3

Report 3 in the series Spatial

Transformation through
Transit‑Oriented Development
in Johannesburg

International
case studies
INTERNATIONAL CASE STUDIES OF TRANSIT-ORIENTED
DEVELOPMENT - CORRIDOR IMPLEMENTATION
Sylvia Croese

A International case studies International case studies B

Partners Agence Française de Développement (AFD) At the time that these reports were researched and
City of Johannesburg (CoJ) written, the City of Johannesburg was using the
South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning, University of the Witwatersrand term Corridors of Freedom to refer to the Louis
(SA&CP, Wits) Botha, Empire Perth and Turffontein Strategic Area
Steering committee Alexandra Appelbaum (SA&CP) Frameworks. Although the name is currently under
members Camille Chastagnol (AFD) review we have used the original terminology
Arthur Germond (AFD) throughout the reports.
Prof. Philip Harrison (SA&CP)
Prof. Paul Jenkins (Wits) All quantitative data referred to without an
Herman Pienaar (CoJ)
explicit reference is drawn from the survey
Dr. Margot Rubin (SA&CP)
Prof. Alison Todes (Wits) conducted by Outsourced Insight as part of the
Martha Stein-Sochas (AFD) Spatial Transformation through Transit-Oriented
Liana Strydom (CoJ) Development project. 1200 people (a mix of
Dylan Weakley (CoJ) residents, business owners and users) were surveyed
Editors Prof. Philip Harrison, Dr. Margot Rubin and Alexandra Appelbaum
in the four case study areas of this report series. All
mapped data was also drawn from this survey.
Project manager Alexandra Appelbaum

Authors Dr. Margot Rubin and Spatial Transformation through Transit‑Oriented Development: synthesis
© City of Johannesburg 2016
Alexandra Appelbaum report
To access the original data please contact the South
Dr. Margot Rubin The City as a Laboratory: Experimentation, Observation and Theorisation African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City
from Urban Labs
Planning, University of the Witwatersrand.
Dr. Sylvia Croese International case studies of Transit-Oriented Development-Corridor www.wits.ac.za/sacp
implementation
Referencing the report:
Dr. Kirsten Harrison Transit Corridors and the Private Sector: Incentives, Regulations and the
Property Market Croese S (2016) “International case studies of Transit-
Oriented Development-Corridor implementation”.
Neil Klug The more things change, the more they stay the same: a case study of
Report 3. Spatial Transformation through Transit-
Westbury, Coronationville and Slovo Park informal settlement
Oriented Development in Johannesburg Research
Dr. Tanya Zack Platform to an Arrival City: Johannesburg’s Park Station and Surrounds Report Series. South African Research Chair in
Spatial Analysis and City Planning. University of the
Alexandra Appelbaum Contestation, transformation and competing visions: a study of Orange
Grove and Norwood
Witwatersrand: Johannesburg.

Lindsay Howe Constancy and Change: Marlboro South as an interstice of marginalisation

and development in the Gauteng City-Region

Prof. Umakrishnan Multiple Words and Experiences: Conditions of Life and Work along the Corridors
Kollamparambil of Freedom

Research assistance Emmanuel Ayifah

Kwanda Lande
Mamokete Matjomane
Lucky Nkali
Lyle Prim

Survey company Outsourced Insight

Maps Alexandra Appelbaum and Reitumetse Selepe

Photographs Mark Lewis

Historical Museum Africa Collection

photographs

Copy editing Kate Tissington and Alexandra Appelbaum

Design and layout Louise Carmichael

I International case studies International case studies II

Executive summary
The Spatial Transformation through Transit-Oriented
Development in Johannesburg report series is the product
of a project undertaken between the Agence Française de
Développement (AFD), the City of Johannesburg (CoJ) and
the NRF South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis
and City Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand.
The project aimed to provide operational support to,
and empirical evidence for, the City of Johannesburg’s
Transit‑Oriented Development (TOD) programme – at the
time known as the Corridors of Freedom (COF). It was a
unique and important collaborative endeavour, in which
the project proposal, research questions and final approach
were co-produced by the three partners. The reports cover a
range of topics, from an international comparison of Transit-
Oriented Development Corridors, to an in-depth study of the
regulatory, institutional and incentive environments in the
COF, and the response from the private sector. It also included
a survey of 1 200 residents, users and businesses and an in-
depth qualitative case study analysis of four nodes: Marlboro
South; Park Station Precinct; Orange Grove and Norwood, and
Westbury, Coronationville and Slovo Park. The case studies
encompassed a wide range of the environments along
Johannesburg’s corridors, including older suburbs, informal
settlements, townships, public housing stock, industrial areas
and transit nodes in the inner city. The team consisted of
academics, officials, consultants and community members.
Methodologically, all reports relied on academic and media
sources, with the majority consisting of an integrated
analysis of survey findings and key stakeholder interviews.
The summary that follows looks at the key points from each
report and offers a concise sense of the main findings.
Key findings:
• The international experience supports the
case for transit corridors, noting that they are
useful and necessary planning instruments in
urban regeneration – improving sustainability;
increasing access for poorer communities, and
improving rates bases in strategic areas.
• Transit corridors have been associated with an
improved municipal fiscus that is able to provide
denser urban environments with consequently
higher efficiencies in the urban form.
• The current forms and institutional
arrangements of TOD corridors in the CoJ
demonstrate much promise and have some of
the key features of successful corridors found
elsewhere, i.e. a lead department with high
levels of technical skill.
• However, there is a need for greater coherence at both
the planning and implementation level, and a need
for more buy-in from all departments in the CoJ.
• The CoJ has set an ambitious approach to the
development of the Corridors – attempting to
create a ‘guided’ enabling environment for the
private sector that incentivises and attracts
investment into these sites, whilst balancing
the needs of the public good, and the larger
III International case studies
developmental agenda.
• There are some important locations that will
potentially satisfy private sector interests of
lowered risk and higher demand; these include
affordable housing along Louis Botha Avenue
and investment opportunities in the Knowledge
Precinct.
• The TOD programme has a long-time horizon.
However, after just four years it has seen some
successes, including the provision and use of the
Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) by certain communities;
significant public environment and infrastructure
upgrades, and the construction of vital services,
such as clinics in areas that were previously
under-served.
• In order for the impact of TOD – which extends
beyond just the BRT – to be maximised, the City
must foster a multi-modal transport system,
including the BRT, Gautrain, commuter rail, and
minibus taxis.
• Across the Corridors it is clear that there is
significant youthful energy directed towards
micro-businesses, with many residents starting
new enterprises. Louis Botha Avenue, Marlboro
South and Park Station are already showing
signs of being complex multi-use sites that
attract people from all over South Africa and the
continent.
• The transit corridors already have an important
economic function in that they are attractive
sites due to their accessibility and the ability of
residents to save on transport costs. However,
demand is forcing up the price of commercial
and residential property, making these areas
inaccessible for poorer households.
Nodal findings:
Each node faces a set of specific conditions that require
particular engagements and services.
• Westbury, as a site of older public housing stock,
faces severe social pathologies, and very low
rates of employment. Residents feel isolated and
parochial – despite being quite close to the inner
city in terms of physical distance – and there is
a need to consider social infrastructure as a key
future intervention.
• Slovo Park as an informal settlement requires
better services and housing but also greater
participation and engagement with residents
about their future.
• Louis Botha Avenue (Orange Grove in particular)
is mixed-use and mixed-income area and has
important businesses varying in size. Here care
needs to be taken to support the organic processes
of informal and formal entrepreneurship and to
avoid potential gentrification and displacement
that could result from interventions. While
the Paterson Park housing project is a vital
intervention, the governance dynamics in the area
provide important lessons for the CoJ in its future
interventions in middle-class areas.
• Marlboro South is an area of enormous potential,
but has high rates of poverty and very poor
living conditions. It is very well located and
has a number of businesses, at a variety of
scales, which would like to remain. This area
requires housing interventions, service upgrades
and consideration of the urban environment,
especially safety and security.
• Park Station Precinct, as arguably the most
important transit node in Johannesburg, suffers
from a governance crisis and as a consequence
has not been able to capitalise on its
cosmopolitan and vibrant nature. There is a lack
of support for the economic activities in the area;
insufficient affordable accommodation; and the
station requires better linkages into the fabric of
the inner city.
Recommendations:
• Currently, there is a ‘toolbox’ of incentives that is
being developed to enhance partnerships with
private sector developers, and there is evidence
to suggest that this could be enhanced by
considering questions of urban management; the
release and development of state-owned land,
and examining the development of demand –
rather than supply-side investments.
• Safety and security, questions of urban
management, and employment were themes
that consistently appeared across the corridors.
The City needs to pay close attention to these
concerns, as they are affecting all aspects of
the Corridors, such as the quality of life for
residents and the potential future investment
from private developers.
• Public participation protocols require rethinking
and possibly reconfiguration. In their current
formulation they are not sufficiently able to
include the voices of some of the poorest and
most marginalised. They are also incorrectly
conceptualised as information-sharing sessions,
rather than real engagement or consultation.
• Furthermore, public participation needs to be
seen as part of long term-relationships with
communities and stakeholders that occur
throughout the process rather than a once-off
compliance-led activity.
• Given the need for cross-sectoral and inter-
departmental co-ordination, area-based
management models could be highly effective
in addressing these issues and should be
considered as a way of addressing the host of
differentiated needs across the transit corridors.
• The current practice of having ‘point people’
– particularly within the Johannesburg
Development Agency (JDA) – dedicated to specific
nodes and corridors is excellent and should be
continued.
• All processes in the corridors must be supported
by up-to-date websites that are current with ease
of access to all relevant information.
• The CoJ needs to promote and publicise its
achievements, and let the general public
and other departments know what it has
accomplished.
• Exceptional care needs to be taken to
ensure that built environment interventions
do not worsen conditions in vulnerable
communities, highlighting the need for better
empirical evidence and consultation before
implementation.
• Built environment interventions must be
complemented with social development and
engagement in order for the full potential of
the transit corridors to be realised, in terms of
addressing the social and economic aspects of
marginalisation.
• Overall, there is much to be learned from the first
few years of the programme that can improve
the CoJ’s TOD initiatives going forward: better
engagement and participation; clearer plans;
better marketing and overall communication
within and outside the CoJ, and careful
consideration of the limits of built environment
interventions.
In short, the research project revealed that transit
corridors are an effective programmatic choice in
restructuring the spatiality of the City of Johannesburg
and dealing with some of the most intractable urban
problems; there are a range of ways to improve
Johannesburg’s TOD programme going forward. To
realise the full value of the TOD vision, it is necessary
for the CoJ to continue the programme with the vigour
it has demonstrated thus far. The dedicated and skilled
teams in the City have already been able to achieve some
successes, and with the evidence base that this study
now offers, interventions and plans can be more finely
honed and refined to focus in on specific community
needs, whilst addressing questions of a declining fiscus
and the need to restructure and reinvigorate the City
of Johannesburg. This project also included a series of
urban labs – a number of engagements between City
officials, academics, members of civil society and the
private sector and other key stakeholders – on particular
issues related to Johannesburg’s future. This report is
also included in the series.
International case studies IV
International Case Studies of Transport Oriented Population Date of
commencement
Development – Corridor Implementation
Curitiba
1,879,355
first BRT corridor
Ottawa
1974
951,727

