Introduction

Feminist Theory
2015, Vol. 16(3) 239–249
Doing feminism: Event, ! The Author(s) 2015
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DOI: 10.1177/1464700115604138
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Carrie A. Rentschler
McGill University, Canada

Samantha C. Thrift
University of Calgary, Canada

Contemporary feminisms in the Western world are defined more and more by what
is declared and registers as feminist across media platforms, especially those on
social media: from Twitter hashtag campaigns like #BeenRapedNeverReported
(Canada), #EndSexism (UK) and #Solidarityisforwhitewomen (US), to Tumblrs
such as ‘Feminist Ryan Gosling’. The spread of feminist memes, such as 2012’s
‘Binders Full of Women’, and Beyoncé performing in front of the giant neon
‘FEMINISM’ sign during the television broadcast of the US Video Music
Awards in 2014, are ‘literally putting the spotlight on feminism’ (Little, 2014).
Examples such as these demonstrate how closely linked the ideas of ‘doing
feminism’ and ‘making media’ are, particularly when surrounded by feminist
discursive publics whose critical commentary foments lively debates about
media and feminism. Feminist authors, bloggers and Tweeters like Laurie
Penny (2014) and Roxane Gay (2014), among many others, not only contribute
to these debates, they help define and produce them. They provide poignant
feminist responses to current events and feminist issues; they model critical
forms of interpretation; they share information; and in the process, they often
make us laugh. Penny and Gay have published highly acclaimed books about the
current state of feminism and their own personal relationships to the movement,
marking a key juncture in which feminist bloggers and Tweeters have become
centrally recognised voices of contemporary feminism. In the words of
Feministing’s Samhita Mukhopadhyay, ‘feminist blogs are the consciousness rais-
ing groups of our generation’ (see Johnson, 2013; Loza, 2014). Back in 2007,
Tracy Kennedy correlated the consciousness-raising groups of the 1960s and
1970s American women’s movement – where women ‘joined collectively to talk
about their experiences of sexism and oppression under a system that

Corresponding author:
Samantha C. Thrift, Faculty of Arts, University of Calgary, 2500 University Dr. NW, Calgary, AB T2N 1N4,
Canada.
Email: samantha.thrift@ucalgary.ca

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240 Feminist Theory 16(3)

traditionally undervalued women’ (2007: 1) – with digitally enabled modes of

feminist conversation and collectivity taking place in the blogosphere. The ubi-
quity of the Internet, Kennedy argues, ‘locate[s] feminist advocacy and conscious-
ness-raising within the virtual world’ (2007: 1) and ‘allow[s] feminist[s] [. . .] to
connect with each other and establish social networks’ (2007: 3). These ways of
‘doing feminism’ via media – what Kennedy terms ‘‘‘feminist virtual conscious-
ness-raising’’’ (2007: 1) – also challenge earlier assertions that young women and
men were hesitant to claim their actions, and identities, as feminist.
In their now infamous report ‘#FemFuture: Online Revolution’,1 Courtney
Martin and Vanessa Valenti tout the strategic role digital feminists already play
in popularising and mobilising movement feminisms: ‘We liveblog at conferences,
tweet calls to action, and translate sometimes jargon-laden organizational press
releases into catchy hashtags, nudging people to look twice before they skip to a
funny cat video’ (2013: 9). Noting that their demands for attention compete with
cute cat videos and other modes of Internet humour, online feminists strategically
deploy social media tactics as powerful tools of community building and political
mobilisation in ways that take from the content and style of other satirical practices
of Internet culture (what Olga Goriunova (2013) endearingly calls ‘new media
idiocy’). They use humour and nurture other affective resonances to move femin-
ism, not only technologically, via social media channels of distribution, but also
emotionally and affectively.
The contemporary context of feminism defined through these examples thus
highlights the centrality of media techné to feminist practices, the topic around
which this special issue is focused. Specifically, this special issue conceptualises and
analyses three key dimensions of recent and contemporary feminisms’ media prac-
tices: feminist media events, the online and paper archives of feminism, and fem-
inist activist techné – the technical practices and practical knowledge feminists
come to embody as they do feminism with media. Feminists build technological,
affective and cultural infrastructures through which they produce, disseminate and
share resources, ideas and knowledge, whether through older fax machine networks
for distributing movement newsletters (Feigenbaum, 2008; Rentschler, 2015), activ-
ist Google mapping of young women’s testimonials to sexual harassment and
online aggregations of digital video testimonials to sexual violence and survivor
experiences (Rentschler, 2014), or clippings files around which movements judge
their public visibility (Thrift, 2011), for example.
The ephemeral acts, artefacts and cultural infrastructures generated by feminist-
identified movements and practitioners often get lost in the official and popular
record, despite their political significance and potentially transformative power.
Following Meaghan Morris’s (1998) call to prolong the life of feminist ephemera,
the articles in this collection develop new ways of theorising and analysing what
constitutes the material and mediatic traces of ‘doing feminism’ from the 1970s to
the present. To this end, the contributors to this special issue examine what gets
lost, found and reconfigured through feminist re-conceptualisations of eventful-
ness, the technologies of feminist action, and their media and documentary archives

