MZUMBE UNIVERSITY DAR ES SALAAM COLLEGE CAMPUS

M.Sc. - MPA PROGRAMME

PUB: 500 (PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION)

GROUP ASSIGNMENT

PARTICIPANTS;
1. BLANDINA SHALUA REG. NO: 230050019/T.19
2. MIRIUM KACERA A. REG. NO: 230050057/T.18
3. HELEN MBUYA REG. NO: 230050067/T.19
4. ERIC KISANJI REG. NO: 230050064/T.19
5. JEPHASON DEUS REG. NO: 230050024/T.19
6. CASMIR KOMBO ALLY REG. NO: 230050078/T.19
7. ALBERT GASPER MSANDO REG. NO: 230050060/T.18

QUESTION ONE

Politicization of public service is a global phenomenon, but is more

widespread in Africa’s public service. With supporting examples,
critically examine and assess whether or not and to what extent the
Tanzania’s public service is affected by this phenomenon.

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 Two truths are all too often overshadowed in today’s political discourse: Public service is the
most honorable pursuit and so is bipartisanship.
Olympia Snowe.

1.0 Introduction

There is a plethora of studies of public administration on the influence of politicians

on the decision of public service official [or its absence] in the public sector as

evidenced by a comprehensive literature on ‘politicization’ and ‘patronage’ (Ban,

2014 making reference to the studies conducted by Derlien, 1996; Hollibaugh,

Horton, & Lewis, 2014; Hustedt & Salomonsen, 2014; Kopecký et al., 2016; Peters &

Pierre, 2004). The tipping point of the discussion on politicization is the proposition

contained in the classical writing of Woodrow Wilson, ‘The Study of Administration’.

The various works of literature show in many democracies there is a partisan

affiliation of the executive brass in civil service and the party in power or a sitting

President, which explains the managerial survival and the length of their tenure (e.g.,

Wood and Waterman 1994; Epstein and O'Halloran 1999; Moynihan and Roberts

2010; John and Poguntke 2012; Lewis and Waterman 2013;). As Epstein and

O'Halloran (1999: 60) put it, “loyalty to the president's goals will be the primary

factor in choosing executive branch officials”.

The findings of the studies point out that the primary motivation for bureaucratic

politicization is the desire for political control of the bureaucracy charged with the

duty of implementing policies (Peters and Pierre 2004; Kopecky et al. 2016). This is

what is referred to in the New Public Management literature as ‘the re-establishment

of the primacy of representative government over bureaucracy’ (Ban, 2014:5).

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1.1 Defining Politicization

It has been observed that the term has been interpreted in a number of different ways

(Peters, 2013). In their comparative study of politicization, Peter and Pierre (2004:2)

argued that politicization should be defined as the substitution of political criteria for

merit-based criteria in selection, retention, promotion, rewards, and disciplining of

members of public service. Those political criteria can be ideological, with the goal of

ensuring compliance with the administration’s policy, or based on patronage, whether

electoral (rewarding loyal supporters and generous donors) or organizational

(patronage used to strengthen political parties’ organizations) (Ban, 2014).

1.2 Perception on Politicization as a Concept

For an objective view of politicization it is vital to first rid it from the pejorative

connotation that it carries when it is mentioned or thought of. In a normal setting,

words may be given connotations which may not be the ones found in dictionaries.

The verb ‘politicize’ has been invested with connotations of partiality, chicanery,

skullduggery, and even immorality to the exclusion of all positive meanings implicit

in its derivation (Krishnaswamy, 1990). Politicization has almost universally been

seen as negative, especially in its impacts on both government’s efficiency and

citizen’s trust in government (Ban, 2014:1).

However, political control is considered essential to democracy when it is viewed as

an indispensable mechanism to limit the excessive policy making power to career

civil servants. Appointment of some of the top leaders in government agencies and

other senior positions helps to strike a balance that provides adequate power to

political appointees to shape policy and the public servants to implement it.

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2.0 Public Service and Politicization in Tanzania

2.1 The Legal Framework

The public service, also interchangeably referred to as civil service, in Tanzania is

regulated by the Constitution, 1977, the Public Service Act, Cap. 298 and the Civil

Service Regulations, 2003 G.N. 168, which contains the Code of Ethics and

Conduct for the Public Service. Also applicable are the Standing Orders for

Public Service, 2009, which are made pursuant to Section 35(5) of the Public

Service Act, 298.

2.1.1 The Appointing Authority

The Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, 1977 clothes the President with

absolute powers on matter related to Public Service, especially on appointments of

individuals to hold a civil service post. Article 34(3) provides that “all authority of

the Government of the United Republic over all union matters in the United Republic

of Tanzania and also over all matters concerning Mainland Tanzania shall vest in the

President of the United Republic of Tanzania”. [Emphasis Added].

Article 35(1) of the Constitution provides that “all executive functions of the

Government of the United Republic discharged by officers of the Government shall

be so done on behalf of the President. [Emphasis Added]. Furthermore, under

Article 36(1) the President has the power to constitute and abolish any office in the

service of the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania.

