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A History of Greek Cinema PDF
A History of Greek Cinema PDF
HISTORY
GREEK
CINEMA
A
HISTORY
GREEK
CINEMA
Vrasidas Karalis
The Continuum International Publishing Group
80 Maiden Lane, Suite 704, New York, NY 10038
The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX
www.continuumbooks.com
© Vrasidas Karalis, 2012
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-
copying, recording, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publishers.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Karales, Vrasidas, A history of Greek cinema / Vrasidas Karalis
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references
ISBN: 978-1-4411-8090-2
Typeset by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NN
Contents
Preface viii
Acknowledgments xxii
v
vi Contents
Recapitulation 285
Notes 289
Bibliography 294
Index 299
Preface
I
This book is intended a s a narr ative HISTORY of Greek cinema
from its inception almost a century ago to the present day. It delineates the
development, problems, trends, and personalities, as well as the main films,
in chronological order; attempting in the process to highlight commonalities
and incongruities, similarities and differences, continuities and ruptures.
As a narrative history, the book is not concerned with trying to follow
the complex structural or ideological threads of a more or less anarchic
industry; although it does attempt to construct an “intelligible” account of
what happened. It also avoids structuring the narrative around particular
issues, such as the questions of identity that have become extremely voguish
during the last 30 years in discussions about all things Greek. The creation
of specific cinematic works or groups of works has always been underpinned
by a complex interplay of many factors; consequently, there can be no single
way of interpreting such a multifaceted and unpredictable cultural activity
without limiting its semantic complexity.
The history here refers to such issues to the degree that they have had an
impact on the experience of watching films in the country. It deals primarily
with the perceptual experiences that films create for their viewers and,
therefore, focuses on their formal analysis and their historical contextual-
ization. It approaches movies as cultural artifacts and as specific responses to
wider questions and problems—artifacts that are articulated through visual
means at specific moments in time and as singular problematizations of
social realities.
Probably, this book should have been written 30 years ago when
the construction of a grand narrative was still feasible within the area of
film studies. Since such a narrative is absent, we try to formulate it today
while simultaneously identifying the structural asymmetries, ideological
irregularities, and heterogeneous incongruities hidden beneath the thrust
of a linear exposition. The book thus needs a companion volume that would
explore the history of Greek cinema through the prism of specific genres,
periods, and formalist questions as well from the point of specific analytic
approaches, like feminism, subaltern studies, Hollywood hegemony studies,
postcolonial and queer readings.
viii
Preface ix
II
The history of Greek cinema is a rather obscure and unexamined affair. Greek
cinema emerged slowly and then collapsed. For several years it struggled to
reinvent itself as it dealt with the uncertainties of a colossal national defeat
in 1922; then, while in the process of recovering, it produced its first mature
works, then broke down completely and almost vanished. For a short time
before the Second World War, it resurfaced outside Greece, in Turkey and
Egypt. During the War, it re-established its distribution and technological
infrastructure and after 1944 flourished wildly, despite the indifference and
hostility of its most formidable enemy, the Greek state. It was then continu-
ously muzzled by strict censorship and government interference. In brief
periods of moderate liberalization it proliferated beyond its own financial
viability, showing the keen interest of audiences in watching Greek films,
even of the most questionable quality.
Yet under the strict surveillance of the 1967 dictatorship, Greek cinema
produced some of its greatest achievements. After 1974, it exploded with
a creative energy that sustained it for a decade, during which it was suffo-
catingly embraced by the government, until the euphoria of state-funded
freedom meant it lost touch with its audience and—under the bureaucratic
organization of the state—vanished almost totally.
In the mid-1990s, young film-makers severed their ties with the recent
past and began to construct novel cultural representations, creating a
renewed connection with the estranged public, through new iconographic
motifs and formal “investigations” which continue today.
Throughout the last ten decades, production has generally been uneven.
From a total of about 4,000 surviving movies, most are of a generic nature,
characterized by a lack of experimentation with the medium and an
avoidance of direct depiction of the stark realities surrounding the screen.
Yet these realities have always been present through the mere recording of
the cityscape, the depopulated countryside, and the psychology of characters
in specific moments of history.
No modernist experimentation with form and storyline or radical
breakdown of narrative and image can be found in Greek cinema until
very late in its development. We cannot find a single theoretical work of
x Preface
reflection on the experience of watching movies until the early 1970s, nor a
sociological approach to the act of going to the cinema itself, which was and
continues to be a major event of collective socialization and a rite of passage
for adolescents.
Most Greek films were made for the immediate consumption of local
audiences and with commercial success in mind. The majority were slapstick
comedies, boulevard skits, dramas of passion, sentimental war movies,
colorful musicals, and patriotic melodramas. They still remain the most
successful products of the industry—through their remakes and reincarna-
tions. Few movies (almost always financial failures) raised questions about
history, class, gender, identity or cultural memory in ways that would make
them interesting to audiences outside the country. Some of these films inter-
rogated the structure of Greek society and the power arrangements within
the nation state against the backdrop of oppressive political censorship,
heavy taxation, and controlled distribution. The films were mainly “political”
in the sense that they produced an oppositional way of looking at established
perceptions of reality, of framing the real and of representing conditions of
Greek society at particular moments in history.
During most of its history, cinema, both as an industry and as a culture,
developed in opposition to the institutions of the Greek state and its policies.
Successive governments saw cinema as an enemy of the state and enacted
strict censorship laws to control the ideas and forms that film-makers created
in their attempts to construct a cinematic representation of Greek reality.
Consequently, most people involved in the production of films, even those
with conservative ideology, expressed opposition—explicit or implicit—
to the dominant official ideology of the state as it was imposed through
education, army, police, news media, and the Christian Orthodox Church.
Such oppositional aesthetics were brought to the fore in periods of
historical crises and at times of political unrest, as, for example, after the
Asia Minor Catastrophe of 1922, the Civil War of 1946 to 1949, and during
the military dictatorship of 1967 to 1974. Until the state became the main
sponsor of the industry in the late 1970s, film-making was made possible
only through the persistent vision and moral strength of certain excep-
tional cinematographers, who managed to construct and consolidate an
iconographic idiom capable of depicting the Greek experience in a formally
coherent visual language (despite the absence of sufficient production
funding and well-equipped studios). Throughout the ten decades of its
existence, Greek cinema would struggle to construct a visual metaphor that,
within the modes of its specific historical consciousness, would heighten the
understanding of reality and offer an opening into the realm of the possible,
and occasionally even the utopian.
The interplay, rather than the antagonism, between commercial and
art-house movies, between film industry and film culture, has been the
Preface xi
III
During its century of life, Greek cinema has managed to produce both inter-
esting and commercially viable works, some of which are of international
significance and deserving of closer study. Unfortunately, few are known
outside Greece and, on many occasions, Greek cinephiles, for various
reasons. Still fewer studies have been dedicated to the exploration of its
historical trajectory. Many articles, especially in electronic journals, have
dealt mainly with specific Greek directors, the impact of their work, or more
generally with the aesthetics of Greek cinematography.
In English, there is only one brief history of Greek cinema—The
Contemporary Greek Cinema by Mel Schuster—which was published in
1979 and which focuses on the New Greek Cinema as it was developing
then. This history does not offer a thorough analysis of the presuppositions
and historical circumstances underpinning the medium before that period.
Although we must recognize the pioneering character of Schuster’s work, it
is important to note that its historical scope gives a rather limited under-
standing of the evolution of cinema as an artistic and social medium in
Greece. We must also mention the brief but extremely accurate observations
by Mirella Georgiadou, in Peter Cowie’s A Concise History of Cinema (1971).
