kind of reticence and reserve concerning a forthright opening up to the public that
perhaps we have to agree with those who consider his attitude genuine modesty which they
originate from Vitéz’s personality rather than an obligatory pose. He must have seen it him-
self that his diplomatic letters gathered into the volume were considerably different from
45 Age nunc videamus, quid expostules; et quidem ut edium angulis, carthophylaciis quoque conlustratis, scedas tibi
epistolarum quondam mearum perquirerem, easque in volumen redactas tibi tuisque legendas exhiberem. Episto-
larium, Boronkai 1980. 30–31.
46 V. Kovács 1987. 265–266.
47 C. Plinius Septicio Suo S. Frequenter hortatus es, ut epistulas, si quas paulo curatius scripsissem, colligerem
publicaremque. Collegi non servato temporis ordine (neque enim historiam componebam), sed ut quaeque in manus
venerat. Superest, ut nec te consilii nec me paeniteat obsequii. Ita enim fiet, ut eas quae adhuc neglectae iacent
requiram et, si quas addidero, non supprimam. Vale. C. Plini Caecili Secundi Epistolarum libri novem, Epistolarum
ad Traianum liber, Panegyricus. Ed. Mauritius Schuster, Lipsiae MCMLVIII. 1. 1.
48 Vitéz also had his Plinius, probably in multiple copies. One has survived and is today kept in the Österreichische
Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 141 (Cat. No. 24) Vitéz’s emendations of the codex reflect very thorough study.
125
those of the classical forefathers or from the witty and brilliant epistles of such contemporary
humanists as Poggio:
Since according to our great orator, it is good if the person who aspires for great
and desirable things tries everything, as you have requested, I am sending you
my rather weak writings in the hope that you as reader will appreciate them
more – if you should have become tired of walking the majestic scenes of he old
masters’ letters, your intellect might have a pleasant rest on these and if you have
already admired the high peaks, you can now treasure the lowlands.49
János Vitéz is sometimes called a practical humanist, who is not limited to complacency and
exhibitionism, but finds his humanist self in his work and service.50 In the closing letter of
the volume, Ivanich discloses that Vitéz would often repeat that “It is volatile and mercurial
honour to search for fame through the mere splendour of words.”51 This claim seems to be
confirmed by the fact that János Vitéz did not compile any further books of letters. Although
the material in the Book of Letters is up to 1451, Vitéz’s professional and diplomatic career is
far from being over. There were many more epistles, famous speeches and private letters as
well, but he did not find it important to save them. It is conceivable that in bringing about
the Book of Letters Pál Ivanich’s ambition played a bigger role than Vitéz’s individual inten-
tions.
Ivanich’s aim to emphasize his own contribution is tangible already in the preface. Pri-
marily his showing off is reflected in the fact that he does not include Archdeacon Pál’s letter
or letters, who was in fact the ’mastermind’ or the driving force behind the project, thus
stressing his own role52 of being the “executor”.53 At the end of the preface, he talks at
length about his won contribution to the volume: he supplied the letters with scholarly ex-
planations so that they are easier to understand, in case of quotations from classical authors,
he named the source, and also gave linguistic clarifications, “partly inquiring from our com-
mon father and partly checking things in books”.54 The epilogue, namely Ivanich’s letter at
the end of the volume, which he also wrote to Archdeacon Pál on 16th December 1451 in
Várad, is exclusively about him ad his share of the undertaking. In the first lines, he ex-
49 At quoniam iuxta magni oratoris nostri sentenciam par est omnes omnia experiri, qui res magnas et magnopere
expetendas concupiverunt, cedo instancie tue, atque ut petisti, statui mittere tibi infirma mea, legenti pociora, ut
cum inter excellentes illas litterarum veterum regiones lassus forte versaberis, ad hec remittens animum iocabundus
conquiescas, utque tandem si summa miraberis, inferiora quoque probes. Epistolarium 1., Boronkai 1980. 31–32.
51 … fluxa – inquiens – et ventosa gloria est de solo verborum splendore famam querere … Epistolarium, Epilogus,
Boronkai 1980. 166.
52 Ibid.
53 … te quidem motore, me vero executore libellus ipse dedicabitur … [this booklet we are going to recommend as
intiatiators and executors] Epistolarium, Praefatio, Boronkai 1980. 27.
54 … et ab ipso patre nostro interrogans, et in libris per me requirens informari potui. Epistolarium, Praefatio,
Boronkai 1980. 28.
126
presses his sadness that the joyful activity has come to an end, and then rather unfortunately,
he refers back to the starting image according to which there are no usable letters in any
nooks and crannies. He encourages Pál that he should also do further search for possible
Vitéz letters, and if he is successful, he should send copies to Ivanich. After this, he discusses
at length his notes to the letters, apologising for his mistakes and says to Pál that if he finds
some, he should be contented that he (i.e. Pál) knows better. He is apologetic also about the
style of the notes and refers to Vitéz, who also concentrated on facts rather than on artistic
form.55 Subsequently, he uses warm words to recommend Vitéz’s letters to Pál and asks him
not to make rushed judgments about them, but to let them make an impact on him. This is
how he addresses Pál:
Because, as you know, they were written by a pen that duly (and not badly!)
became a master ’in his twilight years’, and which serving matters through them,
apparently did not completely disregard art either. 56
It is remarkable, however, that in the closing lines of the letter, he refers to the work as his
own:
Love this work of mine, the creation of the same editor and author, which
I offer as a token of love that should yield richer harvests soon.57
The two Vitéz letters

On 24th April 1445 and 18th March 1448
Regarding the structure of the volume, this is what Ivanich writes about the two letters in
the preface:
55 Pál Ivanich’s notes are mainly explanations of words and are partly related to style and rhetoric. Iván Boronkai has
pointed out that the rhetorical glosses are primarily about the structure of the letters, and one of their sources is the
Rhetorica ad Herennium. They also evidence that in the first half of the 15th century, in Hungary there was an inter-
est in the theory of rhetoric. See Boronkai Iván: Vitéz János retorikai iskolázottsága.[János Vitéz’s rhetorical educa-
tion]. Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 1975. 129–143. Klára Pajorin stresses that the Rhetorica ad Herennium was
known and used in the Middle Ages, according to which the knowledge of this piece is not necessarily a humanist
specificity. Pajorin 2005. 15.
56 N am eo calamo — ut nosti — facte sunt, cui merito haud perperam ‘seris venit usus ab annis’, et qui in eis usui
rerum subserviens, nec artem omninoextrusisse conspicitur. Epistolarium, Epilogus, Boronkai 1980. 166.
57 … atque hanc meam operam ama, quam eodem directore pariter et autore confectam amoris arrabonem offero, in
maiorem effectum propediem evasuram. Epistolarium, Epilogus, Boronkai 1980. 166.
127
… the two letters that with no small time gap he addressed to you [i.e. to Pál],
in answer to questions about the volume, I have placed before the others, because
in my judgment they are most worthy of introducing the others and of having
their memory survive. I dare say that once you understand the two, it will be
easier to relish the taste and meaning of subsequent ones.58
The two Vitéz letters concerned are indeed special in the corpus, as with a few exceptions,
the 78-item collection is made up of letters that he wrote on other people’s behalf, mainly
about state affairs in the name of János Hunyadi. At best, Vitéz is present only on the level
of linguistic and rhetorical formulation, while his ideas and personality stay in the back-
ground. The two introductory letters, however, are genuinely his own, expounding his
views on significant questions of literature. In this sense, they may be regarded as humanist
mission statements. About their style, Ivanich makes the following remarks in his second
note.
… in this letter and the next, he applies a style that he would use in addressing
a partner or a friend. He uses in them words and phrases fit for a comedy, which
– as you know – he tends to avoid in his serious letters. The major parts of the
two letters are mainly woven from the words and sentences of classical orators,
writers and poets.59
This reflects that Ivanich, who was familiar with Vitéz’s style, sensed the differences between
these two letters and the rest of the volume and was also able to classify them as Vitéz’s in-
dividual letter types. Accordingly, Vitéz would write to the “partner” (ad socium) and the
“friend” (ad amicum) in words “fit for a comedy” and including less serious phrases. It is pos-
sible that this inproportionately frequent use of classical quotations is also partly a game,
which in Vitéz’s style is a feature of his lighter tone. In spite of all this, the two letters cannot
be classified as belonging to the genre of the epistolae familiares, because their ease and infor-
mality are not at the level of the true humanist letter.
In content, tone, emotions and ideas, the first letter is a highly complex piece with a
master structure. In April 1445, Vitéz answers in response to Pál’s earlier urging. The letter
can be divided into two main parts. Firstly, in the warm greetings and the few warmth-filled
58 … illas duas epistolas, quas ad te pro responsione huius voluminis post sese haut parvo intervallo rescripserat,
ceteris anteposui, utpote quas in primis et prologo aliarum et memoria dignas existimavi. Epistolarium Praefatio,
Boronkai 1980. 27–28.
59 In primis nota, quod hanc epistolam et sequentem scribens utitur sermone, quo videlicet ad socium vel amicum
scribere solitus erat, ponuntur enim in eis verba comica et termini, quos in gravibus epistolis idem ipse – ut tu nosti
– refutare solebat. Que quidem due epistole in magna parte contexte sunt ex verbis et clausulis veterum oratorum,
scriptorum et poetarum. Paulus. Epistolarium 1, Boronkai 1980. 33.
128
46. Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 431, f. 2v (Cat. No. 34)
129
lines addressed to Pál, in which he accepts Pál’s request in an ostensible reproach, he sum-
maries the reasons for his reluctance in a long paragraph. The date, 24 April 1445, is to be
noted: the composition is written shortly after the Varna defeat on 10th November 1444.
Hunyadi had just returned to the country, the state of which is described by Aeneas Sylvius
Piccolomini in these terms: “the Hungarian state has been shattered and toppled… divided
into parts, and there is hardly any contact between the parts.”60 In the first part of his letter,
Vitéz stresses the unpredictability and uncertainty of this spring, describing in especially ex-
pressive language the chaos ruling the country. He lets us know that in this unpredictable
situation, he would not like to make his writings public. He is anxious and cautious. At this
point in the letter, as well as elsewhere, there is a reference to Vitéz’s own position and role
in public affairs. Personal aspects are integrated into the texture of the letter in a masterly
manner: they appear as reflections that flash up all the time without any concrete details. As
has been discussed earlier, the 1441 to 1445 period is the least known part of Vitéz’s life. It
is exactly on the basis of certain vague hints in the Book of Letters that we may gather some
ideas about it.61
For example:
Your better judgment will rather be manifested if you urge me to make my

speech more reserved and to make it stay within its borders – especially in this
storm, in which as you will know, our cause and reputation are in a worrying
and doubtful situation.
And later:
It was my own intention and ambition to take a rest and to start an intellectual
activity, reassuring for both of us, in which the protective guard of silence (and
benefits of the whole undertaking!) is required. I never ceased to worry that from
the place where I was facing the public so unprotected, in this turmoil of judg-
ments and changes in fates, morality-nourishing modesty might be swept off.
Thus as war imposed silence on morality and laws, we suffer idleness volun
tarily.62
60 Szakály Ferenc: Virágkor és hanyatlás 1440–1711. (Magyarok Európában II.) [Heyday and decline 1440–1711.
(Hungarians in Europe II.)] Budapest 1990. 42. Piccolomini is also quoted by Szakály F. here.
61 Szakály 1990. 13–22.
62 Quin ymmo rectius cognoscere videberis, si persuadere mihi properes, ut sermo sit restrictior et suis ripis
coherceatur, hac presertim tempestate, in qua et causam nostram et famam pariter in arto stare et ancipiti
non ignoras. Sic fuit mihi quoque studium ac intencio requiescendi atque animum ad utriusque nostrum tuta
quedam negocia referendi, in quibus – totius operis primipilare commercium – opus esset silentii fido custode
tueri. Quandoquidem ex eo loco, quo palam apertusque steti, nunquam pavere destiti, ne forte inter has turgidas
iudiciorum fortunarumque conflages morum alitrix modestia elaberetur. Igitur postquam mores ac leges bello siluere
coacte, patimur volentes ocium.. Epistolarium 1, Boronkai 1980. 30.
130
Ferenc Szakály comes to the conclusion that Vitéz, about whose official work for the chan-
cery there is absolutely no data after 1441, perhaps withdrawing at this point already to
Várad and entering Hunyadi’s service, at the turn of 1444 and 1445 again received a short-
term official appointment matching his abilities, conceivably working as a chancellor.63 From
his own perspective, he considers otium to be the most appropriate form of behaviour, in the
silence of which he was able to pursue his intellectual activity:
And in this immeasurable turmoil and loss of peace (…), I thought it especially
more useful to find refuge for my pen and concern from the winds howling
outside, lest a censor’s voice should go out to the public, through which a
compromise out of harmony with my intentions would threaten my wielding of
the pen, although I always wanted to serve my country with it rather than my
personal ambitions…64
Around the middle of the letter, Vitéz uses a clever transition in which he says that, in fact,
Pál’s request very much matches his own desired pastime and therefore he turns to his ac-
tual topic, namely the style of his own letters. It is possible that Pál too justified his request
by his wish to study the master’s style, but presumably Vitéz was also aware that the novelty
of his letters was primarily in their new style, a basic feature of which was the extensive cit-
ing classical authors. He warns Pál that his style is not his own, that he borrows a lot and
encourages him to study the original authors rather, as “in my work you will find few
phrases that have not been said before”, and “your expectation (…) will not be met if leav-
ing the source behind, you try and get is corrupted flavour in the stream” 65. He feels that
he has to apologise because of plagiarising. He then gives examples of how the great pred-
ecessors had done the same: He refers to Vergilius Maro, who „drank up the wonderful
sweetness of his song from the honey of Homer’s source”66 and Saint Jerome, who although
he was Christian, filled his letters with quotes from Vergilius, Horatius and Terentius, “be-
cause this man filled with God and virgin-like science, did not find it degrading to borrow
tools for sacred purposes from pagan authors.”67 The future primate may have felt the need
to justify his special attachment to pagan authors, and the most appropriate way to do so was
63 Szakály 1990. 19–20.

64 Et in primis quidem ego in hac tanta occupacione rerum pacisque exilio (…) parumper calamum curamque
subducere ab hiis, que foris perstrepunt, sacius duxeram, ne quicquam sermonis censorii prodiret, per quem ipsi
calamo actuive indigna proposito meo aucuparetur licitacio. Quem quidem sane patrie nostre usui esse semper
malui quam ostentui … Epistolarium 1, Boronkai 1980. 30.
65 … opinio tua fallitur, si dimisso fonte preposterum saporem in rivo querendum ducis.. Epistolarium, 1, Boronkai
1980. 31.
66 … carminis sui eruditum dulcorem ex melle Homerici fluminis epotasse astruitur. Epistolarium 1, Boronkai 1980. 31.
67 Non enim indignum ratus est vir ille Deo et celibe studio plenus a prophanis inventoribus equa sacro usui
instrumenta contrahere. Epistolarium, 1, Boronkai 1980. 31.
131
by making a reference to a Christian authority.68 Nevertheless, the apologies for his style are
not totally unfounded. Although his letters do demonstrate traits of the new style, we should
not forget that it originates primarily from the several hundred years of chancery tradition.
This is suggested by the long, complicated and often convoluted sentences in his letters. The
rhyming sentence closures that Vitéz applied are not identical with the clauses of classical
rhetoric that are based on syllable length. They are more characteristics of the medieval style
of charters. Thus there are several medieval features in Vitéz’s texts. Adding to them his
highly idiosyncratic usage and word order, the end result is a unique style bordering on the
Middle Ages and the Renaissance.69
It is after this that he defines the program of the right humanist (self)-development:
If you also intend to cultivate yourself in the right manner, from now on follow
their example; I suggest that you study them, and finally take frequent exercise,
because practice is worth more than any master’s instruction, and stop trying to
pursue this silly discipline, because it will soon give away that you are making
every effort at breaking the force of oratory.70
This is the main message of the letter. Here Vitéz probably goes beyond describing a gen-
eral humanist principle of learning and probably talks about his own method. This is con-
firmed by the marginal notes in his extant books. So the secret of the “self-taught humanist”,
admired by all of the period’s educated Europe, was as simple as this.
68 V. Kovács 1987. 266.

