The Growth of Family Trees: Understanding Huaorani Perceptions of the Forest

Author(s): Laura Rival

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Dec., 1993), pp. 635-652
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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 THE GROWTH OF FAMILY TREES: UNDERSTANDING
HUAORANI PERCEPTIONS OF THE FOREST

LAURA RIVAL

& Political
LondonSchoolofEconomics Science

This articlediscusseshow a groupofAmazonianpeople, theHuaorani,relatetheirperceptions

ofvegetalgrowthto theirunderstanding ofsocialrelations.They recognizetwo differentprocesses
of growthand maturation. These are used to classify
plantspeciesand categorizesocialprinciples,
as well as to understand whytheirsocietygoes throughcyclesofpeace and expansionfollowedby
timesof warfareaniddemographlic collapse. The articleestablishesethnographicallythatsocial
propertiesare derivedfrom,and are directlyshapedby, the experienceof lifeprocesses.It thus
challeniges the dualisticview of the relationshipbetweennatureand societywhich takes'nature'
as a sourceof symbolicrepresentations fordescribingsociallife.

A growing body of work shows that people's interactionswith their natural

environment form the bases of their social practices and understandingsof the
social. Recent studiesby Bird-David (1992a;b), Bloch (1992 a;b), Descola (1992),
and Ingold (1993a; 1993b) are distinctbut by no means incompatible theoretical
effortsto account for animisticbeliefsand to imagine social relationswith refer-
ence to the experience of biological processes. There are marked differences
between these authors (who, Bloch excepted, focus on the relationshipbetween
people and animals), but sufficientsimilaritiesto make a comparison fruitful.
Descola, for example, shares with Bird-David an interestin symbols and repre-
sentations, but, as he tries to develop a structuralistmodel of (unconscious)
culturalinvariants,his approach is not too remote fromBloch's who, as a pioneer
in cognitive anthropology, is looking for non-linguistic mental models. Bloch
and Ingold share a strongmaterialistbias against symbolic interpretationswhich
divorce perception from action and ignore non-mediated formsof knowledge.
Finally, both Bird-David and Ingold, while disagreeing over what is the best
theoreticalmodel to explain the particularsociality of egalitariansocieties, con-
nect this sociality to the perception of natural surroundings as a 'giving
environment'.1 In other words, despite their theoretical differences,these four
authors stressthat many hunter-gathererand horticulturistsocieties view natural
objects and human beings as forminga single social field, and that the corre-
spondence between certainpropertiesof social life and the experience of organic
life should formna crucial part of anthropological analysis.
I take theirconsensus as an importantpoint of departurefromwhich to chal-
lenge reductionist or dualistic views of the relationship between nature and
society and to re-conceptualize nature, so that natural categories are no longer

Mani(N.S.) 28, 635-652

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636 LAURA RIVAL

seen solely as metaphors for social categories (Hastrup 1989; Richards 1992).
When the relationshipof people to nature is re-considered in termsof engage-
ment, practicalexperience and perceptual knowledge, nature ceases to be a mere
reflectionof society. The basis on which totemismis thoughtof as a metaphorical
representationand a conceptual objectification of nature might thus be ques-
tioned. Since the masterwork of Levi-Strauss, the identificationof people with
plantsand animals has commonly been understood as a symbolic manifestationof
a classificatorymode of thought originatingin the 'cognitive need for under-
standing' (Levi-Strauss 1962; Morris 1987: 270-91). For Levi-Strauss,there is no
doubt thatpeople's interestin plant and animal species (and its ritualized,totemic
expression) stemsprimarilyfroman intellectualconcern with differenceand anal-
ogy, thatis, with the codificationof discontinuities.Therefore,people's concrete
knowledge of the world they live in is meaningless, unless transposed to an
abstractlevel where it can be used to classifyand order the social. In other words,
the practical experience of, or communication with, animals and plants is irrele-
vant forthe analysisof totemicbeliefs,forthese should be seen as a linguisticcode
to thinkthe world of natureonly in sofaras itcan be contrasted withtheculturalworld
ofhumanibeings.This is the ontological dualism (humanityv. animality;culture v.
nature; or intellectualityv. affectivity)that Ingold has unremittinglyopposed in
order to look at the concrete and personal interactionsthrough which humans
and non-human life formsconstituteone single social world. For Ingold (1991;
1992), animals may be 'good to think',but theyare, above all, 'good to relate to',
so we should focus on perceptual ratherthan representationalknowledge.
Bloch's recent re-analysis of Zafimaniry society (1992b), although using a
completely differentmodel from Ingold's, is also an attempt to conceptualize
social relationson the basis of materialprocesses and everydaypractices. Bloch's
'central mental models' resultin a form of non-representationalcultural knowl-
edge akin to Ingold's practical knowledge based on perception and engagement.
Blocli suggeststlhatnatural objects do not function as metaphors for social pro-
cesses, 'because social relations are experienced as natural' (1992b: 130-2). He
identifiesthe process of growth and maturation,a process that equally affectsall
living beings, as a particularlyforcefulillustrationof how people derive a practical
knowledge of the social from their concrete experience of the world around
them.
Following Bloch, I will tryto show that the Huaorani's conceptualization of
theirsociety is informedby theirperceptions of differentialgrowth processes in
their forest environment, as well as by certain important symbiotic relations
existing between plants, animals and people. I brieflyconsider the Huaorani's
material experience of the forestas a 'giving environment', before examining
how the specific qualities of two important tree species, Bactrisgasipaes (com-
monly known-as peach palm), and Ochromalagopus (balsa) express the cyclical
nature of Huaorani society and give meaning to the cycles of destructionand
growth throughwhich it is reproduced.

The Huaorani viewofgrowth

For the Huaorani of Ecuador, growth and maturation is a matter of on-going
interest.More like hunter-gatherers2
than horticulturists,
they spend much time