Also important for mapping out approaches and new perspectives on
Greek cinema is the special issue of the Journal of Modern Greek Studies,
edited by Professor Stratos E. Constantinidis in 2000. A number of its
contributors analyse different periods and important films, presenting a
sophisticated and nuanced understanding of the problems of Greek cinema
both as cinematic art and as social text.
Dan Georgakas’ “Thumbnail History” of Greek cinema, as also his
reviews of Greek movies in the journal Cineaste, is another valuable contri-
bution to the discussion of Greek cinema history. With an international
experience in mind, Georgakas evaluates Greek cinema in its interaction
with society, industry, technology, audience, and, finally, in the context of
xiv Preface
For this book, I have endeavored to sift through material that is vast
and still critically unexplored in order to present what reaches out, beyond
the circumstantial or the episodic, to become (within the specificity of
its historical situation) a symbol of a general trend, marking patterns of
collective response. I have tried to locate the films that have directly or
indirectly influenced the cultural and psychological topography of the
country and to provide a brief commentary on their specific “social” value
and formal structure—even when these movies were neither commer-
cially successful nor seen by wide audiences. Given that this is a general
survey, I have avoided detailed “cultural readings” based on the premises of
academic film studies, as such approaches need to concentrate on specific
movies, genres or individuals and through their very specificity to under-
stand the wider cultural debates and political agendas that dominated the
Greek public sphere in different moments of history. Having said this, there
are also many occasions where I examine films’ implications, especially
regarding gender, class, and cultural memory. I also try to emphasize the
importance of foreigners, such as the founder of Greek cinema Josef Hepp,
of women directors like Maria Plyta and of commercial directors like
Yannis Dalianidis, who have been either forgotten or ignored. Finally, I have
attempted to minimize my overall references, as most of these are in Greek
and the bibliography in English quite limited.
The issue of periodization is important. My initial intention was to
divide the material into four periods: from the beginnings to 1944 with the
liberation from German occupation, when the industry was reorganized and
had established its own modes of production and exhibition; from 1945 to
1970 and the release of Theo Angelopoulos’ Reconstruction (1970), which
reorientated cinematic practices, created new audiences and reinvented
cinematic representation, marking the end of the Old Greek Cinema and the
beginning of the New; from 1970 to 1995 when Angelopoulos released his
monumental Balkan epic Ulysses’ Gaze (1995) as the breaking point of the
Greek national cinema; and from 1995 to 2011, when a distinct new way of
production, tentatively called the New Greek Current, started to emerge and
produce its first works, which gained international recognition.
In the end, however, I chose to break the history down decade by
decade after 1945, as the immense number of films and the extensive debates
surrounding them would have created an imbalance in narrative flow. This
final arrangement accepts the establishment of the Thessaloniki Film Festival
in 1960 and the election of the first Socialist Government in 1981 as equally
important turning points in the history of Greek cinema. These two events
reoriented production and promotion practices in the country and gave
to this narrative the necessary temporal markers for a balanced chartering
of the wider reconfigurations that occurred in film culture and the social
realities surrounding them.
xvi Preface
IV
Existing histories of Greek cinema, especially in Greek, tend to give a
catalogue of titles in historical sequence. Yet, despite this concern with
historical particulars, most fail to study the historicity of each movie within
the cultural and aesthetic context of the intellectual milieu that produced it.
Within their specific context, most movies are sites of cultural politics since
they give form to the various historical contestations that dominate cultural
or political debates. In some, the density of the filmic text is so complex that
the films can be seen as indications not simply of a looming social crisis but
as spaces of an unfolding visual crisis, as is clear for example between 1965
and 1967 and after 1984/85.
In the most important films of Greek cinema, one can see precisely
how negotiable the limits are between cinema as an artistic activity and
cinema as a social institution. Many movies were made with both political
and aesthetic concerns incorporated into their structure; and as the medium
gained confidence in the late 1950s, an implicit dialogue commenced
between the film-makers themselves in an attempt to consolidate a distinct
cinematic idiom. It still remains to be discussed (though not in this book),
if there is a distinctly Greek cinematic language or cinema that has never
achieved full self-awareness and articulation. It is said that the most
important film producer, Filopimin Finos, preferred to make a “good
imitation of a Hollywood movie” rather than to produce a “bad Greek film.”
Contemporary globalization brings such a dilemma to the fore again.
Moreover, the intellectual establishment of the country had an ambiv-
alent attitude towards the medium itself. Despite its popular appeal, many
intellectuals were extremely reluctant, if not unwilling, to accept its artistic
value—only in the late 1950s did intellectuals begin to articulate a positive
appreciation of cinema, and always with many reservations. Cinema is one
of the main arts of capitalist modernity and, as such, has presupposed on
many occasions a radical break with the established practices of the past in
terms of aesthetics, historical awareness, and self-articulation.
Throughout its history, Greek culture has been a bookish tradition
based on the word and the printed page rather than on the image and the
xviii Preface
V
Inevitably, in writing this history I have had to choose films which did not
simply define Greek cinema history but which could also be of interest
to an international audience. I have tried not to see Greek cinema as a
battleground between commercial and art films but to present the formal
complementarity of both modes of production. I have endeavored to talk
about the merits and the problems that each genre depicts within its own
context and, wherever possible, in reference to the artistic quest of their
makers. There are chapters on what is called New Greek Cinema, as well as
Preface xxi
chapters on propaganda, soft porn, or bad melodrama. They all illustrate the
panorama of Greek film production and present through their own “gaze”
different aspects of Greek history, culture, and society.
Moreover, the fact that many “artistic” film-makers were involved in
the production of commercial, popular culture films shows the implicit
symbiotic relationship between high and popular culture and the invisible
pathways of their convergence. In most cases, unfortunately, we do not have
good digital copies of films produced between 1910 and 1980 (although
recently a digitalization project has been inaugurated by the Greek Film
Centre, EKK, and has been funded by the European Union and independent
distributors). Still, many good films exist in bad prints and it would be of
great assistance to the future historian of Greek cinema if the important task
of digitalization were to be completed. Many films of the early period are
considered lost; however, as recent research shows, many Greek films made
between 1911 and 1945 have lain forgotten somewhere in the film archives
of Berlin, Paris, London, and Moscow—for various reasons in each case.
Let us hope that young researchers will try to salvage these lost treasures
and reveal to contemporary viewers the difficulties that early Greek film-
makers confronted and so acclimatize the main art of modernity to the
structures and mentalities of a traditional society on the periphery of
Europe.
xxii
Acknowledgments xxiii
My colleague Cathy Cassis with her linguistic sensitivity edited the text
so that it has a smooth narrative flow and a seamless structure of sentence.
Cathy gave the text its necessary stylistic unity and expressive precision which
in my own world of confused bilingualism never really exists.
Finally, I am thankful to the editor of Continuum, Katie Gallof, who
embraced the project with enthusiasm and humor from its very inception.
This book is dedicated to the memory of my brother Nicholas who died
unexpectedly several days after we were reconnected by an unexpected
discussion on the significance of going to James Bond movies together.
Vrasidas Karalis,
University of Sydney,
July 2011
Chapter One
❦❦
Every day for a month, 16 screenings were offered until Alexandre Promio,
the representative of the Lumière brothers, took the projector and the short
films to Constantinople. All famous early films made by the Lumières
were screened: L’ Arrivée d’un Train, La Sortie des Usines Lumière, Lyon les
Cordeliers, Le goûter de bébé, and others. Despite their immense success, no
special interest in film was shown in the Greek capital for over four years.
