Cosmology as Ecological Analysis: A View from the Rain Forest

Author(s): G. Reichel-Dolmatoff
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Sep., 1976), pp. 307-318
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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 COSMOLOGY AS ECOLOGICAL ANALYSIS:
A VIEW FROM THE RAIN FOREST*

G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF
Los Angeles
ofCalifornia,
University

AmongtheTukanoIndiansof theColombianNorthwest Amazon,carrying capacityis

defmed mainlyinterms oftheconservation resources
ofprotein suchas game,fishandcertain
wildfruits. In orderto maintain an equilibrium and to avoidfrequentrelocationof settle-
ments,theIndianshavedevelopeda setofhighlyadaptivebehavioural ruleswhichcontrol
populationgrowth,theexploitation of thenaturalenvironment, aggres-
and interpersonal
sion.The beliefthatthespirits overhunting
of gameanimalscauseillnessrestricts and,simi-
larly,a largebodyofbeliefsthatregulate sexandfoodhabitstryto adjustthebirth-rate and
tocounterbalance sociallydisruptivebehaviour. Shamanism thusbecomesa powerful forcein
thecontrolandmanagement ofnatural resources, visionsinducedbynative
andhallucinatory
narcoticdrugsbecomean important tool of shamanisticpower.In manyaspectsTukano
concepts ofcosmology represent a blueprint andtheIndians'acute
forecologicaladaptation
awareness oftheneedforadaptivenormscanbe comparedwithmodernsystems analysis.

I
Untilrelatively recenttimestheculturalimage of theIndiantribesof tropical
Americahas been thatof a groupof ratherprimitiveand hostilepeopleswhose
contribution to humanthoughthad beennegligibleand whoselevelofsocialcom-
plexityhad remainedfarbelow thatofmostaboriginalsocietiesoftheOld World.
In fact,onlythehighercivilisationsof America-theancientMexicans,Mayasand
Peruvians-wereoccasionallycreditedwithhavingcreatedfairlyelaboratesocial,
butevenin theircaseseldomhas therebeenex-
politicaland religiousinstitutions,
plicitdiscussionof nativephilosophicalsystems,or somethingapproachingan
integrated world-view.Sometimesone was almostled to believethatthetropical
forestIndianswere fossilsocieties;societieswhich,in a sense,were incomplete;
whichhad notevolvedand had nothingto teachus. Theywere'out of themain-
stream'somepeoplesaid,and thoseof us who made thesesocietiesthesubjectof
theirstudies,struggled againstthestigmaofworkingsomewhat'out of themain-
stream.'
In themorerecentpast,however,thisimagehas undergonea notablechange.
Ethnologicalresearchamong the survivingtribesof the tropicalrainforesthas
begunto reacha depthand breadthof inquirythatwereformerly unthoughtof,
and thesenewlygainedinsights new lightupon
are beginningto shedan entirely
theintellectual achievements of theaboriginalpeoplesof theAmazon Basin,the
OrinocoPlainsand manyotherregionsoftheAmericanTropics,a vastareacover-
ing morethansix millionsquarekilometres. are
It seemsthattheold stereotypes
disappearing atlast;andinsteadwe arepresented witha new image:theIndian,not
* Huxley Memorial Lecture, 1975.
Man (N.S.) xx, 307-3I8.

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308 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF

onlyas a highlypragmaticthinker and an individualwitha soundsenseof reality,

butalso,theIndianas an abstract philosopher, a builderofintricate cosmicmodels,
anda plannerofsweepingmoraldesigns.Alsoatthesameperiod,inviewofcurrent
interestinnaturalresources, manyscientists andtechnologists who haveturnedtheir
attention to thetropicalrainforest areasoftheworld,havebecomeconcerned with
themanyproblemsofecologicaladaptationwhichtraditional societieshavehad to
solvein theseenvironments. In thecaseoftheAmazonBasinit takesa healthyand
energeticsocietyto cope with the rigorousclimaticconditionsand with the
management of easilydepletednaturalresources, a societythatwould developnot
onlya setofhighlyadaptivebehavioural rulesforsurvival-framed withineffective
institutional bodies-but, more importantstill,a societywith a coherentbelief
system, witha foundation ofstrongly motivating valueswhichwouldmakeendur-
able theproblemsof man'sexistence in an unpredictable world.
In thislectureitis mypurposeto describeand examinesomeaspectsofadaptive
behaviouras I havebeenableto observeitin thecourseofmycontacts withseveral
Indiangroupsin theColombianlowlands.I shouldadd herethatby 'adaptive' I
meananythingthatincreasestheprobability of survivalof theindividualor the
group.In the following I shallmainly refer to theTukano Indiansof theNorth-
westAmazon,especiallytheDesana (EasternTukano),and mychiefconcernwill
be to tracesomeconnexionsthatexistbetweenthecosmologicalconceptsof these
Indians,andtherealities ofadaptationto a givenphysicalenvironment. In doingso
I shalltryto demonstrate thataboriginalcosmologiesand myth structures,together
with the ritualbehaviourderivedfromthem,represent in all respectsa set of
ecologicalprinciples and that theseformulate a system of socialand economicrules
thathavea highlyadaptivevaluein thecontinuous endeavourto maintaina viable
equilibrium betweentheresources oftheenvironment and thedemandsofsociety.