69 Several people have dealt with Vitéz’s style. First, Mátyás Bél in the preface to the Schwandtner edition. Bél’s opin-
ion is summarized by János Horváth as follows: “Accordingly, Vitéz wrote in a fine and varied style in the name of
those whose rank and the occasion required him to do so. But in his mixed style he blended words already outdated
by the learned people of the age with brand new ones; he filled his diction with clichés, thus becoming pompous; he
was sometimes too low-brow and sometimes aiming at high-brow style, but not always able to reach it, was waver-
ing between the two. He was not so much the follower of Cicero or Plinius the Younger, but rather of the fourth- and
fifth-century writers, Symmachus and Apollinaris Sidonius; going beyond the former and not reaching the latter.”
Then Horváth goes on to give his own opinion: ”Mátyás Bél’s remarks are exclusively about style. We may be more
positive about Vitéz’s art of structure. Only in friendly and jovial letters (…) do we find the humanist affectedness
whereby even the tiniest steps of the argumentation are detailed in eloquent periodic style, and which forces you to
read several pages for the sake of negligible details. Rarely does he wrap the simplest message in the attire of stylis-
tic elements. On the other hand, ratiocinatio, the step by step rational, polite and respectful train of thought, worthy
of the addressee’s rank, is indeed characteristic of him.” Horváth János 1935. 73. Vitéz’s style is analysed in depth
by Iván Boronkai’s papers; see e.g.: Vitéz János és az ókori klasszikusok [János Vitéz and the classics]. In: Janus
Pannonius. Tanulmányok [Janus Pannonius. Studies]. Budapest 1975. 219–232; Vitéz János, a “magyar humanizmus
atyja” [János Vitéz, “the father of Hungarian humanism”.] In: Boronkai 1987. 5–30.; A ritmikus próza Vitéz János
leveleiben. [Rhythmical prose in János Vitéz’s letters.] Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1969.
70 Igitur si tu quoque recte erudiri volueris, perge ut hos deinceps imitabundus emuleris, ex hiis velim edas paresque
studia ac demum adiungas frequentem usum, qui omnium magistrorum precepta superabit, nec amplius properes
indoctam hanc scienciam consectari , qua te ipsum facile prodes ad labefactandas eloquii vires procaciter obeuntem.
Epistolarium 1, Boronkai 1980. 31.
132
Vitéz’s light playfulness when reflecting on himself and his style in the second letter
should not be passed unnoticed either: the light sense of humour that he treats this serious
subject with. Naturally, this is more than what can be acquired through long practice. Pri-
marily in this and in his tight logical argumentation, as well as in the masterful structure is
the literary value of this letter.
In some sense, the virtuosity that Vitéz demonstrates in applying classical authors and
integrating them into a homogenous text is also to be seen as an aspect of his playfulness.
This letter is almost exclusively constituted of “borrowed” patches, which might be sen-
tences, half sentences, or simply turns of phrase or words. In the first part of the letter, the
chaotic and uncertain state of affairs are introduced primarily by Lucanus, but some of
Valerius Maximus, Seneca, Cicero, Livius, Vergilius and Terentius as well as the Christian
authors Hieronymus and Ambrosius are also used. If any contemporary fellow scholar was
familiar with at least some of the quotations, he certainly had great pleasure in following
their exquisite blend. Undoubtedly, this exercise served practical purposes too: as the con-
temporary educated public knew classical quotations very well, their use and associations
facilitated the accurate formulation of demands and requests in diplomatic letters, and at the
same time, legalised the fact of the request.71 The repertoire of authors reflects Vitéz’s read-
ings at the time. This letter, for example, shows that after the Battle of Varna he would often
read Lucanus.72 In the last lines, when Vitéz is going to reprimand Pál for forcing him to
write in such mournful times, he makes a comment that reveals his consciousness as a literary
figure and writer: „I would do it if a longer detour was compatible with the genre of the
letter.”73 This remark further confirms the obvious fact that Vitéz carefully studied the con-
temporary theory of letter writing. In the sentence cited, he refers to brevitas, the virtue of
brevity that Plinius the Younger already identified as one of the criteria for good letters. He
informs Pál that he has been invited to the upcoming parliamentary session, therefore only
later will he fulfill his promise. This parliament in May 1445 decided to acknowledge Ladi-
slaus V as king, and this is when seven chief captains, with Hunyadi among them, were se-
lected for maintaining the internal order.74
János Vitéz’s second letter dates back to three years later than the first, more precisely to
18th March 1448. The country had become more peaceful by then. At the Rákosmezô
Parliament, János Hunyadi had been elected governor while Ladislaus was still under age,
and he was to hold this office until 1453. János Vitéz became the bishop of Várad in 1445.
71 Boronkai uses the notion of “agitative rhetoric” to describe this phenomenon, according to which associations with
classical quotations may have induced the audience’s compassion and action. See Boronkai Iván: Vitéz János és az
ókori klasszikusok [János Vitéz and the classics]. In: Janus Pannonius. Tanulmányok [Janus Pannonius. Studies].
Budapest 1975. 228.
72 A Lucanus has also survived, today it is kept in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 100. The numerous
Vitéz notes in it witness careful reading and processing. (Cat. No. 20)
73 Et facerem sane, si epistolaris condicio evagari longius pateretur. Epistolarium 1, Boronkai 1980. 32.
74 Szakály Ferenc: Virágkor és hanyatlás 1440–1711. (Magyarok Európában II.) [Heyday and decline 1440–1711.
(Hungarians in Europe II.)] Budapest 1990. 42.
133
Arhdeacon Pál asks Vitéz to meet the promise he made three years earlier. After a few
lines in which he plays with the image of the debtor, the impatient creditor and usury, he
turns to his actual subject. Now that the situation is less emotion-charged, in the resulting
relative law and order, he has to put his own life in order.
As a result, now I also have to put my own life in order, regarding whose
measure and my age the best thing is to genuinely wish to be my own master
not just to say so - my own master to the extent that I should regard it immodest
to enhance my reputation or find others’ favour through such activity.75
By “such activity”, he meant the compilation of the letter collection. Already in the previous
letter, he was continuously wondering whether in the given chaotic political situation it was
wise to appear before the public, or perhaps it was more advisable not to expose himself to
possible negative criticism. The same reluctance can be read out of the second letter as well.
In the first place he mentions jealousy as a constraining factor. Those envious of him would
only say bad things about the collection to be published:
Because Hungary’s terrible malaise, greedy jealousy is still very much present,
and this – it seems I am making judgments – stings so viciously from all directions
that the light of the intellect and the spirit fade, and as a consequence the only
thing that is to the benefit of the modest is if in their hiding they give no cause
for praise.76
In addition, he is concerned that he would have no comprehending audience. In the famous

lines below, it is the first time on Hungarian soil that medieval Latin-based education is
criticized:77
And then in our country, which was born on the uncultivated edge of Latin
culture, if I am not mistaken, they make little difference between the best and
the worst of literature, or (…) in it Davus counts as wise, or perhaps even wiser
than Oedipus.
It has become an old habit to be happy with petty-minded speech and to accept
the complete rooting out of the artistic voice rather than writing it. I wished to
75 Quo beneficio vicem quoque meam par est hoc tempore refici, cuius canoni etatique precipue expedit, ut esse quam
dici mei proprius malim; et ita proprius, ut nec famam producere, nec favores consectari hoc genere studii modestum
putem. Epistolarium 2, Boronkai 1980. 37.
76 Durat quippe primogenita tabes luesque Hungarie: livor edax, quo varios ex more iudicii aculeos concrispante recte
quidem ingenii animique splendor emarcuit, ut hoc solum nunc modestis laudi sit, si laudis casibus faciem abstrax-
erint. Epistolarium 2, Boronkai 1980. 37–38.
134
47. Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 431, f. 3r (Cat. No. 34)
135
talk about this in more gentle tones, although I spoke gentler than this idle
passivity would justify, into which our compatriots have sunk, not even savvying
Latin-based education – perhaps in the conviction that they are following in the
traces of the ancient culture (if at all you can call ignorance of the literary language
and not teaching it culture).
Pál Ivanich gives the following explanation of Davus:
Davus: These words are found in Terentius’s Andria, where he says: “I am Davus,
not Oedipus”, thus Davus in this context means a simpleton, while Oedipus
stands for the philosopher or another scholar. Pál.78
He immediately apologises to Pál for his strong critical remarks and shows the other side of
the coin too: he talks appreciatively of the men who are keen on seeking education. Here
again though, the covert critique of the “uncultivated domestic land” crops up:
Today, more or less in our age, they take a path indeed worth following in
accumulating the treasures of knowledge, as you as well as I have known many
men of outstanding abilities and sophisticated intellect who would prove my
woeful judgment right not only in their words but also through their continuous
activity. Once they enthusiastically pounce on seeking education, in their studies
they do not go after the domestic shade but chase the disciplines that have fled,
or been forced to flee, abroad. Because the noble spirit that is proud of its own
light finds it unfair to be bogged down by our uncultivated state…79
78 Ceterum in hac patria nostra, Latine rusticitatis vernacula, parum (ni fallor) differencie statuitur inter farrem
litterarum et furfurem, ymmo (ut vulgari more tecum pedem conferam) plerumque in ea eque vel paulo largius
Davus sapit quam Edippus. Ita enim veteri usu morem instituit, ut pedestri sermone contenta sit, proscribique sacius
artem dicendi, quam scribi noverit. Vellem micius hoc posse dicier, at parum certe dixi pro merito tante socordie,
qua profecto nostri contribules obvoluti Latine sciencie vix peripsima complectuntur, rati forsitan discipline veteris
se formam assectari -, ac si hec vere disciplina dici possit, in qua litterati sermonis ignoracio et discitur et docetur.
Epistolarium 2, Boronkai 1980. 38. Explanation by Pál Ivanich: Davus: habentur hec verba in Terencio in Andria,
ubi dicitur: “Davus sum non Edippus”, ita ut Davus hic ponitur pro simplici, Edippus pro philosopho vel alio docto.
Paulus. Epistolarium 2, Boronkai 1980. 40.
79 Iam sane alius mos, et certe recta emulacione dignus, hac ferme nostra etate in conlucranda sciencia queritur.
Multos etenim ipse nosti, ego vero complurimos, et nunc quoque haut paucos conspecto egregia ratione ac liberali
ingenio viros, qui huic mee querule sentencie ne dicam verbis, sed assiduis prope factis astipulantur. Nam ut primum
animum querende eruditionis zelo applicant, non umbram domesticam in studio, sed rem petunt, et quasi fugientes
foras – vel fugatas potius e patria – litteras avidi persecuntur. Nobilis quippe ille animus, peculiaris sui luminis bene
memor, indignum ducit hac nostra rudi erudicione ligari … Epistolarium 2, Boronkai 1980. 38.
136
The content of the letter’s closing section may be related to Pál Ivanich’s preface, in a way
complementing it. Vitéz starts discussing the practicalities and the ways of compiling the
collection. Accordingly, there is a shift in its style too. The artificially composed sentences
are replaced by a pleasantly flowing, simple and natural text without any superfluous decora-
tion. He is aware of this himself, and even makes a note of it. The special significance of the
excerpt is that Vitéz’s decisive role in the compilation of the Book of Letters clearly transpires
from it. He details the criteria for selection and his decisions in the first person singular. Us-
ing the words of Plinius the Younger he halts this pragmatic section, not intending to go
beyond the limits of the letter. He repeatedly evokes his earlier delineated doubts about the
publishability of the letters, adding the request that Pál should treat the volume as his private
reading. To justify his point, he repeatedly clarifies his view about style, or in other words,
about form and content:
But this should suffice as I believe it is unnecessary to make predictions about