Article 36(2) of the Constitution is relevant to the notion of politicization. It gives the

President the authority to appoint persons to hold positions of leadership responsible

for formulating policies for departments and institutions of the Government.

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The President also has the authority to appoint the Chief Executives who are

responsible for the supervision of the implementation of those departments’ and

institutions’ policies in the Service of the Government of the United Republic, in the

Constitution or in various laws enacted by the Parliament, which are required to be

filled by an appointment made by the President.

Therefore, it is clear that in Tanzania the nexus between politics and administration is

structural. The President is empowered to appoint persons in leadership positions

whose responsibilities are policy formulation and supervision of the implementation

of the policies. One would pause and ask; does the Constitution provide or spell out

the criteria to be observed or followed by the President in appointing these persons?

The answer is NO. The Constitution does not provide such a criteria. However, for

persons to be appointed in lower cadres of public service, the Public Service Act and

the Regulations stipulates conditions to be mandatorily observed by the appointing

authority (by interpretation it does include the President). The conditions are that the

person must hold specified qualifications, primacy on efficiency of service, proved

merit and suitability for the post.

To understand how these powers are exercised in practice, the considerations for the

exercise of those powers and the extent to which public service is politicized in

Tanzanian, the historical path traveled after independence offers some useful and

enlightening explanations. This is because the relationship between political and

administrative officials is to a large extent based on ‘national traditions’ and path

dependence (Peters, 2013; Painter and Peter 2010; Peters et al. 2005).

Admittedly though, some of the conclusions that may be reached here are subject to

research. They will mostly be posed as assumptions instead of conclusive findings.

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2.2 The Historical Perspective – Party Supremacy Hangover

The notion of ‘party supremacy’ can be grasped from what the revered Father of the

Nation, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere said on the 7th June 1968, that, “the truth is that it

is not the party, which is the instrument of the government. It is the government,

which is the instrument through which the party tries to implement the wishes of the

people and serve their interests”.1

Tanzania has always been under the leadership of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) (it

was under TANU, which merged with ASP to form CCM in 1977). Historically,

during the single-party period, there was no clear distinction between the Party and

the Government. The party leadership at the same time controlled the government.

This gave them control over both ideological and coercive state apparatus. It was the

same people making decisions in the party and then overseeing their implementation

in the government. Changing hats took place depending on the seat – party

president/chairman or Country President. The extent of politicization was momentous.

For example, after independence and during the promulgation of the Arusha

Declaration, involvement in parastatal and political organizations affiliated with the

Party (by then TANU) was particularly important (McGowan and Wacirah, 1974).

This was in view of the close relationship between the Party and the government. The

former was emphasizing on ideological conformity than education, wealth or

occupational prestige, as a prerequisite for recruitment (McGowan and Wacirah,

1974). In some cases for political expediency, appointments of leaders in civil service

were done to avert or contain potential discontent after the abolishment of chiefdoms

(Lange et al., 2000). The increased politicization of the leadership was inevitable

given the broad functions of the Party-in-government (McGowan and Wacirah, 1974).

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The politicization of the civil service after independence was attributed to other

factors than political control such a limited number of persons with skills, education

and experience. But yet still, political control remained the main factor. An extract of

the observation by Mukandala (2018:6) helps to explain the historical basis of

politicization in Tanzania today,

“Secondly, it was decreed that: ‘it is the party which guides the government

by providing directives which shall be implemented by government during a

definite period’ (Nyerere, 1967). From then onwards, the civil service role

was limited to supposed policy implementation under the watchful eye of the

party. The party initiated all major subsequent basic policies. Even in

implementation, according to Pratt (1979, p. 226)”. The party, far from

meekly ratifying the policy proposals of a conservative civil service, has

tended instead to be resistant and unsympathetic towards those who talk the

language of priorities, of moderation, of bottlenecks and of shortages”.

2.3 The Public Service Reforms and The Present

The public service today still suffers from the hangover of the single-party policies

and practices in public administration. This may seem a faint possibility and an

excuse at best for the politicization of the public service considering the number of

reforms that have been undertaken by the Government since mid 1980s (the structural

adjustment programmes era and early 1990s after adopting multiparty democracy. But

one fact has remained constant throughout, that is, CCM has remained in power.

Since 1995, each general election has brought new challenges to CCM due to

increased voters’ awareness, the rise of the millennials who have no ideological

attachment to it, internal dissatisfaction leading to crossing-overs et cetera.

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Furthermore, multiparty democracy has increased the pressure to CCM to deliver to

deliver its promises. To achieve this it is crucial for CCM to ensure that the persons

appointed to formulate and supervise the implementation of policies share the same

vision and ideals and that they will not sabotage its efforts to bring development to the

people. The law allows public servants to participate in politics including voting a

person of their choice and joining political parties.

Even though the Code of Conduct and Ethic for Public Servants sets out some

conditions and restrictions on how public servants can participate, the possibility of

distrust between the political cadre and administrators cannot be rule out. That there

may be some elements within the public service ‘working against’ the Government is

an assumption that carries some credence. For example, in recent years there is a

proliferation of ‘confidential’ and ‘sensitive’ Government documents that have found

their way in the public domain and therefore diminishing the confidentiality and

secrecy ethos of the Government.

