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The last decade has seen a surge in interest in the role of trust in people’s
responses to environmental and technological risks from the academic and
policy communities (e.g., Cabinet Office Strategy Unit, 2002; Cvetkovich &
Löfstedt, 1999; Frewer, Howard, Hedderly, & Shepherd, 1996; Interdepart-
mental Liaison Group on Risk Assessment [ILGRA], 1998; Johnson, 1999;
Kasperson, Golding, & Tuler, 1992; Poortinga & Pidgeon, 2003a; Renn &
Levine, 1991; Slovic, 1993). A number of risk controversies, such as the BSE
crisis (Jasanoff, 1997); the Brent Spar affair (Löfstedt & Renn, 1997); the
continuing debate about genetically modified (GM) food (Simmons & Wel-
don, 2000); the British foot-and-mouth crisis (Poortinga, Bickerstaff, Lang-
ford, Niewöhner, & Pidgeon, 2004); and more recently fears about the
1
Work reported in this paper was partly supported by the Programme on Understanding
Risk, funded by a grant of the Leverhulme Trust (RSK990021); and partly supported by two
grants from the Economic and Social Research Council, including a grant from the ESRC
Science in Society programme (L144250037).
2
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Wouter Poortinga, Welsh
School of Architecture, Cardiff University, Bute Building, King Edward VII Avenue, Cardiff,
CF10 3NB, United Kingdom. E-mail: PoortingaW@cardiff.ac.uk
1674
link between autism and the combined measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR)
vaccine (Bellaby, 2003) have made policymakers aware that the public has
become a key player in many controversial risk issues.
It is recognized widely that trust plays an important role in public per-
ceptions of technological risks, as well as in people’s responses to risk com-
munication. However, there is surprisingly little agreement on the definition,
meaning(s), and properties of trust. For example, after an extensive review
of the trust literature, McKnight and Chervany (1996) concluded that al-
most every study has its own definition of trust.
The diverging definitions of trust show that there is still no consensus on
what it actually means, not even within different academic disciplines. This
has made some scholars remark that the notion of trust ‘‘is an elusive con-
cept’’ (Gambetta, 1988, p. ix) that ‘‘comes in so many flavours, packages,
and subspecies that it seems to be swallowed up in a conceptual quagmire’’
(Metlay, 1999, p. 100), ‘‘is a verbal and conceptual morass’’ (Barber, 1983,
p. 1), and ‘‘has resulted in a confusing potpourri of definitions’’ (Shapiro,
1987, p. 625). There is still considerable conceptual disagreement about
the nature, causes, and consequences of trust. While various researchers
have tried to identify different dimensions of trust (e.g., Frewer et al., 1996;
Metlay, 1999; Poortinga & Pidgeon, 2003a), some have argued that trust
is based predominantly on feelings of agreement and sympathy, rather than
on carefully reasoned arguments or direct knowledge (e.g., Earle &
Cvetkovich, 1995). Others stress the importance of people’s prior at-
titudes (Eiser, Miles & Frewer, 2002), or have questioned the importance
and feasibility of increasing trust in institutions altogether (Trettin &
Musham, 2000).
In the research reported here, we try to integrate a number of different
empirical approaches to trust. After an extensive literature review of trust
(see Poortinga, 2004), three important theoretical social psychological
perspectives on trust were identified, namely: (a) the dimensional approach
to trust, which aims to identify the basic components of trust (e.g., Frewer
et al., 1996; Kasperson et al., 1992; Poortinga & Pidgeon, 2003a; Renn &
Levine, 1991); (b) the salient value similarity approach (SVS), which
holds that people base their trust judgments on the heuristic of per-
ceived value similarity (e.g., Earle & Cvetkovich, 1995; Siegrist, Cvetkovich,
& Roth, 2000); and (c) the associationist view of trust, which stresses
the importance of prior attitudes (e.g., Eiser et al., 2002; Poortinga &
Pidgeon, 2005).
In the following section, we succinctly describe the three approaches to
trust. Subsequently, we propose a structural model that integrates the dif-
ferent lines of trust research. The plausibility of the proposed causal model
will be tested using three recent British datasets on public perceptions of
1676 POORTINGA AND PIDGEON
Approaches to Trust
Evaluation of Government
General
Trust
Skepticism
person might conclude that the government does not share the same values
regarding this issue.
Third, as is commonly assumed, the acceptability of GM food is de-
pendent on trust in risk regulation. Putting these characteristics together
produces the model as presented in Figure 1.