01 Transit Oriented Development (TOD)

has gained popularity amongst planners
guide the design and development of such
areas; tools to finance, capture or leverage
Bogotá
7,760,500 Curitiba
across the world as a way to manage transit investments, such as transferable Ahmedabad
sustainable urban growth. development rights, density taxes and 7,535,974

incentives, public‑private partnerships, Guangzhou

11,070,654

02 TOD is associated with mixed-use,

walkable, location-efficient development
that balances the need for sufficient
density to support convenient transit
service with the scale of the adjacent
community.
as well as land value capture schemes,
provided that the right conditions are in Lagos 1983
22,583,305
place; and the importance of transport Ottawa
demand management measures and
Population Density (Per Km2)
investments to discourage car use and
encourage non-motorised transport such as
walking and cycling.

03 As BRT systems have become more Ottawa

sophisticated and increasingly ‘rail-
like’, there is increased evidence for the
08 Dangers or weaknesses in terms of
achieving or maintaining the benefits
316

potential of BRT for TOD. of TOD include: the challenge for BRT Guangzhou
Ahmedabad
or other mass public transit systems Lagos
9,900
1,800
2000
Curitiba Bogotá
04 International experience shows that
corridor development is implemented
to be both consistently high quality in
their performance as well as sufficiently
4,062 4,000 -
20,000
(11,009
in different context-dependent ways, accessible and affordable to capture Bogotá average)
4,495
following local needs, characteristics and passengers across all income levels, or
resources. their ability to become viable alternatives
to private car use and maintain high 2008
ridership rates and levels of satisfaction; the BRT system length & corridors Lagos
05 Latin America continues to be at the
forefront of practices of socially inclusive danger of excluding low-income residents
corridor development. from the benefits of transit investments Curitiba 83 2009
through a lack of affordable housing and Ahmedabad
Ottawa 35
insufficient access and connectivity to
06 The success of corridor development and
the potential for TOD is marked by: a clear, low-income parts of the city, or the inability Bogotá 112 2010
Guangzhou
overarching and holistic vision of urban to create effectively mixed and diverse Ahmedabad 82
development by city leaders; high levels of neighbourhoods; the lack of effective
institutional collaboration and coordination changes in land uses around transit areas, or Guangzhou 22
between government agencies; the the inability to effectively densify, regulate
Lagos 22 system length (km) # BRT corridors
creation of a single owner-operator of the and capture changes in land use and values.
transport system and autonomous planning
agencies; and high levels of popular and
investor support through community,
09 The success in the roll-out of bicycle
infrastructures in most cities indicates
Daily demand (passengers per day) Total cost per km (US$/km)
private and academic sector consultation, strong potential for bicycle-based TOD. Curitiba
communication and collaboration. n/a

Ottawa
10 Irrespective of the type of transit,
international case studies show that TOD
561,000 220,000 2,000,000 14,623

07 Key tools and measures for implementing

and financing TOD include: a implementation must be a long-term and Bogotá
n/a
comprehensive legal framework and continuous effort.
tools to support TOD at the city level,
Ahmedabad
4,800
such as zoning regulations and incentives
Guangzhou
to promote dense and mixed‑use 130,000 850,000 200,000 n/a

development along transit corridors, as Lagos

well as guidelines and regulations to 1,700

V International case studies International case studies VI

Sources: http://worldpopulationreview.com/ and http://brtdata.org/
 Table of Contents
Abbreviations and Acronyms
01 INTRODUCTION 02

02
AJL Ahmedabad Janmarg Limited
ABOUT TRANSIT-ORIENTED DEVELOPMENT 04
AUDA Ahmedabad Urban Development Authority
2.1. Principles of Transit-Oriented Development 04
BRT Bus Rapid Transit
2.2. Planning and Implementation 04
BTOD Bus-Based Transit-Oriented Development 2.3. Financing 05
COF Corridors of Freedom 2.4. Outcomes and Benefits 07
CoJ City of Johannesburg
03 INTERNATIONAL CASE STUDIES 10
CTOD Center for Transit Oriented Development 3.1. Curitiba, Brazil 10
FAR Floor Area Ratio 3.2. Ottawa, Canada 13
IPPUC Institute for Research and Urban Planning of Curitiba 3.3. Bogotá, Colombia 18
3.4. Ahmedabad, India 19
ITDP Institute for Transportation and Development Policy
3.5. Guangzhou, China 24
LAMATA Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority 3.6. Lagos, Nigeria 30
LRT
NURTW
Light Rail Train
National Union of Road Transport Workers
04 CONCLUSION 33
OC Transpo Ottawa-Carleton Regional Transit Commission 05 REFERENCES 36
PPP Public-Private Partnership
RIT Rede Integrada de Transporte
RTOD Rail-Based Transit-Oriented Development
List of Tables and Figures
TDM Transportation Demand Management
TOD Transit-Oriented Development Figure 1: The eight core principles of TOD (ITDP 2014) 03
URBS Urban Development Authority of Curitiba Figure 2: The four different scales of TOD (CTOD 2010) 06
WPR World Population Review
Figure 3: Curitiba’s trinary road system (Rocha 2015) 09

Figure 4: Mall near BRT route in Curitiba 11

Figure 5: Ottawa BRT (Ansoncfit 2012) 14

Figure 6: Ottawa’s transportation masterplan 15

Figure 7: Bogotá BRT station at rush hour (Kash 2011) 16

Figure 8: Bogotá street on Ciclovia (Ortega 2011) 17

Figure 9: JanMarg bus and equitable road space allocation in Ahmedabad (Velaparatodo 2011) 20

Figure 10: Accessibility and social services planned in Ahmedabad 22

Figure 11: Proposed transit interchanges in Ahmedabad 23

Figure 12: Proposed activity centres in Ahmedabad 25

Figure 13: Guangzhou BRT (ITDP China 2015) 21

Figure 14: Bike sharing in Guangzhou located near a BRT station (ITDP China 2015) 26

Figure 15: Greenway in Guangzhou (IDTP-China 2015) 28

Figure 16: BRT Lite bus stop in Lagos (LAMATA) 29

Figure 17: Congestion caused by minibus taxis in Lagos (Guardian 2017) 29

VII International case studies International case studies VIII

 1
INTRODUCTION
This report presents the findings of desktop research conducted on
international case studies of corridor implementation from a perspective
of Transit-Oriented Development (TOD). City of Johannesburg (CoJ) plans
to build on and extend its existing Rea Vaya Bus Rapid Transport (BRT)
network following the principles of TOD, by combining the construction
of “strategically located transport corridors” with the creation of “mixed-
use development nodes with high density accommodation, supported
by office buildings, retail developments and opportunities for education,
leisure and recreation” (CoJ 2013). As such, the Rea Vaya BRT system
is considered to be ‘the backbone’ of the Corridors of Freedom (CoJ
2014: 11) which, according to observers, “arguably represents the most
advanced and most explicit commitment to TOD by any of the South
African cities to date” (Bickford 2014: 6).

With the ongoing implementation of the third phase of the Rea Vaya
BRT network, this report draws on the experiences of six international
case studies of corridor development to examine the current state of
play in terms of the planning, implementing and financing of TOD. The
case studies include the following cities: Curitiba in Brazil; Ottawa in
Canada; Bogotá in Colombia; Ahmedabad in India; Guangzhou in China;
and Lagos in Nigeria. These cities range from medium to large in size,
with low- to high-density populations, and span four continents. In
some of the cities, transport corridor development has been around
for decades, while in others it is more recent. In some cities corridor
development has followed TOD principles, while in others TOD has only
recently started to emerge as a planning principle. Although outcomes
vary across the case studies according to individual cases and contexts,
important commonalities and parallels can be identified when it comes
to best practices, as well as challenges in achieving TOD.

