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In the ‘new era’ of Free Trade Agreements, some aspects of trade agreements
are recognised as a shared competency between the EU and Member States,
whereas formerly the EU had exclusive competence over negotiation and
ratification of international trade treaties (CJEU, 2017). One illustration of this
is Opinion 2/15 of the Court of Justice of the EU on the Singapore FTA. The
main argumentation behind the current re-think of trade agreements is embedded
in the growing complexity and scope of international agreements themselves
that are argued to reach beyond the boundaries of the Common Commercial
Policy (CCP). For example, provisions on investment have been one important
point of discussion. Whereas foreign direct investments fall under the Common
Commercial Policy (according to Article 207 TFEU) and are therefore an
exclusive EU competence, other forms of investment, such as portfolio
investment, are argued to be a shared area of competence between the EU and
Member States (Schöllmann, 2016). Similarly, with the increased inclusion of
Member States in FTAs, and the increasing complexity of the agreements
themselves, national frameworks according to constitutional definitions for
regulating the role of regional authorities and citizens within the process of
negotiation and ratification of international treaties is also called into question.
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and in 2012, ACTA was rejected by the EP after protests all over Europe. In
2016, when TTIP and CETA were being negotiated, demonstrations occurred
across Europe. At this time more than 2 000 cities or councils declared
themselves as ‘TTIP free zones’ (The Parliament Magazine, 2016). In October
2016, representatives of LRAs met for the ‘1st Pan-European Meeting of Local
Authorities and the New Generation of Free Trade Agreements’ and 58 cities
signed the ‘Barcelona Declaration’ according to which TTIP, CETA and TISA
were negotiated ‘in a non-transparent manner, not fulfilling European
democratic and participatory standards’ (TTIP Free Zones, 2016). The second
pan-European meeting took place in Grenoble, in February 2017. This initiative,
mainly driven by the organisation ATTAC7, shows that many LRAs feel affected
by FTAs and not involved in EU-trade policy processes. Figure A. 6, in the
annex page X, shows a distribution of the ‘TTIP free zones’ in Europe.
Case study profiles outline the development trends as well as strengths and
weaknesses of the case study regions. The aim is to pinpoint the critical areas of
concerns for which specific policy responses may be needed. Following the
profiles, a discussion based on LRA responses and expert consultations is
presented covering LRA concerns and how LRAs could be involved in EU free
trade policy making. Detailed recommendations are discussed in Chapter 5.
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Association pour la Taxation des Transactions financière et l'Aide aux Citoyens (Association for the
Taxation of Financial Transactions and Aide to Citizens).
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