the traps of other people’s judgments.
You will get the requested and promised letters soon, as we have managed to
gather them from scribes in various places, but only the ones that we found in
whole. You have to know that that we have been unable to recover copies of
those that I had composed before the time that our country in that first disastrous
battle by the sea80 was lost, together with our good fortune. They may have pro-
vided very instructive lessons, even if not for your studies, but for recording events
and for getting to know the ups and downs of fortune. And although some of the
letters emerged out there, as they were so badly damaged, I judge it better not to
claim their authorship. Therefore, I have decided that we should leave them out
of the body of this volume altogether, despite the fact that I have no doubts that if
they had been recovered in good condition, a reliable picture could have been
drawn of the numerous successful events that we fought with the Turks81 under a
fortunate star, as well as of our country’s later chaos and confusion.
But it seems perhaps that I am already going beyond the scope of the letter,
while my pen that you urged me to wield is already teaming with ideas. Finally,
please accept one condition that I am posing to you: keep this volume in strong
and loyal guard, strictly as your private reading, lest through your carelessness it
could slip out an open door and should have the scrutiny of those that I would
like to learn from rather than demonstrate my own knowledge to. Our aim was
not to find an eloquent style in these letters or to enter the ranks of those who
conduct superfluous debates according to academic rules, more concerned about
form than about benefit. The only rule we observed in our work was that noth-
80 This wofeul battle was the Battle of Varna on 10th November 1444.
81 In a long note Pál Ivanich takes stock of these fights. See Boronkai 1980. 42.
137
ing important should be missing from our product, nothing should be subordi-
nated to mere art and no compromise should be made in favour of the desire for
empty glamour. I wish you good health!82
***
The actual Book of Letters, the 78 letters following that of Pál Ivanich and János Vitéz’s
two introductory ones, have a strange relationship to what has been said about classical and
humanist letter corpuses.
Since Vitéz writes them to the Pope and to other church and world dignitaries prima-
rily on Hunyadi’s behalf and mostly on issues connected to the Turks, he appears „merely”
with his style. Together with the two letters introduced, he wrote only seven pieces in his
own name. They are the ones that are the closest to the category of humanist epistles.83 In
the final one of them (No. 76) on 17th March 1451 Vitéz puts a few lines on paper for Gua-
rino Veronese, the renowned Ferrara humanist teacher on the occasion that he is sending
back again to Italy the visiting Janus Pannonius, a student at Guarino’s Ferrara school.
The Book of Letters is a special collection born at the juncture of two eras. In a sense, it is
a uniform whole, some of the letters providing relevant information about our first Hungar-
ian humanist’s personal convictions, rhetorical consciousness, while its proportions give a
vivid picture of the selfsame humanist’s apparently honest commitment that his writing and
knowledge were intended primarily to serve his country rather than his own seeking of
glamour and fame. Never did he or anyone else compile a letter collection for him, although
a number of his epistles and speeches later became models to follow in school curricula.
82 Sed de hoc sat habeas, quandoquidem alieni iudicii latebras presagire supervacaneum putem. Habiturus es
propediem petitas et promissas epistolas, quas apud scedarios undique requisitas habere potuimus, et eas dumtaxat,
que integre reperte sunt. Nam earum, que ante id tempus, quo maritimum illud primum funebre regni nostri bellum
simul cum fortuna obtritum est, dictate fuerant, copiam habere nequivimus. Que quidem, etsi studio tuo parum, sed
certe pro gestarum rerum memoria et illorum temporum fortunarumque orbe noscendo non mediocriter conducere
potuissent. Ex quibus tamen licet alique nobis aforis occurrerint, ita tamen violate erant, ut eas non meas profiteri
sacius duxerim. Quas eciam ab huius voluminis corpore prorsus vetandas decrevi, quamquam ex eis, si in manus
cum intergritate venissent, superiorum bellorum, que cum Teucris stante fortuna acta sunt, felices plurimos eventus,
preterea varie rotatum deinceps statum regni recte potuisse concipi non dubito. Sed forte iam modum epistole
transgredi videor, dum in calamum tuo stimulo concitatum plurima occurrencia irruunt impinguntque. In eius tamen
calce hanc unam tibi condicionem edici perferas, ut volumen hoc intra private leccionis terminos fido custode
communias, ne per te foras migrandi fores facile inveniat, neve eorum prostituatur examini, apud quos studia nostra
optaremus conferre libencius quam preferre. Parum enim nostra interfuit, ut in hiis epistolis decori studeremus, seu
in eorum numerum ambiremus conscendere, qui pro more institucionis scolastice verbis labrisque inter se velitantes,
arti magis, quam opportunitati operam dedunt. A nobis vero in hoc ordine agendi ita institutum fuit, ut in opera
nostra necessitati nihil desit, nihil arrogetur arti, nihil denique nitori conferatur. Vale. Epistolarium 2, Boronkai
1980. 39–40.
83 Their numbers in the textual edition are (Boronkai 1980): No. 20, 72, 74, 75, 76; all are available in Hungarian in
Iván Boronkai’s translation (Boronkai 1987), where they have the following numbers: (20=) 11, (72=) 43, (74=) 44,
(75=) 45, (76=) 46.
138
48. János Vitéz’s tomb stone destroyed in the 16th century
Nineteenth-century etching reflecting the state before restauration
Mathes, Johannes: Veteris arcis Strigoniensis ... descriptio. Strigonii, 1827.
139
19
P. P. VERGERIO: DE INGENUIS MORIBUS ET LIBERALIBUS STUDIIS
ADOLESCENTIAE
Mantua, 1423–1446, parchment, 60 leaves, 170 × 115 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Brown leather binding from the second half of the 19th century
Pier Paolo Vergerio’s work on Young people’s noble virtues and studies worthy of liberal men is the
most influential fifteenth-century treatise on educational theory. It was written in 1402 or
1403. In the course of the century it was copied extensively and has been edited in print
many times. Vergerio’s complex educational system had an impact on the best theorists of
teaching, including Guarino Veronese and more importantly, Vittorino da Feltre (1378–
1446). He taught in Mantua from 1423 to 1446 with the invitation by Gian Vincenzo
Gonzaga and established one of the most remarkable educational institutions of the 15th
century, the Casa Giocosa (House of Joy) in the building offered by the prince.
This is the circle that the codex was born in. The unidentified Marcus Suardus recorded
the following note at the end of the text: Petri Pauli Vergerii Iustinopoli[tani] de ingenuis moribus
et liberalibus studiis adolescentiae explicit feliciter. Seriptus (sic!) Mantuae apud praeclarum virum
magistrum Victurinum Feltrensem. Marcus Suardus. Based on this entry, the codex is fairly easy
to date to Vittorino da Feltre’s years at Mantua. From the note, Edith Hoffmann concludes
that the codex belonged to Vergerio. In addition, as a former student, Feltre must have had
closer ties to Vergerio. The note, however, does not provide enough evidence for this in-
terpretation. Moreover, according to Romanini the scribe is not Marcus Suardus. On the
title page, there is an unknown coat of arms: a wild boar treading on a green mound. There
are some vague hints that later the codex may have been in the Pinelli collection, but the
provenance needs further research. The National Széchényi Library bought it from Miklós
Jankovich’s first collection.
In 1940 Emma Bartoniek could still claim that the binding was made in the 17th–18th
centuries. Since then the codex has been restored and given new binding. During the
rebinding(s) the pages were trimmed, thus affecting the emendations on some leaves. The
text was corrected by several contemporary or near-contemporary hands, but no notes on
content were entered. Hoffman thinks that the illumination is from Upper Italy, but the
white interlaced tendrils in richly coloured background on the title page are not reiterated:
the titles of books and chapters were copied in red but the place of initials remained blank.
Literature: ROSMANINI, Carlo de’: Idea dell’ ottimo precettore nella vita e disciplina di Vittorino da Feltre e de’ suoi discepoli.
Bassano, 1801. 372; HOFFMANN 1928. 8–9; BARTONIEK 1940. No. 314.
Ferenc Földesi
140
141
20
LUCANUS: PHARSALIA
Northern Italy (Verona), 1339, parchment, 95 leaves, 286 × 206 mm, Italian Gothic minuscule
15th century blind stamped leather binding (Hungary?)
Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 100.
Marcus Annaeus Lucanus started his career as a writer in Nero’s court. He was forced to com-
mit suicide in A.D. 65, when his part in a conspiracy against the emperor was discovered. The
unfinished epic on the civil war between Caesar and Pompeius had an interesting afterlife up
to the age of János Vitéz of Zredna. Its title derives from the battle of Pharsalos, but in tex-
tual tradition it was also known as Bellum Civile. As the poet does not include gods in the plot,
a strictly required element of epics, several ancient authors classified the work as a piece of
historiography. The high number of the medieval manuscripts of the Pharsalia testifies to a
remarkable popularity in the Middle Ages. The ten books have survived not only as a whole,
but parts of the work were included in florilegia and sentence collections as texts of equal
value to Vergilius’. It figures in the late 11th century list of the property of the Benedictine
Monastery in Pannonhalma, together with Donatus, Cato and Cicero’s speeches against Ca-
tilina – it probably served as a textbook for the basic linguistic training of its students.
Changes in its interpretation are no less interesting, as they model how literature may be
exposed to power and to philology’s control over interpretation. Fourteenth-century com-
mentators and adapters (occasionally applying Italian language), in painting a decidedly posi-
tive image of Caesar, used Pharsalia to support the need for a strong monarchy. In the second
half of the 15th century, however, as the work of Pomponio Leto, founder of the Roman
academy, the interpretation of the work was given a markedly republican meaning.
It is clear that issues of interpretation did not reach Vitéz. However, Vitéz preferred the
historiographic reading of Pharsalia because the codices in his library and his notes reflect his
keen interest in historiography. Vitéz probably obtained the codex in 1444 or ‘45. In his
“prologue” to his Book of Letters, the letter dated 23 April 1445, he cites Lucan with con-
spicuous frequency. Probably this was also the time when he entered his amendments and
notes. The proximity in time of Vergerio’s death led some scholars to believe that the book
came from his library, but there is no evidence to support this hypothesis.
The loveliest colophon of all the Vitéz codices is on f. 95. Tired of waiting, the scribe,
Martinus Trieste, confesses his dreams in hexameters:
Dextera scriptoris careat gravitate doloris,
Detur pro penna scriptori pulcra puella.
In all probability, the volume went to Salzburg with Beckensloer, Vitéz’s follower in the
Esztergom archbishop’s seat. There, at the turn of the 18th century, it was treated similarly
142
to the other codices in the Archiepiscopal Library, its spine was roughly painted over with
oil paint and the library mark was stamped on it.
Literature: HERMANN V/1. No. 30; CSAPODI – GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 65.
Ferenc Földesi
143
144
52. Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 100, front cover, spine (Cat. No. 20)
145
21
TERTULLIANUS: APOLOGETICUS
Várad, 1455, parchment, 53 leaves, 225 × 167 mm, Humanistic Book Script with Gothic features
Original blind stamped leather binding
Salzburg, Stiftsbibliothek St. Peter, A. VII. 39.
The codex containing the Apologetics of the early Christian author of Carthage origin is the
only volume in Vitéz’s library of which it is known with certainty that it was made for him
at Várad. According to the colophon it was copied in 1455 by a Hungarian scribe, Briccius
de Polanka. It was emended by Vitéz within the same year. Its blind stamped leather binding
was most probably also produced at Várad. The name of Briccius de Polanka does not crop
up in any other codex. A decade later, however, there is a canon custos of Várad called Bric-
cius custos, who might be identical with the scribe. Similarly to the other codices for everyday
use in his possession, Vitéz supplied this book with a number of notes. The codex was dis-
covered in 1880 at the Salzburg Benedictine monastery by János Csontosi. The first scholar
to write about it was Vilmos Fraknói, who claimed that he recognized the scribal hand in
another codex too containing the speeches of Saint Leo the Great, which was still extant at
the time, but which we know only from an archival photo. Fraknói also supposed that the
Tertullianus volume went to Salzburg together with Vitéz’s other codices. Nothing is known
about the fate of the book from Vitéz’s death to the mid-19th century, when the Benedictine
monastery bought it from a local antiquarian.
Literature: FRAKNÓI 1878. 89–91; FRAKNÓI Vilmos: Váradon írt Vitéz-kódex [A Vitéz codex copied in Várad]. Magyar
Könyvszemle, 1880. 244–247; CSAPODI-GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 108; Codices 1985. No. 117.
Ferenc Földesi
146
53. Salzburg, Stiftsbibliothek St. Peter, A. VII. 39. f. 53r (Cat. No. 21)
147
22
GUIDO DA COLUMNA: HISTORIA TROIANA
Hungary, 1470, parchment, 168 leaves, 290 × 190 mm, Humanistic Semi-cursive Book Script
Original brown leather binding from Hungary
Kalocsa, Fôszékesegyházi Könyvtár, Ms. 311.
According to the colophon of the codex, the narrative relating the History of Troy, written
by the 13th century author from Messina, was copied in 1470. Unfortunately, the name of
the person that commissioned it has been scraped of the entry (Hunc librum fecit scribi … Anno
Domini Millesimo Quadringentesimo Septuagesimo Amen). It has the original blind stamped
leather binding, which shows close parallels with the Esztergom bindings that survive from
the Vitéz library. The codex is one in a group of codices which leave us in uncertainty as to
whether they belonged to the archbishop’s library. Most entries were made by the scribe,
including emendations in the text and notes on content in the margins. The text of the co-
dex is complete, but its illumination was not finished. The hand that created the initial S on
f. 1r painted a few other decorated initials in the codex as well. The manuscript of Historia
Troiana was emended by several hands. Some of these entries have been attributed to Vitéz,
which suggested that the codex was in his possession. However, the identification of his
hand in this codex cannot be maintained with certainty. According to the possessor note on
f. 107v, the codex was later owned by the Vienna Schottenstift.
Literature: Schallaburg 1982. No. 152; CSAPODI-GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 43.
Ferenc Földesi
148
54. Kalocsa, Fôszékesegyházi Könyvtár, Ms. 311, f. 1r (Cat. No. 22)
149
23
MARCUS MANILIUS: ASTRONOMICORUM LIBRI V.
Italy (Florence?), pre-1469, parchment, 88 leaves, 255 × 160 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Modern binding
Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. Palat. Lat. 1711.
The work of the Augustan poet (1st century A.D.) is the earliest instance of connecting the
signs of the zodiac with human fate. Its earliest manuscripts have survived from the 10th and
11th centuries, but during the Middle Ages it was practically unknown. Poggio Bracciolini
has the credit for discovering this text. Poggio, as an employee of the Pope’s Court, arrived
at the Council of Constance accompanying the anti-pope John XXIII in October 1414.
When Pope John was deposed in 1415, Poggio the curial employee had a chance to go on
open research trips to French and German monasteries. He found the completely unknown
Manilius on his third trip in Sankt Gallen (in January 1417). We are informed of the discov-
ery through the 1417 correspondence between Francesco Barbaro and Poggio. The signifi-
cance of the find is indicated by the fact that even Marsilio Ficino used Manilius to compile
his commentary on Plato’s Symposium, and that Johannes Regiomontanus had it published
in print as early as 1473.
The codex decorated with simple vine-stem motifs must have occupied a distinguished
place in Vitéz’s library. Judging by the content of his codices, and even more by the schol-
arly group in his Esztergom court, he must have had a very strong interest in mathematics
and astronomy. His attention probably turned towards astronomy after having met Georg
Peuerbach in the second half of the 1450s. The best known astronomer of the age, Johannes
Regiomontanus, a student of Peuerbach’s, arrived at Esztergom from Cardinal Bessarion’s
court. It was in Esztergom that with the cooperation of the Polish astronomer, Martin Ilkus,
he completed Tabulae directionum, which he naturally dedicated to Vitéz. (Vitéz’s copy of this
work may be identical with the corvina that is now kept in Wolfenbüttel.) He also dedi-
cated to Vitéz his study on the torquetum, the device used for measuring height.
According to the note at the end of the volume, in 1469 Vitéz emended the text of
Manilius’s work with Galeotto Marzio (legi et emendavi cum Magistro Galeotto. Jo. Ar. Strig.).
Literature: R. SABBADINI: Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci nei secoli XIV e XV. Firenze, 1905. 75–84; CSAPODI-GÁRDONYI
1984. No. 68; HOFFMANN – WEHLI 1992. 62.
Ferenc Földesi
150
24
PLINIUS: EPISTOLAE – PANEGYRICUS
Northern Italy, pre-1464, parchment, II + 106 leaves, 265 × 185 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Original blind stamped Renaissance leather binding
Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 141.
In the Renaissance the reviving genre of epistolography enjoyed exceptional popularity. Its
early models came from Cicero, Seneca and Pliny the Younger. Fifteenth- and sixteenth-
century theorists of the genre assigned the letter to the fields of speeches and the dialogue in
regards of its rhetorical and functional characteristics. The impact of the theoretical works,
however, cannot be compared to that of the letters written by the greatest classical authors.
By arranging his own letters into a volume (1451), János Vitéz took the conscious step of
following the footsteps of classical ancestors, even if his mostly diplomatic letters were no-
where near the epistolae familiares as far as their tone, their fluidity, their ease or freedom are
concerned.
Vitéz read Pliny’s codex with the special attention he paid to authors he found the most
significant. Prior to Vitéz, another hand had made emendations to the text. The archbishop
emended not only the main text but also the earlier emendator’s errors. He seems to have
worked from a sample copy, which contained considerably different text from that of the
codex in display, as suggested by the deletion of some larger units of the text. The codex was
foliated by Vitéz and supplied the letters with continuous numbering. His careful reading is
also shown by the sentence he entered on f. 204v, after the Traianus-panegyric: De hoc pan-
egirico P[linius] facit mencionem supra libro 3 epistola 57 et eciam in epistola 62. On f. 204v, he
gives the time of completing his emendations: Bude 1464 May 23.
The title page (f. 3r) and eight smaller initials are North Italian work from the third quar-
ter of the 15th century, and Vitéz’s entry suggests a date from before 1464. The Vitéz coat
of arms on the title page is one of the most beautiful arms to be found in his codices. The
binding of the book also originates in North Italy.
On f. 82v, Fraknói identifies a Hungarian word in Vitéz’s hand. He interprets harsolo
(herald, messenger or harbinger) as a translation of the greculus magister in Pliny’s text.
Literature: FRAKNÓI 1878. 192–194; HERMANN VI/1. 88; Schallaburg 1982. No. 20; CSAPODI-GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 79.
Ferenc Földesi
151
152
153
25
OVIDIUS: METAMORPHOSES
Northern Italy (Ferrara ?), third quarter of 15th century, parchment, 261 leaves, 240 × 170 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Original blind stamped brown leather binding (Hungary? Northern Italy?)
Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 173.
The codex containing the Metamorphoses is one of the few extant metric pieces in the Vitéz
library. The main text (ff. 1r–251r) is preceded by an introductory passage (ff. Ir–X r), in
which Ovid’s brief biography is followed by a “table of contents”, an index of the main parts
(Transmutationes seu capitula), a proem (Prohemium summae memorialis), and an excerpt from
the Tristia. This structural division is stressed by the illumination, which, however, is left
unfinished. The simple but delicate title page (f. Ir) of the introductory section is enclosed
by the illumination of white vine going up between gilded frames. The main text is intro-
duced by another title page (f. 1r), containing figurative elements as well as tendrils: in the
middle of the upper margin we see a butterfly, while the lower margin is taken up by a
miniature representing an underwater scene. There is a shield hanging from the bodies of
dolphins leaning onto stone vessels and tied together by their tails. The coat of arms was not
completed. The initial pages of the books are also given white vine-stem motifs for orna-
mentation, and the titles of books are entered in rubrum by a later hand. On f. 251 the latter
gives his initials as Operis. L. M. M. De. S. M.
Vitéz supplied the codex with emendations and notes on content, but his characteristic
hand can be followed only up to folio 78. Considering the proportions of Vitéz’s emenda-
tions in his codices, one may cautiously suggest that poetry was not so close to his heart. He
read the Ovid volume only up to its quarter with pen in hand, and his Vienna Plautus con-
tains no emendations at all.
In connection with the blank shield, the question of the bishop’s bibliophile dedication
is raised. His volumes with his coat of arms are all Italian works. His volumes copied in
Hungary and those copied in Italy but not commissioned by Vitéz were not given his coat
of arms. It seems likely that in Hungary he had no illuminator of the right quality, thus he
rather kept these volumes unfinished in his library.
Literature: HERMANN VI/I. No. 94; CSAPODI-GÁRDONYI 1984. 73.
Ferenc Földesi
154
155
156
59. Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 173, front cover (Cat. No. 25)
157
26
CURTIUS RUFUS: VITA ALEXANDRI
Northern Italy (Ferrara?), 1450–1470, parchment, I + 142 leaves, 273 × 185 mm, Humanistic Cursive Book Script
North Italian blind stamped Renaissance leather binding
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15739.
The codex contains Curtius Rufus’s historical work on Alexander the Great, which shows
close resemblance with the genre of the historical novel in its style and formal features. The
story of the Macedonian conqueror enjoyed an exceptional popularity in Antiquity as well
as in the Middle Ages. In the 15th century, the Curtius Rufus text had several copies, and
even from the Bibliotheca Corviniana more than one copy has been preserved. The out-
standing popularity in the Renaissance is probably due not only to its romantic and intrigu-
ing plot, but also to its elegant expression evoking Livius and Vergilius. At several points the
characters give speeches with elaborate rhetoric, which were useful for humanists, who
would use Curius Rufus’s expressions for improving their own rhetorical skills, and would
directly borrow his characteristic and universally valid sentences. The theme of a heroic
monarch was highly applicable for a humanist serving ambitious Renaissance princes.
János Vitéz of Zredna carefully studied the text as well. The margins are full of his typical
notes in red ink, highlighting primarily people’s and geographical names (e.g. Mare Caspium)
in the story and serving as “titles” next to the passages he found important, as for example de
origine Venetorum (f. 3r), India describitur vagy Libri arborum (f. 104v). The notes confirm that
Vitéz had a keen interest in geography and history. Against the description of Bactria’s fertile
soil, he entered: Sic et Hungaria (f. 95r). He also amended the text with true philological ac-
curacy. He filled the occurring lacunas using another copy. The end of the codex has been
lost together with the usual entry about the completion and date of the emendation. The
decoration of the codex is atypical. On the title page (f. 2r), the execution of the initial filled
with gold and surrounded by the white vine is different from the other elements of the or-
namentation of this title page, probably originating from a less delicate hand. The absence of
the book titles in the volume suggests that neither the text nor the illumination of the codex
was completed, which provided an other hand with blank space. The still unidentified coat
of arms at its bottom points to a different possessor before Vitéz.
158
The codex has a north Italian blind stamped leather binding. The spine painted grey sug-
gests that this volume is among the ones that Johannes Beckensloer took from Esztergom to
Salzburg. During the Napoleonic Wars in the early 19th century, it passed into the Bibli-
othèque Nationale in Paris, and from there into the Munich Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.
Literature: FRAKNÓI Vilmos: Újabb adatok Vitéz János könyvtárának történetéhez. [Additions to the history of János
Vitéz’s library.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1879. 1–6; FRAKNÓI Vilmos: Beckensloer váradi misekönyve és esztergomi Curtius-
kódexe. [Beckensloer’s Várad missal and Esztergom Curtius codex.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1913. 289–293; HOFFMANN
- WEHLI 1992. 59, 69.
Edina Zsupán
60. München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15739, f. 2r (Cat. No. 26)
159
27
POPE LEO I: LIBER SERMONUM
Hungary (Várad ?), pre-1457, parchment, 101 leaves, 330 × 230 mm
Pencil rubbing of the first binding board of the codex
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Fol. Hung. 1110/I. f. 8r
Archival photo of the last page of the codex
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Facs. I. Ms. 76.
Up to the mid-19th century Hungarian scholarship had regarded János Vitéz’s library as a
collection destroyed forever. Targeted research starting in the last third of the 19th century,
however, brought to light more and more Vitéz codices. The codex containing Pope Saint
Leo’s homilies was found by researchers on an excursion of the Hungarian Historical Asso-
ciation to the Franciscan monastery in Szentantal (Svätý Anton in today Slovakia), in the
territory of present-day Slovakia. On the basis of the script we must assume that the codex
was executed in Hungary. Fraknói thinks the codex is likely to have been copied by Briccius
de Polanka, who also produced the Salzburg Tertullianus Codex. At the end of the work,
Vitéz indicated when he made emendations to it: he worked on it in 1457 when as the
Hunyadis’ inside man, under King Ladislaus V he was imprisoned in Esztergom for a short
while, and later in 1458 at Várad.
During World War II the codex was probably taken to Pozsony (Bratislava), where it
was either destroyed or passed into the art trade and is perhaps still hidden somewhere. János
Csontosi wrote about the volume on the basis of an autopsy. He saw the following note on
the first page: Hic liber ex Bibliotheca Mathiae Corvini Regis Ungariae quae modo Budae captiva
detinetur eliberatus ad me devenit. Em. R. Péczeli m. p. The owner that figures in the note is
Imre Király of Pécsel (around 1590 – around 1641), a Reformed pastor, theological writer
and composer of chants. The text of the ownership mark also reflects the fact that in seven-
teenth-century public thinking Matthias’s library was thought to be still in the Buda Palace.
The pencil rubbing of the codex’s leather binding was made by Flóris Rómer when he be-
gan research into the remains of Hungarian Renaissance book culture, while the last page
has been preserved by an archival photo in the Facsimile collection created at the National
Széchényi Library in the late 19th century.
Literature: CSONTOSI János: A Pozsonyi sz. Ferencziek tartományi könyvtárának codexei [Codices in the Franciscan
Library in Pozsony]. Magyar Könyvszemle, 1878. 45–54 (49); FRAKNÓI 1878. 13, 19; CSAPODI-GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 56;
HOFFMANN – WEHLI 1992. 59–60 (Hoffmann), 236 (Wehli).
Ferenc Földesi
160
61. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Fol. Hung. 1110/I, f. 8r (Cat. No. 27)
161
62. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Facs. I. Ms. 76 (Cat. No. 27)
162
28
POETA CHRISTIANUS: GENEALOGIAE DEORUM
DIO CASSIUS: ORATIO M. ANTONII
BATTISTA GUARINO: ORATIO
Northern Italy, 1453–1470, parchment, I + 35 + III’ leaves, 175 × 282 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Original, gilded Corvinian leather binding
Although the coat of arms has been cut out of the codex, the binding makes it unquestion-
able that this is an authentic corvina. Being undecorated, it was one of the most modestly
executed items in Matthias’s library. Nevertheless, the volume is special because in all likeli-
hood it passed into the Corvinian Library from an earlier collection. Its simplicity and its
unique content give an insight into “everyday” Renaissance book culture behind the won-
derful representative codices.
The first 9 leaves (ff. 1r–9v) of the codex carry a probably humanist author’s work in
hexameters, the Genealogiae deorum (Gods’ Genealogy), a list of the mythological figures of
Antiquity. It is palpably based on Hesiodos, Homeros, the tragedy writers, as well as Ovidius
and Vergilius. The poem is concluded by a list of Roman kings and the emperors of the first
two centuries.
The next work, Caesar’s speech at Antonius’s funeral was translated into Latin (ff. 9v–
17r) from the work of the Roman historiographer of Greek origin, Dio Cassius (around 155
– after 229 A.D.) by Battista Guarino (1434–1503), the remarkable humanist in the court of
the d’Estes. The translation is preceded by a preface dedicated to Niccolò d’Este (1438–
1476), the son of Leonello d’Este (1407–1450), the marquis of Ferrara at the time.
The last work in the codex, the speech made on the occasion of the inauguration in 1453
of the Ferrara grammar school, is also by Guarino Battista (ff. 17r–35r). Starting from the
63. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 423, f. 19r, detail (Cat. No. 28)
163
two concepts of sophia (wisdom) and philosophia, Guarino gives an overview of the sciences
of the day and, as a true humanist, of their most distinguished classical representatives. The
scribe highlighted in red ink the key terms given in Greek as well.
The codex probably came to Hungary at Battista Guarino’s initiative, thanks to his
friendship with Janus Pannonius. The marginal notes in red ink, however, come from János
Vitéz of Zredna, including the rare Greek entry on f. 19r. This suggests that the volume
passed into Vitéz’s library and from there into the Corvinian Library.
In the early 16th century, the volume was in the possession of the Vienna humanist,
Johannes Cuspinianus, and in 1540 the Vienna bishop, Johannes Fabri bought it. After his
death it went to the Saint Nicholas College of Vienna University, and then to the Hofbib-
liothek. Through the Venice agreement in 1932, it was returned to the National Széchényi
Library.
Around the turn of the 20th century, the codex suffered an unusual intervention in its
binding by the conservators: when returning the old bindings to the wooden boards, by
mistake they placed the back cover on the first binding board, the front cover upside down
on the back binding board.
Literature: HUSZTI József: Janus Pannonius. Pécs, 1931. 227–229; BARTONIEK 1940. No. 423; L. BERTALOT: Initia
Humanistica Latina I, Tübingen, 1985. 118. No. 55; CSAPODI 1973. No. 935; Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. No. 41.
Edina Zsupán
164
165
29
GEORGIUS TRAPEZUNTIUS: COMPARATIO PHILOSOPHORUM
PLATONIS ET ARISTOTELIS
Italy, 1464–1470 , parchment, 109 leaves, 330 × 208 mm, Humanistic Cursive Book Script
Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. Palat. Lat. 3382.
The Greek humanist Georgius Trapezuntius (1395–1471/72) was present with most of his
works in the Hungarian collections of the second half of the 15th century. He dedicated his
commentary on Ptolemaeus to Matthias, and one of his translations of Basilius Magnus to
Vitéz and another one to Janus Pannonius.
The most vivid debate in the fifteenth-century Greek philosophy and theology was about
the assessment of Plato and Aristotle. The issue was raised by a treatise by Cardinal Bessarion’s
teacher, Gemistos Plethon (ca. 1356–1450), published on his trip to Florence in 1439. In Comp-
aratio Philosophorum Platonis et Aristotelis (1458), Trapezuntius took a stand in support of Aristotle.
He considered Plato’s demand dangerous for Christianity, seeing it as a spiritual movement that
might help the Ottoman invasion. At the time when this work was composed, its impact
hardly went beyond Trapezuntius’s personal circle. According to J. Monfasani, the most sig-
nificant outcome of the treatise is that it forced Bessarion to reply through the In Calumniatorem
Platonis. The “retort” was given in Greek in 1458–1459, to be followed in 1466 by Bessarion’s
version in modest Latin. Afterwards, Bessarion and fellow scholars revised and supplemented his
work that eventually took its final form in 1469 in Niccolò Perotti’s Latin translation (editio
princeps). In the newly prepared book III, Bessarion relied especially on the work of the Do-
minican monk and theologian, Giovanni Gatti. In those days Gatti was already staying in Hun-
gary, first in Vitéz’s Esztergom court, then as a teacher at Pozsony University. Thus the arch-
bishop was in a position to receive firsthand information about the debate. In this light, his
entry at the end of the Trapezuntius codex (f. 107r) comes as no surprise: “The Nicea Cardinal
Bessarion wrote against him [i.e. against Trapezuntius], on the most scholarly man, Plato’s side,
nevertheless not against Aristotle”. Vitéz’s manuscript was the basis for the only edition of
Comparatio (Venice, 1523); several leaves were mixed up in the compilation, and the confused
order was kept also in the editio unica. The volume emended by the archbishop probably went
to the Corvinian Library, but neither was a coat of arms painted into it, nor did it receive the
Corvinian binding. In the first decade of the 16th century, as a present from King Vladislav II it
passed into the possession of the Czech Humanist Bohuslav Lobkowitz of Hassenstein, and after
his death to Jan Slechta. In 1516, Johann Eck saw the codex in the library of the Vienna Uni-
versity’s faculty of theology. In 1522 it went into the ownership of Jacopo Bannisio, a diplomat
for the emperor, who saw Trapezuntius’ apocalyptic vision of the coming of the “new Plato”
(Bessarion) and the collapse of Christianity as a metaphor for Luther, and sent the manuscript for
publication to the Augustan monk Benedetto Moncetti in Milan. Moncetti handed over the
codex to his fellow friar Agostino Claravalle, who had it printed in Venice in 1523. The route
of the manuscript from Venice to the Vatican Library cannot be traced.
166
Literature: CSAPODI–GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 111; EKLER 2007. 265–277; MONFASANI, John: A tale of two books: Bessarion’s In
Calumniatorem Platonis and George of Trebizond’s Comparatio Philosophorum Platonis et Aristotelis. Renaissance Studies,
2008. 1–15.
Edina Zsupán – Ferenc Földesi