Analysis
test is used to identify which parameters could be added to improve the fit of
the model. Conversely, the Wald test shows which parameters can be deleted
without affecting goodness of fit.
As subsequent models are nested, the difference in chi square is used to
assess whether the added parameters contribute to a significantly better
fitting model. Changes to the model should not be based only on the LM
test, as it is a purely statistical method of improving the fit of the model.
Adjustments should only be made if there are also sound theoretical reasons
to do so (Byrne, 1994).
Study 1
Method
Results
Table 2 shows that the initial model (Model 1) had an acceptable but
modest fit. The NFI had the recommended value of .90, but the CFI had a
value below the suggested value of .95 (.92). The fit of the model could be
improved significantly by, first, adding a path between affect and accept-
ability (Model 2); and, second, by adding a path between affect and trust
in risk regulation (Model 3). These paths were added because they are
3
For details of the survey methodology, see Poortinga and Pidgeon (2003b).
1682 POORTINGA AND PIDGEON
Table 1
Factor
Model factors and indicators loading
Factor 1: Affect
On the whole, how would you describe your feelings about .73
GM food?b,e
Table 1. Continued
Factor
Model factors and indicators loading
Factor 6: Acceptability
Weighting of risks and benefitsa,c .80
On the whole, how acceptable or unacceptable is GM food to .92
you?d
I personally would be happy to eat GM food. .84
Note. GM 5 genetically modified.
a
In the structural model, these regression coefficients were fixed for statistical
identification.
b
Scale ranged from 1 (very bad thing) to 5 (very good thing).
c
Scale ranged from 1 (the risks far outweigh the benefits) to 5 (the benefits far outweigh
the risks).
d
Scale ranged from 1 (very unacceptable) to 5 (very acceptable).
e
Factor loading for this single-indicator factor was estimated by constraining the
variance to 1.
theoretically congruent with the associationist view that specific risk judg-
ments (e.g., trust in risk regulation) are driven by more general evaluative
judgments. Although the chi square of the latter model is still significant, the
other statistics indicate a well-fitting model. The final model (Model 3) is
presented in Figure 2.
Table 2 presents the standardized regression coefficients for the three
consecutive models. Most specified relationships are highly significant.
Conspicuously, adding the two new paths to the model renders an initial
strong relationship between trust in risk regulation and acceptability non-
significant. The relationship between skepticism and trust in risk regulation
was nonsignificant in all three models. Indeed, the Wald test shows that
removing this path would not affect the fit of the model.
Affect explained a significant but modest amount of variance in value
similarity (31.4%). Value similarity explained most of the variance in
general trust (91.3%), as well as of skepticism (59.4%). As the relation-
ship between skepticism and trust in risk regulation was nonsignificant,
most of the variation in trust in the regulation of GM food could be
explained by the general trust factor (62.1%). The greater part of the
variation in acceptability was explained by the specified model varia-
bles (86.9%).
1684 POORTINGA AND PIDGEON
Table 2
Study 2
Method
Data for the second study were collected during April and May 2003 (see
Poortinga, 2004). Six hundred questionnaires were distributed in three areas
of Norwich (United Kingdom) with different socioeconomic profiles. People
PRIOR ATTITUDES, VALUE SIMILARITY, AND DIMENSIONALITY 1685
.30*
.56*** .15n.s.
Value .64*** Trust in
Affect Acceptability
Similarity Regulation
-.77*** .03n.s.
Skepticism
.84**
.20*
Figure 2. Final model of trust: Study 1. p o .05. p o .01. p o .001. ns 5 nonsignificant.
.37***
Value
.15*
-.42*** .52*** Trust in Behavioral
Similarity Regulation Intention
-.51*** .85*** -.05n.s.
Affect Skepticism
.84***
.23**
Figure 3. Final model of trust: Study 2. p o .05. p o .01. p o .001. ns 5 nonsignificant.
Results
4
The item ‘‘The government is too influenced by the biotechnology industry regarding GM
food’’ had a factor loading lower than .50, so this item was omitted from further analyses.
PRIOR ATTITUDES, VALUE SIMILARITY, AND DIMENSIONALITY 1687
Table 3
Factor
Model factors and indicators loading
Factor 1: Affect
How do you feel about GM food?ab .89
To what extent is GM food a good or a bad thing?c .79
Table 3. Continued
Factor
Model factors and indicators loading
The regulation of GM food is in safe hands with the .76
government.
relationship between skepticism and trust in risk regulation was again non-
significant in all three models.