Adverse and disastrous circumstances at the beginning of the following year
quashed any curiosity or entrepreneurial interest in further exploring or
1
2 A History of Greek Cinema
making use of the new invention. (The first screenings were organized in
Thessaloniki, then under Ottoman rule, in July 1897; and, in July 1900, the
first regular screenings were shown at the famous Orpheus theater on the
thriving commercial island of Syros.)
Indeed, the new art of cinema was the casualty of the political and social
upheavals of Greek history. In order to establish itself and consolidate its
presence, the medium needed political stability, social cohesion, and, of course,
peace with other countries: essentially the preconditions for the establishment
of technological infrastructure and the development of a sophisticated studio
system that would allow for the emergence of film culture. Such pre-
conditions were absent from Greek history until 1950. Prolonged periods of
warfare (1912–1922), political instability (1922–1928 and 1932–1936), dicta-
torships, failed coups, and ultimately the German occupation followed by the
Civil War (1946–1949) deferred for almost 50 years the smooth incorporation
of the technological infrastructure and the conceptual framework that cinema
as an industry and as an art needs to flourish.
At the end of the nineteenth century, the nation state of Greece had
a total population of about 2,500,000 people; another 3,000,000 Greeks
lived outside the national borders, mainly in the Ottoman Empire, Russia
and Egypt. Athens, the capital city, had an unremarkable population of
130,000 and competed with other established centers of Greek civili-
zation, such as Constantinople, Smyrna, and Alexandria, for cultural and
financial domination.2 The Greek economy was predominantly agricultural,
although in the last decades of the century several programs of international
investment were in place and the presence of the working class had become
noticeable in the political and ideological debates of the country.
In April 1896, Greece organized the first Olympic Games of the modern
era. The success of the Games raised the hopes of the Greek people and the
political establishment on many levels. However, by the end of 1897 the
country experienced the effects of a humiliating bankruptcy, first announced
in 1893 by the Prime Minister Charilaos Trikoupis (1832–1896) with one
of the most memorable phrases of Greek political vocabulary: “Regretfully,
we are bankrupt!” The bankruptcy was a long process and was the painful
outcome of a combination of intense borrowing for infrastructure works, the
systemic corruption of a state based on political clientelism, the organization
of the Olympic Games, and, finally, of a humiliating military defeat by the
Ottoman Empire in the so-called Black 1897 War.
Nonetheless, against all odds, the movement for a social and political
renaissance began during the first decade of the new century, when the country
was forced to confront the dilemmas of modernity and proceed with its indus-
trialization process, its rising working-class movement, and its unresolved
territorial disputes with the collapsing Ottoman Empire (mainly in Crete and
Macedonia). Programs of reform were gradually implemented by different
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 3
It was not, however, until 1911/12, after the city of Athens was fully supplied
with electricity, that three grand cinemas were specifically built to cater for the
needs of the new art and its growing audience (Attikon, Pallas and Splendid). But
open-air screenings retained their appeal for Athenian audiences, continuing
the tradition of the open-air performances of the shadow theater of Karagiozis,
which was for many decades the most popular form of public entertainment. In
1913, one of the most historic, almost legendary, cinemas opened in Athens, the
Rosi-Clair, which was to screen the most popular films over a period of 50 years
and which was finally closed down in 1969, under changed circumstances.
In subsequent years, the famous Pantheon theater was established at the
center of the city for the middle class, while the more humble Panorama was
opened in a less-auspicious suburb for the underclass. By 1920, a network
of six cinemas existed in the capital, together with open-air screenings that
continued to be offered by a considerable number of cafés. Throughout the
country, with the annexation of the city of Thessalonica in 1912 and the rest
of Macedonia and the Aegean islands, an overall number of 80 cinemas were
in operation by the end of the decade.
During this period, due to the increasing demand for technological
support, many foreigners were invited to Athens as cameramen, mainte-
nance technicians, and projectionists. Some chose to stay. Among them, the
German-Hungarian Josef Hepp (Giozef Chep, 1887–1968) worked relent-
lessly for decades to consolidate the new art form and should be recognized
as one of the most prominent film-makers in the history of Greek cinema.
Hepp was a man of artistic brilliance with a superb sense of style for mise-en-
scène, and his contribution is worthy of closer study. He arrived in Greece in
early 1910, after an invitation from King George and bearing the conferred
title of “Royal photographer and cinematographer.” His first film was the
short journal From the Life of the Little Princes, which he shot in early 1911
with the King’s very many children and grandchildren. He later recollected:
When I arrived in Greece, I fell in love with its lucid colors, its blue skies,
the unembellished lines of its landscapes, but mostly with its people, their
customs and way of living. I filmed them and I was the first who made
images to represent Greece in other countries.4
the attention of the political rivals. These included work on the Aromanian
Vlachs, Macedonian Slavs and the Romas. Christos Christodoulou has
observed that, “The Manaki Brothers . . . recorded the Balkans at some of
their most critical historical moments with both touching impartiality and a
sense of documentary precision.”6 Within their work, films of special signifi-
cance as the earliest visual records of an ethnographic nature from the region
include Customs and Traditions of Macedonia (1906), The Visit of Sultan
Mehmet V to Thessaloniki and Monastiri (1911), Turkish Prisoners (1912),
Refugees (1916), and The Bombardment of Monastiri (1916).
These early short reels are still very close to photographs; they are
indeed moving pictures, and their photographic stillness can be detected in
the decades to come as their enduring artistic legacy to Greek cinema. Miltos
Manakis had some interesting ideas regarding photography:
Photography is in essence an art form. We are artists/technicians of a sort,
comparable to the painters of the past. They were not the only ones who
could give beauty to what they painted; we do the same thing with our
photographs. A good photograph depends on the play of light . . . And this
is something only an artist can do, someone who knows what is attractive,
divine and aesthetic . . .7
Indeed, one can readily discern the continuity between still photographs and
the cinematic representations in Greece and the Balkans at the time. Local
artistic practices were based on the great, long, and venerable Byzantine
tradition of religious iconography. The visual language of perspective
that had dominated European painting since the Italian Renaissance was
totally absent from the cultural optics of the country and, certainly, of the
whole of Eastern Europe. The new tradition of painting, dominant in the
late nineteenth century, was predominantly imported (it was even named
the “Munich School”), and was still struggling to find its specific Greek
expression and style. (It is interesting, however, that in his pioneer essay on
cinema, Vachel Lindsay refers to the paintings of the main representative
of the Munich School, Nickolas Gyzis, when he talks about “mood” in the
cinematic image of Mary Pickford.)8
The face in Byzantine icons and frescos is self-illuminated, without
shades or shadows; and space is depicted symbolically not “realistically” or
“naturalistically.” That which interests the Byzantine tradition more is not
the story but the “organization of space” and how the viewer experiences
its “psychic content.” Its point of view is located within the iconographic
space and through the special pictorial practice called “inverse perspective,”
according to which the image and each of its components gaze at the viewer
and not the viewer at the image.9
Similarly, the camera works with the interplay between light and dark,
and with space, in a realistic, photographic sense by juxtaposing patterns,
shapes, and forms in order to generate emotions through visual contrasts.
The struggle to create depth, to explore natural space, and to understand
perspective as the contrast between grades of black and white are visible
throughout the early period of Greek cinema and were to be resolved only
after the Second World War. Because of its specific iconographic sources
and the prevailing visual cultures formed by shadow theater or folk painting,
Greek cinema could not embark on the production of large historical epics
as in Italy by Enrico Guazzone or Giovanni Pastrone. From its very begin-
nings, it focused on small-scale productions whose principal objective was
to supplant the existing modes and genres of popular entertainment.