1.1. Outline of Report

Section 2 of the report begins with a general discussion of the
principles of TOD; available tools for planning, implementing and
financing; and the potential outcomes and benefits of TOD. Section
3 draws on academic research, policy reports and online sources to
discuss the international case studies of corridor development in
Curitiba, Ottawa, Bogotá, Ahmedabad, Guangzhou and Lagos.

The report concludes in Section 4 with a comparative analysis and

some concluding remarks on best practices and lessons learned,
which are relevant for the Johannesburg case. The report aims to
contribute to thinking about practices and interventions that can be
used to optimise and assess the impact of TOD on Johannesburg’s
long-term development, with the ultimate aim of ensuring a more
efficient, inclusive and sustainable urban form.

01 International case studies International case studies 02

 2
ABOUT TRANSIT-ORIENTED DEVELOPMENT
While the development of cities has historically been linked to investments in urban transit, the concept of
TOD emerged in the United States in the 1990s as a response to traffic congestion and suburban sprawl
caused by the rise in car use since 1945. Drawing on the work and ideas of the urban planner Peter Calthorpe,
and the experience of cities such as Portland, Oregon, TOD has become associated with the principles of ‘New
Urbanism’ and the notion of diverse, compact or ‘smart growth’ (Bernick and Cervero 1997; Carlton 2007).1 In
recent years TOD has gained popularity amongst planners across the world as a way to manage urban growth
in a more sustainable way (Bickford 2016). Research on TOD is growing. However, it still mainly focuses on
practice in the United States, Australia and, increasingly, in Asia (see, for example, TRB 2004; Dittmar and
Ohland 2004; Curtis et al 2009). Most of this work looks at TOD based on investments in urban rail corridors,
although there is increasing attention to BRT-based TOD (Cervero and Dai 2014).

Few studies focus on TOD in the context of
developing countries, even though the mobility
challenges (and consequently the challenges of
coordinating transportation and land use) of the
developing world are considerably different to
those in wealthier countries (Finn and Mulley
2011; Cervero 2013a). Moreover, urban growth
in developing countries is often accompanied by
poverty and informality, which require adapted
forms and approaches to TOD (Bickford 2016).
2.1. Principles of Transit-Oriented
Development
While there is no universal working definition of
TOD, it is generally associated with “mixed-use,
walkable, location-efficient development that
balances the need for sufficient density to support
convenient transit service with the scale of the
adjacent community” (Dittmar et al 2004: 4). The
Institute for Transportation and Development
Policy (ITDP) identifies eight core principles of TOD:
walk, cycle, connect, transit, mix, densify, compact
and shift (ITDP 2014 – see Figure 1).
Until the mid-2000s, TOD initiatives tended
to focus on rail-based TOD (RTOD), with bus-
based TOD (BTOD) being a minor subset of TOD
implementation (Currie 2006). This reflected
persistent views of bus-based transport as ‘second
best’ compared to rail alternatives (Hidalgo and
Gutiérrez 2013: 10-11). Rail transit was seen as
more permanent and attractive and as delivering
higher service quality, leading TOD specialists to
conclude that “rail transit, all other things being
Figure 1. The eight core principles of TOD (ITDP 2014)
equal, attracts more intense development and
increases return on investment” (Dittmar and
Poticha 2004: 37). Others acknowledged that while
BRT systems could offer good service frequency and
transfers, there were a number of weaknesses: poor
bus industry capabilities, the noise and pollution
impacts of buses, and the poor track record of BRT
in relation to TOD (Currie 2006). As more cities
developing or expanding their public transport
networks have begun to opt for large-scale bus-
based systems instead of rail, BRT systems have
become more sophisticated and increasingly ‘rail-
like’, resulting in increased acknowledgement and
evidence of the potential of BRT for TOD (Deng and
Nelson 2011). Importantly, the Center for Transit
Oriented Development (CTOD) now finds that:
Any transit technology can define a transit
corridor – heavy or light rail, streetcar, trolley
or bus. The TOD potential depends more on
the design and quality of service than it does
on the transit technology. High-quality service
for all transit technologies is defined as high-
frequency service along dedicated lanes or
rights of way that serve to ‘fix’ the line and
provide certainty for developers and investors
that transit service will not be moved to another
corridor. The TOD potential is also determined
by the walkability and bikeability of station
areas, the presence of retail amenities, and the
local and regional housing market (2010: 4).
2.2. Planning and Implementation
Planning for TOD takes place at different scales,

1 For an overview of New Urbanism and smart growth principles, see the New Urbanism
03 International case studies website: http://www.newurbanism.org/newurbanism/principles.html and http://www. International case studies 04
newurbanism.org/newurbanism/smartgrowth.html
encompassing different goals, actors, tools and
outcomes. While usually focused at the scale of the
station area, TOD planning can start at the parcel
level and move up the spectrum to the station,
corridor and, finally, the regional scale. Alternatively,
TOD planning can start at the larger scale and
move downwards. Most important for planning to
be successful is that it is coordinated at all scales
(CTOD 2010: 3).
Further, TOD can be designed to serve a variety of
goals, ranging from the guidance of economic growth
and development to the improvement of mobility.
Depending on the goals of TOD, it is important
for relevant stakeholders – such as developers,
local businesses, community organisations and
local transport representatives – to be involved in
early stages of planning (CTOD 2010). In doing so,
potential barriers to TOD implementation – such
as scepticism amongst developers, weak market
demand, community opposition and resistance
within the existing transport sector (for instance the
informal paratransit sector in developing countries,
which public transit corridors often seek to replace)
– can be mitigated.
There are a range of tools that governments and
planning agencies can draw on to implement
the transit investments necessary to promote
TOD. Important are tools that promote and
manage changes in land use and development
at locations in and around transport corridors,
such as zoning regulations aimed at dense and
mixed-use development. For transit investments
to successfully result in TOD there is also a need
for supportive measures such as Transportation
Demand Management (TDM). The latter can include
measures aimed at discouraging car use, such as
congestion pricing and parking controls (Suzuki
et al 2013: 19). Moreover, a number of enabling
conditions are critical for TOD to be implemented
successfully. These include a clear vision and
supportive institutional and regulatory framework
at the city level (Suzuki et al 2013).
2.3. Financing
Financing of TOD can include tools for the capital
financing of TOD infrastructure, either by the state
(through debt, credit or grants) or through the creation
of financial incentives for the private sector. Secondly,
it can include tools for the financing of investments
that are necessary to support sustainable and
equitable TOD, such as investments in public spaces,
05 International case studies
affordable housing and social amenities. This can
be done, for example, through the use of incentives
and emerging tools such as the creation of land
banks and the conversion of underused properties
(‘redfields’) into parks (‘greenfields’). Thirdly, financing
can include tools to cover the operational costs of
transit investments through direct fees and taxes or
the capturing of the (land) value created by public
investments in transit.
Overview of Financing Tools
• D
 ebt tools: private debt, bond financing,
public infrastructure debt mechanisms
• C
 redit assistance: state credit assistance
tools
• D
 irect fees: user and utility fees, congestion
pricing
• E
 quity: public-private partnerships,
infrastructure investment funds
• ( Land) value capture: developer fees and Figure 2. The four different scales of TOD (CTOD 2010)
exactions, special districts, tax increment
financing, joint development, density
incentives, Floor Area Ratio
• G
 rants and other philanthropic sources:
transportation, community and economic
development grants and foundation grants
and investments
• E
 merging tools: structured funds, land
banks, ‘redfields’ to ‘greenfields’, national
infrastructure bank
(adapted from Environmental Protection
Agency 2013)
Effective and systematic value recapture continues
to be a challenge in cities in developing countries
where land and property is often accessed
informally. For land value capture financing
schemes to be successful, there is a need for strong
real estate markets, significant institutional capacity
and clear policy guidelines, combined with high
densities, a supportive legislative environment,
organisational cultural change that embraces
property development, and the creation of a real
estate development division within transit agencies
(Suzuki et al 2013: 185). Cases where such conditions
are in place show that land value capture can be
International case studies 06
highly effective. For example the MTR Corporation,
owner-operator of largest rail service in Hong
Kong, has successfully applied the ‘value capture’
principle to finance railway investments through
an integrated so-called ‘rail+property’ development
model. As a result, Hong Kong is one of the few
places in the world where public transport actually
makes a profit (Cervero and Murakami 2009; see
also Salon and Shewmake 2010; Suzuki et al 2015).
Financing tools can be used alone or in combination,
in different phases and to fund the different scales
of TOD development (EPA 2013). Where TOD is
successfully implemented, it becomes an effective
tool for the attraction of outside investments,
setting in motion a virtuous cycle of revenue
generation (Suzuki et al 2013: 21-22).
2.4. Outcomes and Benefits
TOD has the potential to improve quality of life by
reducing travel time and household transportation
expenses, thereby making housing more affordable,
creating stable mixed-income neighbourhoods,
and reducing environmental impacts and the costs
associated with inefficient land use (Dittmar, with
Belzer and Autler 2004: 3-4).
Some of these benefits can be achieved in the
relatively short term, such as reduced carbon
emissions in contexts where mass transport
corridors such as the BRT successfully replace
informal transport and individual car use (Hook et
al 2010; EMBARQ 2013). Even so, as the case studies
will show, car use reduction remains a challenge
in rapidly growing cities. Changes in land use in
and around transport corridors require concerted
efforts with benefits that may only arise in the long
term. The adoption of tools and mechanisms to
regulate and capture the value created by transit
investments is necessary to ensure the mixed-
income nature of neighbourhoods located in around
transport corridors (as rising land values often tend
to displace low-income residents).
Controlling density without considering the land’s
economic value prevents cities from effectively
managing their land use. In Ahmedabad, for example,
the Floor Area Ratio (FAR) of urban areas is kept low
(1.80 – 2.25) for the entire urban area. In Bogotá, the
FAR is either 0 – 1.0 or 1.1 – 2.0, including near BRT
stations and corridor, except for the CBD and several
peripheral areas, where  no FAR restriction exists. In
transit-oriented cities in Asia, much wider variations are
07 International case studies
adopted. Each of these cities has developed different
density ranges in different areas, taking social and
economic features into consideration while allowing
for high-density construction around transit lines and
stations. For instance, in Singapore ratios range from 12
to 25 within the CBD area alone, while in Seoul they
range from 8 to 10; in Tokyo from 1 to 20; and in Hong
Kong from 1 to 12 (Suzuki et al 2013: 10-12).
In contrast, in many African cities new construction
is often not clustered, failing to make capital more
concentrated and increase economic density. Instead,
it tends to push the boundaries of the city outward.
This kind of ‘building-out’ represents either expansion
or ‘leapfrog’ development, as opposed to infill, which
makes cities denser. Analysis of GIS imagery for 21
African cities over 2000 – 2010 shows that, during
this period, between 46 and 77 per cent of new
development occurred as expansion, with the share
of infill being much lower (Lall et al 2017: 19).
However, it is important to note that density is not
the only important element of land use and built
environments. Other elements – including carefully
articulated land-use mixtures; safe and smooth
accessibility to transit stations (enabled by foot
paths, cycle paths, and street lights, for example);
and amenities such as benches, parks, landscaping,
and libraries – contribute to the development of a
good built environment (Suzuki et al 2013: 13).
Hence, for transport planners to leverage the benefits
of TOD and improve the quality of urban design and
community life, a good understanding is needed of
the complex relationship between environment,
travel, socio-demographic characteristics and
household attitudes (Olaru et al 2011). Studies
have shown that while businesses generally
expect positive effects from transit corridors in
the future, the likelihood of positive perceptions
differs significantly according to business location,
size and sector, as well as the demographic and
travel behaviour of employees and customers
(Fan and Guthrie 2013). Clearly, more research is
needed to understand market responses to transit
development.
International case studies 08
 Figure 3. Curitiba’s trinary road system (Rocha 2015)2