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 LAURA RIVAL 637

'cruising'in theforest, exploringitslowly,collectingwhattheyneed fortheday,

and monitoring itspotentialresourcesforlateruse. Their constantcheckingof
thematurity offruittrees,and ofthenumberofpregnantmonkeysor birdnests,
is commentedupon at lengthon returnto the longhouse.This interestin plant
growthand maturation is morethanmerepragmatic resourcemanagement: they
havea genuineaestheticdelightin observing plantlife,particularly
thegrowthof
new leaves,and explicitly relatethisto certainaspectsof humanphysicalgrowth.
Notionsof growthand maturation are also appliedto thepopulationas a whole.
Populationgrowthand the rise and fall of local groupsare mattersof great
concern,and group social dynamicsare conceptualizedin relationto forest
groves,ratherthanwithreference to thelifespanof individualtrees.As we shall
see, both social groupsand forestgrovesexhibittwo contrastivepatternsof
growthand regeneration.
The Huaorani3numberabout 1200 and live betweenthe Napo and Curaray
riversin the EcuadorianAmazon region.Fierce isolationists, theyhave, until
recently,avoided all peacefuland continuouscontactwith the outside.4Their
homelandis characteristic of muchof thewesternAmazonianrainforest, except
that,given the relativelyhigh rainfallaverages(around 3000 mm per annum),
seasonsare almostnon-existent. As withmanyAmazoniansocieties,kinshipter-
minology is Dravidian, and the preferredmarriageis between bilateral
cross-cousins. Traditionallonghouses- ofapproximately 10 to 35 members- are
typically composedof an olderpolygynouscouple, theirmarrieddaughtersand
unmarried children.These residential units,althoughautonomousand dispersed
overa relatively vastarea,maintainclose relationswithtwo or threeothers,with
which theyformstrongalliances.Each of theseregionalgroups,huaomoni (the
'we-people'),strivesto preservean optimumdegreeof endogamyand autarchic
stabilitythroughsustainedand controlledhostility towardsall the others,called
huarani(literally, the 'others',thatis, the 'enemies'). Societyis at peace when
huaomoni groupsare unitedaroundinter-married pairsof brothersand sisters(a
specialcase of cross-cousinmarriage),and when endogamousmarriagesare se-
cured.But when shortageof spouses,internaldivisionsand disagreements over
marriage alliancesforcehuaomoni groupsintopoliticalre-alignments withhuarani,
violenceand destruction not onlybringspopulationnumbersto alarmingly low
levels,but maylead to thedisappearance of entiregroups.
Beforeexaminingthesesocialfeatures in moredetail,it is necessaryto setout
Huaorani views on growthprocesses.These are primarilybased on people's
experienceof how different treespeciesgrow,matureand reproduce.Although
people's understanding of therainforest ecologyseemslimitless, specialattention
is givento a fewfeatures, all associatedwithgrowthand age. These features are
the distinctive characteristics of threedifferent kindsof trees,the tallestcanopy
trees(such as Ceibapentranda or Cedrelaodorata),the softwooded trees(such as
Ochroma lagopusor Cecropia spp),and certainpalmsof theArecaceae family(Bactris
gasipaes).
The most respectedand talkedabout are undoubtedlythe large emergent
canopytrees(iieneahue).The fascination whichthesetreesexertis due to thefact
thattheymatureveryslowly,but eventuallygrow to be the tallesttreesof the
forest.However, theirgrowthdependson specificconditions,and theymay

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638 LAURA RIVAL

remainyoung,immaturetrees(huinehue) formanyyears.People oftenpoint to

theseyoung treesby the trailside,stressing the factthattheirjuvenile formis
strikingly dissimilarto theiradultone. Anothercharacteristic of theseand other
youngtreesto whichpeople are verysensitiveis theirnew leaves. These look
smoothand shinyand theirdistinctive and delicatecolours- slightly pink,purple
or red,or when green,of a verypale, almostyellowshade- are contrasted with
the deep, uniformgreenof fullygrownleaves. Althoughnevermade explicit,
whatseemsto be mostsignificant about the largeemergentcanopytreesis that
theyreachmaturity, and startflowering, between40 and 60 yearsold, and they
can live forup to 200 years.That is, theyreproduceat theoldestage people can
live to, and theirlifespan roughlycorrespondsto fivehumangenerations.In
additionto theirlongevity, thesetreesarealso admiredfortheirsolitary character
(theydo notgrowin groves,butare sparsely dispersedthroughout theforest), as
well as fortheirprofuseentanglement. They are hoststo manyplantand animal
species,and a massoflianasand climbersassiststheirgrowth,whilehelpingthem
standuprightin thewind.
The two otherimportant typesof treeare two middle-canopyspecies,Bactris
gasipaes (peach palm) and Ochroma lagoptis(balsa). These two species are well
knownby forestbotanists colonizersin naturalforest
as pioneerspecies,i.e., first
gapsand clearings. Theybothflowerand fruitat about20 metresabove theforest
floor,and attract largeconcentrations ofanimals.0. lagopus is thefirsttreespecies
to grow in forestopenings,but it maturesfastand dies out in one generation,
while B. gasipaesgrowsslowlyin the shade of softand fast-growing trees,and
reproducesin thesamegrovesformanygenerations.
Ochroma lagopus5growsso fastthatit reaches12 metresin lessthanthreeyears
(Richards1964: 383). The softtextureand low densityof itstimberare conse-
quences of itsrapidgrowth.The Huaoranisay thatbalsa treesneed much sun,
and die in theshade;thattheymatureveryfast,thoughtheirgrovesdo not last
more thana generation.They flowerand fruitheavily,attracting manybirds
wllichdispersetheinassof seedsacrosswide areas.Their seeds,like theseedsof
otheropportunistic, short-livedtrees,remainviable for a few years,and are
presentin thesoil throughout theforestin largenumbers,waitingforgapsin the
canopy.When largetreesfall,thesuddenincreasein temperature and lightlevels
causesthe seeds to germinate, and the youngtreesgrow rapidly(Collins 1990:
64-5). ComparedwithB. gasipaes, theuse of 0. lagopusis verylimited.The wood
is used onlyto manufacture two essentialobjects:the firekitand the ear orna-
ments,6bothof whichcombinebalsaand palmwood. I will show laterthatthe
complementarity of hardand softwood in culturalobjectsand mythsis of great
symbolicsignificance.
The thirdtree speciesof importanceforthe Huaorani, Bactris gasipaes,is a
managed,incipiently domesticatedplant.7It is believed to be a crossbetween
two wild species(Guilelmamicrocarpa and Guilelmainsignis), and to have origin-
atedsomewherein Ecuadoror theUcayaliregion(Ballick1979: 11-28; Clement
1988). There existnumerousvarieties, moreor lessalteredgenetically fromtheir
wildstate,and exhibiting thornierto smoothertrunks, and orange-redto yellow-
green fruit.This palm reproducesby seed propagation.Each fruitcontainsa
singlerelatively largeand heavyseed. Itsflesh,starchy, oilyand witha highlevel

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 LAURA RIVAL 639

of carotine,containstwiceas muchproteinas bananas,and more carbohydrates

and proteinsthanmaize (Newman 1990: 136). Because of an enzyme,it cannot
be eatenexceptwhen cooked, or veryripe- almostrotten.The Huaoranihave
cultivatedB. gasipaes,but theircookingactivitieshave encour-
not deliberately
aged itsgermination andpropagation.8 The cookingprocessheatstheseed to the
temperature requiredforgermination. Giventhelow level oflightand tempera-
tureat groundlevel,too fewseedscould germinate withouthumanintervention
forthespeciesto survive.The tree'ssexualmaturity is reachedbetweenitsfifth
and seventhyear.An adulttreebears13 fullfruitclusters,each weighingup to
100 kgs (Duke 1977: 60; Ballick 1979). A fullygrowntreeis about 20 to 25
metreshighand typically belongsto themiddlecanopy.Even in comparisonto
otherpalms,it growsslowly,and itswood is extremely hard.The mostcommon
typeis calledtewein Huaorani,whichliterally means'hardwood'.9