II
The TukanoIndiansoccupya largeareain thecentralportionof thenorthwest
Amazon,mainlyon the Vaupes River, a majoraffluent of the Rio Negro. Al-
thoughmostof the countryis flatand denselyforested, terrainof
a transitional
hillyuplandslieson thewestern fringe, whiletowardsthenorththeforestis some-
timesbrokenby stretches of grassy,tree-strewn savannacountry.Althoughthis
rainforestarea has oftenbeen describedas a ratherhomogeneousregion,many
environmental existwhichhave considerable
differences bearingupon therange
and successof humanadaptiveresponses. Game animals,amphibiansand reptiles,
ediblefruits,nutsand insects,and suitablehorticultural landsare not evenlydis-
tributedand considerableresourcefluctuation can be said to existwithinand
amongsubregions.
The Tukanoareboundto theirrainforest habitatby a numberofcircumstances.
In thefirstplace,accordingto mythand tradition, thelandinhabitedby themat
present peopledbytheirforefathers
was originally in ancient,heroictimes,andwas
handedon to theirdescendants as a solemninvestiture in a perpetualtrust.These
tribalancestorswhosenamesand deedsareremembered in mythsand genealogical
recitalshad givenproperdesignations to theriversand thehills,therocksand the
rapidsand to all othernotablenaturalfeatures. This,then,continuesto be their

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 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF 309
country, thehomelandoftheancients. It is ofinterestto observeherethat,although
theTukanohabitatcan,to a largedegree,be describedas a truly'naturalenviron-
ment',theythemselves perceiveit as a man-madeenvironment, transformed and
structured in thepastnot so muchby anyexploitative activities
of theirancestors,
but by havingbeen imbuedby themwithsymbolicmeaning.There is, then,a
time-perspective to theirunderstanding of theenvironment.
In thesecondplace,Tukano territory is surrounded by landsoccupiedby other
people,be theytribalIndiansor be theyColombianor Braziliansettlers, and both
theseneighbouring groupsare quite unwillingto acceptimmigrants, muchless
invaders.The Tukano,then,mustof necessity existwithinthelimitations of their
givenenvironment and mustmakethebestof it. Theyhave to relyutterly upon
theirlocalresources and upontheirown traditional skillsforexploitingthem.
The traditional settlement patternconsistsof widelyscattered largeand well-
builtcommunalhouses,occupiedby extendedfamilieswhose membersderive
much of theirbasic food supplyfromcultivatingmanioc gardens.However,
seasonalhunting,fishingand gathering play an important partin theireconomic
and sociallife.Tukanosocietyis dividedintomorethantwentynamedexogamic
groups;descentis patrilineal andresidence is patrilocal,
withcross-cousin marriage
saidto be preferred. Marriagebetweenthesedifferent unitsimpliesa rigidlystruc-
turedrelationship whichis expressedin manyformsof reciprocity and exchange.
Most of theseactivities, both social and economic,are closelyconnectedwith
ceremonies directedby theshamanwho also officiates at theritualsofthelifecycle
and is activeas a healerof illness.Warfareis not institutionalised.
Hereis a briefsummary ofhow theTukanoimaginetheoriginand structure of
theuniverseand theelementary forcesthatanimateit. The creatorwas theSun-
Father,an anthropomorphic god who designeda three-layered cosmosconsisting
ofa flatearth,a celestialvault,and a placeofblisssituatedundertheearth.He then
peopledthelandandcreatedanimalsandplants,givingto eachspeciesa setofrules
accordingto whichtheywere to live and multiply.However,the Sun-Father
createdonlya limitednumberofanimalsandplants,placingbothcategories under
the constantcare of specificspirit-beings who were to guardand protectthem
againsteventualabuses.Whatis more,he assignedto hiscreationonlya restricted,
roughlycircular, stretchofland,limitedon all sidesby permanent landmarks. In
otherwords,the creationof the Tukano universewas not conceivedas an all-
embracingor expandingsystem, butwas a limited,well-defined proposition with
finiteand restricted resources.Nor was it accomplishedas a singleact limitedin
time:it stillcontinuesuninterruptedly because,eversinceitsinitiation, the Sun-
Fatherexercises a fertilising
actionuponit.It is theenergyofthesun,imaginedby
theTukanoin termsof seminallightand heat,thatcausesplantsto growand fruit
to ripen,thatmakesmankindand animalsreproduce,and thatis thoughtto be
creativenot onlyin a germinal,biologicalsense,but also in thesenseof spiritual
illumination and theattainment of esotericwisdom.The essenceof thisforceis
imaginedas a masculinepowerthatfertilises a feminineelementthatis thisworld.
In Tukanothought, thebiospherehasbothmaleand femaleaspects,butseenin its
totality,it has primarilya femininecharacterover which the sun exerciseshis
power.
The seminalenergyofthesunis thoughtto constitute a hugecircuitin whichthe

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310 G. REICHELDOLMATOFF

entirecosmosparticipates.This circuitis imaginedas havinga limitedquantityof

procreativeenergythatflowscontinuously betweenman and animal,between
societyandnature.Since thequantity of energy manmayremovewhat
isrestricted,
he needsonly undercertainconditionsand mustconverthis quantumof 'bor-
rowed' energyinto an essencethancan be reincorporated into the circuit.For
example,whenan animalis killedor whena crop is harvested theenergyof the
localfaunaand floraarethoughtto be diminished; however,as soon as thegameor
fruitareconvertedintonourishment, theenergyis conserved,now on thelevelof
society,becausetheconsumers of thefoodhave now acquireda reproductive life
forcethatpreviously belonged to an animal or plant.

