Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Charles Bramesco
Thu 12 Nov 2020 12.09 EST
E
ver since Richard Nixon’s sweaty upper lip during a debate with
John F Kennedy cost him the election in 1960, television has been
the most crucial proving ground for any presidential hopeful.
Granting the gift of sight to the general public changed the game, as
campaigners and office-holders have been forced to school
themselves in careful image management and conscious branding. In
American politics, a well-crafted position on foreign policy won’t get a person
nearly as far as the easy telegenic charm that makes voters feel comfortable
grabbing a pint, a dissonance that’s allowed some dubious characters access to
the highest stations of authority.
“Media, and how the Reagans manipulated it, forms the central part of this
story,” Tyrnauer explains. “As the academic Jason Johnson says in the series,
Reagan gave the press the televised presidency they had been waiting for.
That’s irrefutably true, and there are other aspects of the Reagan legacy more
attuned to the American psyche. Voters vote on perception and feeling, which
the Reagans knew how to tap into.”
Tyrnauer continues: “Trump and Reagan do a lot of the same things, only
with different performance styles. Reagan is playing a president. He gives his
version of a president, no different from Michael Douglas or Kevin Kline or
Martin Sheen. This isn’t to take away from Reagan being a diligent student of
political philosophy, even if he used those ideas in an uninformed way. But
he’s performing.”
Both presidents created their own insular ideological universe and promised
fabulous rewards to all those willing to join them there. The most lasting,
deleterious lesson of the Reagan tenure was that it doesn’t matter if
something is true or not, so long as enough people believe that it is. As daily
life continued to worsen for every American not lucky enough to be on Wall
Street or run a business, Reagan’s own words assured his constituency that
they were actually enjoying the greatest surge in prosperity that the nation
had ever seen. In conversation, Tyrnauer speaks more candidly about
Reagan’s failures than the professional decorum of his work can allow.
“He knew what he knew,” Tyrnauer says. “He wasn’t intellectually curious. He
wasn’t a deep thinker. He was, at heart, a reactionary. He was given the
nuclear codes and the Oval Office and the greatest bully pulpit in the world,
and what did he do with it? He tried to short-circuit the federal government in
really detrimental ways. He implemented policies that hurt African Americans
and economically disadvantaged minorities. He believed things that weren’t
true and repeated them publicly. He was into science denial, he was a seeming
believer in creation theory over evolution, he ignored and denied the Aids
pandemic. He said trees cause pollution, which reminds us now of Trump
saying wind turbines cause pollution.”
The actor who became the most powerful man on earth remains a potent
Republican fable, in part for how it suggests that a lack of experience can be a
strength rather than a weakness. The inexplicable ascendancy of Trump re-
established that a total absence of political bona fides will pose no
impediment to success, instead plowing through criticisms and obstacles a
more knowledgeable candidate would be expected to address. A noisy,
ultraconservative, often racist razzle dazzle proves more than sufficient to get
the job (of hoarding and exploiting clout, not safeguarding American citizens)
done.
“As Reagan himself admitted near the end of his last term, he said,
‘Sometimes, I wonder how you could do this job if you hadn’t been an actor,’”
Tyrnauer says. “I don’t think this is a bad thing, necessarily, Franklin
Roosevelt, who I consider our greatest president, mastered the prevailing
medium of his time, which was radio. Presentation and the ability to work
through the media is an important part of being a capable leader. It gets more
problematic and interesting when we think of him in the role of presenter and
frontman, which Reagan was throughout his acting career, often playing a
master of ceremonies part in movies. He was a radio emcee and a hybrid
corporate shill-slash-TV host in his job with General Electric. He came by this
role so naturally because he’d been type cast into it for three decades. It was
easy to cast him again.”