Individual andvitalenergy
growth
In thissection,I wantto explorea salientaspectofHuaoraniculturalknowledge:
theirunderstanding of human growth.Huaorani conceptualizationof human
growthis informed bysensoryperceptions whichassimilate bodilymaturation to
thevitalenergycontainedin leavesor shoots,and theprocessofagingto vegetal
decay.The highenergyoffast-growing plantsis usedto stimulate thephysiologi-
cal developmentof toddlers.As they grow older, childrenare encouraged
througha non-authoritarian educationto becomeindependentand self-sufficient
individuals. But upon adolescence,a ritualintervention is considerednecessary to
makethemold enoughto marry.
I have alreadymentionedthe Huaorani'sadmirationfornew leaves. There
existsa vastrepertoire of songsthatendlesslyembroideron thecolours,textures
and aspectsof new leaves,and on theirbeauty.One song,forexample,saysthat
'treeswithbeautifulleavesgrowwell', and that'it feelsgood to live wheresuch
treesarefound,fortheirleaves,sweetenoughto be eaten,nevertouchtheforest
floor'.Anothertalksabouta person'as handsomeand weightless as a largeyoung
leafswungbya gentlewind'. These songsillustrate theclose associationbetween
'new' and beautiful. This associationis foundagainin a commonexpressionused
of babies,huiiienga huemongui bapa,whichcan be translated as 'it has beauty'.
Babiesand youngleavesareassociatednotonlybecausebotharebeautiful, but
also becausebotharevigorousand fullofvitality. However,thevigourofbabies
and youngchildrenmustbe protected,and theirfastgrowthsecuredthrougha
seriesofprecautions.Food taboos,meantto acceleratetheprocessof growthand
encouragetherightbodilycomposition, areobservedbybothparentsfroma few
weekspriorto birth,untilsix monthsafterwards.10 In Huaoranithought,babies
are intrinsicallyenergetic, buttheirvigourdependson breastfeeding,and young
mothersexplicitly statetheirneed fornourishing food (suchas monkeymeatand
palmfruit)in orderto producenutritious and abundantmilk.
The greatestbodily change and physicaldevelopmentis thatfromtoddler,
tequeinFaringa('in the processof ageing'),to thatof 'youngperson',piquenabate
opategocamba(literally, 'to startbeingold enoughto go on one's own'), a status
whichlastsuntilthe ear-piercing and weddingceremoniesdescribedbelow. In
otherwords,walking,talkingand eatingmeat are seen as threesimultaneous

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640 LAURA RIVAL

acquisitionswhichmarkthebeginningofpersonalautonomy,and whichcan be
stimulated by the applicationof fast-growing plants."1Once the fragility of the
new humanlifeis overcome,parentsare mainlyconcernedwithaccelerating the
processof growthin theirchildren.It is to thiseffectthatthe legs and armsof
toddlers,who are gradually expectedto walk and participate in subsistenceacti-
vities,are gentlybeatenwithnettlesand theshootsof certaintrees.Only when
theycan walkon theirown do toddlersstartwearingthedistinctive cottonstring
aroundthewaist.Huaoranichildrenare,by anystandard, veryindependentand
self-sufficient,and relationsbetweenadultsand childrenare totallydevoid of
authority. Adultsdo not have a sense of hierarchical superiority, nor are they
over-protective (Rival 1992: chs 5 & 6). In Huaorani terms,independenceis
measuredby the abilityto bringback food to 'give away', thatis, to sharewith
co-residents. Children'sparticipation in subsistenceactivitieslies largelyoutside
adultcontrol,as childrenoftengo to theforestin bands,withtheoldestteaching
and supervising theyoungest.
The nextimportant maturation stageforbothgirlsand boysis when theyare
readyto stop 'being on theirown', thatis, when theyare consideredmature
enoughto marryand have children.Two ceremoniesmarkthisimportant tran-
sition,the ear piercingritualand the wedding ceremony.Sometime during
adolescence,boysand girlshave theirearspreparedforthe distinctive Huaorani
ethnicmarker,the 5 cm wide earplugmade of balsawood. They are suddenly
assailedby severalmen of theirhouse-group(usuallyolderuncles),who pierce
theirears with a long needle made of B. gasipaeswood hardenedby fire.In
subsequentmonths,increasingly biggerdiscsof balsawood are inserteduntilthe
holesreachthedesiredsize. Adolescentsare expectedto overcometheirsurprise
and bear thepain in silence,whilelisteningto the chantsof theiradultkinsmen
and women. The chantsexhortthemto workhard,huntand gatherdiligently,
and bringhome sufficient surplusto give away. They mustremainhealthy,be
strongand eat sufficient monkeymeatto enable themto walk fordayswithout
feelingtired.The surpriseand the pain is intendedto make the initiandsfeel
angry(pi-),12the typicalmale-adultexpressionof vigourand force.As the ear
lobes swell and hurt,adolescents- particularly boys- mustgrow agitatedand
irritable.Peace and tranquillity are not restoreduntiltheholesare therightsize,
althoughthepiercingitselfis neverforgotten.
Ear piercingis explicitly talkedaboutas a punishment fornot obeying,though
thisidea of 'punishment' shouldnotbe takenliterally. Rather,it is a pronounce-
ment- a command- by whichseniormale relativesforceadulthoodon young
Huaorani. In thisritual,structured by the violentcoercionof maturingyoung
persons(Bloch 1992a), growthtakeson a moresymbolicmeaning.The factthat
theneedleusedto perforate earlobes(thesiteofobedience,i.e. ofacceptanceand
conformiity) is made of hard,slowlygrownwood, is as significant as thefactthat
the holes,once enlarged,are filledwithsoft,light,beautifulbalsa discspainted
withwhiteclay.'3 As a fastgrower,balsawood represents the vitalityof plants
thatneed brightlightand heat,offershade to palm seedlings,but die afterone
generation.Balsa earplugsthussignify culturalcontinuity(theyare an essential
ethnicmarker),and, as partof a pre-marital rite,symbolizesocial continuity.
Looked at fromthisperspective,the ear piercingritualcompletesthe growth

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 LAURA RIVAL 641

processand maturation of theyouthby combiningthecomplementary effects of

slow reproductive growthand fastone-generational growth.Conjugal lifeand
thebirthof new childrencannotoccurbeforetheyoungare made old enough
to marrythroughthefusionof thesetwo growthprinciples.
The weddingceremony(thepairingof 'matured'huaomoni boysand girls)is
the logicaloutcomeof the ear piercingceremonyand also takesthe formof an
unexpected'attack'.Marriagesare celebratedduringdrinkingceremonies,when
thewhole huaomoni groupis gathered.The oldestmembersof theregionalgroup
(who aretherealor classificatory grandparents ofthespouses-to-be)seize thegirl
and boy theywant to match,and forcetheminto a hammockwhere theirfeet
are boundtogetherand wheretheyaremade to sharea largebowl of ceremonial
drinkas all theirmarriedkincrowdaroundthemto singtheweddingchants.
The lastmaturation stage,ageing,is like thefirstone, in thesensethatit is an
individualprocess.The skinof old people, like old leaves,loses itssmoothness
and shine.A numberofsongsand metaphoricexpressions aboutold people refer
to decayingleaves,thoughtheimageryis less elaboratedthanforyoungleaves,
and no directparallelis drawnbetweenold people dyingand leavesdecaying.As
soon as theyhave one or two marriedchildren,people startpreparingfordeath
by inserting B. gasipaeswood splinters on both sidesof theirnoses. The wood
protectsthemduringthevoyageacrosstheNapo River (symbolically represented
as a giantboa) to reachtheland of the dead. Withoutthesesplinters, the body
would staybehindand rot.
Apartfromthisone referenceto individualdeathand afterlife, thereis very
littleculturalelaborationon decayand ageing.However,it is worthnotingthat
by thetimetheirchildrenreachtheage of two or three,mothersare saidto have
aged.Motheringis thustalkedaboutas a withering process,and women - espe-
ciallytheirbreasts- are said to 'droop' like leaveswhen theybecome old. Old
age seemsto be a taboo subject.People are consideredtooold to go on living
when theirgrandchildren are marriedand are about to become parentsthem-
selves.In the past,old people, especiallywidowers,were abandonedand leftto
die. Today, in sedentarizedvillages,old widowerslive by themselvesand are
clearlyneglected.