III
The strikingpointabouttheseideasis thatthisbearsa remarkable resemblance to
modernsystems analysis.In termsof ecologicaltheory,theTukano thusconceive
theworldas a systemin whichtheamountof energyoutputis directly relatedto
the amount of input the system receives. According to the Tukano, the system
handlestheseinputsin two ways: sexualenergywhichhas been repressed in the
individual,returns directly to the capital of totalenergy in which the biotic com-
ponents of thesystem participates;mere health and well-being, resulting from con-
trolledfoodconsumption, an
represent input which energises also the abiotic com-
ponentsof thesystem, forexample,themovements of thestarsor meteorological
phenomena. The individual should never cause a disturbance in thisgeneralequi-
that
librium, is, he should never use energy without restoring it as soonas possible.
The entiresystemis largelyderivedfromthe model of sexualphysiology.The
Tukano conceptof solar energyincludesa large numberof thingsto whicha
seminalsymbolismis attributed becauseof theircolour,shape,textureor other
whilea numberof otherthingsare associatedwitha femalecon-
characteristics;
cept of fecundity and gestation.The associationsof imagesand symbolsare in-
terpreted by theTukano on variouslevelsof abstraction and eventually dissociate
themselves farther andfarther fromnaturalandphysiological factsuntil,at a higher
cognitivelevel,theycometo constitute a systems theoryofbalanced,finiteenergy
flow.
Thiscosmologicalmodelofa system whichconstantly requires rebalancing inthe
formofinputsof energyretrieved by individualeffort, constitutes a religiouspro-
positionwhichis intimately connectedwiththesocialand economicorganisation
of thegroup.In thisway,thegeneralbalanceof energyflowbecomesa religious
objectivein whichnativeecologicalconceptsplaya dominantorganisational role.
To understand thestructure and functioning oftheecosystem becomestherefore a
vitaltaskto theTukano.It followsthattheIndian'sethnobiological knowledgeof
thenaturalenvironment is notcasualand is not something he assimilates through
graduallyincreasing familiarity and repeatedsenseexperience;it is a structured,
disciplinedknowledgewhichis basedupona long tradition of enquiryand which
is acquiredofnecessity as partofhisintellectual equipmentforbiologicaland cul-
turalsurvival.
AmongtheIndiansthereis usuallylittleinterest innewknowledgethatmightbe
usedforexploitingtheenvironment moreeffectively and thereis littleconcernfor

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 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF 3II

maximising short-term gainsor forobtainingmorefoodor raw-materials thanare

actually needed. But thereis always a great deal of interestin accumulating more
factualknowledgeaboutbiologicalrealityand,above all,aboutwhatthephysical
world requiresfromman. This knowledge,the Indiansbelieve,is essentialfor
survivalbecause man must bringhimselfinto conformity with natureif he
wantsto existas partof nature'sunity,and mustfithisdemandsto nature'savail-
abilities.
Animalbehaviouris ofgreatest interest to theIndiansbecauseitoftenconstitutes
a modelforwhatispossible in termsofsuccessful adaptation.On theone hand,the
Indianshavea detailedknowledgeofsuchaspectsasseasonalvariation andmicrodis-
tributions oftheanimalandplantspeciesoftheirhabitat.They have a good under-
standingof ecologicalcommunities, of the behaviourof social insects,of bird
flocks,theorganisation offishschools,thepatterns offishruns,and otherformsof
collectivebehaviour.Suchphenomenaas parasitism, symbiosis, commensalism and
otherrelationships betweenco-occurring specieshavebeenwell observedby them
andarepointedoutas possiblemodelsofadaptation.On theotherhand,mythsand
talesabound withaccountsof visitsto theanimalworld,of people turninginto
animalsin orderto learnmoreabouttheirhabits,or ofanimalsteachingmenhow
to makeuse of certainresources.Shamanistic wisdomoftencontainsdetailedde-
scriptions of suchcontactsand exchanges,and manyshamansclaim to have ac-
quiredpartoftheirspecific knowledgefromanimalswhichrevealedto themsome
unexpected foodresource,a cureforan illness,or a practicalprocedurein solving
someeveryday problem.Some ofthiswisdommaythenbe considered esotericand
secret,remaining theprivateproperty ofa shaman,butoftenenoughthisspecialised
knowledgeof animalbehaviourbecomespartof prescribedpatternsof human
actionandinteraction becauseofitsobviousadaptivevalue.Moreover,mythology
emphatically tellsof animalspecieswhichhave become extinctor whichwere
punishedor degradedfornotobeyingcertainprescribed rulesof adaptivesignifi-
cance. Thus, gluttony, improvidence, aggressiveness and all formsof overindul-
genceare punishedby the superiorforces,to serveas examplesnot only to the
animalcommunity, but also to humansociety.Animals,then,are metaphors for
survival.By analysing animalbehaviourtheIndianstryto discoveran orderin the
physicalworld,a world-order to whichhumanactivities can thenbe adjusted.
In Tukanoculture, theindividual personis consciousthathe formspartofa com-
plex networkof interactions whichincludenot only societybut the entireuni-
verse.Withinthiscontextofan essential interrelatedness of all things,a personhas
to fulfil
manyfunctions thatgo farbeyondhisor hersocialrolesandthatareextra-
societalextensions of a setof adaptivenorms.Theserulesor norms,then,guidea
person'srelationships notonlywithotherpeople-past or present, kinor ally-but
also withanimals,plants,as a matterof factwithall bioticand non-bioticcom-
ponentsoftheenvironment. The rulestheindividualhasto followrefer, above all,
to cooperativebehaviouraimed at the conservation of ecologicalbalanceas the
ultimately desirablequality.Thus therelationship betweenman and hisenviron-
mentis beingformulated not only on a cognitivelevel,but clearlyit also con-
stitutes personalrelationship
an affective in whichindividualanimalsandplantsare
treatedwithrespectand caution.
The Tukanoarequiteawareofthefactthat,in orderto maintain a stablebalance

