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stressed “the businesslike methods which have always been so conspicuous in the
operations of the Christian Science Church” (p. 369), and it was this, perhaps, that
most aroused the distrust of the Progressive generation. A t the same time, she
acknowledged the therapeutic value of its teachings and attempted to account for
its dramatic expansion: “Mrs. Eddy’s teachings brought the promise of material
benefits to a practical people, and the appeal of seeming newness to a people whose
mental recreation was a feverish pursuit of novelty” (p. 375).
Mary Baker Eddy died in 1910, but two decades elapsed before the publica-
tion of the first posthumous study, Mrs. Eddy: The Biography of a Viyginal Mind
(New York, 1929) by Edwin F. Dakin. The book enjoyed great popular acclaim,
and it has become a classic of American biography. I n explanation of his title,
Dakin wrote that Mrs. Eddy’s “was a virginal mind which is never married to
reality-a mind that, whatever its sorties in the world of experience, always returns
t o sleep with its dreams” (p. 222). By the late twenties, muckraking had given
way t o ‘(debunking”. The fashionable technique was no longer direct attack in
the interest of social betterment but oblique innuendo for the entertainment of
sophisticates. Readers were less interested in the intricacies of financial manipula-
tion than in the eccentricities of personal behavior. Economics took second place
t o psychology. Where Milmine’s style was matter-of-fact, Dakin’s was apt t o be
tongue-in-cheek.
As suited this early exercise in psychohistory, Dakin delved into his subject’s
early years for clues to her later development. One reads of her “delusion of per-
secution” and “delusion of her personal grandeur’’ (p. 147), and, of course, of (la sup-
pressed sexual urge” (p. 315). Yet Dakin’s work was, in the main, a sensitive por-
trayal, singularly free of psychiatric jargon: “So,” he concluded, ‘(it was in her
gallant struggle to achieve despite every human limitation that Mary Baker Eddy
revealed whatever divinity may glow in man” (p. 523).
Two books of the early thirties, each bearing a very different stamp, round out
the first phase of inquiry. Lyman P. Powell, an Episcopalian clergyman, published
Mary Baker Eddy: A Life Size Portrait (New York, 1930) in which he took explicit
exception to the then curyent enthusiasm for debunking in biographical literature.
Although the book was written with the cooperation of Christian Science officialdom,
Powell maintained that he preserved full independence. It is, nevertheless, scarcely
less uncritical than the Wilbur book, and scholars have been at a loss t o account
for the author’s motivation.2 Two years later, Ernest S. Bates and John V. Ditte-
more published Mary Baker Eddy, The Truth and the Tradition (New York, 1932).
Bates, a former literary editor of the Dictionary of American Biography, was prin-
cipally responsible for the composition of the work, while Dittemore, a disenchanted
former director of the Mother Church, contributed his large private collection of
documentary sources. The co-authors took exception to a few minor points in
Milmine and Dakin, but their book as a whole reinforced those earlier studies.
Until the early thirties, most of the principal authors, with the exception of
James, had not been professional scholars investigating popular mind cure within
. -
21n 1907 Powell had published Christian Science: The Faith and Its Founder, a rather broad
minded clerical critique (such m were not uncommon at the time), in which he relied upon Milmine’s
articles for biogra hical material and praised “the singular accuracy of the articles and the thorough-
ness with which txey have been prepared” (p. v),
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World War I (Hanover, N.H., 1973). Taken together, all four books shed impor-
tant light on their common subject.
Meyer’s study is both chronological and thematic. I n the pre-1900 phase
the focus is on the primary theological and psychological assumptions and the
secondary social and political assumptions of such familiar figures as Quimby,
Eddy, and Trine; they are set against the background of George Beard’s discovery
of “nervousness” and William James’ fascination with the “subconscious.” For
the period ca. 1900-1945, attention is on the disintegration of the Protestant
economic ethic of scarcity under the impact of economic abundance and bureau-
cracy, and on the functional relationship of mind cure psychology to a new economic
ethic more appropriate to the era of the organizational man. I n the years since
1945, the central concern is the preoccupation of the Protestant churches with
popular psychotherapy and Norman Vincent Peale’s “ascent to sensational promi-
nence” (p. 262). A postscript treats of mind cure among Catholics and Jews in
postwar America. Meyer holds that the mind cure tradition originated as a meaning-
ful protest against inadequacies in medicine, theology, and feminine social roles,
but that ultimately “ ‘Health’ was a fatal ideal” (p. 314). “Telling legitimately
discontented people to find the source of their discontent in themselves was t o
tell them to shrink further from testing their powers in the society around them”
(p. 313).
Richard Weiss discerned two broad schools of success-thought by the end of
the last century. There was the older tradition, expressed in Horatio Alger’s no-
tion of rags-to-riches, which was rooted in the Protestant ethic of industry and
thrift. By 1900, both these virtues and their reward were becoming increasingly
irrelevant to the actualities of economic and social life. But there was also the newer
tradition, expressed in Ralph Waldo Trine’s notion of achievement through mind-
power, which was founded on the Transcendentalist ethic of idealism and opti-
mism. After World War I, this psychological version of the success myth became
predominant and eventually carried all before it in the positive-thinking of Peale
and his confreres. Weiss, like Meyer, sees mind-power as symptomatic of the
passing of the “ascetic virtues” and their replacement by a gospel of “ease, relaxa-
tion, and comfort” (p. 15). Unlike Meyer, however, Weiss is inclined to give more
weight t o the reform impulse which he found in mind-power thinking. He argues
the commitment of such New Thoughters as Trine and Benjamin 0. Flower to
Progressive aims.
Richard Huber painted a broader canvas than either Meyer or Weiss, but
his work closely parallels theirs. His analysis led him to posit three interacting
but distinct expressions of the success-idea, two of which are central to this essay.
Until the end of the nineteenth century and after, an entrepreneurial society derived
success chiefly from the “character ethic” of a Benjamin Franklin or an Elbert
Hubbard. After 1890, however, large numbers of Americans for whom success-
through-character was increasingly unreal and unattainable eagerly espoused
more novel concepts of success founded upon the “mind power ethic” of Trine,
C o d , and Peale, or upon the “personality ethic” of Dale Carnegie and his fellow
“experts” in human relations. Although Huber thus distinguished two modes of
the American quest for psychological well-being and success where Meyer and
Weiss treated them as one, he agreed with them in viewing the mind cure psychology
as a reaction against the once-dominant “character ethic.”
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