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Rentschler and Thrift 241

in order to investigate emerging conceptions of what it means to do feminism at the

intersection between media practice and activism.
This issue was developed with a clear historiographical dimension, motivated by
feminist interrogation and re-conceptualisation of the eventfulness of doing fem-
inism as a key practice for challenging teleological narratives of historical progress.
The editors and contributors challenge spectacle-driven definitions of eventfulness,
which tend to produce turning-point histories that pivot on instances of rapid,
transformative and, often, violent methods of social and political change.
Instead, our analyses evidence some of the ways in which feminist social change
plays out in ‘sporadic bursts of energy, interrupted projects [. . .] stretches of lassi-
tude, and invaluably prolonged digressions’ (Morris, 1998: xiii). Feminist
approaches to eventfulness can cut across dominant ways of narrating history as
a series of hyper-visible turning points by developing new ways of thinking about
temporality, social transformation, and expressions and practices of dissent and, in
doing so, help produce new contexts for political and cultural practice. As issue co-
editor Samantha C. Thrift argues, ‘a feminist approach to eventfulness means
adopting a more flexible and attentive vantage point from which to view history
in order to discern that which is unexpectedly transformative and significant’ (2012:
416; see also Morris, 1998; Deem, 1999; Della Porta, 2008; Moore, 2011). The
articles here aim to contribute to further theorising about eventfulness as a cultural
and genealogical strategy that can better account for the capacity of feminist events
to be transformative in unforeseen and often unrecognised ways.
While the ‘struggle to name a different temporality’ accounts for a certain inabil-
ity to conceive of feminist actions, artefacts and network infrastructures as event-
ful, the ‘risky acts’ of feminist media praxis sometimes cannot be recognised as
significant in the moment of their making, by their makers (Morris, 1998: xv). Only
later, in retrospect, do activist media become legible as eventful, revolutionary, or
even movement making. Reflecting on her own experience in AIDS activist video
and New Queer Cinema, feminist scholar and activist filmmaker Alexandra Juhasz
(2014) recently noted that ‘the making and living of alternative, counter or radical
culture, through media praxis, does not feel fully revolutionary in its own time
because the act of making is too small, unstable, marginal, and precarious; the
dominant culture, and its media praxis, looms large, solid, and powerful’ (n.p.).
Queer and feminist archives make the process of looking back at activist media –
those ‘small, beautiful, fleeting instants of potential’ – possible (Juhasz, 2014).
Feminist artefacts and their collection enable people to re-vision feminism. As
Roxanne Samer (2014) suggests in relation to queer digital archives, re-vision is
both ‘an approach to historiography and [. . .] an argument for archiving’ (n.p.).
Moreover, the act of looking back is, according to Adrienne Rich (1972), an ‘act of
survival’, a ‘way to understand the assumptions in which we are drenched’ and ‘a
refusal of the self-destructiveness of male-dominated society’ (also quoted in
Samer, 2014).
Encounters with archives and their media re-shape the very notion of what
constitutes feminisms and their eventfulness. They also powerfully structure the