The documentaries of the Maniaki Brothers do not belong to a single
national cinema. They constitute the “primary foundational texts” of the
whole cinematography that was to evolve with the collapse of the Ottoman
Empire after the First World War. The lives of the two brothers are equally
telling. One died poor and unknown in Thessalonica in 1954, while the
other was celebrated as a national hero in Yugoslavia, with each of them
opting for a different motherland, a different identity, and a different
culture.10
In 1910/11, after the first recording camera was imported into the
country, a number of short films on the lives of insects and reptiles were
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 7
Production Begins
In 1910, the first production company, Athene Films, made a number of
slapstick comedies, which focused on the body of Spyros Dimitrakopoulos,
aka, Spyridion, the owner of the company. His movies were filmed by
imported technicians and were directed by the Italian Filippo Martelli.
Spyridion modeled his acting on the American Roscoe “Fatty” Arbuckle
and his film Ben’s Kid (1909), which Spyridion had watched in Paris. His
cameraman was Erich Bumbach from Germany who was also to play a
crucial role in the early period of Greek cinema.
Spyridion himself was the scriptwriter, actor, producer and distributor.
Spyridion, Quo Vadis (1911); Spyridion, Baby (1912); and Spyridion,
Chameleon (1912) were comic skits based on the physical peculiarities of
the actor, and his resemblance to the American comedian. They gained wide
popularity throughout the country, since by then the number of cinemas had
proliferated in many major cities, such as Piraeus, Patras, Volos, and Pyrgos.
Unfortunately, none of these movies survive except in stills.
Dimitrakopoulos himself was extremely aware of what he called the
“demands of the screen.” In a sense, he was the pioneer of screen acting and
managed to avoid one of the main disadvantages of most actors in the early
period of Greek cinema: theatricality. In an interview in 1924, he recollected:
I watched all movies and studied carefully the movements of screen actors,
analyzing them, understanding their psychology and trying to find what I
was missing, in order to add it. I also studied the ways in which directors
arrange things on the screen and only when I became assured that I could
pose in front of the camera, did I star in Quo Vadis and my other films.11
During these early years, Josef Hepp was the dominant figure, having by
then become the Palace’s favorite cinematographer and, at the same time,
the highest-paid professional in the country. He documented the Balkan
Wars (1912–1913), the entrance of the Greek army into Thessalonica,
8 A History of Greek Cinema
and the defeat of the Bulgarian army. Meanwhile, he mentored his first
student, Gabriel Loggos (1885–?), who would later make the earliest existing
documentary on the criminal world of Athens by hiding the camera in
places where the underworld people met—this was also the first attempt at
creative script-free film-making.
In 1914/15, the folk-costume rural drama Golfo was produced by
Costas Behatoros in collaboration with Filippo Martelli, as the first
feature film made in the country. Golfo, at 79 minutes, was a costly
production (100,000 drachmas, an immense amount for the time)
and inaugurated the characteristic genre of bucolic fustanella dramas,
which maintained its appeal for many decades through its idealization
of rural space and the pre-urban time of communal village innocence.
Its story was derived from a popular love idyll in traditional rhyming
verse written for the theater by Spyridon Peresiadis in 1893. However,
beyond the ethnographic appeal of the story’s setting, were the themes
of forced marriage and the position of women in society, especially poor
women, and always according to the prevailing patriarchal imaginary. Its
tragic conclusion, although somewhat primitive, was quite an emphatic
critique of class distinctions and masculine mentality, as it ends with the
implied message that every man has sacrificed a woman for his position
and success. Stylistically, because of Martelli, it was very close to Italian
films of the period, particularly those before the historical epics, which
revolved around folk heroes.
The actors were all from the theater, with the most prominent among
them being Virginia Diamante (1896–1948) and Olympia Damaskou
(1878–?), and it seems that their very theatricality contributed to the film’s
failure at the box office. Despite this failure, as Dan Georgakas has noted,
“the storyline continually intrigued Greek film-makers. A 1932 remake
would be the first Greek talking picture. In 1955, there would be three more
remakes, one being extremely successful and in 1974, Angelopoulos would
feature the play as a central theme in The Travelling Players.”12 Behatoros left
for Paris in 1916 and was lost to Greek cinema, as it seems was his fortune,
after the failure of the film. Unfortunately, as early as 1931 the film was
considered lost.
The political unrest of the period, starting with the Balkan Wars and
culminating in the tragic National Division (1916–1917), created a precarious
environment for the consolidation of the new art form. In 1915, the first
attempt to adapt a novel to cinema came with Constantinos Hristomanos’ The
Wax Doll (I Kerenia Koukla) by Mihael Glytsos, the second feature film in the
country; despite the money invested in the film, it had no commercial success
and received vitriolic reviews. However, it is worth pointing out that these early
feature films established a gendered visual discourse and took the feminine
predicament as the foundation of cinematic language. Golfo was set in the
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 9
village and The Wax Doll in the city, but in both cases the feminine presence
was used as a gendered category, which, irrespective of space, embodied the
socio-cultural tensions that prevailed in the public domain of the country.
Screen adaptations of literary works caused quite a stir in the circles of
an intelligentsia that privileged the culture of the word as the focal element
of Greek tradition. On the basis of this film, a prominent intellectual of
the period, Fotos Politis (1890–1934), denounced the new art as “a real
plague, an artless wound, a superficial spectacle, not different from that of
horse racing, which alienates people from the emotions of genuine art.”13
Politis changed his verdict much later, in the early 1930s, when sound was
introduced and he saw cinema as potentially the “eighth art,” equal, if not
superior, to theater.
In 1916/17, Josef Hepp, with the financial assistance of supporters like
Yorgos Prokopiou, established Asty Films but never completed their planned
movie on The Passion of Jesus (O Aniforos tou Golgotha). Hepp introduced
an important innovation then by devising a mechanism of his own to
introduce inserts in Greek during a screening. He also managed to film one
of the most notorious events in Greek history, the official “Anathema” of the
Greek Orthodox Church against Prime Minister Venizelos in December
1916—this was the first political film ever made in the country and tainted
Hepp’s reputation. The documentary was indeed just as extraordinary as the
event itself—it didn’t escape the attention and reproach of the prominent
British ethnographer Sir James George Frazer who saw in it “the indestruct-
ibility of superstition.” “In Europe,” he concluded, “such mummeries only
contribute to the public hilarity, and bring the Church which parades them
into contempt.”14
One year later, Dimos Vratsanos and Josef Hepp produced another
drama, directed by Martelli, The Fate of Maroula (or, The Dowry of Annoula).
Soon after, another company, the Anglo-Hellenic Company, which was
established for the production and distribution of films owned by wealthy
Greeks from Cape Town, South Africa, bought Hepp’s company following
its huge financial losses. Yet their plans to build proper studios never
materialized: the political instability of the period influenced Greek cinema
production system in deeply adverse ways and compelled film-makers to
make movies only in the open air and to shoot only on location.
Meanwhile, Hepp’s films were confiscated and he was subsequently exiled
to the islands of Skyros and Icaria for political reasons. (The government
accused him of being a staunch royalist and pro-German, which he was.) His
treatment prefigured what was to happen to other film-makers in the future.