30
IOANNES BESSARION: DE EA PARTE EVANGELII …
Italy (Florence?, Umbria?), after 1464, parchment, 56 leaves, 285 × 200 mm, Humanistic Book Script
The codex contains three works by Cardinal Bessarion (†1472), humanist of Greek origin.
In the 15th century, Bessarion was the most dedicated proponent of the Union of the Eastern
Churches with Rome. With the mounting Turkish threat, efforts at union were promising
success, and as a result of the Council of Florence, most Eastern Churches accepted Rome’s
leading role. The Turkish invasion and the subsequent occupation of Byzantium, however,
brought about a new situation. In these decades, Bessarion and a number of other remark-
able Greek scholars found their new home in Italy. The codex kept in the Bibliotheca Cor-
viniana was originally in his possession. In the lower band of the ornamental border of the
title page, Matthias’s coat of arms covers that of Bessarion. In the ornamented frame, the
Hunyadi family’s arms appear with the raven, also painted over another coat of arms, which,
however, is still unidentified. The copyist signed (Leonardus Iob scripsit) the manuscript at the
end of the first (f. 17r) and at the end of the second work (f. 26r). The illumination of the
codex was not completed, as the four-line initial (B) of the beginning of the second work (f.
18r) and the four-line (S) initial of the beginning of the third work (f. 27r) were never fin-
ished. The codex was amended by two contemporary hands, although a third hand also
entered some notes, which however appear to be from later. The first hand entered ample
marginal notes in Latin, mainly summarizing the content. The same person supplied the
missing Greek words and Biblical citations in a number of places. The second hand made
only Greek entries and concentrated exclusively on filling lacunae. It seems impossible to
reconstruct how the codex reached the library. In the 1480s the so-called “first heraldic
painter” included Matthias’s coat of arms and it was given a Corvinian leather binding.
The second and third works in the codex, which are also Bessarion’s theological works,
were printed in Salzburg by Augustinus Moravus and as the edition says, based on a copy in
the Corviniana. In the 16th century, together with a number of other corvinas, the codex
became the property of the Vienna bishop, Johannes Fabri, but certainly did not reach the
Hofbibliothek in the way other codices of the old university library did in 1756. It was kept
in the library of the Göttweig Benedictine abbey, and eventually the Széchényi Library
bought the volume from a Budapest antiquarian in 1926.
Literature: BARTONIEK 1937; BARTONIEK 1940. No. 438; BERKOVITS 1962. No. 40; CSAPODI 1973. No. 115; Bibliotheca
Corviniana 1990. No. 50.
Ferenc Földesi
167
168
169
31
LIVIUS: AB URBE CONDITA, I. DECAS
Florence, 1469–1470, parchment, 220 leaves, 385 × 258 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Contemporary Italian blind stamped red leather binding
This luxury manuscript belongs to the three-volume Livius series that contains Books 1–10,
discussing Roman history from Rome’s foundation up to 293 B.C. The series must have
been commissioned from the Florentine bookseller, Vespasiano da Bisticci in the late 1460s.
All three volumes were copied by Messer Piero di Benedetto Strozzi, who was regarded as
the best and most conscientious of all Florentine scribes at the time. However, it bears no
signature. The illuminations in the series are equally exquisite. The decoration of the first
and third parts is attributed to Mariano del Buono, whereas the second to Ser Ricciardo di
Nanni. In the first volume, on the page facing the title page (f.1v), in an all’ antica taber-
nacle surrounded by drapery, one can read lines praising Livius, which are taken from Saint
Jerome’s letter to Presbyter Paulinus (Ep. LIII.): Ad Titum Livium, lacteo eloquentie fonte man-
antem, de ultimis Hispaniae Galliarumque finibus quosdam venisse nobiles legimus et quos ad contem-
placionem sui Roma non traxerat; unius hominis fama perduxi it. (sic!) In the lunette, the portrait
is most probably that of Saint Jerome surrounded by rays, while the lower part of the taber-
nacle features János Vitéz’s coat of arms, creating the impression of embossed metal. The
decoration on f. 2r is of outstanding quality. The fine miniatures in oval frames, the double
gold batons, busts, cherubs, hybrid creatures and several animal figures completely decom-
pose the traditional frames of the white vine-stem style. The images highlight some episodes
from Roman mythical history, for example Romulus and Remus with the she-wolf, Aven-
tinus’s giant, Cacus dragging Hercules’s cattle into his cave, and the fight between Hercules
and Cacus. In the initial F we see the rape of the Sabine women. János Vitéz’s coat of arms
is painted into the middle of the lower ornamental border. Each book begins with initials
that feature the white vine motif.
Livius was one of János Vitéz’s most favoured and most frequently read authors. He ac-
quired various parts of the Ab urbe condita for his library in more than one copy, some of
which have actually survived. Most of them have a number of notes testifying to Vitéz’s
conscientious work. Aware of the high reliability of Vitéz’s texts, even the archbishop of
Krakow borrowed a Livius from him. However, in this magnificent Livius series there is not
a single emendation or note by his hand. Nevertheless, the text does contain certain correc-
tions, which are possibly from Bartolomeo Fonzio, the excellent Humanist and philologist,
who in the late 1460s frequently did correcting and copying work for Vespasiano da Bist-
icci. The lack of annotations by Vitéz is due partly to the relatively good quality of the text,
partly to the tendency that Vitéz would very rarely take notes in his most beautiful repre-
sentative codices. Nevertheless, there is direct evidence to show that Vitéz used these codic-
es as well: between f. 54 and f. 55 a small piece of paper was found with notes taken by Vitéz
170
(de decimis / de literis casparis / de Jo. Pongracz / de dominico preposito / de Nicolao Banfy / de
Stephano Bathor). This piece of paper must have served as a simple bookmark.
Irodalom: FRAKNÓI 1879. 244–245; FRAKNÓI Vilmos: Vitéz János Livius-kódexei. [The Livius codices of Vitéz] Magyar
Könyvszemle, 1880. 9–15; P. D’ANCONA: La miniatura fiorentina. Firenze, 1914. vol. II. No. 738; DE LA MARE 1965. 66;
Thesaurus librorum. 425 Jahre Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. Red. K. Dachs, E. Klemm. Wiesbaden, 1983. 60; CSAPODI–
GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 62; HOFFMANN-WEHLI 1992, 62–64 (Hoffmann); The Painted Page. Italian Renaissance Book
Illumination 1450–1550. Ed. by J. G. ALEXANDER, London–New York, 1995. No. 68.
Edina Zsupán
67. München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15731, front cover (Cat. No. 31)
171
172
69. München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15731, f. 1v (Cat. No. 31)
173
32
LIVIUS: AB URBE CONDITA, III. DECAS
DE SECUNDO BELLO PUNICO
Original Italian blind stamped red leather binding
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15732
The second volume of the Livius series continues with the third decade, as the second dec-
ade has not survived. It recounts the story of the Second Punic War (218–201 B.C.) in ten
books (21–30). This volume too was copied by Messer Piero di Benedetto Strozzi, but this
time the illuminator was Ser Ricciardo di Nanni. The structure of the initial pages is similar
to the initial pages of the first volume. On the page facing the title page (f. 1v) here too is an
all’ antica tabernacle, although without drapery, accomodating a Quintilianus quote extolling
Livius. (Inst. Or. 10. 1. 101). The placing of the text and the lettering are like an classical
inscription in Latin on a metal plaque. Accordingly, in the lunette of the tabernacle there is
the image of Quintilianus (35?–100? A.D.), the distinguished Roman rhetorician, while
underneath the text there is Garázda’s small coat of arms. On the title page (f. 2r), the white
vine-stem decoration is exceptionally rich, and this time too, in addition to cherubs, angel
heads and beasts it is broken up by small scenes. The miniatures in the upper ornamental
border select episodes from Heracles’s twelve works (stopping the horse of King Diomedes;
fighting the Nemean Lion). His heroic deeds are indeed a good illustration of the gigantic
fight between Hannibal and the Roman Republic. In the initial I a sacrifice is being per-
formed. In the middle of the lower part of the ornamental border, János Vitéz’s coat of arms
is placed into the tissue of complex decorative lines. The ten books in the volume are also
introduced by white vine style initials, which in places are decorated by cherubs and portraits
in tondos. The Garázda arms on the tabernacle opposite the title page raise the problem of
who possessed the Livius series. In all three volumes of the series, beside János Vitéz’s arms
there is also another one, although smaller in size and put into more modest places: it is a
wild goat rising from the flames and holding a pine tree, the joint coat of arms of the Garáz-
da and the Szilágyi families. Fraknói regards it merely as the Garázda arms and finds it as a
proof of his hypothesis that János Vitéz’s mother was of the Garázda family. Anyhow, featur-
ing the mother’s coat of arms was a rather unusual practice in this age, as in most cases it was
the wife’s or the donor’s arms that would appear next to the owner’s. The problem is further
complicated by the fact that on the title page of the third volume (see next item), in the
middle of the lower border the space for the arms is left blank, with a crown over it and the
so-called Garázda arms underneath it, while there is a Vitéz coat of arms in each of the two
corners. Edith Hoffmann does not think it likely that the donor was Péter Garázda, a close
relative to János Vitéz.
174
Literature: FRAKNÓI 1879. 7. (note 1), 244–245; FRAKNÓI Vilmos: Vitéz János Livius-kódexei. [The Livius codices
of Vitéz] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1880. 9–15; P. D’ANCONA: La miniatura fiorentina. Firenze 1914, II. 739; DE LA MARE
1965. 66; Thesaurus librorum. 425 Jahre Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. Red. K. Dachs, E. Klemm. Wiesbaden, 1983. 60;
CSAPODI–GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 63; HOFFMANN–WEHLI 1992. 62–64 (Hoffmann); The Painted Page. Italian Renaissance
Book Illumination 1450–1550. Ed. by J. G. ALEXANDER, London–New York, 1995. 68.
Edina Zsupán
175
176
177
33
LIVIUS: AB URBE CONDITA, IV. DECAS
Contemporary Italian blind stamped red leather binding
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15733
The Livius series end with the fourth decade (books 31–40), which discusses the events of the
Macedonian War between 201 and 179 B.C. The last five books (41–45) do not feature in
the volume because it is only in 1527 that Simon Grynaeus will discover them in the monas-
tic library of Lorsch. In the same way as with the first and second volumes, the copyist is again
Messer Piero di Benedetto Strozzi, while the illuminator is identical with the master of the
first volume, namely Mariano del Buono. On the page facing the title page (f. 1v), on the
board in the all’ antica tabernacle, there is a slightly reformulated Quintilianus quote, imitating
a classical inscription in Latin (Inst. Or. 2. 5. 19). In the lunette one finds the name of Quin-
tilianus. This time the space for the crest in the lower part of the tabernacle is left blank.
The wonderful Florentine white vine-stem motifs of the title page (f. 2r) are broken up
and, at the same time, dominated by cherubs playing music and taming beasts as well as
miniatures framed in medallions. The portraits represent the main characters of the events
discussed: mainly soldiers. The scene of fighting for a castle and the battle scene summarise
and condense the content of the whole volume, which is almost exclusively about fighting
and the Roman occupation of the towns in Hellas. The problems concerning the coat of
arms, raised in connection with the second volume are still unsolved here, and further ques-
tions are raised. János Vitéz’s two coats of arms were pushed into the right and left corners
of the lower border decoration, with the archbishop’s cross seen in the left and the mitre in
the right one, and the space for the middle coat of arms is left blank. It was probably in-
tended for royal arms, as the cherubs are holding a crown over the arms hovering in front of
an ideal landscape. Underneath the unfilled space for the arms, we find the much smaller
arms of Péter Garázda. Edith Hoffmann regarded the decorative line made up of 13 bees not
as a simple ornamental motive but as a reference to the Garázda family. On the title page of
the Munich Cicero Codex (Clm 15734) beside Péter Garázda’s coat of arms there is an-
other one with bees in its bend..Edith Hoffmann suggests that the shield may have been left
blank for Erzsébet Szilágyi’s arms, which would also offer an explanation for the crown.
When in 1476 Johannes Beckensloer, the Esztergom archbishop following Vitéz, fled from
Hungary to Frederick III, he took along the most precious treasures of the archbishop’s pal-
ace, with the richly decorated Livius series among them. Eventually Beckensloer became
archbishop of Salzburg (1487–1489), thus Vitéz’s former codices also ended up there. First
they were kept in the archbishop’s private library; from the foundation of the archbishop’s
court library in 1672, they were kept there. At the turn of the 18th century the spines of
representative codices were also covered with gray oil paint and the characteristic Salzburg
marks were entered into them (see Cod. 100 and Cod. 173). In 1800, during the Napo-
178
leonic campaigns, together with 75 other manuscripts, the Livius series also went to the
Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. That is when the red stamps of the Bibliothèque Nationale
appeared in the volumes. In 1809, after Salzburg had been annexed to Bavaria, the Bavarians
reclaimed the stolen cultural treasures. The Livius volumes went to Munich in 1815, where
they are kept at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek up to this day.
Literature: Fraknói 1879. 7 (note 1), 244–245; Fraknói Vilmos: Vitéz János Livius-kódexei. [The Livius codices of Vitéz]
Magyar Könyvszemle, 1880. 9–15; P. D’Ancona: La miniatura fiorentina. Firenze, 1914. Vol. II. 740; De la Mare 1965.
66; Schallaburg 1982. No. 22; Thesaurus librorum. 425 Jahre Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. Red. K. Dachs, E. Klemm.
Wiesbaden, 1983. 60; Csapodi–Gárdonyi 1984. No. 64; Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 62–64 (Hoffmann).
Edina Zsupán
179
180
181
34
EPISTOLARIUM
Várad, 1451, parchment, 56 leaves, 290 × 197 mm, Humanistic Book Script with Gothic features
18th century parchment binding on cardboard, decorated with gilded print
Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 431.
The codex contains János Vitéz’s collection of mostly official correspondence between 1445
and 1451, the so-called Book of Letters. He composed the letters partly on behalf of János
Hunyadi, partly in the name of Parliament, with only seven pieces that Vitéz wrote in his
own name. The addressees are mainly the reigning popes, Eugene IV and Nicholas V, to
whom he turned concerning assistance in anti-Turkish fights and the appointment of pri-
mates, but there were also diplomatic missives to Europe’s royals and influential foreign high
priests. The compilation of letters and their publication in one volume was frequent among
Humanists. Their role models were the great classical letter writers, Plinius and Cicero, but
epistolography also fitted ideally the humanist cult of the dialogue. The Book of Letters is a
consciously edited collection of this type. Encouraged by Archdeacon Pál, Pál Ivanich, János
Vitéz’s court priest and scribe collected and arranged into one volume his master’s available
letters, together with his notes. In his letter placed before the corpus (praefatio) addressed to
Archdeacon Pál, Ivanich describes how the volume came into being, as well as the criteria
for its compilation. In the closing letter (epilogue), he informs us of the successful comple-
tion of the undertaking. In the second and third places, there are two letters addressed to
Archdeacon Pál and specifically written for this collection. In them, Vitéz also dwells on is-
sues of how the book was compiled. The texts reveal much about János Vitéz’s education
and habits as a writer and orator. Accustomed to the style of charters, Vitéz combined his
lengthy sentences into a coherent whole using the rules of classical rhetoric. The main fea-
ture of his expression is that he often applies motives and excerpts from classical authors. This
is not done just art for art’s sake. Although it demonstrates his familiarity with classical lit-
erature, this style is also a diplomatic tool: the common classical culture known by all makes
his argumentation more unambiguous while providing the moral basis for formulating his
requests. The authors cited also hint at his current readings and perhaps at the items in his
library. Lucanus, Seneca, Cicero, Vergilius and primarily Livius were all there on Vitéz’s
shelves. In one of the most remarkable pieces in the Book of Letters, which he wrote in János
Hunyadi’s name to Nicholas V during the campaign ending in the lost Battle of Rigómezô
(Kosovo Polje, 1448), he borrows from Livius all through. From the play on words, con-
temporary scholars would clearly understand that János Hunyadi was like Scipio Africanus,
and that the Turkish threat against Hungary was like Hannibal’s against Rome.
The special feature of the collection is that Pál Ivanich supplied the letters with explana-
tory notes running round the codex margins. His notes are language clarifications that help
interpret the Latin text, draw attention to rhetorical considerations or are of factual charac-
182
ter. The codex lacks any decoration. The titles are written in red ink and the text also con-
tains a number of red initials. The underlinings and marks suggest that later the volume was
probably used as a sample book.
Literature: TABULAE CODICUM. No. 431; F. UNTERKIRCHER: Die datierten Handschriften der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek
von 1450 bis 1500 (Katalog der datierten Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift in Österreich, 3), Wien 1974. 21, picture
14; Schallaburg 1982. No. 18; Katalog Matthias Corvinus und die Bildung der Renaissance, ÖNB. Wien, 1994. 49. No. 8; A
magyar iskola elsô évszázadai (996–1526). [The first centuries of Hungarian schools. (996-1526).] Exhibition catalogue. Ed.
G. Katalin Szende, Péter Szabó. Gyôr 1996. 226. No. 253; G. SCHWANDTNER: Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum veteres ac
genuini, II. Vindobonae 1746; BORONKAI 1980; Magyar humanisták levelei. [Hungarian Humanists’ letters.] Published by
Sándor V. Kovács. Budapest 1971; BORONKAI 1987.
Edina Zsupán
183
35
IOHANNES SCHOLASTICUS CLIMACUS:
SCALA PARADISI — AD PASTOREM
Florence, 1470, parchment, 189 leaves, 263 × 172 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Original Italian blind stamped leather binding, punched gilt edges
The codex is a valuable monument of the Renaissance for the reception of the Greek Church
Fathers. One of the most distinguished figures of early Italian humanism, Ambrogio Traver-
sari (1386–1439), a monk-general in the Camaldulian Order and an outstanding scholar of
Greek, made numerous Greek theologians available for the western world. Among the works
selected for translation, we find the famous tract Scala Paradisi or The Ladder of Divine Ascent
by Johannes Climacus or Scholasticus, a monk of Mount Sinai, as well as Ad pastorem, a work
addressing monks’ leaders. Scala Paradisi describes the thirty steps a dedicated person must take
in order to achieve the ideal form of monastic existence. The model must have been Jacob’s
Ladder, while the number thirty is an allusion to Christ’s age at the time of his immersion in
the River Jordan. Ad Pastorem describes the good leader for monks.
In the codex, the Latin text of Scala Paradisi (ff. 8v–174v) and that of Ad Pastorem (ff.
174v–185v) are introduced by Ambrogio Traversari’s preface (ff. 1r–2v), in which the trans-
lator attempts to justify, against attackers, his own somewhat free translation and slight de-
viations from the original. Thus he deals with issues of translation, which in the early Ren-
aissance period did not have fixed rules yet but ranged from accurate, word for word
rendering to loose summaries of content. The preface is followed by Johannes Climacus’
biography (ff. 2v–6v) by Daniel monachus, behind whom there is probably the fourteenth-
century Byzantine theologian called David Dishypatos. Then there is an exchange of letters
(ff. 6v–8v), in which a certain Abbot Johannnes encourages Johannes Scholasticus to write
his work, to which the latter responds. The volume ends with words of praise by the above-
mentioned Abbot Johannes (ff. 186r–189r).
The title page is bordered by Florentine white vine-stem motifs. In the middle of the lower
ornamental border we find, rather unusually, the Hunyadi coat of arms with the raven, whose
rough execution is striking. The phenomenon led to a lot of exchange of expert opinions at the
end of the 19th century about the possessors of the codex. Edith Hoffmann gives an account of
the debate. The works within the volume and their chapters are also introduced by initials filled
with gold and decorated with white vine-stem motifs. The illuminator omitted the initial on f.
136v, only gilding it. It was decorated by a later hand that used clumsy red and green lines.
Originally, the codex must have belonged to János Vitéz. The archbishop of Esztergom
read through and corrected the manuscript in 1470, the year it was made. This is proven by
several marginal notes, underlinings and characteristic highlightings in red ink, as well as his
notes at the end of the work and his signature: finivi legendo et signando die 26. Septe(m)bris
1470 /.Jo./ (f. 189r). He also used red ink to foliate the leaves, and often supplied the head-
184
ings of recto sides with a “title”, for which he used the key terms just discussed.
The volume later went to the Corvinian Library, but was not given a Corvinian binding: its
original Italian blind stamped leather binding was kept. From Lajos Farkas’s collection, it
passed into the Széchényi Library in 1873.
Literature: CSONTOSI János: A Farkas Lajos-féle gyüjtemény kódexei. Magyar Könyvszemle, 1876. 139–140; HOFFMANN
1928. 15; BARTONIEK 1940. No. 344; CSAPODI 1973. No. 357; Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. No. 26; HOFFMANN–WEHLI
1992. No. 64.
Edina Zsupán
185
186
187
36
VICTORINUS: COMMENTARII IN CICERONIS
LIBRUM DE INVENTIONE
Hungary (Várad?), pre-1462, parchment, 93 leaves, 303 × 204 mm, Humanistic Book Script with Gothic tendencies
Corvinian leather binding with gilded coat of arms
The codex with the late antique author’s commentaries on Cicero’s rhetorical work is one
of the most richly annotated volumes in Vitéz’s library. Rather than simple emendations,
there are mainly summaries on the margins in such abundance that his entries almost consti-
tute a rhetorical study. According to the colophon, the archbishop read and annotated the
codex in 1462 in Szeben (Sibiu). According to the entry about emendation this manuscript,
the words quantum fieri potuit may refer to the fact that during Matthias’s campaign in Tran-
sylvania Vitéz was unable to work under the right circumstances in Matthias’s camp. These
words may also imply that the control copy was not available for proper emendation. He was
unable to complete the emendation and never fill the lacunae of the Victorinus volume. The
codex was made in Hungary with Gothic ornamentation. According to the scholarly litera-
ture, it may have been copied and embellished at Várad, but this cannot be ascertained. It
has the original Corvinian binding with gilt edges. During the binding process, the leaves
were trimmed round, and as a result not only page numbers but also annotations were dam-
aged. As Vitéz’s coat of arms is not painted into the volume, it may be questioned whether
it belonged to the archbishop’s library, although the large numbers of entries suggest that it
did. From Vitéz the codex went to the Bibliotheca Corviniana, most probably after the
archbishop’s death. In 1886 it crops up in the auction list of the Berlin antiquarian Albert
Cohn. It was purchased by Gusztáv Emich, and from his collection it went to the National
Széchényi Library.
Literature: FRAKNÓI Vilmos: Vitéz által emendált Corvin-kódex. [The corvina annotated by Vitéz.] Magyar Könyvszemle,
1886. 1–7; BARTONIEK 1940. No. 370; BERKOVITS 1962. No. 24; CSAPODI-GÁRDONYI 1984. No. 116; Codices 1985. No.
118; CSAPODI 1973. No. 697; HOFFMANN – WEHLI 1992. 61 (Hoffmann), 236 (Wehli).
Ferenc Földesi
188
189
190
191
37
BASILIUS MAGNUS: DE DIVINITATE FILII ET SPIRITUS SANCTI
ADVERSUS EUNOMIUM
Italy, around 1470, parchment, 157 leaves, 215 × 140 mm, Humanistic Cursive Book Script
Original blind stamped Renaissance leather binding
The codex contains two works by the Greek Church Father St. Basilius Magnus (†379) that
he wrote against the Arian doctrine, one of the major Early Christian heresies. The codex
starts with Cardinal Bessarion’s dedication to Pope Eugene IV (1403–1472), which is fol-
lowed by a copy of the letter Georgius Trapezuntius, the translator (1396–1484) addressed
to Bessarion. The letter tells us that the translation was made on the cardinal’s request. The
relationship between Bessarion and Trapezuntius later deteriorated, and the cardinal at-
tacked the Aristotelian Trapezuntius in two treatises. The codex was copied around 1470 by
Petrus Cenninius in Florence, where the white vine-stem ornamentation was also made.
The brown blind stamped leather binding also originates from Italy. In the lower band of the
modest decorative page there we find the Matthias coat of arms, painted over that of Vitéz,
naturally at Buda already. Underneath the flaked off paint the golden plate of the upper band
of the Vitéz arms clearly transpires, and when x-rayed the contours of the lily in the lower
field and the blue base of the field are also visible. On the margins of some leaves, you can
read notes by János Vitéz. This suggests that it was originally in the primate’s possession, then
went to the Corvinian Library either through confiscation or in some other way, which,
however, is impossible to be established because of a lack of sources. Still before Mohács
(1526) the codex left the royal library. Most probably one of the Viennese scholarly diplo-
mats that would often stay at Buda, perhaps Cuspinianus, took it along. As well as a number
of other corvinas, it was then owned by the Vienna bishop, Johannes Fabri, and with his
collection entered the library of Vienna Univer-
sity and in 1756 the Hofbibliothek. Through the
Venice agreement in 1932, it was returned to
Hungary.
Literature: HERMANN VI/3. No. 50; BARTONIEK 1940. No. 415;
CSAPODI 1973. No. 102
Ferenc Földesi
86. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár,