The Government has warned public servants to stop leaking documents. But a

situation like this, and many others that are similar, may lead to increased

politicization of public sector. Some people may be appointed not just on merit but to

assist as the ‘eye’ of the Government against those sabotaging its efforts.

Therefore, due to its political history, which has changed in many aspects except the

fact that CCM has remained in power until today, the mounting pressure to deliver

public service efficiently and effectively resulting from public pressure that is

supported by increased voters’ awareness and an active civil society and the

possibility of there being an increased level of distrust between elected leaders and the

public servants, politicization of public service in Tanzania is inevitable.

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2.4 The Impact of Politicization

The President being the appointing authority and at the same time the Chairman of

Chama Cha Mapinduzi will likely appoint persons who are loyal both to the party, to

himself and then to the public. As long as he has the discretion to appoint and in those

cases where the law provides he may appoint subject to recommendations from a

Commission or any other person, he is not bound to follow that advice by virtue of

Article 37 of the Constitution, 1977.

2.4.1 Speaking the Truth to Power

The issue of the Controller and Auditor General comes to mind when one tries to

think of the most relevant example of politicization in Tanzania. The former CAG had

made comments, which did not go well with the Government. At first it was the

Speaker of Parliament who took issues with those comments. It was so because the

comments were interpreted as disrespectful to the Parliament. Throughout the saga

the Government, in this case, the President did not say anything in respect of the

matter.

His position was only known when the CAG’s Five-year term expired in accordance

with the Constitution. Without assigning any reason he decided not to re-appoint him

(note: the law does not require him to assign reasons). This could not have formed

any sensible basis to say that the act of the President is politicization until when one

considers who was appointed to replace the CAG and the circumstances surrounding

the appointment. Charles Kichere, who was once upon the time the Commissioner-

General for Tanzania Revenue Authority, but demoted on the 8th June 2019 by the

President and appointed a Regional Administrative Secretary (RAS) for Njombe

region, was appointed as the new CAG.

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His demotion from Commissioner-General to RAS (even though not explained) came

just after the President met traders at the State House on 7th June 2019. In that

meeting the traders vented out their frustrations on poor performance by TRA. On the

3rd November 2019, a Sunday, he was ‘promoted’ to the post of CAG. How better can

one explain potential blind and fervent loyalty to the Government from a public

servant?

2.4.2 Loyalty  to  the  Government  as  A  Core  Value    

One of the three values to be observed by a public servant is Loyalty to the

Government. A public servant must abide to the instructions given by the Ministers

and other political leaders.2 The Public Service Policy, 2008 stipulates that public

servants must work hard and creatively to achieve the Tanzania Development Vision,

2025, Poverty Alleviation Programmes and the CCM Election Manifesto. 3 It is

therefore clear that public servants must implement the Manifesto regardless of their

political inclination or neutrality. This definitely makes it difficulty for public servant

to preserve ‘political neutrality’ while performing their duties. The Government that

is in power is by the ruling party. Who would dare to not toe the line in support of the

party for the sake of professionalism and integrity of service? The answers to some of

this question as earlier indicate can only be answered through research.

2.4.3 Distribution  of  Spoils  after  Elections  

Politicization has been viewed as spoils system versus merit-based system. Some
appointments have been done to reward those who have taken part in general
elections. Either by supporting a candidate or by participating and being defeated
during primaries or during the election itself. This can be explained by the
appointment of City/District/Municipal Executive Directors by the President of the
United republic of Tanzania.

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There have been a lot of contestations from the opposition parties that these positions
are filled by ruling-party loyalists with the aim of ensuring that it wins in those areas
that it lacks popular support. In the case of Bob Chacha Wangwe versus The Attorney
General, The National Electoral Commission and The Director of Elections4 this issue
was raised and the High Court rule some provisions of the election laws were
unconstitutional as they allowed the Executive Directors to oversee elections while
they were members of the ruling party in the past. Unfortunately the decision was
overturned on appeal.

3.0 CONCLUSION

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 REFERENCES

McGowan. P. & Wacirah. H. (1974). The Evolution of Tanzanian Political

Leadership. African Studies Review, 17(1), 179-204. doi:10.2307/523585

Mukandala. R. (2018). Civil Service and Economic Development in Tanzania. In

Economic Development & Institutions: Tanzania Diagnostic.
WP18/TID04. Chapter 4.

Peters. B. G. & Pierre. Jon. (2004). Politicization of the Civil Service: Concepts,
Causes, and Consequences. Politicization of the Civil Service in
Comparative Perspective: The Quest for Control. 1-13.
10.4324/9780203799857.

                                                                                                               
1
See NYERERE, Julius K., “The Party Must Speak for the People.” In NYERERE, Julius K.,
Freedom and Development, Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1973, p. 30 at pp. 32-33.
2
See page 17 of the Public Service Policy, 2008.
3
Ibid. See page vi.
4
Civil Appeal No. 138 of 2019, Court of Appeal of Tanzania At Dar Es Salaam (unreported).  

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