After King Constantine was deposed by French and British intervention in
1916/17, Greece, under the leadership of Eleftherios Venizelos, participated
in the last phase of the First World War with the Allies; the war effort on
many fronts was intense and film production ceased for two or three years,
10 A History of Greek Cinema
with the existing cameras used exclusively to record battles in Asia Minor,
mainly, as we will see, by the Gaziadis brothers, whose father, Anastasios,
was one of the greatest pioneers of art photography in the country.15
For its participation, Greece was rewarded at the Peace Conference in
Paris (1919) with territorial gains in eastern Thrace and the area around
Smyrna in Asia Minor. After the Conference, the pro-Western Prime
Minister Venizelos proceeded with two controversial moves: first, he sent
Greek troops to Smyrna, and second, he declared elections in order to
renew his mandate by the people. Despite the celebrations after the landing
of the Greek army in Smyrna, it soon became apparent that the situation
was more complex than anticipated, with many international powers and
interests involved. At the same time, the influence of Turkish nationalism
and its charismatic leader Mustafa Kemal had been simplistically and fatally
underestimated.
Furthermore, in an extraordinary twist of history, Venizelos lost the
September 1920 election. Consequently, the Western Allies abandoned
Greece’s new royalist government which had sided with the Germans during
the war and which had now restored the deposed King Constantine to
power. After that, all Greek military involvement in Asia Minor was unsus-
tainable and was indeed to end with a major catastrophe in August 1922.
Smyrna—a city with a substantial Greek population for centuries—and
the entire Asia Minor coastline were evacuated by all its Greek inhabitants in
a forced exchange of populations that culminated in hundreds of thousands
of casualties and more than 1,800,000 refugees. These displaced people
flooded Greece and created a massive social problem that was to dominate
the socio-political landscape of the country for many decades.
Psychologically, the Asia Minor Catastrophe still remains the most
traumatic event in modern Greek history. Its presence can be felt either
implicitly or explicitly as the anxiety substratum of most Greek films, indeed
of all cultural production, to this day. The fear of expulsion and of losing
contact with one’s historic origins, imagined or real, can be detected in
most Greek movies, and in most art forms of mainstream production, as a
deep-seated anxiety, expressed on many occasions through a panic-stricken
affirmation of national and personal identity. The only thing that remained
intact after such great loss was the “unchanged” essence of “Greekness,”
associated either with “racial” and “cultural” continuity or, in other instances,
with the spirit of resistance and rebellion.
Thematically, however, it was a trauma that was not effectively confronted
and healed in the public arena for almost half a century; and consequently
it caused a prolonged crisis of individual identity, confusion in cultural
orientation, and finally, distrust towards the political system responsible for
it. Even today, in order to affirm Greek identity and address the need for
legitimacy and justification in contemporary adverse realities, most public
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 11
such films as The Gypsy Girl of Athens (I Tsiggana tis Athinas, 1922), Maria
Pentagiotissa (1928/29) and The Wizard of Athens (O Magos tis Athinas, 1931).
They were failed, sometimes ridiculous, but bold and creative experiments
with the medium. Maria Pentagiotissa, which survives in two versions (silent
and talking), is an extraordinary film that is totally inaccurate, completely
improbable and, despite its dramatically patriotic nature, extremely funny. It
was aptly advertised as: “Maria Pentagiotissa is not a colossus! Not a 42mm
Canon! Not a super–colossus! Not the miracle of the century! Not a super-
production! Not the first Greek movie! Not a Superfilm! Not an experiment!
It is LOCAL STUFF!” The scene in which Maria, the Greek Calamity Jane,
is fighting against the enemies of the nation up in rugged mountains and in
spectacularly high heels, has been parodied endlessly by subsequent comedians.
In the talking version, Madras impersonates the priest who christens Maria,
reading the archaic liturgical texts with a perfect French accent!
Madras’ last movie, The Wizard of Athens, which was a re-edited version
of his first, showed a distinct search for continuous parallel storylines with
many improbable twists and turns, and is deserving of closer study. Despite
the fact that it was called a “masterpiece of bad cinema,”16 Madras’ attempt to
add color to the movie shot by shot, to introduce double exposure or a form
of primitive montage, and to constantly rework its plot in three different
versions make it a strange bricolage experiment on stereotypes and clichés,
a euphoric attempt at a carnivalesque comic treatment of a melodramatic
motif. Despite their shortcomings, Madras’ films are interesting because
they were constantly reworked by him in a way that makes the existing
filmic text a palimpsest of different layers of stories, added progressively over
each other, as the director improved his skills in representation, script and
technical know-how.
In 1923, Hepp released his poignant documentary The Exchange of
Captives in Asia Minor, one of the most tragic documents of the Asia Minor
Catastrophe. In the same year, Michael Dorizas, a visiting Greek-American
professor from Philadelphia, produced his pioneering short documentary
Meteora about the monasteries perched on tall rocks in the center of Greece. In
1924/25, Dimos Vratsanos filmed the sumptuous melodrama The Reject Child
of Destiny (Tis Moiras to Apopaidi), which became so successful in Athens (it
was screened by itself for two consecutive weeks at the Splendid cinema) that
it was soon exported to Greek communities in Egypt and the United States.
By then, other cities, such as Patras and Thessaloniki, had set up
their own studios and produced movies such as the Revolution of 1821 (I
Epanastasis tou 1821, 1926). Other cities followed. Three comedies were
made in the city of Drama in Greek Macedonia. In 1927, the strange attempt
to acclimatize Charlie Chaplin in Greece continued with Anastasios Kefalas’
Charlie Chaplin, Arch Bandit in Arachova (O Sarlo Arhilistis stin Arahova).
The film starred Kimon Spathopoulos, (1903–1989), who had just arrived
from Paris, and highlighted the fact that a creative dialogue between
local industry and the Hollywood tradition had already been established.
Stathopoulos would later become one of the most important make-up artists
for many Greek movies until the 1980s.
emotions; instead, actors had to pantomime their role in order to make its
feelings understood by the audience.
Dimitris Gaziadis’ unrealized master work The Greek Miracle (To Elliniko
Thauma, 1922) was envisaged as immortalizing the recapture of Asia Minor,
although using an all-Russian cast. The film was never completed, except in
fragmented reels from the actual battles, which Gaziadis himself had filmed,
especially the battles at the Sangarios River and in the city of Smyrna shortly
before its disastrous fire.17 The devastating defeat of the Greek army forced him
to substitute triumphalist narratives and national myths of military and patriotic
glory with short and private folk stories of consolation, in an effort to compensate
for the trauma of actual events and the death of the “Great Idea” of restoring
imperial Byzantium which had dominated Greek politics for a long period.
Dag Films’ first foray towards a systematic production was The Delphic
Celebrations (Oi Delfikes Eortes, 1927), a pioneering cinematic effort to film
ancient Greek tragedy in its natural space and on location. The celebrations were
organized by the renowned poet Angelos Sikelianos and his wealthy American
wife Eva Palmer and attracted international attention as the first attempt after
antiquity to revive tragedy in its traditional environment. The filming was made
in collaboration with the brilliant director of photography Dimitris Meravidis
(1895–?), who had studied with the Lumière brothers in Paris.
Despite their meagre technical means, Meravidis and Gaziadis managed
to move the camera horizontally and to create visual effects similar to those
on ancient Greek vases—one-dimensional figures in stylized gestures moving
in linear sequence and foregrounding the character of ancient tragedy as
sacred initiation. Their camera moved between deep-focus photography, long-
medium shots and close-ups, alternating with shots of the depthless landscape
and stressing the timelessness of tragic performance, the ritualistic slowness of
the chorus, and the expressionless neutrality of the dramatic mask.
Dimitris Gaziadis had worked with Ernst Lubitsch and Fritz Lang in
Germany while his brother Mihalis had worked in Hollywood with Lubitsch
and Griffith. In Dimitris’ most important works, we can clearly see both the
influence of German expressionism and the allure of American narrative
cinema in a successful fusion. The brothers tried to produce feature films
with a continuous narrative story while using the camera to establish a
single directorial point of view. Between 1927 and 1929 they produced three
movies with uneven results and their final failure determined the fate of early
Greek cinema and of silent movies in the country.