Slowgrowth, andsymbiotic
continuity relations
I have suggestedthatthephysiological developmentof personsresultsfromthe
samevitalenergyas thatfoundin leaves,shootsand fast-growing plants,but that
thesocialmaturation of adolescentsrequirestheapplicationof a different
sortof
growth- 'slow growth'.Beforeelaborating on thelinkbetweentheregeneration
of B. gasipaespalm grovesand thesocialdynamicsof huaomoni groups,I outline
the relationshipbetweenslow growth,B. gasipaeshardwood and generational
continuity.
The locationof all theBactrisgasipaesgrovesin theforestis known,foreach is
associatedwithspecifichuaomoni groups.These grovesare explicitlyseen as re-
sultingfromthe activitiesof the group'sforebears: monitomemeiriqui inani(they
belongto our grandparents). Like manyAmazoniangroups,sedentary Huaorani
plant B. gasipaestreesin theirgardensand around theirhouses, thoughthey
apparently did not do so in thepast.It is noteworthy thatwhen familiesdisagree

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642 LAURA RIVAL

withtheirvillageleaders,and move out to join relativesin othersettlements (a

rareand dangerousundertaking), theycarefully destroyall theirB. gasipaestrees,
butdo notgo to suchlengthsfortheirbananaand maniocplantations. Moreover,
people differentiate the B. gasipaestreestheyhave plantedthemselvesfromthe
traditional groveswhichtheycontinueto visiteveryyear,and which markthe
settlements of previousgenerations.Such visitscontinuenot only because the
fruitof Bactrisgasipaesis an important food,but also becauseit providesa crucial
link betweenpastand presentgenerations of 'we-people'. It is thislinkwhich
makesthe foresta 'givingenvironment', sincelivingpeople, receivingnourish-
mentfromthepast(palmfruitare seen to resultfromthe activitiesand livesof
pastgenerations) ensurethe feedingof futuregenerationsthroughtheirpresent
consumption activities.
People talkabouttheB. gasipaesgroveswithgreatexcitement and pleasure,for
theyare a sourceof pride,securityand rejoicing,the concreteand materialsign
of continuity. They lastlongerthanhumanlives.When passingthroughthem,
people recall the deceased,usuallya grandparent or great-grandparent of the
oldestmembersof the house-groupswho come to collect the fruit.As these
grovesoftenspringfromseeds depositedaroundlong-abandonedhearths,do-
mesticdebris(bitsof brokenclay pots or stone axes) stilllies barelyburied,a
further confirmation that'the grandparents' lived there.Althoughlong estab-
lishedgrovescould well be self-perpetuating,14 the scatteredseedsfromhuman
intervention clearlycontribute to theirreproduction.
The Huaorani calendaris further evidenceof the culturalimportanceof B.
gasipaes,and of how the link establishedbetweendifferent generationsof 'we-
people' - materialized by B. -
gasipaesgroves also plays an essentialrole in
monkeyreproduction.The year is divided into threeseasons. These do not
reflectthe changingpositionof the starsas in manyAmazoniancultures,but a
seriesof maturation processeslinkedwith Bactris gasipaesfruitingcycles.15The
firstseason,the 'peach palm fruitseason',runsfromJanuaryto April.It is fol-
lowed by the 'season of fat monkeys',which ends in August. People, like
monkeys,also fatten withthisseasonaldiet,and laughat theidea thattheirbodies
growsofterand bigger.Monkeymeatbecomesmorepalatable,witha yellowish
colour and a mildertaste.It is said thatit almostmeltsin the mouth,and is so
deliciousto eat 'becausethefemalesare now pregnant'.Then comes the 'season
of wild cotton',when kapok,an essentialpartof the huntinggear,16becomes
availablein largequantities.
The monthsof Februaryto Aprilare usuallythe monthsof greatestmobility,
as huaomoni house-groupsconvergeon thesiteswherefruits are ripening.Their
main concernduringthesemonthsis to balancetheirdesireforgranddrinking
ceremonies17 withtheneed to leave enoughpalmfruitforthe monkeysto feed
on, fattenand reproduce.
It is duringthepeach palmfruitseasonthatthelinkbetweenpastand present
generations is mostclearlyexperienced,as pastpeople providein abundancefor
theirdescendants.Monkeysand otheranimalsfeedingon peach palm fruitare
said to 'steal'foodthatlegitimately belongsto humans,but,sinceit allowsthem
to fattenand reproduce,theyshouldbe permitted to partakein thegrandparental
bounty.Monkeys have limited territories
and their familiesreproducein parallel

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 LAURA RIVAL 643

to thehumanones,albeitat a greaterspeed. Ifpeople were to treatthembadly,

by not leavingthemenough fruitto eat, forexample,monkeyscould stealthe
seedsand thistime,the theftwould be final.The symbioticrelationship uniting
people,animalsand palmtreesis thusperceivedas necessary forsecuringrenewal
and growth.
Huntingpracticesprovidefurther evidenceof the symbioticrelationship be-
tween people and monkeys.Before the introductionof shotgunsin the
mid-1970s,only two typesof huntingwere practised:the blow-gunningof
canopyspecies(monkeysand certainspeciesof birds)and the killingof collared
peccaries(wild boars)withlong wooden spears.18It is significant thatalthough
bothweaponsare made of the same material- B. gasipaeswood hardenedwith
fire- thepracticeof blowgunhunting,as well as itssignification, standin syste-
maticoppositionto spearhunting.
Huaoraninotionsof killingand huntingare clearlyseparated.People do not
'kill' canopyanimals,but huntthem,in contrastto preyanimalslikejaguarsor
harpyeagleswhichdo not hunt,but kill.Hunting,oJingaeenquipi, means're-
trieving'(literally,
'to carrydead fleshback home'), and to go hunting,oonte go,
to go blowing.Game is relatively in theHuaoranihomeland;birdsand
plentiful
monkeysare foundthroughout the forest,theirterritories
are limited,and their
behaviour,largelydeterminedby theirfeedinghabits,predictable.Blowgun
hunting,a rathersolitary operationofteninvolvingtreeclimbing,is practisedby
men and sometimeswomen as part of theirfrequenttripsto the forest,and
producesthemostregularsupplyofmeat.When talkingaboutmonkeyhunting,
people say thatthe momentumof unpoisoneddartsis insufficient to be fatal;
curareis whatkillsmonkeys.It is as thoughtheysoughtto reducethecausallink
betweenhunting(theactionof blowing)and killing(themonkey'sdeath).Fur-
thermore, babiesofhuntedfemalemonkeysareneitherkillednoreaten,butkept
as 'pets'and breast-fed.
In fact,Huaoranilonghouses,filled(throughblowgunningand gathering acti-
vities)with adoptedanimalsand collectionsof forestproducts,can be seen as
prolongations ofthesymbiotic epitomizedby thepeachpalmgroves
relationship
whichdevelopon old dwellingsites.Longhousesofferclearevidencethatspatial
oppositionsare drawnneitherbetweendomesticatedand wild spaces,nor be-
tween forestanimalsand longhouseresidents.Pets are not domesticated,but
adopted, and, as such,treatedlike longhousedependentmembers.For example,
birdsand mnonkeys are fedwithbananasand otherfruit,and harpyeagleswith
huntedmonkeys;whentheydie,theyreceivea properburial.The factthatolder
men and women become shamansby adopting'jaguarsons' providesa further
illustration of the widespreadphenomenonof adoption,albeitsymbolicin this
lattercase.
As alreadymentioned,spearhunting,a sporadic,collective,noisyand bloody
affair,is opposed to blowgun hunting.In fact,huntingwith spearsis called
'killing'(tapacahuenonani). Althoughthereis no space here to elaborateon the
assimilation ofspearhuntingto warfare(see Rival 1992: ch. 2), it is importantto
pointout that spearsare made of B. gasipaeswood. From a mythaccountingfor
the twinoriginof veryhardwood and deadlyspears,we learnthat,beforethey
were made awareof theexistenceof B. gasipaespalmsby theson of thesun,the