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312 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF

ofinputand output,a numberofregulatory mechanisms haveto be instituted

and,
whatis more,haveto be fullyrespected byall membersofthesociety.Thesesocial
controlsof necessity possessmarkedadaptiveimplications and mustbe enforced
primarilyin thoseaspectsofexistence which,to a largedegree,determine survival.
I shallmentionhere:populationgrowth,theexploitation of thephysicalenviron-
ment,and aggression in interpersonal
relations.
It is quiteclearto theTukanothat,
in orderto ensureindividualand collectivesurvivaland well-being, adaptiverules
have to be established to adjustthe birth-rate,
the harvest-rate, and to counter-
balanceall sociallydisruptivebehaviour.

IV
I shallfirstturnto the problemof populationgrowthand regulations. Two
mechanisms are used by theIndiansto controlthebirth-rate: oral contraceptives
and sexualcontinence. Tukano womenuse herbalconcoctionswhich,in varying
concentrations, causetemporary sterility,and by thismeanstheymanageto space
theiroffspring overseveralyearsin sucha way thatwhena womanhashersecond
childthefirst is alreadysufficientlyindependent notto be a bother.The numberof
childrenis keptlow and coupleswithmanychildrenarecriticised quiteopenlyas
sociallyirresponsible.It maybe addedherethattheold and infirm, as soon as they
ceaseto collaboratein thefood questof theirhouseholdgroup,are eliminated by
beingabandonedin theforest or on an islandin theriver.
The secondmechanism is abstention.Sexualabstinence and sexualrepression are
practisedon manyoccasionsand are amongthe mostimportant prerequisites to
manyritualactivities. It is important to pointout herethat,in Tukano thought,
food and sex are closelyrelatedand are symbolically equivalent.This idea of re-
lationshipbetweencaloricand sexualappetiteis expressedin manyways; on a
metaphorical levelsexualintercourse andeatingareequated,andin ritualexchange
certainfoodstuffs cometo represent theexchangeofwomen.Sincestrict exogamic
rulesconstitute themainorganising principlein Tukano society,theconsumption
or avoidanceof certainfoodsaregearedto theconceptofexogamyin sucha way
thatdietaryrestrictions come to standforsexualrestrictions. The selectiveuse of
certainfoodsmaythusbe saidto be subjectto thelaws of exophagy, whichdeter-
mine the permissibility of certainfoodsunderdiversecircumstances. There are
'male' and 'female'foodsand foodpreparations, and theserulesrefernot onlyto
animal-derived foods,butalso to vegetablefoods.
Theseaspectsarebestillustrated bytheideasthatguidetheactivities ofthehunter.
All game animalsare subjectto theMasterof Animals,a dwarf-like spirit-being
withmarkedphallicattributes. This supernatural gamekeeper jealouslyguardshis
flockconsisting of deer,tapir,peccary,agouti,paca,monkeysand all otheranimal
speciesthatare a commonfoodresourceof theIndians.The Masterof Animalsis
directlytheirprotector and procreator and theyall live insidesteeprockyhillsor
in deep pools in the river,both dwelling-places beingimaginedas largestore-
housesteemingwithgame and fish.In orderto obtainthesupernatural Master's
permission to killa gameanimal,theprospective huntermustundergoa rigorous
preparation whichconsistsof sexualcontinence, foodrestrictions, and purification
ritesensuringcleansingthe body by bathingand emetics.For some daysbefore