3 development. This strategy combined investments

in transportation with land use development
before TOD was a known concept (Cervero 1998).
The BRT has been used successfully to promote
promotes ridership (Lindau et al 2010b). A national
policy that mandates that employers subsidise a
portion of their workers’ transportation costs also

INTERNATIONAL CASE STUDIES

contributes to promoting ridership (Cervero 1998).
and brand the city, which is now internationally These measures have resulted in location-efficient
seen as “one of the most livable cities in the development, signified by density along the transit
The previous section laid out the general principles and available tools for planning, implementing and world”; a “best practice city” (Lindau et al 2010b); corridors; reduced car use and high ridership rates
financing TOD, as well as its potential outcomes and benefits. This section examines a number of international an “eco-city” or “greenest city in the world” (Barth (with 46% of total trips made by public transport)
case studies in order to provide insight into the practice of corridor planning, implementation and financing 2014), and a model of urban sustainability. (Global BRT Data 2016); and reduced transportation
across different contexts, and to highlight (potential) best practices of TOD. costs (Goodman et al 2007). This, in turn, has reduced
Key tools and measures in the planning and traffic congestion and resulted in some of the lowest
implementation of corridor development include rates of air pollution in the country, despite the city
3.1. Curitiba, Brazil Network, it was initially conceived as a light rail
the adoption of a comprehensive legal framework being a provincial capital with a sizeable industrial
transit system. However, due to high capital costs
Curitiba is Brazil’s eighth most populous city, with (master plan, zoning regulations and incentives) sector (Goodman et al 2007; Suzuki et al 2013).
it was replaced by a trunk-and-feeder bus system,
1  879 355 inhabitants and a population density to promote dense, high-rise and mixed land
which over time evolved into a full BRT system
of 4 062 per km² (WPR 2016). The city is famous development along the BRT corridors, according State and federal funding have been important
(Duarte and Rojas 2012). Its rail-like qualities have
for its BRT system, which represents an iconic case led observers to call it a “veritable surface metro” to a “trinary road system” (Cervero 1998; Suzuki sources for the financing of the capital costs of
of BRT development and has been followed and (Cervero 1998). et al 2013). In Curitiba car-free pedestrian malls corridor development. Private sector financing
adapted by numerous cities on the Latin American in the vicinity of the BRT lines, and the clustering incentives such as transferable development rights
continent and beyond (Hidalgo and Carrigan 2010). What distinguishes Curitiba’s BRT system from of services and shops in structures called Ruas da (for example, a 1982 law called Solo Criado or
The city started its BRT system in 1974 and now has others is that while it was initially developed as Cidadania (Citizenship Streets), promote walking Created Land) in turn have guided the investment of
seven bus priority corridors, spanning 83 km and a cost-effective solution to a transport problem (Macedo 2013). the private sector into certain locations in exchange
benefiting 561 000 passengers every day (Global in a context of rapid urban growth, overcrowding for the preservation of the city’s historical, cultural
BRT Data 2016). Known locally known as the Rede and traffic congestion, it has been implemented A single flat fare (tarifa social) enables cross- and architectural heritage. A law passed in 2010
Integrada de Transporte (RIT) or Integrated Transit as part of a wider vision and strategy of urban subsidisation between short and long rides and promotes the preservation of green space along the