Love and Waves (Eros kai Kymata, 1928) was a huge commercial success
with 40,000 tickets sold in Athens alone. It was released in January 1928
and its unprecedented appeal raised hopes that good local productions were
possible. Despite the negative response by critics, with this film Gaziadis intro-
duced the visual grammar for popular movies that was to become dominant
(especially in melodramas) for many decades. Importantantly for the period,
Gaziadis used slow motion for the first time in order to enhance the emotive
response of the audience. His second film, The Harbor of Tears (To Limani ton
Dakrion, 1929) introduced actors who were to dominate the screen for the
next 30 years. Both movies were honest, but essentially inadequate attempts
to create continuous narrative cinema. The linear sequence of visual images
in the second film was somehow slowed down. This slowness was deliberate,
a means of concealing gaps in the script or disguising the extreme theat-
ricality of the actors. The scenes followed the pattern of still photographs;
they simply moved in succession since the actors remained still in front of
a fixed camera. Furthermore, the actors were crammed together in the very
confined space of a small studio, thus restricting their movement and making
their performances self-conscious. Yet some spectacular shots by Gaziadis,
especially of a storm around a lighthouse, were commended strongly by
critics and were subsequently imitated by other cinematographers.
The Harbor of Tears was about the Athenian underworld of smugglers,
drug dealers, addicts, and petty thieves. It too was an immediate commercial
success. The camera followed a number of characters without really creating
a central story or identifying main protagonists. The critic Iris Skarabaiou
pointed out that the movie was “a doubtful mixture of many episodes, and
that confuses the plot asking for a deus ex machina to offer a favorable and
yet improbable solution.”18 The movie also introduced a new representation
of figures of the urban underworld as antiheroes, as victims of a social
order beyond their grasp and control—a theme that was to dominate the
melodramas of the 1950s and 1960s.
In his next movie Astero (1929), Dimitris Gaziadis added dramatic
intensity to the movement of the camera and made the audience “come into
the movie itself.” For the first time, the camera seemed to change angle and
follow the action, inviting the viewer to engage in a dialogue with what was
happening on the screen. In this film, the camera empathizes with the actors
and draws the viewer into the frame as an active participant rather than an
18 A History of Greek Cinema
atmosphere of love and betrayal, most of the characters over-act and undermine
the director’s attempts to create a distinct psychological aura around them.
Also, Gaziadis avoided confronting or criticizing the patriarchal morality
or the dominant conventions surrounding the representation of women. Set
in the “innocent” landscape of a traditional village, which formed an organic
continuity with the natural landscape, the film idealized an already lost way
of living. Nevertheless, through the nostalgic recreation of an innocence lost
and an authenticity sought after by the urban masses, Gaziadis implicitly
criticized roles and institutions, which after the Asia Minor Catastrophe,
had lost their legitimacy and moral authority. Greek “authentic” life was
not a matter for the present but a thing of the past: Astero can be seen as
a narrative of consolation set against the background of cities filled with
refugees living in abject poverty. At the same time, Gaziadis constructed a
gendered discourse for the nation, representing women as the most solid and
steadfast core of moral probity, endurance, and stability.
On this film, Gaziadis collaborated with Pavlos Nirvanas (1886–1937),
one of the most well-known public intellectuals and popular writers of the
period. Nirvanas wrote the scripts for both Astero and The Storm. In an inter-
esting article which pointed out the urgent quest for good scripts, he noted
that as screenwriter he had to obey conventions, write platitudes and satisfy
the expectations of the audience by producing a movie “full of Greekness”:
If it was successful, we would be able to prove that Greece was capable
of establishing its own cinematic art and consequently a very significant
national industry . . . Among so many concessions and compromises, I also
had to deal with an art that follows convention, and my constant concern
from the beginning till the end was: how the characters in the cine-drama
were to be Greek, to feel Greek, to behave Greek, to speak Greek, even to
fall in love—the great barrier of the screen—in a Greek way. Moreover, in
moving within the environment of rural people, how was I to avoid the
vulgarity into which there was always the danger of falling? I wanted to avoid
vulgarity not by ennobling, through false devices, characters and situations,
but by revealing in the depths of their souls genuine nobility, the same Greek
nobility that found its most brilliant manifestation in our folk songs.19
80,000 people saw it in the first week after its release. It was also screened
regularly afterwards with such enormous success that a remake with sound
was attempted in 1944.20 Although Gaziadis introduced the Hollywood
practice of emotional empathy with the characters, he avoided introducing
the star system that had started to dominate the studio system in the United
States and which had to wait until the 1950s to be consolidated.
Gaziadis achieved a more artistic effect with The Storm (I Bora, 1930).
With occasional stylistic boldness reminiscent of German expressionism,
he employed fading shots, intense close-ups, and soft focus to create an
atmosphere of psychological tension and collective anxiety. In this strange
film, he also entwined reels of the war in Asia Minor with scenes of a
gripping human drama in order to reconstruct states of mind and to provide
a continuous narrative sequence. But the film remained fragmented. Iris
Skarabaiou notes that the actual reels were irrelevant to the story and were
there simply because there was no script—which was only partly true. She
also points out that, “the nightmare of the first shot” terrified most of the
actors and so the film remained incomplete and disconnected.21
With Gaziadis’ movies, modern urban melodrama was born in Greece,
while at the same time the predicament of refugees, of the poor and the
dispossessed received its first visual representation. Despite technical diffi-
culties, the Gaziadis brothers established the tradition in Greek cinema of
intermingling actual events with fictional ones. After the failure of their
artistic projects in 1932, however, the brothers produced only documen-
taries on current events, and here their camera recorded some of the most
critical events of the 1930s.
The success of the first organized film company gave birth to a competitor,
Olympia Films (while Ahilleas Madras had established his own production
company, Ajax Films, and another company Hellas Films appeared in 1930
with more being added during the 1930s, such as Nilo Films, Acropol Films,
Astro Films, Foivos Films). The advent of talking pictures sparked intense
competition between Dag Films and Olympia Films.
Olympia Films produced its first film, Away from the World (Makria
apo ton Kosmo, 1929), with the German cinematographer Erich Bumbach
exploring the landscapes of Corfu and Mount Athos (unable as all companies
were at the time to build their own studios). It was with this company that
Josef Hepp made his first attempts to devise his own sound recording
system, producing two short films in the process with a system of his own
invention.
Meanwhile, the challenges of the absence of organized studios and of
confronting the rise of talking pictures were exacerbated by the policies
adapted by the Greek state against the new medium. The historical context
of this rivalry is very important to the development of cinema in Greece.
The Asia Minor Catastrophe had been followed by the declaration of the
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 21
The quest for “authentic Greek images” was also becoming prevalent with the
literary generation of the 1930s as a cultural project of self-reinvention after
the Asia Minor Catastrophe. In many ways, such a quest was in its essence
a defense mechanism to counterbalance the traumas of the previous decade
through an anxious attempt to discover what had remained unscathed by
the national disaster.
Such a quest, which can be seen in all movies produced by Gaziadis,
naturally led to Josef Hepp’s first attempts to introduce sound to film-
making, since the authenticity of Greek images could only be emphasized
by the use of the Greek language. The invasion of the “talking pictures”
in October 1929 with David Butler’s musical Fox Follies of 1929, however,
proved to be a major factor in the demise of early Greek cinema.