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 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF 313

goingon a huntingexcursion, themanshouldrefrain fromall sexualrelations and,

whatis more,heshouldnothavehadanydreamswithan eroticcontent. Moreover,
it is necessary thatnoneof thewomenwho live in hishouseholdis menstruating.
Anothermechanism thatrestricts overhunting is this:Accordingto cosmological
mythsall game animals are associated with certainconstellations, as definedby the
Tukano.However, a species can only be huntedafter itsconstellation hasrisenover
thehorizon,anditis saidthattheanimalscryandweep withfear when theyrealise
thattheirtimeis approaching. It maybe mentioned here also thatthe hunt itselfis
morethana merefood quest in that it is imagined as a courtship in which the prey
hasto be seducedto submitto the hunter.
Whenevergame is scarce,the shamanmustvisitthe Masterof Animalsin a
narcotictranceand tryto obtainfromhimthereleaseof some of hischarges.He
willnotaskforindividualanimalsbutrather forherdsor fora good hunting season
andin return he promisesto sendto theMaster'sabodethesoulsofpersonswho,at
theirdeath,mustreturnto thisgreatstore-house to replenish theenergyof those
animalsthesupernatural gamekeeper givesto thehunters. The Masterof Animals
and hisnumerouspersonifications are thusconceivedas administrators of usufruct
rights;sincegameresources arelimited,restrictive rightsto theiruse areinstituted
by thesespirit-beings, and itfallsto theshamanto becomethemediator.
FromtheexamplesI have mentionedit is obviousthatthecombinationof all
theseprerequisites represents initselfa bodyofhighlyadaptiveruleswhichnotably
restrict theactivities of anybunteror fisherman. A personcannotgo huntingor
fishing simplyanytimehe needsfood,butonlyafterhavingundergonea moreor
lessanxiety-charged periodofpreparation, thepurposeof whichis to avoid over-
hunting. Illnessor misfortune in huntingarealmostalwaysattributed to neglectof
anyof thenumerousrulesa hunterhasto observe.
Food restrictions are not onlyobservedin connexionwitheconomicactivities,
but are a standardpracticeon mostritualoccasionsand in manyothereveryday
circumstances. For example,a man whose wifeis expectinga child shouldeat
neithertapir,peccarynormonkeymeatbecausethismightaffect thegood health
of his yet unbornoffspring. A man whose huntingor fishinggear has become
pollutedfrombeingcasuallytouchedby a woman,mustobservea liquiddietfor
severaldays.When fishrunto spawn,thosepresentin one's stretch of theriver
shouldnotbe eaten,norarebirds'eggsevercollectedforfood,andthefleshofsome
reptilesis avoidedduringtheirbreedingseason.All theseinterdictions areverbal-
ised by theIndiansin termsof dangersto theconsumer'shealth.Especiallystrict
prohibitions keeppeoplefromeatingnormallywhileengagedin theacquisition of
esotericknowledgeand, similarly, all ritualsof the individuallifecycleinvolve
temporarydietaryrestrictions. In summary,duringpregnancy,childbirth and
menstruation; duringmourningperiods,or whilegathering medicinalherbs;dur-
ingthecouvadeorwhileengageduponthepreparation ofpoisons,narcotics orlove
potions,people carefully controltheirfood intakeand, as a generalrule,refrain
fromeatingthemeatof gameanimals.
Similarprohibitions restrictthegathering ofwildfruits andnuts,ofhoneyandof
edibleinsects.Even the extraction of raw-materials used in technological manu-
factures is controlledby ritualrestrictions. The gathering of thatchfora roof,of
clayforpotterymaking,or of scarcewoods or fibresfora numberof specificend

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314 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF

products, aresubjectto permitswhichhaveto be obtainedfromthespirit-owners

of therespective resources.
Thiscomplexofdietaryandsexualrestrictions is closelyrelatedto thecontrolof
aggressiveattitudes.The principalmechanismwhich checkssociallydisruptive
behaviouris theorganisation intoexogamicgroupswhichare linkedby alliances
and standin a relationship of reciprocalexchange.Besidesexchangingwomen,
thesecomplementary unitswill giveand receivefoods,raw-materials or manufac-
turedgoods,and on theseperiodicoccasionswhichconstitute highlyformalised
rituals,thedances,songsand ceremonialdialoguesemphasiseoverand overagain
thepairedlinkagesthatuniteTukano society.
It appearsfromthe foregoingthatthe Tukano definition of what constitutes
carrying capacity,refers mainlyto a certainbalanceofprotein-rich foodresources
suchas game,fishand wild fruits. Environmental degradation is interpretednotin
termsof soil exhaustion, but in termsof the eventualdepletionof game and of
increasedwalkingtime.Because of the relativescarcityof proteinresourcesre-
strictiverightsto theirusehaveto be established in orderto avoidfrequent reloca-
tionofsettlements. Propitiousconditions forhorticultural activitiesareperhapsnot
plentiful,butlandforproductivegardenplotsis available.However,thenutrient
contentofpractically all vegetablefoodsoftherainforest is verylow andcarrying
capacityis therefore determined by theexistenceofproteinresources, and popula-
tionsizeand densityarefunctions thereof.
The threeaspectsI havementioned-population growth,theexploitation ofthe
physicalenvironment and thecontrolofaggression-canbe reducedto one single
problem,thatis,themaintenance ofa balancedecosystem. The Indiansknowthat
theirdailyexistencedependsupon theproperfunctioning of theseadaptiveinter-
actions.The questionarises,how cana peoplebe madeto followtheseprescriptions
and regulations whichimposesuchsevererestrictions upon theirsocialbehaviour
and theirbiologicalneeds?