Cod. Lat. 415, f. 4r, detail (Cat. No. 37)
192
193
3. The influence of János Vitéz.
Patronage. Foundation of a university.
Printing house
István Horváth
The Palace of Archbishop János Vitéz in Esztergom
The former royal palace of the Árpád dynasty, which came into the hand of the church after
the Tatar Invasion of Hungary in 1241–42, was richly rebuilt and extended several times by
the archbishops of Esztergom in the 14th and 15th centuries. Written sources lay special
emphasis on the construction work commissioned by Csanád Telegdi (1330–1349) in the
14th century, and by Archbishop János Vitéz (1465–1472) in the 15th. The first contem-
poraries to remember Vitéz’s building projects are Regiomontanus and Janus Pannonius,
with whom he also had family relations. Regiomontanus writes about the continuous re-
construction of the towers and fortifications of the castle, while in addition to talking about
the fortifications, Janus devotes an epigram to praising the magnificent edifices in general
terms. Tibor Kardos argues that this epigram must have been engraved into a marble plaque
set into the wall above the main gate of the palace.
Bonfini is the first to give a detailed description of the buildings, making the following
remarks about János Vitéz after describing the plot against Matthias:
…He built a spacious dining hall (triclinium) in the palace and next to it a sump-
tuous overhanging galleried corridor of red marble. Opposite the dining room
facade, he had a vaulted and gabled Sybil chapel erected, containing the pictures
of all the sybils. In the dining hall itself, besides all the Hungarian kings depicted
in chronological order, there are also the Scythian ancestors. In addition, there
are hot and cold bath chambers, a double garden with columned trellises and a
gallery above. Between the two gardens, he had a round tower built next to the
rock, with halls and chambers inside and little look-out turrets at the top, as well
as a small building where he stayed most of the time, because it overlooked the
Danube – offering a wonderful view and the joy of the gardens.
Bonfini, however, did not know János Vitéz in person; he came to Hungary in 1483, and
only after the death of Matthias did he go to Esztergom to accompany Queen Beatrice, who
Mon. Eccl. Strig. I. 375-376, 439-441.

Lepold 1936. 67-68; Horváth - Kelemen - Torma 1979. 98-99.
Nagy 1975. 282-283.
Nagy 1975. 282-283.
Kardos 1973. 304. Note 31.
Bonfini 1941-1959. 182; Lepold 1936. 67.
Lepold 1934. 37.
197
was a guest of her nephew Bishop Estei Hyppolit (1487–1497), staying there for nearly a full
decade; after János Vitéz, Hyppolit was already the third archbishop. Thus Bonfini’s descrip-
tion of the edifices has the authenticity of the eye witness, but the person who commis-
sioned them, i.e. János Vitéz is identified only on the basis of local tradition and perhaps
Janus’s epigram cut into stone.
From this point onwards, construction work in Esztergom in Matthias’ time (especially
the construction of the palace) is associated with the name of Bishop János Vitéz in the
sources produced later, to be attributed to Bonfini.
The descriptions of travellers who saw the palace when it was still intact before 1595 do
not mention the person who commissioned the project. What is more, our observations
suggest that most of the construction had been completed earlier, when the archbishop was
Dénes Széchy (1440–1465) and that the ambitious undertaking was concluded in Vitéz’s
time. His seven years as archbishop may not have been enough for carrying out all the major
developments attributed to him. On the other hand, the twenty-five years Dénes Széchy
spent in the office was a much more sufficient period for the realisation of the plan. The
reason must have been that the buildings of the Esztergom palace were probably badly dam-
aged in 1440: this is the time when (after Széchy had crowned the young Ladislaus V),
Vladislav besieged Esztergom castle. The siege caused serious damage to the buildings,
namely to the cathedral, but probably also to the palace standing at the southern end of Cas-
tle Hill. In 1449 Széchy summoned a national synod in Esztergom, and from the enormous
amount they appropriated for the project (2000 golden forints!), he started to reconstruct the
cathedral, which he consecrated again in 145310.
According to researchers, the roof structure of the cathedral must have been completed
in János Vitéz’s time, at least that is what Bonfini says:
...So that fire would not ravage it, he had the roof of Saint Adalbert’s Cathe-
dral covered with glazed tiles and had it designed so that the snow and rain
should run down the roof. He also assembled a rich library with books in both
languages...11
(Earlier the location of this library was identified with the square one-storey cellared build-
ing, whose vaulting on the ground floor was held by a pillar in the middle of the hall, which
was still there on the northern side of Saint Adalbert Cathedral in the mid-18th century.)12
Thúróczi 1957. 114-115; Csorba 1978. 36-37.

Nagy 1975. 286.
10 Rupp Jakab: Magyarország helyrajzi története I. [Topographic history of Hungary I.] Pest, 1870. 9; Török 1859.
96-97.
11 Bonfini 1941-1959. 182; Horváth - Kelemen - Torma 1979. 102.
12 Széles 1761. 96-99; Mathes 1827. 78; Lepold 1936. 67. – We, however, think it much more likely that the library
was in the donjon where the archbishop resided, in the so-called “White tower”, the room next to the Studiolo. – Cf.:
Horváth-Prokopp-Vukov 1990, Vukov 2004. 79, and Buzás 2004. 10.
198
88. The buildings of the Esztergom Palace before its destruction in 1595 (Engraving by Frans Hogenberg)
Several people make reference to the palace and its gigantic hall even in the years of the
Turkish occupation, especially travellers joining the emperor’s envoys heading towards the
Turkish empire.
These descriptions are sometimes quite detailed, at other times, though laconic, they
include important details about the building. Let us quote a description with some vital in-
formation for us: on 18th February 1587 Reinold von Lubenau visited Esztergom castle and
took the following notes:
...First, we were led into the castle, which stands on a high hill and is pro-
tected by two strong walls. Otherwise, it was an appropriately and wonderfully
built castle. Now, however, everything is disintegrating and it seems as if the
enemy had occupied and looted it yesterday. The Turks don’t rebuild anything
that has once fallen into decay. At one point, it was inhabited by the Hungarian
archbishop; he had wonderful headquarters, many parts of which, as you will
see, still survive… - We immediately went into the innermost building. We
climbed tall stone stairs and reached a beautiful big hall in which there may have
been as many as a hundred tables. There were no columns or pillars in it. Its
ceiling was decorated with fine carved and gilded rosettes. All around, painted
on the walls you find the life-size artistic pictures of all the Christian emperors
and Hungarian kings. However, the Turks have painted the faces white so that
199
89. Palace and Donjon after the siege of Esztergom
in 1595 (Engraving by W. Meyerpeck, detail)
they cannot be identified. All the doors had the Austrian coat of arms on them,
carved out of stone or wood.
From the hall we reached a chapel. It was already vaulted, with painted pictures
of many saints on the vaults, and the picture of Christ on the hanging cross. All
around the wall, images of sybils who prophesied about Christ. Next to the
chapel, through the above- mentioned hall, we reached a wonderful corridor of
red marble. It is built out of the hall itself, with marble columns and vaults
above, with artistic carved leaves for decoration. It is an enchanting place, from
where you have a view of the water (Danube), the whole town and you see far
into the countryside...13
In addition to informing us of details, Lubenau’s description, overlooked earlier, contains