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644 LAURA RIVAL

Huaoraniusedbalsawood to maketheirspears,buttheseweretoo bluntand soft

to kill. Consequentlydefenceless, the Huaoraniwere leadinga miserableexist-
ence at themercyofpowerful'cannibals'and enemies.This mythclearlypresents
B. gasipaesspearsas essentialforthemaintenanceofa separateethnicidentity
and
thecontinuity of huaomoni groups.

Manihotesculenta:
thefragility
offast
growth
andsocialexpansion
I suggestedat the beginningof thisarticlethatthe Huaorani have a hunting-
gatheringperspective on the forestwhich they experience as a 'giving
environment'. My concernin thissectionis to show thatthe continuity of B.
gasipaesgroves,and thesymbiotic relationson whichit is based,can bestexplain
theirconfidencein the forestand theirdisengagement fromcontinuousgarde-
ning.19Althoughnot primarily horticulturists,
theydo grow Manihotesculenta
(sweetmanioc),and it is to thespecificmeaningsof thisgardeningactivitythatI
wish to turnnow. I will firstdetail the particularities of Huaorani resource
management,then outlinetheirgardeningpractices,and finallyanalyseritual
drinking partiesin termsof growthsymbolism. It is mycontentionthatresource
management, gardeningand ceremonialdrinkingare all organizedaccordingto
the same culturallogic contrasting slow and fastgrowth.More explicitly, sweet
maniocis identified with 0. lagopus,
forboth are characterized by fast,non-re-
productivegrowth.This identification elucidatesthe Huaorani'sreluctanceto
garden(unusualin Amazonia),as well as theirassociationof horticulture with
warfare.
We alreadyknow thatHuaoranipeople spenda greatpartof theirtimecruis-
ing throughthe forest,sometimescollectingfood withina radiusof 5 km - or
less- fromthelonghouse,sometimesgoingas faras 20 km away.Foresttripsare
consideredsuccessful and productiveas long as thenecessary jungle productsare
broughtback. A tripin the forestoftenmeansspendingmore timein the trees
thanon theground.A wide rangeoffruitspeciesare collected,as well as germi-
nated seeds, a relished food, dug from beneath certain trees. Many
semi-cultivated speciesare 'grownin thewild' so as to alwaysbe at handduring
expeditions:forexample,fish-poison vinesalongcreeks,fruittreesalongcertain
huntingtrailsand bananaand plantaintreesin naturalclearingsused as hunting
bases.
In relationto horticulturist
standards,
Huaoranigardening requiresa minimum
input of human labour,verylittletechnologicalelaborationand no magical
knowledge.Despite the factthatgardeningtechniquesare verybasic,with no
burningand a minimumnumberof treesfelled,gardening,'doing something
tiresomein thebush',is saidto requirea lot ofwork,and as mucheffort and pain
as transportingheavyloads.Beforetheincreasing of metaltoolsfrom
availability
the 1930s on, forestpatcheswere clearedwithstoneaxes and gardenscultivated
and weeded withbamboo machetes.Longhouseswere builton hilltops,where
naturalgapsin theforestare morefrequent and gardenseasierto clear.
Gardensare essentially manioc grovesand thisis exactlywhat theirname,
quehuencori,meansin Huaorani.Varietiesof manioc are primarily differentiated
accordingto therelativesweetnessof therootsand ratesof growth,and mostof
the ones Huaorani cultivateproduce edible roots in 4-6 months.Although

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 LAURA RIVAL 645

people know of wild varietiesof manioc,and claim thattheirforebearstrans-

plantedthemto gardenswhen theyhad no accessto domesticated varieties,it is
clearthattheyhave also knownsweetmaniocfora verylong time.20Neverthe-
less, a numberof factorssuggestthatHuaorani horticulture is incipientand
undeveloped.Firstly,theyknow only sweet manioc varieties,apparentlythe
sweetestandjuiciestAmazonianvarieties.The rootsare so sweetthatpeople eat
themraw in the garden.Secondly,theydo not have the elaboratepreparations
known among experthorticulturists such as the Shuar and the Quichua, or
amongthosewho, like theTukanos,growbittermanioc.Even today,maniocis
oftensimplyboiled and crushedin water,like boiled bananas- the Huaorani's
stapledrink.Even when the mashis mixedwithsaliva,thebrew is not allowed
to ferment into a truealcoholicdrink.Thirdly,gardenshave alwaysbeen com-
paratively small(15 m x 18 m) and hardlysufficeforthe dailyconsumptionof
sedentary householdstoday.Even in villageswithschoolswheremaniocis most
needed,onlyabout one thirdof the conjugalfamiliescultivategardensand feed
thosewho do not,accordingto thetypicalguest-hostdemand-sharing relation-
ship(Rival 1992: 172-89).
All theseindicationsconfirmthatthe Huaroni's use of cultivatedmanioc is
sporadicand is aimedat providingfeast,ratherthansubsistencefood. Huaorani
can go formonthswithoutmanioc,and when theydo decide to cultivateit,it is
withtheexplicitobjectiveof organizinga largedrinkingceremonyin which,in
contrastto peach palm drinkingpartiesto which only 'we-people' are invited,
distantrelativesand alliesparticipate. As a feastfood artificiallyre-creating the
seasonalabundanceof palm fruit- the giftfrompreviousgenerations - manioc
can be used to challengethe segmentation of Huaorani societyinto bounded
huaomoni groups.
Beforeelaborating thispoint,it is necessary to considerbriefly therelationship
between manioc gardeningand vegetalgrowthmore generally.The manioc
plantis called'the thingthatlives,thatis life'and theroot 'edible thing'.There
is some evidence to suggestthatmanioc is understoodas havingpropagation
habitssimilarto Ochrorna lagopus.Manioc, like balsa,takesadvantageof the full
lightin canopygapsto growand maturefast.People favourthewide dispersion
of manioc,ratherthanitsreproduction in situ,just as thefeedinghabitsof birds
resultin thewide dispersalof balsaseeds.This conceptualization of propagation
explains well whypeople hardly weed their gardens and neveruse a plot more
-
thanonce excepttodayin sedentarized villages.Weeding,and usingthe same
gardenfora numberofyears,implya systemof agricultural productionwhichis
foreignto the Huaorani preferencefor extractiveactivities.Anotherpractice
illustratestheassociationbetweenmaniocand balsa.When bundlesof stalksare
readyto be planted,theyare beatenwithlargebalsa leaves,a processaimed at
vitalizingthestalksby transferring to themthebalsa'sfast-growth energy, just as
we saw earlieritwas transferred to youngchildren.Clearlythen,maniocbelongs
to the categoryof fast-growing, short-livedspecies. The factthatmanioc is
preferably plantedin the naturalgapsleftby the fallof old emergenttreespro-
vides further evidence of the close associationbetween manioc and balsa, for
bothneed thesuddeninfluxof lightand new space in orderto develop.By the