2 See https://dgunderblog.files.wordpress.com/2015/08/trinary-road-spine.jpg
09 International case studies International case studies 10
 corridor by giving developers increased building
rights if they purchase or preserve land along the
corridor as parks (Suzuki et al 2013: 82-84). Levies
charged on new developments are deposited into
the Municipal Housing Fund and used to implement
affordable housing projects through the public
housing agency COHAB (Macedo 2013).
Key enabling conditions for Curitiba’s success
include a high degree of political support and
institutional coordination, with implementation
marked by a mix of political leadership, innovation,
pragmatism, technocracy and continuity (Lindau et
al 2010a: 281). In addition, the City has a supportive
institutional setting due to the central role of
its planning agency, the Institute for Research
and Urban Planning of Curitiba (IPPUC), which
designs urban development plans, programmes
and projects. The IPPUC has also been essential
for the political continuity that guaranteed the
success of planning initiatives, since several mayors
were IPPUC directors before running for office
and, once elected, drew staff from IPPUC to form
their cabinets (Macedo 2013).4 Also important to
its success is the Urban Development Authority
of Curitiba (URBS), which plans and manages all
the transportation modes within the Curitiba
metropolitan area (Lindau 2010b: 21). The City has
broad popular and investor support, leading to high
rates of observance to urban plans and policies.5
This is achieved through extensive community
consultation. The latest revision to the city’s master
plan has been led by IPPUC and Concitiba, a council
formed by representatives of private sector and
educational institutions, along with extensive
public hearings (Rosário 2016).6
In addition to Curitiba’s BRT corridor system,
the city has an ‘employment corridor’ (Linhão do
Emprego). This was created in the late 1990s to
foster economic growth, social improvement and
employment opportunities through investments
in urban, social and industrial infrastructures and
support and training for small-scale businesses. It
is funded by the Brazilian Development Bank and
comprises a 40 km avenue running through some of
the poorest parts of the city.7 In 2005, this corridor
initiative was extended through the ‘Good Business’
programme (Programa Bom Negócio), which involves
partnerships between the government, private
3 See http://www.urbs.curitiba.pr.gov.br/comunidade/equipamento/ruas-da-cidadania
4 This includes Jaime Lerner, Mayor of Curitiba in 1971-1975, 1980-1982 and 1989-1992.
Figure 4. Mall near BRT route in Curitiba
3
5 City of Curitiba website: http://www.curitiba.pr.gov.br/conteudo/historico/2763
6 A website has been set up to collect and share all information on the revision process:
http://www.curitiba.pr.gov.br/conteudo/inicio/2762 and http://concitiba.ippuc.org.br/
11 International case studies 7 For more on the Linhão do Emprego see: http://www.pt-pr.org.br/pt_pag/PAG%202004/
PROGRAMAS%20DE%20GOVERNO/Programas%20Sociais%20Curitiba.pdf
sector and local universities. According to the City of
Curitiba, by 2012 these programmes had resulted in
the training of over 10 000 entrepreneurs; a profit
increase of 66% for participating businesses; the
creation of 3 000 direct jobs; and a 40.4% increase
in monthly household incomes (Santos et al 2014).
Since 2009 the city also has a Green Line (Linha
Verde), which is an 18 km corridor that was
converted from a federal highway, and has the first
bus system in Latin America to operate with 100%
biodiesel (B100). Recent legislation has altered
zoning and land use along the Green Line to
promote TOD by turning the area into a pedestrian-
friendly, mixed-use corridor that can accommodate
up to half a million new residents (Suzuki et al
2013). The Green Line is expected to provide the
basis for a massive urban renovation of the city,
and the value of real estate along the corridor has
already increased substantially (Lindau et al 2010a).
In addition, extensive sidewalk improvement and
the construction of cycle paths as part of a bicycle
master plan launched in 2013 is underway (Rosario
2016; This Big City 2013).
Despite Curitiba’s success, in recent years the city
has faced a number of challenges. Demand for
BRT has outweighed supply, leading to slowed
services during peak hours, overcrowding, increased
operating costs and rising fare prices. As a result,
critique of the system has been growing. Many
middle-class car-owning travellers have opted to
drive again, leading to increase in car use, decrease
in BRT use and underuse of bike paths (following a
number of road accidents).
The system has also failed to integrate its growing
suburbs into a coherent regional plan, thereby
excluding suburban (and usually low-income)
residents from access to the most liveable parts of
the city. A focus on the ‘formal’ city, together with
long waiting lists to access municipal housing, has
led to growth in informal settlements outside of
Curitiba’s city limits (Scruggs 2013). Critics are also
concerned with the growing commodification of the
city in order to attract capital (for example, the 2014
World Cup), which is sometimes at the expense of
a large part of the population (Halais 2012). Finally,
observers have pointed out that while Curitiba’s
master plan may have kept land speculation in
check, politically-connected private investors are
International case studies 12
known to have gained considerable profits by
acquiring potentially valuable land at lower prices
in advance of major infrastructure projects, which
drastically increased the value of properties along
planned development axes (Macedo 2013).
Following mounting pressure on the capacity of
the RIT and the suspension of plans for a metro
system due to a lack of federal funds (Globo 2016),
in January 2017 the City of Curitiba adopted a new
BRT system plan. Called City Vehicle Interconnected,
the project includes hybrid and electric buses that
will be connected through a total of five corridors
totalling 106 kilometres and approximately
300 stations. Six of these stations will be built
underground, resembling metro stations but at
6 meters under the surface not as deep as actual
metro systems and therefore less costly and time
consuming to build. All buses will be connected to
fibre optic networks, giving passengers access to
wireless internet and cell phone applications with
real time information about bus services. According
to city officials, the project represents an affordable
solution to Curitiba’s transport problems and puts
Curitiba back on the map as a leading sustainable
city (Bazani 2017).
3.2. Ottawa, Canada
Canada’s capital city, Ottawa, has 951 727 inhabitants
and a very low population density of 316 per km²
(WPR 2016). While the scale of Ottawa’s BRT system
Transitway is small compared to other global TOD
systems, it stands out for its success in reshaping
city growth through investments in a busway, at a
time when light rail was the preferred choice of
most medium-sized North American cities. The city
started the system in 1983 and now has one bus
priority corridor consisting of 35 km and benefiting
220 000 passengers every day.
Cost efficiency in a context of rapid suburbanisation
and growth (with the spilling over of Ottawa’s
boundaries) was the most important consideration
at the time of the BRT’s implementation (Cervero
1998). In this context, a bus system was seen as
better suited to the region’s future land use vision
of concentrated workplaces and retail destinations
encircled by largely low-density, single-family
detached housing (Suzuki et al 2013). The Ottawa
transit system now represents the most extensive
exclusive busway system in North America and
is considered to be “a major icon of BTOD” (Currie
2006). Cervero refers to it as “a textbook example of
13 International case studies
how to successfully coordinate transportation and
urban development” (1998: 240).
Ottawa’s leaders began with a concept plan that
defined desired growth axes and then strategically
invested in a high-quality, high-capacity bus system
to drive growth along these corridors. Downtown
Ottawa would retain its position as the dominant
commercial, employment and cultural centre
of the region, and would be surrounded by a
hierarchy of primary and secondary urban centres,
interconnected by high-quality transit. Market-
driven (predominantly low-density) patterns of
development would be permitted outside these
centres. As a result of supportive zoning and world-
class bus services, growth gravitated to bus corridors
between 1985 and 2000 (Suzuki et al 2013).
The City of Ottawa now has one of the highest
transit utilisation rates in North America, even
when compared with much larger rail-served cities
like Chicago and Philadelphia. It also has the third-
highest transit ridership per capita among major
cities in Canada (after Montréal and Toronto). From
70 million passengers in 1998, annual ridership
reached almost 100 million in 2014 (Suzuki et al
2013: 84-89; OC Transpo 2015). 19% of total trips
are made by public transport (Global BRT Data
2016). Office and retail development is concentrated
near Transitway stops, increasing employment
opportunities, choice and liveability. An estimated
95% of residents live within 400 m of a bus stop,
thereby guaranteeing access (Cervero 1998: 258).
Key tools and measures for the planning,
implementation and financing of corridor
development in Ottawa include a comprehensive
legal framework guided by a Regional Official
Plan, aimed at creating density and a transit-
supportive built form. It requires that employment
opportunities are created close to existing or future
Transitway stations, through the creation of Primary
and Secondary Employment Centres. Regional trip
generators and large-scale land developments
such as shopping centres are also to be built within
walking distance of Transitway stations or future
extensions. Moreover, improvements to the existing
transit system and the development of rapid transit
take precedence over all forms of road construction
and widening according to the principle of ‘transit
first’ (Cervero 1998).
Provincial funding covered most operating and capital
costs in the first two decades of the introduction of
Figure 5. Ottawa BRT (Ansoncfit 2012)8
International case studies 14
8 See https://www.flickr.com/photos/13456209@N05/
Figure 6. Ottawa’s transportation masterplan9

Transitway in Ottawa. Since then 53% of operating use, allowing for value recapture and environmental
costs are funded by customers’ fares with the benefits due to reduced car use. Customers who use
remainder funded primarily through property taxes, as Park and Ride parking lots make up only 2-3% of
well as provincial gas tax transfers (OC Transpo 2015). total ridership (OC Transpo 2015).11