V
The mechanisms which, in the nativegroupsI am concernedwithhere,enforce
therulesareclosely related to theaboriginaltheoryof disease.To beginwith,the
or
specificbodily mentalconditionswhich,accordingto theTukano,constitute
illnessand whichmanifest themselves througha largenumberof signsand symp-
toms,arealwaysthoughtto be causedby an agentexternalto thebody.The pos-
siblepathogenic agenciesfallintothreecategories (i) therevengeofgameanimals;
(2) theill-willof otherpeople,and (3) themalevolence ofsupernaturalbeingssuch
as theMasterof Animalsor otherspirit-beings.
This malevolenceof people and animalsis not an arbitrary forcethatblindly
strikesitsunsuspecting victim.On thecontrary, illnessis alwaysinterpretedas a
quitenaturalconsequenceof a person'sbreachor neglectof culturalnorms.Apart
fromitsbeingsociallyand emotionally disturbing,illnessis,in theTukanoview,
nothingbut a reactionto theecologicallyinadequatebehaviourof thepatient,to
his maladaptiveperformance. It is thepatientwho causesthe disease,by making
himselfvulnerableto it. The diagnosistheshamanestablishes two
has,therefore,
differentaspects:One refers to thepatient'scomplaints, to thesymptoms he hasde-
veloped;theotheraspectrefers to thequestionwhythepersonbecamea victimof

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 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF 315

thedisease.And herewe can recogniseanotherimportant aspectof theshaman's

function, an aspectthatis closelyrelatedto theproblemofecologicaladaptation.
In shamanistic practiceillnessis takento be theconsequenceof a person'sup-
setting a certainaspectof theecologicalbalance.Overhunting is a commoncause
and so areharvesting in whichsomerelatively
activities scarcenaturalresourcehas
been wasted.The delicatebalanceexistingwithinthe naturalenvironment, be-
tweennatureand society,andwithinsocietyitself, constitutes a seriesofsystems in
whichanydisturbance, howeverslight,is boundto affect thewhole.For example,
meddlingwithcertainwomenwho shouldbe avoidedis thesamekindof affront
as eatingcertainfishthatshouldnotbe eaten;whilekillingtoo manyanimalsofa
certainspeciesmustalwaysbe avoided. These are offences the consequenceof
whichislikelyto be an illness.In thediagnostic process,whichisoftenaccompanied
by divinatory practices,theshamanis interested in thepatient'sillnessnotso much
as a function ofbiology,butratheras a symptomofa disorderin theenergyflow.
His mainconcernis about therelationship betweensocietyand thesupernatural
Mastersof game,fishand wild fruits, on whom dependsuccessin harvesting and
who commandmany pathogenicagents.To the shamanit is therefore of the
essenceto diagnosecorrectly thecausesof theillness,to identify theexactquality
of the inadequaterelationship (be it adultery,overhunting, or any otherover-
indulgenceor waste),and thento redressthebalanceby communicating withthe
spiritsand by establishing reconciliatory contactswiththegameanimals.To men-
tionjust one exampleofhow a diagnosisis established: A manwho haskilledtoo
manyanimalsof a certainspecies,will appearin the shaman'sdreamor trance
statesin theshapeof thatanimaland theimagewill be accompaniedby a certain
luminosity, a certaindegreeoflight.It is quiteremarkable thatdifferences in high
or low lightintensity are recognisedto be veryimportant in the flowof solar
energy, as understood bytheTukano,andthatshamanswillmentionin theirspells
and incantations up to sevenshadesof 'yellowlight'thatenergisethebiosphere.
In summarising thisaspectI wantto emphasise thattheshamanas a healerofill-
nessdoesnotso muchinterfere on theindividuallevel,butoperateson thelevelof
thosesupra-individual structuresthathave been disturbedby the person.To be
effective, he has to applyhis treatment to thedisturbed partof theecosystem. It
mightbe said thenthata Tukano shamandoes not have individual patients; his
taskis to cure a social malfunctioning. The diseasedorganismof the patientis
secondaryin importanceand will be treatedeventually,both empiricallyand
ritually,butwhatreallycountsis there-establishment of therulesthatwill avoid
overhunting, the depletionof certainplantresources, and uncheckedpopulation
increase.The shamanbecomesthusa truly powerful forcein the controland
management of resources.
The shamantheninterferes quitedirectly withhunting,fishing, gathering and
mostotherharvesting Forexample,a
activities. shaman will personally control the
quantity andconcentration offish-poison to be used on a certain stretchofriver; he
will determine thenumberof animalsto be killed when a herd of peccary is re-
ported,andhe willdecideon a suitableharvesting strategy forthegathering ofwild
fruits.He will determine whichfishhave to be thrown back into the water aftera
haulhasbeenmade,andoccasionally he even might completely prohibit the killing
ofcertainanimalsin a restricted areaoftheforest. He willalsocontrolsuchtechno-