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646 LAURA RIVAL

same token,Manihotesculenta is contrasted

with Bactrisgasipaeswhich can only
growin theshade.
Let us now turnto theritualpreparation ofmaniocrootsand to thesymbolism
ofdrinking ceremonies.Much ofwhatis saidherealso appliesto drinking parties
in which palm fruitor banana drinksare prepared,with the difference that
manioc drinkingpartiesare more formaland more ritualized.The greaterthe
numberof guests,the largerthe plantation, and the longerthe rootsare leftto
grow. The reasonforthisis quite obvious and pragmatic,but the social and
culturalimplications of thisincreasein scale are worthemphasizing.As shown
below, sweet manioc, in additionto allowing for greatersocial integration,
gratifiesa culturalpassionforabundanceand plenitude.The decisionto hold a
manioc drinkingceremonyis usuallyleftto a marriedcouple who become the
'ownersofth-e feast'andlead thecollectivelabourentailedin itspreparation. The
harvestedinaniocis storedin a feasthouse builtby the couple's house-group.
The unpeeledrootsare gentlybarbecuedover embers,and, once the skinhas
been removed,are buriedin pitsforabout ten days,duringwhich the 'owners'
mustfollowa specialdietand observea seriesofrestrictions. They mustnotleave
thefeasthouse,whichno one else can enter.They mustrestand eat onlyboiled
manioc.Sexual intercourse is expresslyforbidden.Aftertendays,when thema-
nioc smell'strongand sweet',thepulpis scooped,mashed,chewedand storedin
largecontainers.
Th-etransformation undergoneby feastmaniocis quite explicitlydescribedas
a changefromroot to fruit.People say thatwhen it is extractedfromthe pit,
manioc is 'as sweet as a fruit'.This is important, given thatall otherdrinking
partiesmakeuse of fruit.The factthatthe couple whichorganizesthe drinking
ceremonyis sometimescalledahuene,an expressionwhichliterally means'of the
tree', lends furthersupportto the idea thatthislengthytransformation turns
maniocrootsintofruit.This term,normally used to referto thebig solitary
trees
that are so admired, also means 'great person', 'leader', or 'chief, and is some-
times used to referto the heads of house-groups or huaomonigroups. The close
association between trees,fruitand feastingis furtherevidenced by the fact that
the guestsat a drinkingceremony compare themselvesto birds gathered on a big
tree during the fruitseason. They sing all nightlong that:
We human-sare like birds,like themwe enjoy feastingto the last drop, and then we leave.
Each goes onicarryingout theirown business.In thisway lived our grandfathers,and so do
we.
For my purpose here it is importantto emphasize the concrete experiences and
practices of daily life, ratherthan the ritual knowledge associated with drinking.
For this reason, I focus on people's excitement and pleasure at over-consuming
fruitdrinks'like birdson a fruitingtree', ratherthan elaborate the undeniably rich
symbolismand imageryof the birds and fruitthemselves.Whatever the meaning
of the metaphorsthey use, and whatever the deeper symbolic interpretationone
mightofferforsuch ritualexperience, drinkingceremonies are firstand foremost
the way people partake in the fruitingseason. Above all, a feastis about presen-
tingabundance as naturaland feast-goersas pure consumers,verymuch like birds
gorging on fruitin season.

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 LAURA RIVAL 647

Botanistssaythattwo-thirds of theworld'sflowering plantsare foundonlyin

thetropics,and out oftheextraordinary diversity oftherainforesthasdeveloped
thecomplexweb ofrelationships betweenbirdpollinators andflowering plants.21
Most plantsalso use birds,bats and monkeysas seed dispersers(Collins 1990:
70-2). Huaoranipeople,withtheirsophisticated knowledgeof theirforestenvi-
ronment, and particularlyofanimalfeedinghabits,notonlyunderstand thatplant
reproductionis absolutelydependenton animals,but also thatpollinatorsand
seed dispersers 'do theirjob' by gorgingthemselvesand then dispersingin all
directions.Therefore, whateverelse theydo when theyfeast,theyplaythepart
of birdpollinatorsreproducing the ahueneby consumingfruitdrinksbowl after
bowl. Ifone acceptsthatahueneis not onlya personor a couple,but a namefor
the huaomoni group as a whole, it is easierto graspthe fullsignificance of the
transformation of maniocrootsinto fruit,and to measurethe contrasting social
outcomesofpalmfruitand maniocdrinking ceremonies.
While B. gasipaesgrovesare about the social continuity of endogamousnexi
centredaround pairsof inter-married brothersand sisters,manioc grovesare
about social expansionand new marriagealliancesbeyondthe huaomoni limits.
Gardensare synonymous with increasedsociality,growingchildrenand multi-
plyinghouseholds.They are associatedwithtimesof stability, peace and plenty,
when 'enemy' house-groupsmeet forfeastsand marriages, and when thereis
neitherfeuding,flightnor death.The termforhappinessis 'anotherservingof
maniocdrinkwe laughhappily'.This indicatesthatmaniocis thespecialbasisfor
rejoicingwith potentialaffines.Such alliancesare perilousand need the strict
controland guidanceof strongleaders.A good illustration of thepoliticalnature
and dangerouscharacterof manioc drinkingceremoniesis the factthatmale
guestswho come to feastwith the 'enemy' mustjab fouror fivepalm wood
spearsbearingtheirpersonaldesignsin a bananatrunkbeforeenteringthe feast
house. Such alliancescannotbe reproducedas easilyas thosebetweenpairsof
brothersand sisterswho marrytheirchildrentogether.When commentingon
the difficultyof marrying outsidethe huaomoni group,people occasionallyrefer
to the factthatmanioc gardensdo not last. As a corollary,theyimplythat
endogamousmarriages, likepeach palmgroves,do last.
Manioc gardenslastonlyforthedurationofa drinkingceremony,new clear-
ings mustbe preparedand stalkscontinuouslyreplanted.As the clearingsare
small,oftenbarelylargerthannaturalgaps in the forest,and as theyare aban-
doned immediately followingthe harvest,old gardensare quicklyinvadedby
Ochroma lagopus and otherpioneertrees.In lessthanthreeyears,themetaphorical
associationbetweentheownersofthefeastand a largefruiting tree,betweenthe
feastparticipants and birds,and betweenthegardenproduceand fruit,are made
physically real by the growthof secondaryforest.In one sense,manioc groves
thegrowthof balsawood and of thepioneertreestheyare designedto
facilitate
imitate.Peach palm groves,on the otherhand,continueto yieldfruit,feedthe
descendants ofthosebywhomtheyexist,and reproducethefamiliesofmonkeys.
Gardensalso attract animals,especiallytapirs,deerand largerodents,buttheseare
not traditionally eaten.Therefore,unlikepeach palmgroves,maniocgardensdo
not createa symbioticrelationship betweenpeople, animalsand plants.More-
over,trustin ahueneleaderscan be short-lived, and violencecan strikethemjust

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648 LAURA RIVAL

as thunderstrikesthelargeemergenttrees(iieneahue)thatdestroyneighbouring
treesin theirfalland leave large gaps in the forestcanopy. This is why the
Huaorani say thattimesof peace and growthare alwaysfollowedby timesof
destructionand near-extinction.The ahuenegive generously,
but theirproffered
abundanceis not as reliableor as secureas the grandparents'
seasonalyieldsof
palmfruit.