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242 Feminist Theory 16(3)

feelings through which people relate to feminisms and their histories (see
Cvetkovich, 2003; Hemmings, 2011; Eichhorn, 2013). As our contributors argue,
feminist interpretations of analogue and digital archives of feminist documentation
may represent past feminist activity as being more or less politicised than the pre-
sent’s, but they also provide materials through which future movements and activ-
ist practices can be imagined (see Hemmings, 2011). What is at stake, as Kate
Eichhorn reminds us, ‘is not the world these collections claim to represent, but
rather the worlds they invite us to imagine and even realize’ (2013: 160). Whether in
the networked feeling spaces of archived feminist collections, the social media
channels of contemporary feminisms, or the protest spaces of the activist feminist
encampment, competing visions of feminism shape the practice of telling stories
about feminist pasts, presents and futures.
The mediatic processes of doing feminism require us to shift from seeing media
technologies as objects and instead approach them as ‘interlocked and dynamic
processes of mediation’ (Kember and Zylinska, 2012: 1). Our contributors draw
from a perspective that approaches media, communication and technology as
forms of techne´. Feminists engage in distinct, place-based practices of techno-
cultural production and reproduction, utilising ‘old’ and ‘new’ media tools that
make gender and do feminism in ways that are often not fully accounted for and
remain under-theorised (see Haraway, 1988, 1994; Wajcman, 2004; Parks, 2005;
Balsamo, 2011; Feigenbaum, 2013). As Jonathan Sterne argues, ‘an approach to
communication as techné demands that we study what people actually do when
they are communicating – not what they say they are doing or what they think they
are doing, but what they do’ (2006: 93, emphasis in original; see also Slack and
Wise, 2015). What people actually do emerges from their embodied, situated and
practical knowledge, their ‘ways of doing things’ according to anthropological
definitions of culture. Techné is an embodied relationship to technology, a learned
and socially habituated way of doing things with machines, tools, interfaces, instru-
ments and media. Techné signals more than technical skill; it constitutes embodied
habits for acting and doing.
Our contributors approach feminist techné as the craft and techniques for
doing feminism. Rather than analyse representations of feminist activism, we
examine how media practices, communication infrastructures and information
technologies constitute key elements of doing feminism in the present that res-
onate with prior feminist activisms. The goal is not to further ossify teleological
narratives of feminist movement – in waves, generations, or themes of loss and
return. Rather, the collection envisages past and present feminist media praxis as
‘linked moments of making’ (Juhasz, 2014) across time. We identify feminist
techné as a site for ‘cross-temporal encounter’ – a ‘meeting ground’ where ‘we
think through feminism together, not as mothers and daughters, but as cross-
temporal peers, co-conspirators [. . .] as we come together in the process of ima-
gining possible futures’ (Samer, 2014).
This perspective offers a useful vantage point from which to detect the ‘rever-
beration’ or ‘resonance’ of feminist energy – from one event form to another, even

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Rentschler and Thrift 243

when temporally or geographically removed (see Feigenbaum and Groeneveld,

both this issue). Ednie Kaeh Garrison (2004) offers the model of the radio wave
for understanding how feminisms resonate over time. Using the rhetorics of radio
transmission and reception, Garrison (2004: 237) re-conceives how feminism ima-
gined as ‘technologically harnessed electromagnetic wavelengths’ can register ‘dif-
ferent, multiple and simultaneous wave frequencies’, ways of doing and
disseminating feminism, even in the so-called ‘doldrums’ of feminist movement
(see Rupp and Taylor, 1987). In light of so many narratives of feminist loss and
failure inscribed into the very discourse of feminism and feminist pasts, we examine
how both established and emerging practices of media production and dissemin-
ation shape current feminist activity and understandings of scale, place, time and
eventfulness (see e.g. Pozner, 2003; Hemmings, 2011; Hesford, 2013).

Outline of the articles

Around archives, two of our contributors, Kate Eichhorn and Cait McKinney, ask
what feminists do with archival collections – activist, or amateur and institutional –
and how media shape the role that networks play between archives, activists,
researchers and writers. Building from her conclusion to the 2013 book The
Archival Turn in Feminism: Outrage in Order, Kate Eichhorn opens the issue by
revisiting the problem of nostalgia in feminist history and storytelling in order to
conceptualise the important future-oriented work feminist nostalgia for historical
artefacts, texts and practices might do. Eichhorn approaches the ‘doing’ of femin-
ism as a larger question of how feminist scholars and activists talk about femin-
isms’ pasts, presents and futures, particularly in the contexts of the US, UK and
Canada. Eichhorn asks how the ‘there’ of feminism – its constitution as events –
haunts feminist thought and what it means to be feminist and do feminism. Having
‘been there’ marks activists and writers as authentic witnesses, but having been
absent ‘from an event that was feminism’, in reference to second wave feminist
actions, offers what Eichhorn suggests is an important standpoint from which to
assess feminism now and in the future, one defined, generationally, by feminists
born during the late 1960s and after, and who came to feminist political conscious-
ness in the 1990s.
It is also shaped by affective longings for past feminisms and what they repre-
sented. Against strident critiques of nostalgic orientations to feminist pasts,
Eichhorn calls for a feminist nostalgia in the present that desires ‘the sheer poten-
tiality of being on the cusp of something revolutionary’. Drawing from her analysis
of how recent books by Elizabeth Freeman (2010), Clare Hemmings (2011) and
Victoria Hesford (2013) approach the issue of feminist nostalgia for past femin-
isms, Eichhorn points to the larger structures of how doing and thinking feminism
in the present are shaped by a construction of feminism as ‘post’. Rather than deny
the nostalgic pull for those pasts and their modes of doing feminism, Eichhorn sees
nostalgia as an affective orientation that catalyses ways of doing feminism now that
are moved by feminisms of the past.