TOD design guidelines have directed investments In addition to ‘sticks’, the City uses various pro-transit
in the Transitway since the early 1980s and play ‘carrots’, such as one of the first bus-based, real-time
an integral role in achieving high quality design passenger information systems; eco-passes, which
throughout the city, by translating the vision of provide regular transit users with fare discounts; and the
the Official Plan and its broad framework into installation of bike racks in buses under the ‘Rack and
detailed principles for development.10 The current Roll’ programme to promote cycling (Suzuki et al 2013).
TOD guidelines were revised in 2007 and include
guidelines with regard to land use; layout; built form; Key enabling conditions for Ottawa’s success include
pedestrians and cyclists; vehicles and parking; and a high degree of political support and institutional
streetscape and environment (City of Ottawa 2007). coordination. The Regional Municipality of Ottawa-
Carleton is responsible for the preparation of the
TDM measures promote transit and walking and regional masterplan and a Regional Council is
reduce car use. These measure have included: responsible for comprehensive planning, investments
the elimination of free parking for government in major infrastructure, and the provision of regional
employees; the reduction of downtown parking services such as air quality management. The
spaces; and the restriction of park-and-ride facilities Regional Council appoints members to the Ottawa-
to encourage the use of feeder and express services, Carleton Regional Transit Commission, or OC Transpo,
as well as to increase the development potential which is the region’s transit operating authority. The
of selected stations (Suzuki et al 2013). Limited Transportation Committee, a standing committee
parking spaces near stations has reduced parking of the Regional Council, manages the Transitway
lot expenses and freed up land for commercial office Programme (Cervero 1998).
Figure 7. Bogotá Transmilenio BRT Station (Facchini, no date)12
9 See http://forum.skyscraperpage.com/showthread.php?t=177259&page=5
10 Ottawa City website: http://ottawa.ca/city_services/planning/design_plan_
15 International case studies guidelines  ee http://thecityfixbrasil.com/files/2012/12/TransMilenio_Bogota-Foto-por-Daniela-
12 S International case studies 16
11 OC Transpo website: http://www.octranspo.com/ Facchini-EMBARQ-Brasil-2.jpg
 Regulatory controls enable the Regional Council to
override local zoning and land use actions deemed
inconsistent with the regional masterplan, although
this rarely happens. Since 2007, OC Transpo presents
an annual performance report to the Council and
the Transit Commission as a way of improving
accountability and transparency (OC Transpo 2015).
The existence of concrete TOD objectives and
guidelines which have been revisited over time has
resulted in high levels of local expertise. The high
quality of transport is combined with high levels of
rider satisfaction and safety felt by customers (OC
Transpo 2015).
Like Curitiba, Ottawa has experienced some of the
growing pains and limitations of a highly successful
BRT system (Suzuki et al 2013). In 2013, after
much deliberation, the City Council approved the
conversion of the Transitway corridor in downtown
Ottawa into a Light Rail Train (LRT) line as a
response to increasing traffic congestion. Ottawa’s
LRT began operation in 2001 and will be extended
in two stages, the first is expected to be completed
in 2018 and the second to be completed in 2023.13
The goal is to bring 70% of Ottawa residents within
5 km of rail. The current expansion plans also
include plans for the construction of new BRT lines.
3.3. Bogotá, Colombia
Bogotá has 7  760 500 inhabitants and at 4  495
per  km² its population density is similar to that
of Curitiba (WPR 2016). Bogotá’s BRT system was
created as a long-awaited response to traffic
congestion and air pollution, and its first phase was
implemented in record time after its conception in
1998. The city started its BRT system in 2000 and
now has 11 bus priority corridors spanning 112 km.
It represents the world’s highest capacity system,
serving approximately 45 000 passengers per hour
per direction and over 2 million passengers per day
(Global BRT Data 2016). Known as TransMilenio –
after the private company called Transporte del
Tercer Milenio Transmilenio S.A., which was created
to plan and operate the new system – it is now
recognised as the ‘gold standard’ of BRT systems.
After Curitiba it has become one of the most
emulated BRT systems around the world (Duarte
and Rojas 2012).
In addition to Bogotá’s BRT corridor, the City
has implemented a series of other corridors and
TDM measures, illustrating a holistic approach to
Figure 8. Bogotá street on Civlovia (Harrison 2012)14
13 O Train Confederation Line website: http://www.ligneconfederationline.ca; Stage 2 LRT
website: http://www.stage2lrt.ca/
17 International case studies 14 S ee https://kiwicrossfitodyssey.wordpress.com/2012/10/25/south-america-live-primitive-
crossfit-bogota/dscn0140-2/
control car use and promote walking and cycling.
These include the construction of a 344 km bike
route (cicloruta), the largest network in Latin
America; the 17 km Alameda Porvenir, the world’s
longest pedestrian corridor; and the closure of
road segments for selected hours on holidays and
weekends, creating 121 km of pedestrian and bike
paths called Ciclovia. The peak and license plate
programme (pico y placa) regulates private car
use during the morning and evening peak hours,
based on the last digit of the license plate. The
world’s largest car-free weekday event (sin mi carro)
temporarily removes about 1.5 million cars from
the street and is aimed at educating people on
alternating their modes of transit. Bicycle use has
quintupled since the construction of bike routes,
the opening of the Ciclovia, and the introduction of
other bicycle-use promotions. Bicycles also play an
important role as a feeder service, further extending
the reach of the BRT system.ogwenldfi
An important aim of corridor implementation in Bogotá
is social equity, with a large portion of the TransMilenio’s
service being targeted at low-income populations. An
innovative land value capture scheme allows the City
to receive about 30-50% of the increase in land value
that results from public investments (for example, parks,
cycle ways and pedestrian ways). It uses these funds for
the construction of affordable housing for low-income
households near TransMilenio stations, as well as access
to social facilities such as schools, hospitals, parks
and libraries through the Metrovivienda programme.
Between 2001 and 2007, about 45 000 units were sold
through this programme, mostly to low-income groups.
Residents of these units currently enjoy better housing,
as well as shorter commutes and lower commuting
costs (Suzuki et al 2013).
Key enabling conditions for Bogotá’s success
are high levels of political support – with Mayor
Enrique Peñalosa being the main promoter of the
BRT system – which allowed for the system’s rapid
implementation. Capital and operational costs of
BRT implementation have been financed through
a mix of national government grants, multilateral
funding, public-private partnerships (PPPs) and
local fuel and parking taxes. In addition, Bogotá is
among a few cities in the world to use carbon credit
mechanisms to finance its BRT system, covering
12% of its initial investment (Nelson et al 2012).
Investments in infrastructure – such as public
squares, improvements to sidewalks and the
International case studies 18
development of a pedestrian network – have
enhanced the public realm and pedestrian
environments near BRT stations; encouraged
people to use the TransMilenio; and attracted
private sector investment. However, researchers
have found Bogotá’s BRT system to be weak in
terms of its land use connection (Cervero and Dai
2014). The design of Bogotá’s BRT system has
mainly focused on mobility and rapid operation of
the buses. Broader long-term urban development
goals have been overlooked and there has been
little coordination between investments in the
TransMilenio and land use, leaving development
mainly to market forces. While building densities
have increased across the city, this has mainly taken
place on the city’s periphery or around end stations,
where vacant land was available. While land values
have increased close to some of the TransMilenio
corridors and stations (Hidalgo et al 2013), land
use around more central or mid-station areas has
not become more significantly dense or mixed.
This is partly because land was already occupied,
but also because of the absence of changes in land
use zoning, FAR policies, or other codes related
to land development. This disjuncture has been
excarebated by institutional inefficiencies; weak
regional coordination; ineffectual density policies;
and a lack of physical design considerations and
sensitivity (Suzuki et al 2013).
In recent years, deteriorating main routes
and worsening traffic congestion have also
overshadowed the TransMilenio’s success as a
mobility solution (Ardila 2007; Margolis 2015). The
decline in service quality reflects both the system’s
popularity and the lack of attention to user needs.
While ridership increased 10.3% between 2007
and 2008, the number of buses increased just
2.2% (Hidalgo and EMBARQ 2010). In addition, the
capacity of the main corridors was not expanded
until 2011. As a result, TransMilenio’s average travel
speed declined from 28 km per hour in 2001 to 23
km per hour in 2011. Buses on the busiest lines
are usually overcrowded, forcing passengers to
wait a long time and leading to a decline in user
satisfaction (Hidalgo et al 2013). Meanwhile, traffic
congestion in Bogotá has worsened. Private car
ownership increased from 104 vehicles per 1 000
people in 2003 to 163 vehicles per 1 000 people
in 2008, which represents a 12.3% annual increase
with almost no increase in roadway capacity. The
capacity to serve high volumes of riders in dense
traffic corridors is thus facing physical and technical
19 International case studies
15 https://www.flickr.com/photos/velaparatodo/
limitations, which has further impeded efforts to
create higher-density mixed-use land projects
around stations.
In response, national, regional and city governments
have started to place greater emphasis on
integration of the transit system; strategic spatial
development with densification and mixed land
use; spatial design for place-making objectives; and
value capture for infrastructure investments. While
a new strategic transport plan launched in 2015
included proposals for the construction of a new
metro, a green transit corridor and the introduction
of cable cars (TransMilenio 2015), the restructuring
of Transmilenio is still on-going. The most urgent
needs are being met through the acquisition of new
bi-articulated buses with higher passenger capacity
and more environment friendly electric-powered
buses (Caracol Radio 2017).
3.4. Ahmedabad, India
The city of Ahmedabad is India’s fifth largest
city with over 7 million inhabitants and a high
population density of 9 900  per km² (WPR 2016).
Over the past ten years, numerous Indian cities
have implemented BRT systems and seven cities
currently have operational BRT systems. The
implementation of these systems has been spurred
by national government funding support through
the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal
Mission, established in 2005-2006 with the aim
of encouraging reforms and fast-tracking planned
urban development in 65 cities across the country
(Government of India 2011).
The implementation of BRT has varied considerably
between cities in India. The failure to deliver results
led to the dismantling of Delhi’s BRT system in
January 2016 after its launch in 2008 (Mehrotra
2016). Ahmedabad’s BRT system on the other hand
has been internationally lauded as a success story,
receiving multiple national and international awards
(including the Government of India’s 2009 Best Mass
Rapid Transit System award and the ITDP Sustainable
Transport Award for 2011). The City started the
system in 2009 and now has one bus priority
corridor consisting of 82 km and benefiting 130 000
passengers every day (Global BRT Data 2016). Known
as JanMarg or ‘People’s Way’, its primary objective
was to reduce congestion and improve access in the
city of Ahmedabad, by offering a new transportation
system in a context of rapid urban growth.
Figure 9. JanMarg bus and equitable road space allocation in Ahmedabad (Velaparatodo 2011)15
International case studies 20
Figure 10. Accessibility and social services planned in Ahmedabad16

Key tools for the planning, implementation and can use this fund to finance transit improvements
financing of corridor development in Ahmedabad and operational deficits. In 2011, the City earned
include the adoption of a comprehensive urban about $26 million from the sale of FAR bonuses,
mobility plan called ‘Accessible Ahmedabad’ which which represented 4.5% of the City’s total revenues
focuses on physical, social and economic accessibility and 5% of its total investment budget. The City has
with the BRT as a principal element.17 The BRT corridor also introduced a number of innovative financing
has been designed to respond to local conditions, schemes, including India’s first municipal bond,
such as the need to connect busy places but avoid various PPP arrangements and the Town Planning
busy roads. Its aim is to serve the whole (and not just Scheme system (Suzuki et al 2013).
part of the) city, through an emphasis on equitable
road space allocation amongst users and the need to JanMarg has improved quick and affordable access
improve mobility for all by ensuring spatial coverage, for local riders and advanced public transportation
employment coverage and improved accessibility systems, while reducing congestion and the
(Rizvi and Sclar 2014). emission of greenhouse gases and air pollutants
(Jaiswal et al 2012). The use of Janmarg was free for
For the implementation of the system the city the first three months – a trial period to allow for
created Ahmedabad Janmarg Limited (AJL) – a solving glitches and easing opposition sentiments
special purpose vehicle under the purview of (Kadri 2010). Since then affordable fares – ranging
the municipality to serve as a dedicated and from Rs 2 ($0.02) for a 1.5 km trip to Rs 5 ($0.09) for
independent agency with operating authority (Rizvi a 5 km trip – have further contributed to ensuring
and Sclar 2014). AJL’s revenue comes from the Urban access and high ridership, with an increase of daily
Transport Fund, which includes fare-box payments, ridership by a factor of 10 in two years (from 13 000
parking charges, advertising and proceeds from the in October 2009 to 135 000 in November 2011).
sale of additional FAR along BRT corridors. Janmarg Figure 11. Proposed transit interchanges in Ahmedabad18
User satisfaction is high, with an 8.5 out of 10 rating
16 See http://wricitieshub.org/sites/default/files/Integrated%20Mobility%20Plan%20
for%20Greater%20Ahmedabad%20Region.pdf
17 Ahmedabad BRTS website: http://www.ahmedabadbrts.org/web/images/
21 International case studies Executive%20Summary_ABRTS%20Phase-1.pdf International case studies 22
18 Ibid.
Figure 12. Proposed activity centres in Ahmedabad19 Figure 13. Guangzhou BRT (Wikimedia Commons 2012)20