Conclusion
In thisarticleI have triedto show thatgrowthis centralto Huaorani thought.
Like allAmazonianIndians,theHuaoranilivein autonomouslocal groups,hunt,
fish,gatherand garden.But to say thisis to say verylittle,forthereare many
waysin whichtheseactivities can be organizedand thoughtabout. For example,
manynativeAmazoniansdichotomizethe worldby opposingnatureto culture
(see,forexample,Seeger1981). Theyphysically and symbolically transformtheir
environment by settingdomesticatedspaces- gardensand humandwellings-
againstwild spaces. I have alreadymentionedthatamong the Shuar (Descola
1986) and the Quichua (Whitten1985), two Indian groupswhose agricultural
productionhassuppliedmissionaries, traders
and travellers forcenturies,and who
todayare in close contactwiththe Huaorani,gardening,and more particularly
manioc cultivation, is a highlysophisticated art,as well as a complexsymbolic
practice.The Huaorani,in contrast,are reluctantgardeners,and theirmanioc
plantations, grownforfeasting ratherthandailyconsumption, involveverylittle
physicalor symbolictransformation of the forest.Their peach palm groves,on
the otherhand,resultfromsymbioticrelationsperpetuatedthroughconsump-
tion,and are not planted.Froma botanicalpointof view (Clement1992: 70-1)
sweet manioc and peach palm are domesticated species,but neitherof themis
traditionallycultivated by theHuaorani.Domesticationimpliesnot onlycontrol,
plannedintervention and transformation, which all contradictthe Huaorani's
ideal of naturalabundanceand of a 'givingenvironment', but it also presupposes
dependenceon plantswhosegrowthis muchfaster relativeto humangrowthand
maturation processes.
In additionto illuminating Huaoraniresourcemanagement strategies,
growth,
which is a propertyof social lifeas much as a lifeprocess,also explainswhy
kinshipand social groupsundergoshortand long developmentcycles.While
growthobviouslyaffects all livingformsalike,thisdoes not necessarily entailthat
humanprocessesbe conceptualizedin termsofplantcategories,nor thatgrowth
be used as a metaphorto describesocial processes.Throughactiveand direct
engagement in theworld,theHuaoraniknow (i.e. perceive)thattreesgrowand
matureat different rates,and, on thisbasis,draw a fundamental distinctionbe-
tweenlivingorganismsthatgrow slowlyand perdureas groups,and thosethat
growfastbut die off.On thebasisof thisdistinction, thedevelopmental process
of peach palm groves,which grow and endureon a timescale commensurate
with the passageof humangenerations, parallelsthatof huaomoni groups.Em-
bodimentsof pasthumanactivity, thesegrovesreproducethroughtheenduring
relationshipscreatedby endogamyand feasting. As theirgrowthand thegrowth
of local groupsforma continuousand interlinked process,Huaoranihistoryand
thenaturalhistory of Bactris gasipaescoalesce.

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 LAURA RIVAL 649

This examinationofgrowthin Huaoranithoughtand practicebringsme back

to my openingremarks.Given the wide rangeof evidenceupon which I have
drawn,a questionmightremainabout the ontologicalstatusof growth:is its
meaningconceptual,symbolicor metaphorical? My purposehereis notto debate
thesymbolicnatureofsocialfacts,or theinnateness of symbols.More modestly,
I simplywant to emphasizethatgrowthbelongsprimarilyto the domain of
practicalknowledge,or,in Atran'swords,to commonsense'whichis responsible
forthe phenomenalgivensthatpeople ordinarily apprehend'(1990: 252). Per-
ceived,experiencedand conceptualized,growthis knowledgeabout theworld.
As such,it is a non-mediated perceptualknowledgewhichorderssocialrelations
betweenpeople, and betweenpeople and otherlivingorganisms. But growthis
also symbolizedand even ritualized.Once formedconceptually, it is interpreted
and imagined,and thenrecastas, forexample,the vitalenergycommunicated
sympathetically to children,or the complementarity of hard and softwood.
Evoked metaphorically duringdrinkingceremonies,it standsforthe ripeningof
fruitand becomesmaturation. Transformed into an abstractand vague property
thatcan be extractedfromthe organiccontextand appliedto the social order,
growthbecomes more evocativeand symbolicthan conceptual,as when, for
instance,the fast-growing and highlyproductivemanioc gardensare used to
fosternew politicalalliancesand exogamousmarriages. This kindof symbolism
would lose all itspotency,however,ifsomefamilies and some treesdid notgrow
moreslowlythanothers.

NOTES
Fieldworkamon-gthe Huaoraniwas carriedout betweenJanuary1989 and June 1990 and was
supportedby the Wenner Gren FoundationforAnthropological Research,with additionalfund-
ing fromthe Linineanl Societyof London. This articleis based on a paper originallypresentedat
the an-thropology seminarat the London School of Economics in November 1992. I should like
to thankthe participants for theircontributionsand criticisms,especiallyH. Reid. I am very
gratefulto M. Bloch, G.T. Prance,T. Ingold (who suggestedthe titleforthisarticle),H. Moore
and P. Riviere fortheirmanyhelpfulsuggestions.I owe special thanksto HastingsDonnan and
the anonymousreadersfortheireditorialsuggestions. Ultimateresponsibility forthe finalproduct
is, of course,mine.
l This phrasegained popularitywith the publicationof Bird-David's article(1990) in which
she arguesthatgatheringand huntingpopulations'view theirenvironmentas giving' and that
'theireconomic systemis characterised by modes of distribution and propertyrelationsthatare
constructedin termsof giving,as within-the family,ratherthan in termsof reciprocity, as be-
tween-kin' (1990: 189).
2 'Food collectors',which conveyswell the undifferentiated patternof obtainingfood and ma-
terialsin the forest,mightbe a betterterm.The characterization of people throughtheirsubsist-
en-ceactivitieshas led to difficult problemsin Amazonia,althoughAmazonianspe-
terminological
cialistsusuallydefinethe people theywork with as huntersand swiddenhorticulturists. Most of
them,however,would be extremelyreluctantto considermarginalAmazonian groups such as
the Huaorani as 'hunter-gatherers', and would say thatthe literatureon hunting-and-gathering
societieshas no relevanceforAmazonia (Levi-Strauss1968; Lathrap1973; Arcand 1981). I see
theirpositionas a reactionto the deterministicand evolutionary biasesof the earlySouth Ameri-
can culturaltypologies(with, for example, the concept of culturaldevolution),and of some
hunter-gatherer studies.However, such a positionimpliestoo great a culturaluniformity and
does not allow foran adequate understanding of culturalvariationsbetweengreatgardenerssuch
as the Shuar,Canelos Quichuas, Napo Quichuas and Tukanos on the one hand,and much more
mobile food collectorssuch as the Huaorani,Cuiva, Sirionoor Maku on the other.