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244 Feminist Theory 16(3)

Anna Feigenbaum’s and Elizabeth Groeneveld’s articles examine contemporary

feminist movements and practices with an eye toward historical antecedents and
longer feminist genealogies. Anna Feigenbaum’s article calls for a critical mode of
‘drone feminism’ to intervene in the militarised surveillance and killing apparatus
that constitutes drone logics. A key genealogy of drone feminism is feminist anti-
nuclear activism, particularly the activist repertoires and material practices of the
Greenham Common Women’s Peace Encampment. Studying the activist archives
of Greenham Common, Feigenbaum suggests that the unique, place-based activist
techné that anti-nuclear feminist campers developed in the 1980s at the protest
camp may provide crucial models of feminist organising against the militarised
technological systems of distance killing via drones. Drawing from the coffers of
campers’ enactment of political network building through the tools and technolo-
gies of the military base infrastructure and 1980s print, paper and photocopier
communication, the mythmaking practices of Greenham Common’s cyborg fem-
inism offer a critical model of disruptive feminist agency in the context of drone
warfare.
While Feigenbaum calls for feminist activism that can disrupt drone warfare by
turning to the strategies and tactics of women’s de-militarising anti-nuclear activ-
ism, Groeneveld cautions against the comparison of the 2012 Pussy Riot protests in
Russia to 1990s US and Canadian Riot Grrrl movements. In the desire to connect
Pussy Riot and Riot Grrrl as transnational feminist movements over time, the
comparison projects a white Western model of feminism on to Pussy Riot’s
action and is ignorant of the specific Russian context in which they enacted their
dissent. Similarly, as Groeneveld argues, statements like ‘We Are All Pussy Riot’
risk conflating the desire to express solidarity with the desire to identify with and as
the members of Pussy Riot, providing another example of the ways in which
#solidarityisforwhitewomen. By attending to the three events that constitute
Pussy Riot’s actions – live feminist protest events, feminist media events and fem-
inist meme events that resonate transnationally – Groeneveld’s approach distin-
guishes the specific protest strategies and media tactics Pussy Riot used from the
problematic modes of Western and activist media appropriation that mark one of
the ways in which Pussy Riot’s activism nonetheless resonated. Out of these ‘pro-
ductive conflicts’, Groeneveld locates the affective registers of some contemporary
feminisms, driven by the state of being moved by others’ actions, but requiring
more self-reflexive attention to different contexts, different struggles and the differ-
ent grounds on which claims to solidarity are made.
Drawing on Eichhorn’s (2013) analysis of feminist open-access archival politics,
Cait McKinney examines how the lesbian feminist print newsletter Matrices con-
nected researchers and activists together through shared knowledge production,
building a collaborative lesbian feminist research network that both produced and
participated in the making of US lesbian histories. McKinney probes the pre-
Internet network thinking embodied in the lesbian feminist newsletter Matrices
(1977–1996), tracing the distributed relationships it sustained among readers, wri-
ters, researchers, activists and archives in the production of lesbian histories.