23 International case studies International case studies 24

19 Ibid. 20 S ee https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tianhe_Road,Guangzhou.JPG
in monthly user satisfaction surveys (Suzuki et al
2013). Investments in open space around station
areas have resulted in Janmarg’s stations being
considered “some of the finest quality public spaces
in the city” (Kost 2009).
Key enabling conditions for Ahmedabad’s success
include a supportive national policy and funding
on the one hand, but a locally-driven initiative
on the other. Key here has been the creation of a
collaborative institutional structure consisting of
the provincial Gujarat government, the Ahmedabad
Municipal Corporation, Ahmedabad Urban
Development Authority (AUDA) and Centre for
Environmental Planning and Technology University.
Corridor implementation has further benefitted
from clear objectives, careful timing and forward
planning, strong political commitment and will,
leading to the rapid implementation of the BRT
(Rizvi and Sclar 2014). In addition, popular support
has been ensured with a policy of early, frequent
and targeted community consultation and public
relations efforts (Kadri 2010).
Accessibility has been an important component
of the plan for Janmarg. However, it has been
conceptualised through circulation not densification,
or “moving people around the city more swiftly, not
by bringing urban activities closer together” (Suzuki
et al 2013: 97). Development has been left mainly
to market forces and much of it has happened away
from Janmarg corridors. While private investments
and development have taken place along existing
and planned corridors – with prices of land near
stations having nearly doubled between 2006
and 2011 – the absence of land value capture
mechanisms has meant that private developers
have been the only beneficiaries, profiting from
the increased land value created by government
investment. The opportunity to promote TOD is
further hampered by land fragmentation; informal
land transactions; degraded buildings; as well as
shortcomings in the design of JanMarg and the
connectivity between new urban developments
and other modes of (public) transport (Suzuki et al
2013). Meanwhile, rapid urban growth has resulted
in growing sprawl, increased trip lengths, travel
time, car use and accidents.
In response, efforts have been made towards
integrating transport and land use in recent years
(Suzuki et al 2013; Swamy and Bhakuni 2014). In
2012 AUDA adopted an Integrated Mobility Plan
25 International case studies
for the Greater Ahmedabad Region, together with
a revision of its Development Plan. This represents
the first initiative undertaken in India to prepare
both its transportation plan and Development Plan
simultaneously, at a metropolitan scale (Swamy and
Bhakuni 2014). The plan provides for the creation
of regional urban nodes, to be connected by mass
transit systems that, in addition to the existing and
expanded BRT corridors, will include metro, suburban
rail and regional bus systems. The plan also provides
for the adoption of specific measures to promote TOD,
such as the development of Local Area Access Plans
near transit stations and intensification strategies
by increasing Floor Space Index and encouraging
transit supportive land use (Swamy and Bhakuni
2014). Figures 9 and 10 show a map of proposed
mass transit interchanges and activity centres in
Ahmedabad (Swamy and Bhakuni 2014: 34).
Researchers expect that the City’s progressive
planning culture, innovative development tools
and business-friendly mind-set will provide the
necessary support to meet Ahmedabad’s current
development challenges. Further exploration of
opportunities to capture increased land value in
order to recover the costs of transit investment –
as well as social housing, infrastructure and other
developments – is deemed crucial in this regard
(Suzuki et al 2013; Cervero and Dai 2014).
3.5. Guangzhou, China
Guangzhou is China’s third largest city, with a
population density of around 1  800 per km² and
over 13 million inhabitants, 11  070  654 of which
live in the city’s urban areas (WPR 2016). With an
extensive metro, train and bus network having been
implemented since the 1990s, following a master
plan to guide the city’s rapid growth, development
in Guangzhou has historically almost automatically
followed transit investments.
The creation of Guangzhou’s BRT system was
motivated by the aim of reducing traffic congestion
and finding a cost-effective solution to improving
the city’s bus system (Deng et al 2013). Since
it began operating in 2010 it has surpassed
virtually all Chinese metro systems in terms of
peak passenger volumes, making it the busiest
bus corridor in Asia and the second-busiest bus
corridor in the world (after Bogotá); setting many
international benchmarks of what is possible
with BRT (Fjellstrom 2010; Wright 2010). It has
Figure 14. Bike sharing in Guangzhou located near a BRT station (ITDP China 2015)21
International case studies 26
21 S ee https://ladotbikeblog.wordpress.com/2015/04/10/china-the-kingdom-of-bicyclesshare/
one priority bus corridor consisting of 22 km and
benefiting 850 000 passengers every day (Global
BRT Data 2016). It represents Asia’s only Gold
Standard BRT system and is the first high-capacity
BRT system in the world to use an open-system
operational mode rather than a trunk-feeder model,
which means that buses operate both inside and
outside the BRT corridor, allowing passengers to
make far fewer transfers and obviating the need for
terminals and interchange stations. It features the
world’s first direct BRT–metro station connection
(at Shipaiqiao Station) and is the first BRT system in
China to contract multiple bus operating companies
for service provision (Suzuki et al 2013).
Urban planning in Guangzhou is generally led
by the Bureau of Urban Planning of Guangzhou
Municipality, which implements national, provincial
and municipal laws, rules, regulations and policies
concerning urban planning.22 For the planning,
design and implementation of the BRT corridor,
the City collaborated with the Institute for
Transportation and Development Policy through
the Guangzhou Municipal Engineering Design
and Research Institute. The BRT infrastructure was
financed through a combination of funds from
the Guangzhou City Government Construction
Commission, international funding and the
municipality (Hook et al 2006).
While many car owners opposed the BRT during
construction, fearing traffic conditions would worsen
because of the reduced road space for cars, the BRT
has improved not only bus speed (and travel time by
29% for bus passengers) but also private car speeds
(and travel time by 20% for drivers), contributing to an
aggregate annual time saving of 52 million hours. It
has also reduced consumer travel costs, as users can
transfer for free from BRT buses to other buses serving
different routes. Levels of satisfaction amongst users
are high, with the top-three influential attributes for
satisfaction being ease of use, safety while riding, and
comfort while waiting (Cao et al 2016).
In 2010 the Guangzhou BRT bus fleet consisted of
980 mostly 12 m long, low-floor buses powered
by liquefied petroleum gas, which is estimated to
contribute to a reduction of an average of 86 000
tons of CO2 per year over its first 10 years (for a
yearly certified emission reduction value of RMB
19 million or about $2.8 million). The BRT is also
estimated to reduce the emission of particulate
matter – which causes respiratory illness – by an
estimated four tons (Suzuki et al 2013).
22 For more on the Bureau of Urban Planning of Guangzhou Municipality see:
http://english.gz.gov.cn/gzgoven/s3709/201008/787556.shtml
27 International case studies 23 For more on the Guangzhou BRT see: https://www.itdp.org/where-we-work/
china/guangzhou/
While there was no corridor-wide institutional effort
to coordinate transit and land use in the design of
Guangzhou’s BRT project, municipal agencies have
taken many steps to link non-motorised transport
to station areas along the corridor. Guangzhou’s
BRT is the first to include bike parking and bike
sharing in the station design (Fjellstrom 2010). Its
bike-sharing system consists of 5 000 bicycles at
113 stations along the BRT corridor, used by around
20 000 people every day (ITDP 2016).23 The same
smart card used for BRT station access is used to
access the bike-sharing system, with free rides
provided for the first hour. Bike sharing allows the
BRT to attract passengers from a wider radius. It
also provides an option for passengers who would
ordinarily travel just one or two stops, helping
alleviate BRT crowding.
Efforts have also been made to improve the
quality of public space near the BRT, by developing
linear parks, public spaces and installing other
civic amenities. This includes the creation of the
Donghaochong Greenway, a new high-quality
greenway along the corridor, as well as footpaths,
escalators at key stations and safe crossings
along the corridor. This has contributed to the
improvement of pedestrian safety and the quality
of the walking environment. The Greenway project
attracts people to live, work, cycle and play.
Furthermore, measures have been introduced to
discourage car use, through the transformation of
parking areas along the BRT corridor into public spaces,
as well as parking zoning and price discrimination.
The central area of Guangzhou now has one of the
highest parking fees in China (ITDP 2016).
By serving the city’s highest-density and most
congested corridor, the Guangzhou BRT has
significantly improved public transit service in the
city core, attracting new development. With its high
capacity and ability to accommodate future growth
along the corridor, the BRT system makes very high
urban densities along the corridor a possibility,
especially in less-developed parts of the city
(Suzuki et al 2013). Studies suggest that proximity
to the metro and the BRT has a substantial and
statistically significant effect on apartment prices
that vary by district and amenities provided (Salon
et al 2014). According to the ITDP, land values along
the BRT corridor are 30% higher compared to the
district average (ITDP 2016).
Figure 15. Greenway in Guangzhou (IDTP-China 2015)24
International case studies 28
24 See http://www.fareastbrt.com/en/bestpractices/donghaochong