As expected, the combination of people’s general (affective) evaluation of
GM food and the perceived government position on GM food explained a
large part of the variance in value similarity (72.7%). Value similarity
explained most of the variance in general trust (86.1%) and skepticism
(73.0%).
General trust and skepticism were mutually unrelated, as in the first
study. Trust in the regulation of GM food could be explained largely by
general trust (75.5%). Finally, most of the variation in behavioral intentions
could be explained by the specified model variables (90.5%). As behavioral
intentions were associated only weakly with trust in risk regulation, the bulk
of the variation in behavioral intentions was explained by affect.
Study 3
Method
The third study was conducted between July 19 and September 12, 2003
among a representative sample of the British population of 1,363 adults
aged 15 years or older (see Poortinga & Pidgeon, 2004a). This study was
aimed at examining public attitudes toward GM food and to explore the
general public’s levels of awareness, understanding, and perceived value of a
PRIOR ATTITUDES, VALUE SIMILARITY, AND DIMENSIONALITY 1689
Table 4
Table 5
Factor
Model factors and indicators loading
Factor 1: Affect
On the whole, how would you describe your feelings about .73
GM food?ab
In general, how do you feel about GM food? .81
Table 5. Continued
Factor
Model factors and indicators loading
I am confident that the development of GM crops is being .65
carefully regulated.
Results
.41***
.05n.s.
-.40*** Value .74** Trust in Behavioral
Similarity Regulation Intention
.63*** -.67*** -.06n.s.
Affect Skepticism
.96***
.37***
Figure 4. Final model of trust: Study 3. p o .05. p o .01. p o .001. ns 5 nonsignificant.
General Discussion
Table 6
on the other hand) produced a good fit of the model in every case. A number
of conclusions can be drawn from this series of studies.
First, in all three studies perceived value similarity explained most of the
variance in general trust and skepticism, while the latter two factors were
mutually unrelated. Although an earlier analysis of the data from Study 1
suggested that value similarity has only a limited value in explaining trust in
risk regulation (Poortinga & Pidgeon, 2003a), the current research suggests
that the precise relationship between value similarity, the conventional as-
pects of trust, and trust in risk regulation is more complex.
Rather than being an additional dimension or attribute of trust, the
model suggests that value similarity precedes other important trust judg-
ments. This supports the assertion of Siegrist et al. (2000) that instead of
being a substitute, SVS could be seen as a general factor that allows for the
operation of multiple trust influences, including the usual factors of com-
petence or fiduciary responsibilities.
The second conclusion that can be drawn from this research is that
various trust judgments, and value similarity in particular, are related to
people’s prior attitudes toward GM food. Although affect, as a measure of
people’s overall attitudes toward GM food, explained a significant but
modest part of value similarity, Studies 2 and 3 demonstrated that a com-
bination of people’s prior attitudes and the perceived government position
on GM food could explain most of the variation in value similarity. These
results clearly indicate that the extent to which an organization (in this case,
the government) is seen as having similar values is influenced by perceived
attitudinal distance; that is, the difference between one’s own and the other
person’s attitudes.
The third conclusion from this research has to do with the question of
whether trust in risk regulation is an important factor in people’s responses
to GM food. All three studies found that adding two extra paths to the
model (i.e., between affect on the one hand, and trust and risk regulation
and acceptability or behavioral intentions on the other hand) substantially
reduced the initial strong relationship between trust in the regulation of GM
food, and the acceptability of or intention to eat GM food. These findings
clearly indicate that the relationship between these variables is a result of
differences in people’s general affective evaluation of GM food.
In line with Eiser et al. (2002) and Poortinga and Pidgeon (2005), the
results suggest that expressed behavioral intentions, acceptability, and trust
in risk regulation are all indicators of a more general attitude toward GM
food. At a more general level, they provide further evidence for the view
proposed by Slovic et al. (2002) that affect is a critical variable for risk
judgments. This also would suggest that trust in risk regulation is not as
important for the way people behave in complex controversial social issues,
PRIOR ATTITUDES, VALUE SIMILARITY, AND DIMENSIONALITY 1695
are used in risk research. Future empirical research should assess whether
or not the various judgments are indeed empirically and psychologically
discernible aspects of trust, and how they interact with other evaluations of
risk-regulatory institutions.
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