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Rentschler and Thrift 245

Through her analysis, McKinney provides new ways of understanding the signifi-
cance of media networks to different kinds of feminism, from the 1970s to the
present. Print newsletters like Matrices deployed ‘the imaginary of a strong, dis-
tributed, web-like structure for feminist organising’ before the Internet, evidencing
the links between lesbian feminism and network thinking. Lesbian feminist infor-
mation networks, she argues, are ‘vital in ways that are particular to feminism’.
Their print-based networks were modelled on webs and practices of weaving, a way
of doing feminism that deployed practices tied to lesbian, eco-feminist and cybor-
gian mythologies that Feigenbaum also considers in her article on drone feminism
and mythmaking practices of 1980s feminist anti-nuclear activism. In Matrices and
other lesbian print networks, feminist weaving signified a mode of information
practice that connected researchers, activists and historians, among others. The
network Matrices created offered a utopian and critical idealist model of feminist
movement building. Such a network ultimately sought to improve the life chances
of women through information activism and the support of lesbian archives, as
McKinney argues, revealing the high level stakes of feminist information activism
and its networks of collaboration and connection.
Carrie Rentschler and Samantha Thrift’s analysis picks up on McKinney’s
study of feminist information networks by shifting attention to one of the
modes of feminist consciousness-raising and community building that occurs in
online feminist networks: feminist memes. Earlier networks such as those orga-
nised through lesbian feminist newsletters as well as contemporary ones that
emerge through feminist memes transform the face-to-face model of conscious-
ness-raising into one that is technologically mediated and distributed. Rentschler
and Thrift are particularly interested in the community building capacities of
memes in feminist social media networks, where feminism occurs via shared
socio-technical ‘vectors of action and meaning making’ (see Young, 1994: 737).
Currently those vectors of action are being remade, and reoriented, via social
media practices and mobile devices, where Tumblr and Facebook have become
crucial spaces of feminist critique, knowledge sharing, testimonial, emotional
support and social mobilisation around a number of feminist issues (see
Rentschler, 2014).
Using the case of the 2012 feminist meme ‘Binders Full of Women’ during the
US presidential election that year, Rentschler and Thrift argue that Internet
memes represent a networked model of virtual feminist consciousness-raising, a
key model of online feminist activism in the current moment. Utilising social
media tools of production and distribution to construct new networks of feminist
critique and community building, they argue that the feminist use of Internet
memes disrupts public and political misogyny and, simultaneously, the feminist
killjoy stereotype by networking feminist laughter. If the Internet is particularly
good at facilitating the diffusion of feminist humour online, the networking,
linking and distributive capacities of social media also create new modes of fem-
inist critique and models for doing feminism, illustrated by the feminist détourne-
ment of ‘Binders Full of Women’.

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246 Feminist Theory 16(3)

While so much scholarly attention around feminist movements has focused on

how and whether participants identify as feminist, the articles in this issue suggest
that feminism is something one does with others (see Heywood and Drake, 1997;
Baumgartner and Richards, 2000, 2003; Moi, 2006; Weidhase, 2015). Most aca-
demic conceptions of social movement activism intimately link the doing of activ-
ism to the being of activists, where the collective identity of movement actors
expresses, creates and feeds back into movement actions. As social movement
scholar Chris Bobel argues in her study of feminist activists’ non-identification
with the label ‘activist’, ‘one can ‘‘do activism’’ without ‘‘being activist’’, and this
discrepancy begs a more complicated account of identity at the center of the study
of social movements’ (2007: 149). Our contributors start from the doing of femin-
ism to analyse feminist practices as mediated modes of techné, ways of doing
feminism that may not look like or feel like traditional social movement activism,
but which are central to feminist movement building and ideologies.

Acknowledgements
We thank the editorial team at Feminist Theory for providing us with an opportunity to
guest-edit this special issue. A special thank you goes to Katie Cooper, Sarah Kember, and
Carolyn Pedwell who have been particularly supportive as we have put this collection
together. We also thank the anonymous reviewers, our other readers and audiences for
the work-in-progress, and each of the authors for their contributions.

Note
1. Courtney Martin and Vanessa Valenti are authors of the now infamous 2013 report
‘#FemFuture: Online Revolution’ that set off a wave of criticism by women of colour
feminists in the wake of the Barnard conference in which digital feminism was framed by
the white-identified organisers as in a state of ‘crisis’. Women of colour challenged Martin
and Valenti’s absencing of a more diverse representation of digital feminism. In 2014,
Michelle Goldberg’s 17 February Nation article, ‘Feminism’s Toxic Twitter Wars’,
blamed black Twitter feminists such as Mikki Kendall (who started the hashtag campaign
#Solidarityisforwhitewomen in 2013) and others for ‘bullying’ white feminists and creat-
ing what she termed a ‘toxic’ environment for debate among feminists, blaming women of
colour feminists for the racism and invisibilisation they experience from white feminists.
See Loza’s (2014), Thelandersson’s (2014), and Park and Leonard’s (2014) analyses of the
Goldberg piece and the Barnard event and report.

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