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3I6 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF
logicalactivitiesas theconstruction ofa communal house,themanufacture ofa
canoe,ortheopening ofa trail.Alltheseactivitiesobviously affect thenatural en-
vironment sincetreeshaveto be felledandmanyplantshaveto be destroyed or
usedin theprocess, andtheshaman's roleas a protector of gameandplant-life
explainswhyanimals andplants figuresoprominently ashisspirit-helpers.Allthis,
I shouldliketopointouthere,isnotspeculation; theIndians arequiteexplicit in
thesematters andexplain thatthespirit-owners ofnature mustnotbe angered and
thatitis theshaman's tasktoreconcile them.
Theverylargedenotative vocabulary ofa shaman expresses hisgreatconcern
withestablishing thecomplete inventory oftheecosystem. In orderto be ableto
administer thisgreatstore-house, hehastoknow,nameandcategorise allitscon-
tents.Thisknowledge eventually provides himwiththecriteria forecological
planning andthis, ofcourse, isproblem-solving byanticipation. Thefactthatmany
dailyactivitiessuchashunting, fishing,gathering,theclearing ofa newfieldorthe
curingofa diseasearesubject to divinatory practices in orderto locatethemost
propitious spotortime,ortofindthemosteffective procedure incopingwiththis
or thatpredicament, givestheshaman ampleopportunity to protect wild-lifeby
random scheduling ofhunting excursions whenever hethinks thata certain species
isendangered, ortochannel anyother exploitativeactivity indirections hebelieves
tobebest.I knowofseveral caseswhereshamans initiatedlimited migratory move-
ments byasking peopleto abandontheir homesinordertoavoidanapproaching
epidemic orthepresence ofevilspirits,
bothcalamities beingrevealed indivinatory
trance. The truereason, however, seemsto havebeentheadvanced depletion of
protein resources. Inviewoftheobservation ofa number ofrelated cases,itseems
notunlikely thatshamanistic divinatory practices
operate withmodelsandthat, in
thismanner, manyadaptive changes arebeingintroduced byshamans.
One mightaskhere:how faris a shamanactually conscious ofhisroleas an
ecological broker? Doeshealwaysactquiterationally andwithanadequate under-
standing ofecological principles?
Thereexist,ofcourse, differences.Someshamans, notably theyounger andless
experienced ones,tendto verbalise theirconceptions in quitesimplistic terms by
saying thatoverhunting andoverharvesting areboundtoannoyboththespirits and
thegameanimals, andthatillness willbe thepunishment. Theywillreadily point
outchanges in preyabundance andwillattribute thebioticimpoverishment of
certainrestrictedareastotheaction ofvengeful Others
spirits. however willnotmake
useofthesemystical interpretationsbutwillblamegreedandignorance forthe
depletion of proteinresources. Theywillattribute some(ifnotall) diseasesto
nutritional deficienciesandwillstatequiteplainly thatprotein resources arescarce
andhaveto be protected.
To be sure,thefactthatmosteconomicactivities areaccompanied by rituals
doesnotmeanthattheshaman simply asksthesupernatural forces forabundance,
forplenty, fora maximum amountofwhattheenvironment canproduce, but
ratherthatoccasions arebeingprovided forstock-taking, forweighing costsand
benefits,andfortheeventual re-distributionofresources. At thesemoments the
shaman's book-keeping showsthegeneral system inputs andoutputs. In pointof
fact,mostshamanistic activitiessuchas curingrituals, rain-making, theperiodic
reaffirmation ofalliancesor foodexchange betweenexogamicgroupsmightbe

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 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF 317

viewedas rituals
concerned
withresourcemanagement and ecologicalbalance.
Thisfacthassometimes
beenobscured
bya tendencytodescribe
nativeshamans in
termsofmerewitchdoctors
orreligious
fanatics.