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650 LAURA RIVAL

3 Adjectivalformderivedfromthe substantivehuao (person,human being) and -rani(plural

marker).
4 One, possiblytwo, sub-groupsare stillprotecting theircompleteisolationby hiding,con-
tinuouslymoving and killingthose who tryto forcecontactupon them. Known as 'Aucas', a
Quichua word meaning'savages',theyspeak a languagerelatedto Ssabela, a singleand unclass-
ifiedlanguagewhich has wronglybeen takenfora Zaparoan dialect (Rival 1992: 50-7). In the
past, they borderedthe Zaparo on the south and southeast,but these were totallydecimated
throughenslavementand diseaseduringthe rubberboom (Whitten1978; Reeves 1988). When
Zaparo survivorsfoundrefugewith montania Indians(Canelos Quichua and Shuar) at the begin-
ning of the century,the Huaorani expandedwithintheirabandoned territories. Today, theyare
surroundedby lowlandQuichua and whitesettlers who have graduallymoved eastward,a move-
men-twhich has dramatically acceleratedsince the oil boom in the early1970s.
i There are a numberof Huaorani words to referto different species belongingto the Och-
roma and Cecropia generi.Oine is calledgopocahue (the treethatcomes and goes); another,mdn-
imeIzue (?); hiuelme(youngtendertree).
6 The Huaorani never used balsa wood to make floats.They avoided rivers,and when they
had to crossone, even with heavy bundles,theypreferred to bend treeson each bank and tie
themtogetheras an arch.
7 ClementarguesthatB. gasipaes is the only domesticatedAmericanpalm. He has identifiedat
least ten land races ('the morphologically distinctraces developed by humansin different geo-
graphicalareas'),some of which show an increasedfruitweightof close to 5000%. On the basis
of the substantial modifications he has observedin certainvarieties,he concludesthatB. gasipaes
has been-managedand cultivatedformore than 12,000 years(Clement 1992: 75-6).
8 Posey (1985; 1988), who has worked extensivelywith the Kayapos of CentralBrazil, has
sinimlarecologicalinformation to report.For him,it is clear thatthe Kayapos do notjust adapt to
theirn-atural en-viron-ment,but makeit; for example,theycreate and maintainforestpatchesin
savainina en-viroins.
On the basis of suchl findings,he suggeststhat human-intervention(through
anid/orunintentional
conlscious planiniiiig resourcemanagement)mightbe held responsibleforthe
bewilderingecologicaldiversity of the Amazon rainforest.
9 This termis a combinationof tei(hard)and ahue.It is clear fromthe Huaorani lexicon that
the termahue (wood/tree)is polysemic,and that its core meaningis 'wood'. On the basis of
ample semanticand lexical evidence,Witkowskiet al. (1981) have argued that the concept of
wood has developed prior to the concept of tree, and that it is only recentlythat 'tree' has
become a categoryin itselfAtran(1990: 278) has criticizedtheirview, and has assertedthatsize
(treesare tallerthan human adults),not woodiness,is the determinantfeatureof the life-form
'tree'. It seems to me thatHuaorani thoughtprivilegeswood, albeit for different reasonsfrom
thoseput forwardby Witkowskiet al. First,growthis identifiedas a similarprocessin treesand
human-s, which are differentiated on the basis of longevity.Second, the significant featuresof
palm trees- theirhard wood and abundantfruit- is attributedto theircomparativelyslow
growth.
10 A man who avoids eatingcertainmeatsin connexionwith a woman's pregnancyacknow-
ledges his fatherhoodand makesit public. Taboos on certainmeat are said to protectthe foetus
or the infantfromdiarrhoea,thatis, fromliquefaction,thereforesecuringthe strengthening or
'hardening'of the body.
11 See Chaumeil (1988) foran insightful discussionof shamans'anthropomorphic visualization
of vitalenergy.Chaumeil arguesthatthe notion of power in Amazonia is closelylinked to the
capacityto controlenergy.
12 This is a complex emotion,a mixtureof rage, hatredand bravery.In men, it is a sign of
moralstrength and determination.
13 White clay, dai, is said to be depositedin shallow creeksby the rainbow,daime.It is an
essentialelement.Women make clay pots with it for boiling meat - the staplefood - and, in
timesof war, it is mixed with waterand drunkas a substitute forfood. The clay coatingthere-
forerecallsdomesticity (claypotsand cooking)and survival(the runaway'sdrink).
1 Specialistsdisagreeon thispoint. Clement thinksthatB. gasipaescannot survivelong after
beinigabanidoned(1992: 75).
15 Descola (1986: 92) notes thatthe Achuar,who base theircalendaron the positionof stars
and welcome the peach palm fruiting season as a time of abundance,do not seem to grantthis

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 LAURA RIVAL 651

fruitany particularsymbolicimportance.The Shuar,however,celebratethe returnof the peach

palm fruitingseason everyyear with elaboratefertility rituals,around which theircalendar is
structured.
16A fluff used as waddingand feather,kapok eases the passageof dartsalong the groovedstave
of blowpipes. Interestingly, kapok is produced in large quantitiesby the largestemergenttree,
Ceibapetranda.
17 For ceremonies,drinksare preparedby extracting the seeds,poundingthe fleshand mixing
it withwater.They are not allowed to ferment into alcohol.
18 Only these threetypesof animalswere huntedwith any regularity, and older people still
expressa great aversionfor game widely hunted by most Amazonian people, such as tapirs,
agoutisor capihuaras.AlthoughHuaorani do not seem to resenteatingimportedfood such as
rice,sugaror oats,and even drinkcoffee,theywould nevertouch beef,porkor even tapirmeat.
19The contrastdrawnby Ingold (1993a) and Bodenhorn(1989) between trustand confidence
does not applyin thiscontextbecause the Huaorani do not conceptualizenaturalabundanceas
the outcome of moral relationsamong people, or betweenpeople and animals.They emphasize
both theirskillsand knowledge,and the work, skillsand knowledgeof past generations,rather
thana moralcontractbetween huntersand game. Moreover,theiremphasison past generations
is devoid of any idea of ancestralsanction(Bird-David1990).
20 Accordingto Lathrap(1973), manioc was domesticated between 5000 and 7000 BC in the
Amazon Basin. It is the mostimportant food plantof the tropics.
21 The rainforests of Ecuador are particularly
known fortheirlargenumbersof bird-pollinated
plants(Professor Prance,Directorof the Royal BotanicalGardens,personalcommunication).

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Croissance des arbres, croissance des familles,et perceptions huaorani

de la foret
Resume
Cet articletraitede la facondontun groupede l'Amazonieequatorienne,lesHuaorani,concoivent
les relationssocialeset la croissancevegetalecomme des faitsde naturesimilaires.Les Huaorani
distinguent deux processusde croissanceet de maturationa partirdesquelsles especesvegetales
sontclassifieeset lesloissocialescategorisees.
Les passagessuccessifs
de la paix a la guerre(entrainant
chaque foisune chutedemographiquebrutale),et de la guerrea la paix,sontegalementexpliques
a partirde ces deux processus.Sur la base de donneesethnographiques, l'auteurremeten question
la visiondualistede la relationNature-Societeselonlaquellela natureseraitla sourcede represen-
tationssymboliquesservantAdecrireles phenomenessociaux.

DepartmentofSocialAnthropology,
LondonSchoolofEconomics,
Houghton
Street,
London,WC2A
2AE, U.K.

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