Figure 16. BRT Lite bus stop in Lagos (LAMATA)25
Figure 17. Congestion caused by minibus taxis in Lagos (Guardian 2017)26
Although it is too early to evaluate the impact of
the BRT on land use patterns, densification and
diversification of land use has been taking place
along the corridor. Service-oriented commercial,
other facilities, and high-rise housing are replacing
factory, logistical and agricultural uses. Although
no policy specifically promotes development along
the BRT corridor, in practice, the City’s planning
authorities are more inclined to allow higher-density
developments there, in recognition of the need for
improved traffic conditions (Suzuki et al 2013).
The potential of TOD can further be found in the BRT
as an open system. Open systems reduce the size of
BRT stations, because they do not require additional
space for connecting feeder lines. The smaller area
needed for stations is a particular advantage when
BRT systems must be built in narrow and crowded
corridors. From a land development perspective
open systems also effectively extend the spatial
reach of the busway, allowing for a form of extended
TOD –development that is less concentrated around
transit stops but reachable by high-quality feeder
connections (Suzuki et al 2013: 179-180).
3.6. Lagos, Nigeria
Lagos is Africa’s largest city with 22  583 305
inhabitants and a population density ranging
between 4 000 and 20 000 per km² (WPR 2016).
It is the first African city to have implemented a
BRT system, which became operational in 2008. It
now has one bus priority corridor consisting of 22
km and benefiting 200 000 passengers each day
(Global BRT Data 2016).
In a context of rapid urban growth, extreme traffic
congestion and limited resources, it represents
a transport solution that is aimed at meeting key
local user needs; improving quality of life, economic
efficiency and safety within a clearly defined budget
(Mobereola 2009; Kaenzig et al 2010). This has
resulted in the adoption of a ‘BRT-Lite’ system – a
form of BRT, but not the highest specification, such
as in Bogotá or Guangzhou. In contrast to these
high-end BRT systems, BRT Lite offers some form
of priority but not full segregated busways and,
instead of stations, usually has simpler bus shelters
(Cervero 2013b). This reduces the necessary costs
for implementation significantly, allowing it to
function without an operating subsidy (Mason-
Jones and Cohen 2012). At a total of about US$
38.3 million, the cost of investment per km in Lagos
was about US$ 1.7 million, while internationally on
average this is about US$ 2.9 million (Diaz 2008).
Development assistance in the planning stages was
provided by the World Bank and study tours were
made to Curitiba, São Paulo, Bogotá and Santiago
(Orekoya 2010). The introduction of the BRT is
the first step towards integrated transport and
development in the city of Lagos (Olawole 2012). It is
also part of an overall vision of the state government
to transform Lagos from a developing city into a
‘global city’. To this end, various megaprojects have
started to be developed in recent years (Heinrich
Böll Stiftung Nigeria 2016).
Key in the implementation of the corridor has
been the creation of the Lagos Metropolitan Area
Transport Authority (LAMATA), a public transport
authority that has the capabilities to plan, regulate
and form relationships to enforce and operate
public transport with appropriate expertise, energy
and desire to succeed (Mobereola 2009; Kaenzig
et al 2010). To finance the system, LAMATA has
worked together with the National Union of Road
Transport Workers (NURTW), which controlled the
existing informal paratransit network of minibuses.
One hundred buses were purchased by NURTW
operators; 120 buses were bought by a state-owned
company, Lagbus and leased to private-sector
operators; and a further 40 buses are operated by
Lagbus itself (Mason-Jones and Cohen 2012).
Ridership has been high since its launch, with the
system having carried 9.7 million passengers 100
days after completion and a total of 260 million
since commencing operations in 2008.27 User
satisfaction is reported to be high, with travel
time reduced (bringing employees closer to their
places of work), reduced transport costs and high
perceptions of safety (LAMATA 2009; Orekoya 2010;
Adebola et al 2014). The system has also contributed
to employment creation through the establishment
of jobs for bus drivers, inspectors, supervisors,
mechanics and a network of ticket sellers.
Key enabling conditions of the success of the
system as a transport solution so far have been
high political support and commitment, leading to
rapid implementation (15 months from conception
to operation). Institutional coordination has been
equally high, marked by a holistic approach to
implementation that involved a re-organisation of
the bus industry, creating a new institutional structure

 ee http://blogs.worldbank.org/transport/lagos-bus-rapid-transit-system-
25 S
decongesting-and-depolluting-mega-cities-0
29 International case studies 26 LAMATA website: http://www.lamata-ng.com/ International case studies 30
 ee http://www.vanguardngr.com/2013/09/lagos-transport-molue-going-going/
27 S
 and regulatory framework to support it, together with
the training of personnel to drive, maintain, enforce and
manage the BRT. Community engagement ensured that
BRT-Lite is seen as a community project created, owned
and used by Lagosians (LAMATA 2009).

In spite of the potential of integrating transport

investments with land use, so far there has been no
concerted effort to achieve TOD through the BRT. As
a transport solution it has faced several challenges,
ranging from drivers overloading the buses, to long
waiting times and a culture of poor maintenance. Being
diesel-powered, the buses are also not environmentally
friendly (Adebambo and Adebayo 2009; Orekoya 2010;
Ogunlesi 2012). Moreover, demand for the system soon
outweighed supply.

These issues are being addressed by the adoption of a

Strategic Transport Master Plan,which has been developed
as the blueprint for urban public transportation in Lagos.
The plan proposes to create six rail lines, one monorail
line, 14 BRT routes, 26 water transport routes, three cable
car lines and several road improvements and traffic
management initiatives by 2032. It also makes provision
for the integration of land use development and urban
transport planning by focusing future developments
along main transit corridors, and the promotion of
non-motorised transport through the development of
pedestrian and bicycle master plans.28

If the City is able to dedicate the same kind of support and

commitment to achieving TOD as it has in implementing
its BRT system, the potential for TOD based on a multi-
modal transport system is high. The proven ability of the
authorities to deliver so far will contribute to private
sector support and investment. However, coordination
would be needed with other state agencies that are
currently implementing programmes in the area of
urban renewal and housing development. Moreover, for
value generated from such investments to effectively be
captured, far-reaching reforms would be necessary to
regularise land tenure, as most land in Lagos continues
to be informally owned. The case of Lagos speaks to a
wider need to acknowledge the challenges, but also the
potential, of informality in advancing TOD.

28 F
 or LAMATA’s Strategic Transport Master Plan Propositions see:
http://www.lamata-ng.com/stmp.php

31 International case studies International case studies 32

 (i.e. the inability to create effectively mixed nevertheless often represents a barrier for such

4
and diverse neighbourhoods).
• The lack of effective changes in land uses
around transit areas (i.e. the inability to
effectively densify, regulate and capture
plans to materialise (Curitiba and Bogotá). For other
cases it is still too soon to tell (Ahmedabad and
Lagos). In the meantime, the success in the roll-out
of bicycle infrastructures in most cities indicates

CONCLUSION changes in land use and values). strong potential for bicycle-based TOD.

The international case studies also highlight the The six international case studies show that,
There are vast differences between the international cases in terms of the temporalities of corridor
importance of multi-modal transport approaches, irrespective of the type of transit,TOD implementation
implementation and the geography and politico-economic realities of the cities examined. Only a few of the
as illustrated by efforts across the cases to expand must be a long-term and continuous effort with
cities had concrete TOD objectives in terms of linking transit investments to changes in land use, be they explicit
or introduce other modes of transport alongside context-specific solutions. Ultimately, it is by joining
(Curitiba and Ottawa) or implicit (Bogotá and Guangzhou), while others have only recently started to incorporate international lessons and local experiences through
BRT (such as rail). While cases such as Ottawa and
such objectives in their corridor development plans (Ahmedabad and Lagos). Only in some cases were on-going research and learning that successful TOD
Guangzhou show that it is possible to integrate
investments in corridor development accompanied by measures to ensure social equity and create mixed-income can be achieved.
multi-modal transit systems, a lack of resources
neighbourhoods – for instance through the development of affordable housing for low-income households and
employment generation initiatives (Curitiba and Bogotá), showing that Latin America continues to be at the
forefront of practices of socially inclusive corridor development. In other cities, corridor development was often
primarily designed as a transport solution; adapted to meet local needs and characteristics, such as the existing
built environment (Ahmedabad), scale (Guangzhou) or available resources (Lagos).

Nevertheless, a number of similarities can be identified
that mark the success of the implementation of corridor
development, and thereby the potential for TOD:
• A clear, overarching and holistic vision of urban
development and the city by City leaders or
authorities.
• High levels of institutional collaboration and
coordination between relevant government
agencies.
• The creation of a single owner-operator of the
transport system and autonomous planning
agencies.
• High levels of popular and investor support
through community, private and academic sector
consultation, communication and collaboration.
In terms of key tools and measures for implementing
and financing TOD the case studies indicate the
need for:
• A comprehensive legal framework and
tools to support TOD at the city level, such
as zoning regulations and incentives to
promote dense and mixed-use development
along transit corridors, as well as guidelines
and regulations to direct the design and
development of such areas.
• Tools to finance, capture or leverage
transit investments, such as transferable
development rights, density taxes and
incentives and PPPs, as well as land value
capture schemes (provided that the right
conditions are in place).
• The importance of TDM measures and
investments to discourage car use and
encourage non-motorised transport such as
walking and cycling.
Reduced travel time, household transportation
expenses and environmental impacts are amongst
the most prevalent outcomes of corridor development,
which are perhaps easiest to achieve in the short term.
However, sustained urban growth makes it difficult
to maintain such outcomes in the longer term (as in
Curitiba and Bogotá).
International experience points to the following
dangers or weaknesses in terms of achieving or
maintaining the benefits of TOD:
• The challenge for BRT or other mass public
transit systems is to maintain high qulaity
performance, as well as be sufficiently
accessible and affordable to capture
passengers across all income levels (i.e. the
inability to become viable alternatives to
private car use, as well as to maintain high
ridership rates and levels of satisfaction).
• The danger of excluding low-income
residents from the benefits of transit
investments through a lack of affordable
housing and insufficient access and
connectivity to low-income parts of the city

33 International case studies International case studies 34

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