vital information about the construction history in the words “All the doors had the Aus-
trian coat of arms carved out of stone or wood…”.
Preceding the Turkish wars, the Habsburgs had not constructed anything in Esztergom!
Vitéz’s predecessor Dénes Széchy’s family coat of arms appears on his Esztergom tomb, as
well as on his chalice kept in the treasury of the cathedral, which is no other than a double-
headed eagle! This is what Lubenau mistook for the Austrian (Habsburg) coat of arms14.
13 Beschreibung der Reisen des Reinhold Lubenau. W. Sahm: Königsberg in Preussen. 1914;Lepold 1936.61-62.
14 The double-headed eagle is the emblem of the Széchy family, originating from the Balogh genus. –Nagy Iván:
Magyarország családai czímerekkel és nemzedékrendi táblákkal. [Families in Hungary with coats of arms and tables
of genealogy] Pest 1857. I. 137, Pest 1863. X. 534-535. – The double-headed eagle in the coat of arms features on
Habsburg kings’ coins from 1573. Cf.: Unger Emil: Magyar Éremhatározó II. [Hungarian coin identification.] Buda-
pest, 1976. XLIII. 761. - Lubenau visited Esztergom in 1587.
200
Thus, if the doors of the great hall and their stone frames featured the carved coat of arms
of the Széchy family, then the only way it could happen was that by Dénes Széchy’s time,
the construction had been completed at least up to the doors – and architecturally, that is the
main mass of the whole building complex!
As after 1595 the sources describing the castle say nothing about this stately building, we
may safely claim (as supported by observations, research findings as well as contemporary
engravings) that it was destroyed in the siege of 1595, and in the 17th or 18th century its
remains were partly pulled down or rebuilt, partly filled up with rubble and earth,15 - to-
gether with the remains of the former (Árpád age) palace.
Thus the palace of Dénes Széchy and János Vitéz had disappeared completely by the end
of the Turkish wars and even its memory vanished; relying on misleading data in written
sources, researchers attempted to locate it on the northern side of the Esztergom castle.
The excavations in the 1930s uncovered remains of the palace of the Árpád dynasty on
the southern cape of the hill, with frescoes in the keep attributed to János Vitéz. Canon
Antal Lepold, researcher of the castle at the time, noted as early as 1936 that the famous
palace had been attached to the keep on the northern side, and must have stood in the place
that in the modern age has been thought to be Maria Teresia’s “Barracks” 16.
Only research in this building was expected to provide new findings. Although the wall
space in front of the “Barracks”, where there used to be gardens earlier, was dug out between
1936 and 38 and a thirty-metre long vaulted hall and a row of three smaller, originally multi-
storey rooms were found behind the wall with western buttresses, it was not realised that they
had been part of the palace they were searching for. (It is to be noted that the items they found,
mainly stone carvings, have provided important data for our theoretical reconstruction.)
As the Barracks had flats inside up to 1964, it was impossible to conduct research there.
After the flats were demolished and the partition walls pulled down, it was in the winter of
1966–67 that we were first able to do archeological and architectural research, to be contin-
ued with interruptions until 1974. It was then established that only the western upstairs wall
of the barracks dates from the 18th century, the rest (e.g. in the east up to the roof level) is
medieval, incorporating considerable fragments of the fifteenth-century palace. We man-
aged to find several walled-up doors and windows as well17.
We could not continue the exploration of the building between 1975 and 79 because
then a tender was invited for developing the new building of the Castle Museum, which,
however, ignored the finds as well as the requirements of the protected environment18.
15 Lepold 1936. 60. – We disagree with the view Zoltán Nagy expressed that the palace had not been destroyed in the
siege of 1549-95.: Nagy 1986. 107. - Cf. : Horváth - Vukov 1986. 20-21.
16 Lepold 1936. 67. – Later on, all of the palace researchers are trying to locate it: Prokopp 1975. 257-258; Nagy 1986.
93-117.
17 Horváth István kutatási jelentései [István Horváth’s research reports.]: Régészeti Füzetek, 1974. 91-92, 1975. 120-
121, and research documentation available in the inventory of archeological data of the Hungarian National Gallery
and the Balassa B. Museum in Esztergom. – Továbbá: Horváth-Prokopp-Vukov 1990.
18 Horváth - Vukov 1986. 13.
201
90. The structure of the loggia 91. I naccurate reconstruction of a part of the loggia
(Reconstruction by Vukov Konstantin)
Construction work was to be started in 1979, which, however, was suspended by the
Excavation and Medieval Committees of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences on the grounds
that further research was to be conducted. As a result of research conducted from 1979–80
to l999 (again with breaks of several years), a history of the construction and the functional
structure of the palace were gradually outlined.
For the theoretical reconstruction, in addition to research results of archaeology, archi-
tecture and art history, contemporary representations (engravings, pictures of sieges and
military engineers’ surveys), as well as details and architectural elements of surviving contem-
porary model edifices were used19. Wolfgang Meyerpeck’s engraving of the siege of 1595
provided important data for the reconstruction project, where the sign “Ein schöner Sal”
over the building without a roof (with a chimney on the left indicating the height of the roof
at the time) suggests the still recognisable details of the great hall, and the buttresses are con-
nected by arches.20
19 Horváth 1984; Horváth - Vukov 1986. 23-27; Vukov Konstantin: A nürnbergi városháza régi nagytermének hely-
reállítása. [Reconstruction of the great hall of Nurenberg Town Hall.] In: Mûemlékvédelem 1988. No. 3. 181-184;
Vukov Konstantin: Kételyek a vajdahunyadi vár lovagtermének helyreállításáról. (XV. századi nagytermek Mag-
yarországon) [Doubts about the reconstruction of the cavalier room of Vajdahunyad Castle. (Great halls in fifteenth-
century Hungary.)] Mûemlékvédelem 1988. No. 1; Vukov 1989. 252-255.
20 Lepold 1944. No. 52. cut.
202
92. The building phases of the Esztergom Palace
203
93. Three-dimensional reconstruction of Grand Hall
94. The cross section of the reconstructed Palace
204
Relying on the engraving made by Meyerpeck, in our first reconstructional drawing
made in 1978 we still imagined the loggia to be situated on the arches bridging the but-
tresses21. However, since instead of the remains of the vaulting we found stumps of brackets
broken into the wall and on the top of one buttress a start of a bracket (and later we even
dug out one like this from the hillside under the wall), in 1981 and 82 I already imagined
the reconstruction following the Vajdahunyad gallery – in the light of on-site remains and
formal details of the Vajdahunyad palace22. Accordingly, the four buttresses of the western
castle walls must have ended in the same way as No. 3 (with wedge-shaped corbels protrud-
ing at the corners), on top of which there were closed galleries similar to those in Vajda-
hunyad, and they were connected by a closed gallery built on the bowed corbels standing
out of the wall between the buttresses. By that time we were already familiar with the walled
up Gothic crossed windows in the eastern court wall of the palace, whose reconstruction we
recommended on the basis of remaining fragments.
Accordingly, the great hall had six windows facing the court. (Fortunately one of the
south-eastern window’s pyriform lintel stones had not been removed from its original
location.)
The building was formed in a way that to the “Great Palace” dating back to the Árpád
age (also recovered in 1980) a new tract was added along the western side of the building –
most probably by Archbishop Dénes Széchy, as argued earlier. Thus, the lower and middle
levels of the building became a two-tract edifice, whose upper storey housed the “Grand
Hall”, forty-seven metres long and seventeen metres wide inside, to which on the western
side there was a closed gallery attached, built on brackets. The theoretical reconstruction of
the coffered ceiling of the grand hall was carried out by Konstantin Vukov in 1984, who,
relying on western European parallels, reconstructed a wooden vault stabilised by enormous
reaction ties through which skylight windows let light into the hall (as evidenced by con-
temporary representations).23
At the north-western corner of the great hall there was the vaulted “Sybil chapel” on a
square plan, leaning on the external buttressed wall.
In the siege of 1595, the latter, together with the two large buttresses of the western wall
and the wall between them, caved into the hillside. (The foundation walls of the buttresses
have been found; the fallen wall was bricked up again to the height of the second or third
bracket in the early 17th century.) In the wall corner jutting north of the Sybil chapel, in
21 Horváth 1978. 321; Horváth 1983. 332.

22 Arányi 1867; Möller 1913; Horváth 1984. 17-27.
23 Horváth-Vukov 1986. 23-27; Vukov 1988. - See also : Note 19, and Ruda J. engraving from 1594, and engraving
with the caption “Die Stat und Schloss Gran”: Lepold 1944. Nos 5. and 13. The great hall received light also from a
round window on the eastern gable. Cf: Lepold 1944. 13. Research into architectural history, especially the theoreti-
cal reconstruction project – was joined from 1984 by architect Vukov Konstantin, a specialist in protecting old build-
ings, who did his doctoral dissertation on the reconstruction of the fifteenth-century Esztergom palace, and published
his research findings in 2004 under the title of “Buildings of the medieval Esztergom palace”: Vukov 2004. with the
full bibliography.
205
95. The theoretical reconstruction of the Palace
1988 and 89 we found the remains of a tower open with arches on the two sides, which ac-
cording to parallels (e.g. Malbork Castle in the Polish city of Torun) may be reconstructed
as the “privy tower” of the palace taking in large masses. (It is to be noted that the privies of
the Árpád age “Great Palace” had been located in the same place.)
In the course of excavation work in the southern part of the palace – on the first floor
level – we found fragments of the stone panelling in the antechamber of the great hall, as
well as the small doorway originally leading to the hall. At the same time, it has been proved
that the late Gothic stone stairway built on a half-vault, leading from the courtyard of the
castle to this level, is identical with one of the stairways mentioned in descriptions.
The excavation and research of the edifices between the great hall and the keep have
resulted in more finds: we have found considerable fragments of the two-storey (two-stack)
kitchen. The lower one originally served the keep (this was rebuilt in the 14th century),
while the one on the upper floor provided for the great hall and was built parallel with it in
the 15th century. The Gothic ledge of the stack of the kitchen downstairs survived com-
pletely on the three free-standing walls of the kitchen building. Furthermore, the glazed roof
206
tile fragment of the fifteenth-century beginning of the stack was found as early as 1935-36.
This ledge had a tower reconstructed on it earlier; however, the existence of the pointed
stacks is evidenced by the fragments, as well as by W. Meyerpeck and G. Houfnagel’s en-
gravings from 1595.
On the basis of the details of the narrow barrel-vaulted premise between the kitchen and
the keep, the walled up square louvers of the vault, as well as its drain-pipe24, this part can be
identified with János Vitéz’s “hot air bath” (laconicum), also mentioned by Galeotto Marzio.25
If to all this we add the enormous donjon of the Árpád dynasty (with the chapel of the
castle) standing on the verge of the rock, which can be identified as Vitéz’s “big round don-
jon” mentioned by Bonfini among others, as well as the hanging gardens mentioned earlier
and their other components,26 – we have the picture of a European-style late Gothic palace
complex on Esztergom Castle Hill with elements of the early Renaissance.
It was preceded by the late twelfth-century Romanesque palace of the Árpád dynasty,
which was then rebuilt in the middle of the 14th century by Archbishop Csanád Telegdy,
which formed a fortification in the southern part of the castle that could be protected sepa-
rately - similarly to the royal palace of Buda.
The model for the palace of Dénes Széchy and János Vitéz must have been that of King
Sigismundus in Buda Castle (which probably served as a model for János Hunyadi’s palace
at Vajdahunyad, too), thus through personal contacts the two together must have been the
models of the palace in Esztergom. The construction of the remarkable building must have
been started by Dénes Széchy, while it was completed by János Vitéz (which is the reason
why it is associated with his name). The internal decoration of the great hall (the rosettes of
the coffers in the vault) must have been executed even later, at the time when Hippolit Estei
was archbishop, as testified by his inventory books.27
In 1587 Lubenau read the following inscription on an external wall of the palace: “Sic
transit gloria mundi”... – Indeed, it is unfortunately gone forever!
In its place now there is a highly questionable, in many respects false and misleading
construction, which does not properly fit into the historical environment.28
24 We uncovered fragments of this drain-pipe in the rocky hillside in 1986-87. Fifteenth and sixteenth-century finds
were uncovered from the rubble.
25 Horváth 1990b. 40. King Matthias – according to Galeotto– was visiting János Vitéz during the winter of 1470. The
Primate had a meal served in the warm air-bath (in laconico) ... “It is a habit with Hungarian lords that when it gets
bitterly cold, they eat and even sleep in the air-bath”... - says Galeotto. - In: Schwandter: Sriptores Rerum Hungari-
cum I. 360. – The place for relaxation and contemplation after the bath, the laconicum, must have been the adjacent
middle-columned “Saint Stephen room” – this is when the passage between the two rooms must have been gouged
into the wall of the keep. Cf.: Vukov 2004. 66.
26 About the gardens: Vukov 2004. 45-50, and Klinger 2004. 46.
27 Cf.: Horváth - Vukov 1986. 23, and Voit 1957. 50-67.
28 During the construction of the Castle Museum, the wedge-shaped console-starts on the third buttress were supple-
mented with two layers of arched-ended consoles to be three-layered (to replace the original wedge-shaped consoles
of four layers). Similarly, the support structure of the reconstructed gallery stretch between the third and fourth but-
tresses is constituted by a three-layer row of consoles – rather than four layers.
207
38
POLYBIUS: HISTORIAE
Florence, 1450—1470, parchment, 198 leaves, 320 × 231 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Original purple Corvinian velvet binding, painted gilt edges from Buda
Apart from a few exceptions, the corvinas decorated with white vine-stem motifs belong to
the early phase of Matthias Hunyadi’s library. If Matthias purchased books consciously at the
beginning of his reign, his choices were to a large extent influenced by collection criteria he
had seen with Vitéz. It is possible that Vitéz himself provided him with advice.
Polybius (201?–120 B.C.), the Greek historiographer who was taken to Rome as a hos-
tage, described the history of Rome in 40 books, from 264 to 144 B.C. This important
historical piece laid claim to many Humanists’ interest. Niccolò Perotti (1430–1480) trans-
lated the first five books into Latin. It was a copy of this translation that found its way to
Hungary some time in the 1460s.
It is not impossible that Polybius’s work was available in Greek in the Bibliotheca Cor-
viniana, as besides Herodian’s historical work and Heliodoros’s Aithiopika, Polybios is also
available in a 14th century Greek codex (Cod. Graec. 157) in the Munich Bayerische Staats-
bibliothek, which present-day research identifies as a corvina. It was on the basis of this text
that in 1530 Obsopoeus prepared Polybios’s first edition in Greek. On the title page of the
codex, decorated with fine Florentine white vine motifs and broken up in turn by cherubs
and beasts, we find Matthias’s Hungarian and Czech royal crown, which is the work of the
so-called “second heraldic painter”. In the volume, books are introduced by white vine ini-
tials. Remains of the former green textile straps are fixed to the velvet binding, which is still
in good condition. As in the case of velvet-bound corvinas, the edges are painted with green
and red floral ornaments. The long gilt edge from Buda contains the author’s name and the
title POLYBII HISTORIA. The text is completely free of any notes. At the end (f. 198r),
the scribe used Greek majuscule script to enter ΘΕΩ ΧΑΡΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΗ ΜΗΤΡΙ (“Thank to
God and the Mother”). According to the possessor notes on the back flyleaf, in the 16th
century the codex was in the possession of the Turkish Ibrahim Maczar. Later it went into
the ownership of the Serai, from where we have the Turkish librarian’s note and the French
one (mark: No. 28) on a paper sheet glued onto the first flyleaf. In 1869, Sultan Abd-ul-Aziz
gave it as a present to Franz Joseph, who in turn had it placed in the National Széchényi
Library.
Irod.: Hoffmann 1928. 16; Bartoniek 1940. No. 234; Csapodi 1973. No. 540; Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. No. 22;
Hoffmann-Wehli 1992. No. 60; Cimélia 2000. II/7.
Edina Zsupán
208
209
39
CAECILIUS CYPRIANUS: OPERA
CYPRIANUS GALLUS: CENA CYPRIANI
18th century French leather binding
Besides the authors of Classical Antiquity, the Latin and Greek Church Fathers were also
included in the humanist canon. The truly outstanding Renaissance bibliophiles like János
Vitéz of Zredna himself collected not only the works of Livius, Tacitus and Cicero but also
made an effort to acquire for their libraries full series of available texts of the Church Fathers.
This collection principle is characteristic also of the early layers of Matthias Hunyadi’s li-
brary, perhaps not least because of Vitéz’s influence.
The codex contains mainly the works of Saint Cyprianus (200/210–258 AD), arch-
bishop of Carthage (ff. 1r–180r). Because of the identical name of the authors, a poem by
the fifth-century poet, Cyprianus Gallus was also transmitted together with the corpus. The
poem, usually referred to as Cena Cypriani and copied here into two columns (ff. 181v–183r),
depicts the Wedding at Cana, where the guests are Biblical characters and carry out activities
characteristic of them, for example David is playing the harp. The text of the codex is com-
pletely clean without any notes.
The title page is framed by white vine-stem patterns, and in the gilded D initial one can
see the author Cyprianus in the archbishop’s attire, holding a shepherd’s crook. The indi-
vidual works are introduced at two points by gilded initials with white vine patterns (ff. 68v,
69v); at other points the gilded initials are placed into square fields decorated by fine white
adornment and divided into dark blue-pink and green sections. In the lower part of the title
page, we find Matthias’s Hungarian and Czech royal coat of arms, with the letters M and A
on either side (Matthias Augustus, or according to another interpretation MAtthias), which is
the work of the “second heraldic painter”, who was active in the Buda in the 1480s. Al-
though the codex is rebound, its edges belong to the best extant gilt edges from Buda deco-
rated with green and red ornamental motifs, with the author’s name and the title of the first
work on the long side. This suggests that in the Corvinianm Library, the volume may
originally have been given a velvet binding.
In the 18th century, the codex was kept in the library of the French nobleman, Chrét-
ien-Guillaume de Lamoignon de Malesherbes, as proved by his ex libris: Bibliotheca Lamoiana
97. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 529, painted gilt edge (Cat. No. 39)
210
C 68, as well as the new mark on f. 1r: C 70. Later it passed into Sir Thomas Phillips’ col-
lection. The Hungarian state purchased it in 1964 at Sotheby’s auction. This codex is the
most recent corvina- acquisition in the National Széchényi Library.
Literature: Erdélyi Pál: Cheltenhami Korvin-kódexek. [Corvinian codices in Cheltenham.] in Magyar Könyvszemle, 1889.
414–417; Csapodi 1973. No. 212; Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. No. 52; Cimélia 2000. II/9; Vízkelety 2007. No. 529.
Edina Zsupán
98. B
udapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 529, f. 1r (Cat. No. 39)
211
40
T. MACCIUS PLAUTUS: COMOEDIAE
Florence, pre-1459, parchment, 281 leaves, 337 × 228 mm, Humanistic Book Script
Original purple Corvinian velvet binding, painted gilt edges from Buda
Plautus, the Roman author of comedies (254?–184 B.C.) could also be classed as an author
worthy of purchasing on the basis of the humanist canon. The codex contains 20 of the
full corpus of 21 comedies, mainly in the traditional alphabetical order of titles. The only
two differences are that Aulularia, which usually takes the third place, is completely miss-
ing, and the fragmented Vidularia (wrongly introduced as Ulularia here), which is nor-
mally the last, is now located between Epidicus and Bacchides. All this is made clear from
the “table of contents’ the scribe placed on the verso of the first flyleaf. Humanists were
keen to study Plautus’s text also because it helped them master spoken Latin phrases. János
Vitéz, too had his Plautus, which today is kept in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek
(Cod. 111). On the margins of the first pieces in the codex, we also find János Vitéz’s
characteristic notes in red ink.
The title page is decorated with the characteristic white vine-stem motifs. Similarly to
the Cyprianus and the Polybius corvinas, in the middle of the lower border embellishment,
the “second heraldic painter” included Matthias’s Hungarian and Czech royal coat of arms,
with the M and A initials at either side. Underneath the slightly worn coat of arms we find
the traces of another unidentifiable coat of arms. The works within the volume are intro-
duced by initials with white vine and filled with gold. Four-line red and blue initials are seen
everywhere. The codex’s velvet cover is rather worn, while of the textile straps only stumps
and, on the back binding board, three leaf-shaped metal overlays survive.
Among Matthias’s early codices, we clearly see the outlines of a group that these three
corvinas belonged to (Cat. No. 38, 39, 40). Their main features are the white (mostly
Florentine) vine-stem decoration, their velvet cover, and gilt edges; Matthias’s coat of arms
is almost always painted by the same hand, the so-called “second heraldic painter” in Buda
within a period not conclusively defined yet. These seemingly simple codices of uniform
execution (see the previous two items) raise a number of questions about conscious library
management in the Bibliotheca Corviniana: what were the criteria for setting up groups?
Why did they use velvet rather than gilded leather for binding? Did aesthetic, technological
or financial considerations play a part in this decision? When did the unification take place?
As indicated by the over-painted coat of arms mentioned earlier, the codex had a former
owner or owners. We know the name of Gianozzo Manetti, who died in 1459. Later the
volume went to Constantinople, as testified by the notes on the verso of the first flyleaf made
in the Serai’s library, where next to the items of the “table of contents”, which originally had
titles only, they entered page numbers too. Its mark in the Serai was No. 25, only two vol-
umes away from the Polybius corvina.
212
Literature: Hoffmann 1928, 16; Bartoniek 1940, No. 241; Csapodi 1973. No. 510; Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. No. 23;
Hoffmann-Wehli 1992. No. 60; Cimélia 2000. II/6.
Edina Zsupán
213
41
POEMS OF JANUS PANNONIUS
LETTERS OF BATTISTA GUARINO
Northern Italy, 15th century, parchment, 79 leaves, 181 × 126 mm, Humanistic Cursive Book Script
18th or 19th century leather binding
This manuscript offers a selection of Janus Pannonius’s poetry. The first work (ff. 1r–28v) in the
compilation is one of Janus’s most popular pieces, his panegyrics to his Ferrara master, Guarino
Veronese (1374–1460). Janus wrote the first version of the poem in Italy, which he revised around
1468 when already in Hungary; this final version he sent to Battista Guarino (1434–1503) in Fer-
rara, the son of his former master. The panegyrics is followed by 14 elegies (ff. 28v–61v). Alto-
gether we know about 35 elegies written by Janus, composed partly in Italy, partly in Hungary.
The group of elegies in this codex is also special because it is almost fully identical with the collec-
tion of elegies to be found in the most complete Janus manuscript to date, kept in Vienna (ÖNB,
Cod. 3274). The latter was rescued in 1666 by the emperor’s librarian Peter Lambeck from among
the volumes kept in the Buda Palace, taking it along to Vienna. A hundred years later, Sámuel
Teleki and Sándor Kovásznai used the Vienna codex as the source of their Janus edition.
It is possible that this collection of elegies, which also appears in the Budapest manuscript, was
arranged in this order by Janus Pannonius himself. When Marsilio Ficino presented Janus with his
Commentary on Plato’s Symposium, the poet sent his own poems in return, and the Janus manu-
scripts kept in Florence today, and which probably go back to the version sent to Ficino, contain the
collection of elegies that is identical with what we find in the Vienna and the Budapest codices.
The poems by Janus are followed by the letters of his friend, the humanist Battista Gua-
rino (ff. 61v–77r), the first of which is addressed to Janus himself. Battista Guarino and Janus
Pannonius became friends while they were studying in Ferrara. Their friendship was revived
following Janus’s visit to Italy as Matthias’s delegate in 1465, and lasted until Janus’s death.
It is possible that the Budapest codex was copied by Guarino himself.
The richly decorated title page of the codex (f. 1r) was made in contemporary Northern
Italy, presumably in Ferrara. A butterfly in an emblem, a lying rabbit and a resting deer add
variety to the decorated frame. The coat of arms has been scraped out.
The codex passed into the library of the Hungarian National Museum in 1892 as a gift
from Count Lajos Apponyi.
Literature: Ábel 1880a. 203–211, 212–215; Ábel Jenô: Guarino Veronensis. Egyetemes Philológiai Közlöny, 1880. 632–
635; Hoffmann 1928. 10; Bartoniek 1940. No. 357; Kardos Tibor: Janus Pannonius reneszánszkori értékelése és költôi
metódusa. Melléklet Janus Pannonius költeményei 1569. bécsi kiadásának facsimile kiadásához. Budapest 1972. [Janus
Pannonius’ poetic method and his evaluation in the Renaissance. Appendix to the facsimile edition of J. P.’s poems
(Vienna, 1569).] 5. note 11; Csapodi Csaba: A Janus Pannonius-szöveghagyomány. [Janus Pannonius’ textual tradition.]
Budapest 1981. 9, 23. (Humanizmus és reformáció 10.); Codices 1985. No. 122 (Pajorin Klára)
Edina Zsupán
214
215
42
CICERO: ORATIONES
Italy, second half of 15th century, parchment, I + 368 + I’ leaves, 334 × 292 mm, Humanistic Cursive Book Script
Italian leather binding, punched gilt edges
München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 15734.
Sponsored by Vitéz, Péter Garázda began his studies in Guarino Veronese’s school in Fer-
rara. When going on a delegation to Rome, in 1465 Janus Pannonius met Garázda, the
talented youth there and helped him by obtaining a smaller church property for him. Janus’s
example, reputation and fame in Ferrara must have given Garázda a major impetus for start-
ing out on a poet’s career. One of his extant epigrams is dated to this period. In Ferrara, he
got to know Battista Guarino and Bartholomaeus Fontius, but only in Florence in 1470 did
their friendship develop, the year when Garázda left Guarino’s school to continue his studies
in the Medicis’ town. He was attracted to the neo-Platonic academy; even a decade later
Marsilio Ficino still repeatedly mentions Garázda in his letters to Buda. He left Italy for
Hungary in 1471, but the news of the Vitéz conspiracy forced him to return, since as a
loyal supporter of the archbishop, he felt it was unsafe to return to Hungary. Only after 1472
did he leave Italy, and naturally he was unable to have a church career in Hungary matching
his skills and qualifications. From 1474 he was a canon at the Nyitra cathedral and at Eszter-
gom from 1476. The most important monument of his devotion for Janus is his epitaph that
he wrote himself.
He probably obtained his Cicero volume at the time of his stay in Italy. A special double
coat of arms refers to the owner on the codex title page with the Florentine white vine mo-
tifs. On the left hand side we find the familiar Garázda coat of arms: a wild goat rising from
the flames, holding a pine tree. The Italian type of coat of arms on the right, however, is
unidentified (red bend with a bee on a blue background) and is perhaps intended for indicat-
ing the donor of the codex. On the first binding board of the codex there are the remains of
a clasp, and on the back binding board there are two intact clasps. At the turn of the 18th
century, the spine was painted gray in the Salzburg archbishop’s library, and the library mark
was entered onto the codex.
Literature: Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984. No. 31; Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 106 (Hoffmann); V. Kovács Sándor: Garázda
Péter élete és költészete. [The life and work of Péter Garázda.] In: V. Kovács 1987. 353–383.
Ferenc Földesi
216
217
43
MACROBIUS: SATURNALIA
Italy, (Florence?), second half of 15th century, parchment, I + 233 + I’ leaves, 280 × 190 mm,
Humanistic Cursive Book Script
Original blind stamped leather binding with punched gilt edges
The codex contains two works by Macrobius: Saturnalia (ff. 1–156) and his Commentary on
Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis (ff. 157–233). In the lower field of the title page decorated with
Florentine white vine patterns, we find the coat of arms of Péter Garázda. At the beginning
of each book of Saturnalia, there are also initials decorated with white vine-stem motifs. The
codex was copied and signed by Bartholomaeus Fontius on the verso of f. 233 (Barptolo-
maeus fontius exscripsit florentiae). Edith Hoffmann suggests that the entry is more than a sig-
nature: it may indicate that Fontius gave the codex as a present to Garázda. This assumption
is possible as it is well known that the two humanists were very close friends. At the same
time, considering the future life of the codex, one can find serious problems of dating.
Together with another Garázda codex (Cat. No. 42), it went to Munich from Salzburg: on its
fly-leaf glued onto the front board the mark of the Salzburg archbishop’s library is clear (Sal. Aul.
38). Accordingly, Vilmos Fraknói already considered it one of the Vitéz codices that Beckensloer
had taken. It is very hard to explain how the Garázda codices found their way into the Esztergom
collection. Why should the Garázda, the young poet donate to Vitéz two newly bought or re-
ceived codices, especially ones bearing his own coat of arms? What is more, he seems to have been
fully aware of Hungarian political developments. He was returning to Italy from the border on his
way to Hungary because the outcome of the Vitéz conspiracy was unclear. Thus, Garázda came
back to the country only after Vitéz’s death, probably bringing home his books from Italy at this
time. This timing, however, implies that the two codices could not go into the Vitéz library. In
this case too, their way to the Esztergom archbishop’s library raises a number of questions. From
1474 Garázda was a canon at the cathedral of Nyitra, and from 1476 in Esztergom. In most cases,
only after their owner’s death would canons’ libraries and codices merge into the archbishop’s li-
brary. Garázda, however, outlived Beckensloer’s departure. It is again a question why a canon of
humanist education should place his codices in the archbishop’s library before his death. Based on
the future life of the two codices, in fact, only two definitive conclusions can be drawn: they were
made for Garázda, and were in the Esztergom archbishop’s library before 1476.
Literture: Csapodi–Gárdonyi 1984. No. 67;

Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 105.
Ferenc Földesi
102. München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,

Clm 15738, f. 233v, detail (Cat. No. 43)
218
219
44
MISSALE STRIGONIENSE
Venice, at the expense of Buda bookseller Johannes Emericus de Spira, Johannes Paep, 1498.
Parchment, [250] fol., 2°
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Inc. 181.
Some copies of the Esztergom missal were printed on parchment instead of paper because
they were intended for distinguished buyers. Similarly to codices, the parchment copies
were illuminated. The copy that belonged to the Kalocsa archbishop, Péter Váradi is deco-
rated with ornamental initials with floral motifs and figures of animals. The initial represent-
ing King David and the illuminated frame with the owner’s coat of arms stands out, as well
as the crucifixion miniature at the canon of the mass in a Renaissance frame. Péter Váradi
(about 1450–1501) owed his education in Bologna to János Vitéz. From 1479 he was a se-
cret chancellor and from 1480 archbishop of Kalocsa. He was one of Matthias Hunyadi’s
most trusted men, occupying a leading position in the Buda Humanist circle. Later he was
confronted with Matthias, therefore was made captive in 1484 and was released by János
Corvin in 1490. The book is open at the crucifixion miniature. Using the original woodcut,
a talented Hungarian master in the Buda book painting workshop, who had studied in Italy,
created a sophisticated Renaissance illumination. This is one of the best pieces originating
from the Buda book painting workshop at the time of King Vladislav II. In the T initial of
the canon of the mass we find the image of a dolorous Christ. The illuminator placed the
same picture underneath the crucifixion in a simpler form as well. The printed leaves are
followed by a few leaves of handwritten supplements, where among the masses for different
occasions, we also find the mass of the Immaculate Conception of Mary. The Catholic
Church declared the dogma as late as 1854, but this mystery of the faith had been known
since Early Christianity, and traces of celebrating it can already be detected in the first half
of the 8th century. The emergence of the celebration in Váradi’s missal suggests the owners’
intimate contact with the Franciscan spirituality, as in the Middle Ages this was the monastic
order that would strongly celebrate the mystery.
Literature.: CIH 2317; Copinger 4240; Hoffmann - Wehli 1992. 263; Cimélia 2002. 208–227.
Péter Ekler
220
104. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Inc. 181 (Cat. No. 44)
221
222
223
45
SURRIANO CODEX
Buda, 1513–14, paper, 241 leaves, 291 × 212 mm, Humanistic Cursive Script
Original blind stamped brown leather binding
Antonio Surriano, Venetian envoy arrived in the court of King Vladislav II in the summer
of 1512 so as to carry out the diplomatic representation of the republic. He stayed at Buda
for nearly four years. Soon after his arrival he found the opportunity to examine the codices
of the Bibliotheca Corviniana and succeeded in finding remarkable pieces that he considered
worthy of copying. This is how the collection of copies was created, which is named the
“Surriano Codex” after its owner.
The first work it includes is Cyrillus Alexandrinus’s Thesaurus de sancta et consubstantiali
Trinitate in the Latin translation of Georgius Trapezuntius. The second is Basilius Magnus’s
treatise entitled Contra Eunomium also translated by Trapezuntius. The latter was copied by
Lodovico Marescalco, who must have been in the envoy’s escort but, judging by his writing,
was not a professional scribe. Surriano compared the Basilius copy with the sample copy, and
made careful corrections. He must have had in his hands another copy too, which Mares-
calco did not use when copying the text as it comes from Surriano’s frequent emendations.
It was probably from this control copy that Surriano copied Trapezuntius’s dedication to
János Vitéz onto f. 116r that preceded Trapezuntius’ translation and had been left blank by
Marescalco.
Vitéz’s copy has not survived. It cannot be decided either whether the control copy in
Surriano’s possession originally belonged to Vitéz or, apart from the archbishop’s volume,
there was another copy in Matthias’s collection. The “Surriano Codex” was illuminated at
Buda. The ornamentation of f. 7r reflects the distant impact of the so-called “first heraldic
painter”. The National Széchényi Library bought the codex from Gusztáv Emich; previ-
ously it belonged to Sir Thomas Phillips’s collection.
Irodalom: Fraknói Vilmos: A

Korvina-könyvtárban másolt kéziratok
Emich Gusztáv gyûjteményében.
[Manuscripts copied in the Corvinian
Library in Gusztáv Emich’s collection.]
Magyar Könyvszemle, 1901. 337–348;
Bartoniek 1940. No. 371.; Codices
1985. No. 154 (Pajorin Klára)
Ferenc Földesi
107. B
udapest, Országos Széchényi
Könyvtár, Cod. Lat. 371, f. 116r,
detail (Cat. No. 45)
224
225
46
CASPAR TRIBRACHUS: ECLOGAE
Modena or Ferrara, 1465–1472, parchment, 28 leaves, 195 × 134 mm, Humanistic Book Script
18th century binding
The codex contains seven eclogues by Gaspare Tribraco de’ Trimbocchi (whose humanist
name is Tribrachus) (1439–ca. 1493). They are preceded by a dedication in verse to János
Vitéz of Zredna. Tribrachus was a teacher at Ferrara from 1464 as a protégée of Borso d’Este
(1431–1471), the ruler of the town. It was probably on the urging of Janus Pannonius that he
dedicated a copy of his eclogues to the archbishop of Esztergom, although he originally wrote
them for Borso d’Este. Janus is likely to have met Tribrachus in Ferrara when he went to It-
aly in 1465 as Matthias’s envoy. He also dedicated some of his poetry to him. The eclogue, a
bucolic dialogue between shepherds, became a popular genre again in the Renaissance.
It seems that the unaccompanied letter addressed to Vitéz was attached to the beginning
of the volume later (its parchment is much rougher than the rest of the volume), thus this
manuscript was not originally intended for him. In this case, the strange illumination of the
title page (f. 2r) would also be explained. The initial O decorated with white vine and the
decorations on the left-hand border of the page were to have been the original decorations
on the title page, while the lower border of the page was to be illuminated only when it was
decided that the manuscript would be János Vitéz’s. At the bottom of the page, the medal-
lion in the middle contains the portrait of János Vitéz (inscription: LUX PANNONIE), the
one on the left the author’s (inscription: AUCTOR OPERIS), and in the one on the right
we find the portrait of a certain FRANCISCUS VR. Ulrike Bauer-Eberhardt is of the opin-
ion that the illuminator is Guglielmo Girardi, who also illuminated the book of hours be-
longing to Queen Beatrice as well as the Andreas Pannonius corvina.
In the middle of the border on the right, on a dark blue background in a drop-shaped
shield the red lion of the Vitéz coat of arms was placed, with the star underneath his left paw
being clearly discernible. The damaged state of the ornamental border at the bottom and the
top allows us to conclude that the volume was trimmed rebound more than once.
The poem dedicated to Vitéz and all the eclogues except for one are preceded by titles with
golden capitals. The most probably worn off titles of eclogues 1 (f. 2r, title page) and 5 (f. 17v)
were corrected in red ink by a later hand. On the title page, it is clear that the correcting hand
first erased the remains of the original title in gold, then copied here as well the first two lines
of the dedication poem rather than reconstruct the title that formerly stood there. On the mar-
gins, there are fine notes in black ink indicating the names of the shepherds talking. On the last
leaf (f. 28r) an early 16th century hand (a student?) entered a cento pieced together of lines
from classical authors, using Propertius for the name and the title. On f. 28v, we find the names
of two Hungarian holders of bachelor’s degrees from the period between the end of the 15th
and the middle of the 16th centuries: Gregorius de Felpecz and Lucas de Farnad. As the names
226
appear in the genitive form, it is not impossible that they are possessor notes. In 1540 the vol-
ume belonged to the Vienna bishop, Johannes Fabri, and after his death it went to the Saint
Nicholas College of Vienna University. The codex was transferred from the Austrian Na-
tional Library to the National Széchényi Library after the Venice agreement (1932).
Irodalom: Ábel 1880a. 178–200; Hermann VI/1. No. 100; Huszti József: Janus Pannonius. Pécs, 1931. 227–229;
Bartoniek 1940. No. 415; M. E. Cosenza: Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists and of the
World of Classical Scholarship in Italy 1300–1800. Vol. 4, Boston 19622, 3246–3247; Csapodi–Gárdonyi 1984. No. 112.
Edina Zsupán
227
228
229
47
GALEOTTO MARZIO: DE HOMINE LIBRI II.
Italy, after 1470, paper, 91 leaves, 210 × 140 mm
19th century half-leather binding
Galeotto Marzio (1427–1497) is the most colourful of the Italian wandering Humanists that
visited Hungary. He studied at the Ferrara school of Guarino Veronese where he met Janus
Pannonius. He first arrived in Hungary in 1461, but soon returned to Italy. He came again
at the time of Janus’s 1465 legation and lived here up to 1471–72. In 1477 he was thrown
into the prison of the Inquisition because of his De incognitis vulgo. The following year, he
was released through Lorenzo Medici’s and King Matthias’s mediation and arrived in Buda
again. His most significant work for Hungarian cultural history is his collection of anecdotes
about King Matthias’s unique, wise and funny sayings and deeds. He wrote De homine in the
later 1460s and dedicated it to Vitéz. The closeness of their relationship is indicated by the
fact that Galeotto left the country for the second time around the Vitéz conspiracy.
The original manuscript of De homine has not survived. It is also a question whether any
copy, even if a very modestly decorated one, was made for the Vitéz library. Galeotto took
the manuscript along to Italy, and in Venice in 1471 had it published in Federicus de Com-
itibus’s printing shop. The item in the National Széchényi Library is a copy made in Italy in
the last third of the 15th century. The copyist supplied the text with abundant notes on the
margins. It is an undecorated manuscript, where the spaces designated for initials are left
blank. Probably its original binding was also very simple and was destroyed over the centu-
ries. Today it has a nineteenth-century half-leather binding. Up to the 19th century, the
codex had probably never been in Hungary. Of its former owners only the name of Sir
Thomas Phillips is known, whose incredibly rich collection gave a large number of manu-
scripts to the Continent. The National Széchényi Library bought the codex in 1896.
Literature: Bartoniek 1940. No. 351; Csapodi-Gárdonyi 1984. No. 40.
Ferenc Földesi
230
231
48
GEORG PEUERBACH: QUADRATUM GEOMETRICUM
Nuremberg, Johann Stuchs, 1516, [10] fol., 2°
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, App. H. 1625.
Georg Peuerbach (Peurbach, Purbach, Burbach), astronomer and mathematician dealing