Dag Films had already imported recording technology or used gramo-
phone discs during screenings. Dimitris Gaziadis’ The Apaches of Athens
(Oi Apahides ton Athinon, 1930) and Kiss Me Maritsa (Filise Me, Maritsa,
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 23
wit, don’t make gross jokes, and don’t shout out stupidities under the
pretense of philosophizing. And yet, they communicate with each other
perfectly . . . Watch two lovers on the screen: you think that they speak the
language of angels never heard before by human ears. When the screen
takes on the responsibility of informing us in writing about what they
say to each other, the viewer is taken over by disgust. For this reason, the
worse a movie is the more written text it presents us with. The best movie
is the one which contains the fewest possible written expressions and lets us
communicate without mediation with its heroes. [Emphasis added.]25
Nirvanas and many other intellectuals believed that the addition of sound
would diminish the predominance of visual images and reduce their script
to another form of theatrical performance. But the transition to talking
technology was irreversible. The silent period in Greek cinema ended with a
number of important films that reflected the new tendencies in both the art
and industry of cinema.
Two notable movies of the period were made in the studios of Istanbul.
The first was Stelios Tatassopoulos’ Social Decay (Koinoniki Sapila, 1932) which
featured some interesting stylistic innovations. The camera moved frantically
between close-ups, medium and wide shots and withdrew into long shots
following the tense and anxious development of the story. This was another
movie still struggling to establish its narrative codes. Although the film did
not take risks with form, it depicted its topic with a masterful self-sufficiency
through the Marxist underpinnings of each distinct frame of reality. Social
Decay is an early, perhaps the first, Greek movie of socialist realism that
addressed the fresh trauma of the Asia Minor Catastrophe and the disastrous
economic recession after 1929. It also added a new dimension to urban life
by depicting the underworld of crime and delinquency with an affection that
bordered on sympathy, sentiments that would resurface in the 1950s, particu-
larly in Nikos Koundouros’ (b. 1926) The Ogre of Athens (O Drakos, 1956).
Tatassopoulos (1908–2000) would reappear after the war and his fate, as we will
see, become emblematic of many other important directors in the country.
Meanwhile, the rapprochement between Greece and Turkey after 1930
allowed possibilities for artistic collaborations. The Evil Way (O Kakos
Dromos, 1933), directed by the Turkish Mushin Ertuğrul (1892–1979), was
made in Istanbul at the Ipek studios with two great actresses of the theater
Marika Kotopouli (1887–1854) and Kybele (1888–1978). It was the first
co-production between the two former enemies. Ertuğrul was the Turkish
Gaziadis: “Influenced by the French and German theaters and Soviet revolu-
tionary cinema, he was the only film-maker during this period when cinema
borrowed from the theater and did not seek to find a language of its own.”26
Despite its lavish production and formulaic melodramatic story, the film
was a commercial failure and invited the question of whether people from
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 25
the theatrical tradition could be successful in the cinema, an issue that was
persistently discussed during this period. Yet another of Ertuğrul’s films, In
the Streets of Istanbul (1931), the first talking Turkish film, was one of the
most successful films in Athens. The Greek-Turkish collaboration was to
become untenable, however, due to fierce nationalistic criticism. As a conse-
quence it became necessary to find a new location.
The masterpiece of the decade and of the entire period of silent movies in
Greece is Orestes Laskos’ (1907–1992) Daphnis and Chloe (1931). This appears
to be the first Greek film with a script written for the cinema and successfully
adapted from the ancient Greek story by Longos. Also, the actors were all
amateurs and consequently theatricality is strikingly absent from their acting.
Furthermore, the Charlie Chaplin of Greece, Kimon Spathopoulos, contributed
his knowledge as a make-up artist, working effectively with the actors’ faces to
eliminate the strong glare of open-air location shooting. The film followed
Laskos’ previous experience as assistant scriptwriter with Dimitris Gaziadis.
The movie unfolded in brief interconnected shots with soft focus,
dissolves, and alternating close-ups. The rapid juxtaposition of frames
Daphnis and Chloe is usually credited with the first nudity scene in European
cinema. What has not been discussed is how nudity was cinematically
framed in order to avoid censorship and public controversy. Indeed, the
representation of a de-sexualized nudity, the nudity of a body without desire,
is probably the most characteristic element of Laskos’ film. Despite its visual
sensuality, the film avoided all forms of libidinal interaction—as effective
editing totally stripped the naked body of its sexual energy and radiance.
Certainly, there can not be a singular interpretation of the film’s nudity. It
could be perceived as a revelation in the romantic sense of making sense of
social fragmentation by transforming the human body into a complete map
of reality. It could also be seen as an exposure: the naked body revealed as
guilt and shame, suggesting the deep crisis of authority that the country was
experiencing after 1922.
The nudity could also be perceived as a provocation, a challenge to the
patriarchal logic of hiding and protecting the female and male body in an
attempt to control its function. In any case, this is a deceptively simple movie.
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 27
was published from 1931 to 1933 and is extremely important for the early
debates on what constituted “Greek cinema.”
Dimitris Gaziadis’ short book How I Can Play in the Cinema (1926) was
heralded as the first attempt at critical reflection on the art of cinematic perfor-
mance. Moreover, the fortnightly journal Cinematic Star (Kinimatografikos
Astir) was first published by Heraclis Oikonomou in 1924 and continued
until 1969, when more informed and theoretically inclined magazines
appeared. It was in these early magazines, before newspapers and literary
journals added special pages on films, however, that the first reflections on
acting and directing, as well as some interesting reviews on specific films,
were published.
Most literary writers of the period refused to see any other worth in
cinema beyond its entertainment value. It was only Nikos Kazantzakis
(1883–1957) who during his extensive travels realized the importance of
cinema for contemporary audiences. Having visited the Soviet Union on
a number of occasions between 1925 and 1929, he witnessed the seminal
importance of cinema for the establishment of the new society and watched
films by the Russian avant-garde. He tried to write a numbers of scripts
which were never produced into films, although at least one of them was
later incorporated into his monumental play Buddha.
In one of his letters to his disciple Pandelis Prevelakis, Kazantzakis
made some sensitive and extremely prescient comments:
When writing for films you are forced to transform the most abstract
idea into image . . . A multitude of psychological problems and especially
dreams, subconscious, visions can be perfectly expressed only through
cinema . . . You are overtaken by a bitter pleasure and pride when you
create through such shadows passions, loves, urges, and unite and separate
and create humans who silently, in a fleeting moment, vanish . . . This cruel
satisfaction of the immense drive and its sudden disappearance charac-
terizes what I have written so far.28
One could claim that Kazantzakis was the first Greek thinker who under-
stood the cinematic experience phenomenologically as the interplay of
photosensitized surfaces that appear fleetingly and disappear without a
trace—except that on the film itself. “I must learn to use this new weapon
well,” he wrote to Prevelakis, “which as I practice it, I like more and more
because it sharpens my eye beyond belief.”29
The first serious film reviewer was Elli Inglesi (1897–?) who, under the
pseudonym Iris Skarabaiou, established the foundations for film criticism
before anyone else in the country.30 Her reviews combine formal and
thematic criticism and offer a rare insight into the development of the termi-
nology of film criticism in Greek, which was then predominantly a matter of
French words transliterated into Greek—a practice that continues to this day.
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 29
Skarabaiou was one of the first reviewers to discuss the problem of lighting
and to suggest ways in which directors could deal with the brightness of
the Mediterranean sun and the glare of the Greek landscape. The fact that
the first serious reviewer was a woman is unusual for a patriarchal society
such as Greece, but may reflect the sense of modernity surrounding the new
medium. Other important reviewers were Vion Papamihalis (who also made
movies after 1945) and the ambitious young intellectual, Spyros Markezinis,
who was later to become an ill-starred politician and who wrote under the
initials RO-MA.