VI
TheTukanoandmanyotherColombian tribes
believethattheentire universeis
steadily deteriorating. Thusit is thought thatformerly peoplewerehealthier,
stronger andmoreintelligent thantheyareatpresent; thatanimals andfruits were
largerandthattheyweremoreabundant thannow.The Indianswillpointout
stretches offorest, rivers or lagoonssayingthatin former timesanimallifewas
plentiful there.It is truethat,atpresent, thisfeelingofimpending doomispartly
justified; inmanypartstheworldoftherainforest Indians isonthewane.Butthe
Indian'ssenseof entropy, of thetendency towarddisorder andchaos,doesnot
seemto be a consequence ofhispresent plight,butrather represents an existential
anxiety thatforms partofnative cosmology andphilosophy, andthatisbasedupon
thecloseanddailyobservation ofthebiological cyclesofgrowth anddecline. The
important pointis thatthisideaofincreasing disorder is alwaysfollowed bythe
institutionalised resolution to recreate
theworldandto re-establish itsorderand
purpose asstated incosmological tradition.Thiscontinuous cycleofritual creation,
destruction andre-creation canbe foundin manytropical forest societiesandis
indeedanimportant mechanism ofculturalandbiological survival.
In thecourseoftheseceremonial occasions,whentheuniverse andallitscom-
ponents arebeingrenewed, onegoalbecomes ofcentral importance: thereaffirma-
tionoflinkswithpastandfuture generations,
together withtheexpression ofcon-
cernaboutthefuture well-being of society.The emphasis of theritualis upon
unifying thesocialgroup,uponcontinuity, upontheclosebondsofidentity that
unitesociety withthepastandmakeitthefoundation ofthefuture. Itseemsthat
thissenseof unionprovides deeplymotivating valuesandstrong incentives fora
ecological responsibility. Thelengthy genealogical andtheritual
recitals dialogues
havea powerful cohesive function, andinmanyoftheserituals animalandplant-
spiritsarethought toparticipate,expressing bytheir presence theirinterrelatedness
andinterdependency. It mustbe pointed outherethattheritual re-creation ofthe
universe isgenerally accompanied bythecollective useofnarcotics ofplantorigin.
Duringthesedrug-induced trancestates,
orotherforms of dissociate phenomena,
theparticipants establish contact withthemythical past,infact, theyseethemselves
return to thetimeofdivineCreation andthustakepartinit.It is clearthat,here
again,theofficiating shaman canadaptivelyorient theinterpretations ofthevisions
peopleproject uponthevividbackground oftheirhallucinations.
Duringmostorall oftheserituals whichcanbe saidto be essentially concerned
withecological balance, therecital ofmyths andgenealogies isofgreatimportance.
Thesemyths explainman'snature andtraceman'sdestiny frombirth andinfancy
through maturity to declineanddeath;fromthesinofincestto chaosandnear-
destruction, andhenceto a neworderandtheestablishment oflaw.Thesemyths
andtales,I shouldliketo emphasise here,arenotmere'literature'; theyrepresent
a trulyremarkable effort at intellectual
interpretation,at providing a cognitive
matrix forlife.Theyarea guideforsurvival because theyestablish rulesofconduct,

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3I8 G. REICHEL-DOLMATOFF

notonlyforritualoccasions butforeveryday life;a factwhichsometimes goes

unnoticed as longas onehasnotdiscovered themetaphorical codein whichthe
myths aretransmitted.
Thecosmological myths whichexpress theTukanoworld-view do notdescribe
Man'sPlacein Naturein termsofdominion, ofmastery overa subordinate en-
vironment, nordo theyinanywayexpress thenotionofwhatsomeofus might
calla senseof'harmony withnature.' Nature,intheir view,isnota physical entity
apartfrom manand,therefore, hecannot confront itoropposeitorharmonise with
itasa separate entity.Occasionally mancanunbalance itbyhispersonal malfunction-
ingasa component, butheneverstands apartfrom it.Manistakentobea partofa
setofsupra-individual systems which-betheybiological or cultural-transcend
ourindividual livesandwithinwhichsurvival andthemaintenance ofa certain
qualityoflifearepossibleonlyifall otherlifeforms too areallowedto evolve
according totheirspecific needs,as statedincosmological myths andtraditions.
In closing, I shouldliketonotethefollowing. Untilquiterecently ethnologists
and archaeologists haveattempted to explaincultural evolution and changein
termsof linearcause-and-effect modelsand thisapproachis stillusedby most
specialistsin thesefields. Gregory Batesonwasthefirst ethnographer to sensethe
needfora systems theory modelto account forhisethnographical data,although
hisnowclassicmonograph on New Guineawaswritten longbeforetheformal
aspects ofsystems theory hadbeendeveloped.
Archaeologists havebeenparticularly proneto dependence on cause-and-effect
explanations andmodelsconstructed ontheprinciples oflinearcausality,
andthese
trends havebeenemphasised in theintellectual movement called'New Archae-
ology'.Itisonlyrecently thatFlannery hasnotedthattwoverydifferent kindsof
explanatory modelsareusedbythe'New Archaeology.' One oftheseschoolsis
explicit initsadherence tolinearcausality.Flannery hasappliedtheterm'law-and-
order'archaeology tothisschool.Theother lesspopular trend hasbeenanapplica-
tionofsystems theory to accountforcultural change, itsdynamics
attributing to
veryslowdeviations whichoriginate ina partofthesystem andthendevelopinto
majormodifications. It seemsthatthisapproach isfarmorelikelytoproducesig-
nificant modelsthanis 'law-and-order' archaeology.
It is striking thenthatin thelastdecadeethnographers andarchaeologists are
comingto acceptas theonlykindof explanatory modelwhichcanbe usedto
handleecologicalrelationships the kindof overallsystems modelwhichwas
adoptedby 'primitive' Indiansa verylongtimeago.

NOTES
I am deeplyconsciousof thegreathonourof havingbeenaskedto givethe1975 Huxley
MemorialLecture.I ammostgrateful totheBritish
Councilandto theRoyal Anthropological
Institute,
especially
theEsperanzaFund,fortheirgenerous
assistance.
I alsowishto express
my
sincerepersonalgratitude
to DonaldLathrap,MartinMoynihan,Olga Linaresde Moynihan
andJ.Wilbert,forhavingbeenkindenoughto reada draftof thislecture;theirsuggestions
haveprovedto be verystimulating andhelpful.

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