with trigonometry, professor at Vienna University (1423–1461) played a significant role in
re-introducing classical astronomy. He was in contact with Nicolaus Cusanus, Enea Silvio
Piccolomini and Cardinal Bessarion. Among his friends and students he had Regiomonta-
nus, the man of commanding intellect, who had spent a few years in King Matthias’s court.
János Vitéz met Peuerbach during his diplomatic missions. Particularly keen on astronomy
and astrology, Vitéz intended to invite the astronomer to Hungary, but he did not accept the
offer. However, on the basis of the Várad meridian, he compiled Tabulae Waradienses, with
the help of which the time of solar and lunar eclipses became calculable in advance. Peuer-
bach dedicated the work on display to Vitéz. The Gemetric Gnomon contains the rules for
creating and using the wooden instrument necessary for astronomic measurements and cal-
culations. On Vitéz’s request, the tool was executed by Peuerbach.
Literature: VD 16 P 2054; Schallaburg 1982. 149–150; A táguló világ magyarországi hírmondói XV–XVII. sz. [The expanded
world as described by Hungarians in the 15th–16th centuries.] Selected, introduced and notes by Waczulik Margit.
Budapest, 1984. 40–44; Szállási Árpád: Vitéz János és a természettudományok. [Johannes Vitéz of Zredna and the Sciences.]
Vitéz János Emlékkönyv. Esztergom évlapjai. Annales Strigonienses. Esztergom, 1990. 45–52; Simonyi Károly: A fizika
kultúrtörténete a kezdetektôl 1990-ig. [The cultural history of physics from the beginning to 1990.] Budapest, 1998. 133, 169.
Péter Ekler
113. Budapest, Országos Széchényi

Könyvtár, App. H. 1625, A
(Cat. No. 48)
232
114. Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, App. H. 1625, A II (Cat. No. 48)
233
49
JOHANNES REGIOMONTANUS: CANONES LXIII
IN TABULAM PRIMI MOBILIS
Hungary and Italy?, second half of the 1460s, parchment, 102 leaves, 285 × 203 mm, Humanistic Cursive Book Script
Original blind stamped leather binding
The mathematician and astronomer Johannes Regiomontanus (1436–1476), who had stud-
ied and kept close contact with the Vienna scholar Georg Peuerbach, was the most outstand-
ing member in the environment of Vitéz and King Matthias. With a year’s break, between
1465 and 1471 he lived in Hungary in Vitéz’s and Matthias’s courts as a court astronomer
and professor of quadrivium at Pozsony University. It appears that his works were available
in both dignitaries’ libraries. Regiomontanus dedicated his Tabulae directionum and Tractatus
de torqueto to the archbishop of Esztergom, but from Vitéz’s library, unfortunately, none of
his works survives. One copy of Tabulae went into the Corvinian Library. This is where his
study about the (illusionary) motions of fixed stars, Canones LXIII, has also been preserved.
The codex appears to have been copied in Hungary, where the Gothic ornamentation of f.
3 was also made. The illumination of f. 1r, however, is a magnificent Renaissance master-
piece, which art historians connect to Francesco d’Antonio del Cherico and his student,
Francesco Rosselli. It needs to be noted, though, that Rosselli arrived in Buda only around
1480, whereas Cherico probably never came. Therefore, dating and localizing the ornamen-
tal page of the codex is highly problematic.
Literature: Hermann VI/3. No. 71; Bartoniek 1940. No. 412; Csapodi 1973. No. 568; Schallaburg 1982. No. 412
(Vizkelety András); Codices 1985. No. 131 (Zentai Loránd); Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990. No. 33.
Ferenc Földesi
234
235
236
237
50
CHRONICA HUNGARORUM
Buda, Hess, 1473, [67] fol., 2°
Budapest, Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, Inc. 326.
The first book printed in Hungary was produced in the Buda workshop of Andreas Hess in
1473. Some two decades following the invention of book printing and Gutenberg’s 42-line
Bible, such an early (although not long-lasting) emergence of printing is remarkable. Hess’s
edition had been preceded only in German-speaking lands, Italy, France and the Low
Countries.
It was by the encouragement of Archbishop and royal chancellor János Vitéz of Zredna
that Andreas Hess came to Hungary. Deputy chancellor László Kárai gave the commission
over to the printer staying in Rome at the turn of 1471. Hess is likely to have started work-
ing on the Buda Chronicle in the summer of 1472. The “Chronicle of the Hungarians”
(Chronica Hungarorum) is the result of the integration of several historical works. Its first part
is a fourteenth-century chronicle composition, which, comprising the history of the Huns,
deals with Hungarian history from the Settlement in the Carpathian Basin up to the reign of
Charles I of Anjou, or more precisely up to 1334. The text of this composition has survived
in several related fourteenth-fifteenth-century codices, which based on the printed edition,
are called the Buda Chronicle-family. (The more extensive version of the composition is the
Illuminated Chronicle-family created under Louis I the Great). The second textual unit of
the Buda Chronicle describes the end of the reign of Charles I, the events of 1335–1342 and
the king’s funeral. The third unit gives details of King Louis the Great’s story from his en-
thronement to his death (1342–1382). The fourth unit provides information and family
references regarding monarchs in 1382–1468 (the years between Louis the Great’s death and
the Matthias Hunyadi’s Moldavian campaign). The copy in the National Széchényi Library
was bought for the collection in 1843 by Archduke Joseph, Palatine of Hungary.
Facsimile editions: Chronica Hungarorum. 1473. Trad. Horváth János. Introduced by Soltész Zoltánné. Budapest, 1973;
Chronica Hungarorum. 1473. Introduced by Soltész Zoltánné. Budapest, 1972.
Literature: RMK II 1; GW 6686; Borsa Gedeon: Milyen mûhelye lehetett Hessnek Budán? [What workshop Andreas
Hess had in Buda.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1989. 237–246; Borsa Gedeon: A hazai könyvnyomtatás megalapítása.
[The establishment of printing in Hungary.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1989. 338–354; Borsa Gedeon: Vitéz János és a
könyvnyomtatás. [János Vitéz and book printing.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1991. 113–116; V. Ecsedy Judit: A könyvnyomtatás
Magyarországon a kézisajtó korában, 1473–1800. [Book printing in Hungary: 1473–1880.] Budapest, 1999. 18–25.
Péter Ekler
238
239
LIST OF ABBREVIATED LITERATURE
Ábel 1880a Beck 1959

Ábel Jenô: Adalékok a humanismus történetéhez Beck, Hans-Georg: Kirche und theologische
Magyarországon. [Additions to the history of Literatur im byzantinischen Reich.
humanism in Hungary.] Budapest, 1880. München,1959. (Handbuch der Altertumwis-
senschaft. Byzantinisches Handbuch im Rah-
Ábel 1880b men des Handbuchs der Altertumswissenschaft
Ábel Jenô: Corvin-codexek. [Corvinian codices.] II/1.)
Budapest, 1880. (Értekezések a Magyar Tu-
dományos Akadémia nyelv- és széptudományi Berkovits 1962
osztálya körébôl, vol. VIII, No. 1.) Berkovits Ilona: Magyarországi corvinák.
[Corvinas in Hungary.] Budapest, 1962.
Ábel– Hegedûs 1903
Ábel Jenô–Hegedûs István: Analecta nova ad Berkovits 1965
historiam renascentium in Hungaria litterarum Berkovits Ilona: Magyar kódexek. [Hungarian
spectantia. Budapest, 1903. codices.] Budapest, 1965.
Arányi 1867 Bibliotheca Corviniana 1990

Arányi Lajos: A vajda-hunyadi vár írásban és Csapodi Csaba–Csapodiné Gárdonyi Klára:
képben. [Vajda-Hunyad Castle in words and Bibliotheca Corviniana. Budapest, 1990.
pictures.] Pozsony, 1867.
Bibliotheca Hungarica I–III
Balogh 1966 Csapodi Csaba–Csapodiné Gárdonyi Klára:
Balogh Jolán: A mûvészet Mátyás király udvar- Bibliotheca Hungarica. Kódexek és nyomtatott köny-
ában. [Arts in the court of King Matthias.] I–II. vek Magyarországon 1526 elôtt. [Codices and
Budapest, 1966. printed books in Hungary before 1526.] I–III.
Budapest, 1988–1994.
Balogh 1985
Balogh Jolán: Mátyás király és a mûvészet. [King BMC VI
Matthias and arts.] Budapest, 1985. Catalogue of books printed in the XVth century now
in the British Museum. Part VI. Lithographic
Bartoniek 1937 reprint. London, 1963.
Bartoniek Emma: A Magyar Nemzeti
Múzeum Orsz. Széchényi Könyvtárának Bonfini 1941–1959
Bessarion-corvinájáról. [The Bessarion Corvina Antonii de Bonfinis Rerum Ungaricarum
of the Hungarian National Museum’s National Decades. Ed. Fógel–Iványi–Juhász. Budapestini
Széchényi Library.] Magyar Könyvszemle, 1937. 1941.; Bonfini, Antonio: Mátyás király. [King
120–125. Matthias.] Budapest, 1959.
Bartoniek 1940 Boronkai 1980

Bartoniek, Emma: Codices manus scripti Latini Ioannes Vitéz de Zredna: Opera quae supersunt.
medii aevi. Budapest, 1940. Ed. I. Boronkai, Budapest 1980, (Bibliotheca
(Catalogus Bibliothecae Musaei Nationalis Scriptorum Medii Recentisque Aevorum,
Hungarici. 12.) Series nova, Tomus III.)
241
Boronkai 1987 Cimélia 2000
Vitéz János levelei és politikai beszédei. [János Cimélia. Az Országos Széchényi Könyvtár kincsei.
Vitéz’s letters and political speeches.] Selected, The Treasures of the National Széchényi Library.
edited and introductory paper by Iván Bo- Ed. Orsolya Karsay. Budapest, 2000.
ronkai. Budapest, 1987.
Codices 1985
Bréhier 1999 Kódexek a középkori Magyarországon. [Codices in
Bréhier, Louis: Bizánc tündöklése és hanyatlása. medieval Hungary.] Ed. András Vizkelety.
[The rise and fall of Byzantium.] 2nd, im- Budapest, 1985.
proved edition. Translated by István Baán.
Budapest, 1999. CTC 1971
Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum:
Buran 2000 Medieval and Renaissance Latin Translations and
Buran, Dušan: Antifonár kanonika Jána Hana, Commentaries. Vol. II. Editor in chief Paul
misál knižnice Batthyaneum a iluminované Oskar Kristeller, associate editor F. Edward
rukopisy bratislavskej kapituly na sklonku 15. Cranz. Washington D. C. 1971.
storočia. Garéria – Ročenka Slovenskej Národ-
nej Galérie v Bratislave 2000. 45-65. Csapodi 1973
Csapodi, Csaba: The Corvinian Library: History
Buran – Šedivý 2003 and Stock. Budapest, 1973.
Buran, Dušan – Šedivý, Juraj: Listiny a knižné
maliarstvo na sklonku stredoveku. [Charters Csapodiné Gárdonyi 1984
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Ages.] In: Gotika, 2003. 513–527. Johannes Vitéz. Budapest, 1984.
Buran 2004 Császár 1914

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späten 15. Jahrhundert am Beispiel der illumi- Istropolitana. King Matthias’s Pozsony univer-
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Länder der böhmischen Krone und ihre Nachbarn Csorba 1978
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Buzás 2004 Chalkondyles.] Off-print from the 1906/7
Buzás Gergely: Az esztergomi vár románkori school yearbook of the Budapest 7th District
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XXI, No. 6.) Philology, 1976. 67–76.
Darkó 1912 Ekler 2006

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A Star in the Raven’s Shadow / János Vitéz

On the occasion of the Renaissance Year, the National Széchényi

János Vitéz’s personality and activity are a key to the High

and the Beginnings of

Exhibition organised by the National Széchényi Library

National Széchényi Library

Responsible Editor: István Monok, Director-General of the National Széchényi Library

© Országos Széchényi Könyvtár

Curator of the exhibition: Ferenc Földesi

Catalogue designed by János Lengyel

Exhibition designed by Pál Héjjas

Executor: Kiáll Kft.

Translated by Eszter Tímár

Reproductions: © Lending Institutions

Colour separations by GMN Repro Kft., Budapest

1. Medieval book culture in the fifteenth-century Hungary

Anna Boreczky: Book painting in Hungary in the age of János Vitéz

Péter Ekler: Propugnacula Christianitatis – studia humanitatis. Relations between Byzantium

Edina Zsupán: János Vitéz’s Book of Letters

3. The influence of János Vitéz. Patronage. Foundation of a university.

List of abbreviated literature

A kiállított kötetek jegyzéke

1. “Medieval” books used for studying and practising intellectual professions

b. Canons’ university studies abroad, their use of books; chapter libraries

c. Manuals for pastoration

13 Mályusz 1971; Madas–Monok 2003. 54–57.

3. Religious readings in the vernacular

4. The emergence of Italian Renaissance Humanism

5. The emergence of liturgical books at the crossroads of the

19 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 264.

21 Körmendy 2007. 106.

Esztergom before the age of Vitéz

Buran 2004. 316.

Between Vienna and Pozsony: Illuminator Michael

New impulses of Austrian art in the middle of the 15th century

15 Csapodi–Gárdonyi 1984. No. 10.

27 Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 124–125 (Hoffmann), 261 (Wehli).

31 Codices 1985. No. 175 (Vizkelety András).

40 About book painting in Buda, see.: Wehli 2000. 19–26.

47 Most recently: Buran 2000. 45–65 and Buran 2004. 307–321.

Scholars at Buda, Várad and Esztergom

The primate’s books at Várad and Esztergom

“And now farewell, great library, to you,

The humanist scholar’s books

The remains of the Vitéz library

Concidit antiquae Byzantion aemula Romae:

In the knowledge of contemporary Hungary’s political and military weight, it is understand-

Mayer–Török 2006. No. 309. Cf. V. Kovács 1972. No. 223.

Our contacts with Byzantines active in Italy

Nobile linguarum decus, o Theodore, duarum,

23 V. Kovács 1971. 203.

Gratia magna tibi, de Grajo qui facis, ut sim

Similarly to Trapezuntios, Gazes, Bessarion, Andronikos Kallistos and Niccolo Leonico

Iure dedit clarum tibi porta argentea, nomen:

(Analytica posteriora), GW 2442 (Physica)

[…] Perge, igitur, ut facis, mi Ladislae, perge et in id studium, in quo versaris,

42 Ábel 1880a. 170–172.

De Spiritu Sancto was dedicated to Janus Pannonius, bishop of Pécs:

Inde Iovis genitus de stirpe Georgius alti

58 Mack 1996. 85; Vasoli 1983. 22–7; MAMŰL IV. 197.

List of codices referred to in the paper

66 Huszti 1925. 17.

13 Huszti 1955. The quotation is on p. 521.

13 Mályusz 1971; Madas–Monok 2003. 54–57.

5. The emergence of liturgical books at the crossroads of the

19 Hoffmann–Wehli 1992. 264.

21 Körmendy 2007. 106.

Buran 2004. 316.

15 Csapodi–Gárdonyi 1984. No. 10.

27 Hoffmann – Wehli 1992. 124–125 (Hoffmann), 261 (Wehli).

31 Codices 1985. No. 175 (Vizkelety András).

40 About book painting in Buda, see.: Wehli 2000. 19–26.

47 Most recently: Buran 2000. 45–65 and Buran 2004. 307–321.

Mayer–Török 2006. No. 309. Cf. V. Kovács 1972. No. 223.

23 V. Kovács 1971. 203.

42 Ábel 1880a. 170–172.

58 Mack 1996. 85; Vasoli 1983. 22–7; MAMŰL IV. 197.

66 Huszti 1925. 17.

13 Huszti 1955. The quotation is on p. 521.

25 Edition of Poggio’s letters: Epistolae I–III. A cura di T. Tonelli, Florentinae 1832–1861.

42 Horváth János 1935. 69.

63 Szakály 1990. 19–20.

68 V. Kovács 1987. 266.

Mon. Eccl. Strig. I. 375-376, 439-441.

Thúróczi 1957. 114-115; Csorba 1978. 36-37.

94. The cross section of the reconstructed Palace

21 Horváth 1978. 321; Horváth 1983. 332.

102. München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,

113. Budapest, Országos Széchényi