Unlike the writings of Inglesi, the tenor of most reviews was rather
dismissive and in many ways unfair. For example, Loros Fantazis (a
pseudonym) wrote in 1930:
As the reader can see, these films are nothing more than journals
(documentaries), presenting natural beauties, with insignificant directing
skills, clumsy, and destined to serve, I can’t deny this, intensely, tourism
but not, as it interests us here, Art.31
Indeed, the search for “authentic Greek images” through “art films” would
always oscillate between the commodification of the landscape for the
purposes of tourism and the serious attempts at its cinematic framing
through the camera eye.
Special mention must be made of G. N. Makris, a film reviewer for the
literary journal Nea Estia since 1932. Makris was one of the very few intel-
lectuals who saw the new art as “a new way of looking at the visible world.”32
“The camera,” he believed, “has the magical power to recreate the visible
world, to recompose time, to narrow or to enlarge space, and to mobilize
everything according to its own rhythm.”33 Makris based his reviews on
the aesthetics of Sergei Eisenstein and Jean Renoir and was one of the first
film critics to discuss the dichotomy between European and American
cinemas—accepting them both as equivalent and complementary modes of
representation.
Generally speaking, it was in the 1930s that the urban landscape of
Athens was gradually discovered as material for visual representation.
Visually, Athens had remained an enigma for the camera; ancient ruins
coexisted with contemporary huts and formless buildings in stark and
unflattering juxtaposition. Gaziadis, Meravidis, Hepp, and Tatassopoulos
started exploring the Attic landscape by delving into the lives of ordinary
people and the misery of refugees. They did not see the landscape and
its people as idyllic images in a bucolic serenity, as was common in the
dominant literature of the period. On the contrary, they focused not on the
architectural ruins of a glorious past but on the human ruins of a chaotic
present. Such representation outlasted these early cinematographers to
become one of the hallmarks of Greek cinema.
30 A History of Greek Cinema
The Collapse
Dag Films was dissolved in 1932 due to the commercial failure of its
productions and the increasing competition from other companies, such as
Olympia Films, Din-Drits Films, Skouras Films, and Foivos Films. A number
of movies of 1932 to 1935 failed in their attempts to coordinate sound and
image. The last film made on Greek soil was in 1934. New studios with
sound facilities were needed. In their absence, movies had to be sent either to
Germany or Egypt for sound to be added. The failure of the local industry to
produce its own talking movies led to a failure to compete successfully with
the influx of movies from Hollywood.
As a result, the industry totally collapsed for several years, and between
1936 and 1938 a number of Greek movies were made in Egypt, where well-
equipped sound studios existed and which Greek traveling players often
visited. The rightly renowned historian of Greek cinema Yannis Soldatos
calls 1935 the year of “the clinical death of Greek cinematography.”34 The
period is usually referred to as the Egyptian Triennium due to the circum-
stance that the very few movies produced then were filmed in Egypt by an
international crew with foreign directors and cameramen.
One of the factors fueling the crisis in cinema was the political insta-
bility following Venizelos’ fall from government in 1932. A number of
unsuccessful military movements took place, while a hung parliament
became increasingly unable to solve the looming social crisis that fed the
rise of communism and the challenge of fascism. In August 1936, General
Ioannis Metaxas seized power and established a military dictatorship with
a fascist ideology akin to that of Benito Mussolini. Metaxas imposed strict
censorship on all media, exiled many important intellectuals and imposed an
unprecedented 70 percent state tax on all “public spectacles.” This crippled
the industry and made the production of feature films almost impossible.
Between 1937 and 1939, a total of seven Greek language movies were
produced in the studios of Cairo and Alexandria. From this “Egyptian period,”
The Refugee Girl (I Prosfigopoula, 1938), directed by the Italian Tongo Mizrahi
(1905–1986) and containing scenes filmed on location at Athens, Tempe, and
Meteora, was an immediate success—and it can still be enjoyed because of its
fast narrative rhythm, suggestive photography and memorable music by Kostas
Yannidis. The story of an Asia Minor refugee being married off to a wealthy
provincial landlord who later deceives her for an aristocratic woman resonated
immediately with the urbanized villagers in Athens, so much so that it was
32 A History of Greek Cinema
screened regularly until the 1950s. This melodrama deserves more attention
for its depiction of the refugee experience, rural and urban psychology, and
the divide between social classes. Despite its technical problems, it shows a
distinct sense of editing, camera angle and interior mise-en-scène; Mizrahi was
a master of narrative sequence, black and white contrasts and montage. Actress
Sophia Vembo became famous for the songs in the film (“a magnificent phono-
film,” according to the credits). Two years after the Italian invasion of October
1940, Vembo adapted an oriental song and transformed it into a patriotic
hymn. Mizrahi’s other Greek films Dr Epaminondas (1937), When the Husband
is Away (Otan O Sizigos Taxideuei, 1938), and Captain Skorpion (Kapetan
Skorpios, 1943) are not as good—but still were praised for their narrative pace,
which was to influence many Greek directors after the war.
The last movie produced in Egypt Little Agnes (Agnoula, 1939) by
the Italian-Egyptian director Alevize Orfanelli (1902–1961) was another
successful melodrama. Its poster proclaimed, “At last . . . A GREEK MOVIE
which will atone for the sins of all previous Greek films . . .” In reality it did
not. The historical context and the political circumstances were not favorable.
Orfanelli made one more film in Greek, Engagement with Problems (Arravon
met’ empodion, 1937), and another after the war, as the director of photog-
raphy for Nikos Tsiforos’ Wind of Hatred (Anemos tou Misous, 1954). Greek
directors returned to the Egyptian studios between 1951 and 1954.
During the Metaxas regime, the dictator actively promoted only the
production of documentaries and “journals” which glorified his tours
around the countryside as the “Father of the Nation” and which propagated
the life and works of the Fascist Youth Organization (EON). It is estimated
that around 450 such short films were made in a period of four years. The
regime even imported 75 projection machines for public screenings of the
movements of the dictator and his party through reels showing uplifting
orations by Metaxas or the sporting activities of his youth organization.
These short films were screened after imported feature films, in order to
make a stronger impression on the viewers. It seemed that the regime was
constructing its own visual history by promoting “the realism of true life,”
as the dictator declared. A notorious 1937 law established a committee,
comprised mainly of army and police officers, to oversee the ratings for
films: films were classified as “appropriate, inappropriate, or strictly inappro-
priate for minors.” Many people accused the cinema industry of fostering
immorality, criminality, and even physical ailments, especially “in young
people or women, who fall more easily and more deeply under the influence
of such spectacles.”35
Taking the medical advice of academics, the Committee suggested that
going to the cinema had dangerous effects on the optical nerve, created
respiratory problems, and spread contagious diseases. If any person, parent
or friend, was caught by the police escorting minors, under 15 years of age,
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 33
thought destroyed after Finos’ arrest by the Germans, but early in the twenty-
first century a fragmented copy was recovered in Egypt and restored.
The Song of Parting is a social melodrama that deals with a wealthy
woman from the city who seduces an innocent fisherman and convinces
him to abandon his girlfriend and his village. He moves to the city, where he
becomes a successful singer, only to realize soon after that he does not fit into
this system of conventional relations and social etiquette. After he receives
a letter from his girlfriend, he abandons the wealthy seductress to return to
his native island and the pure love of the woman who has patiently waited
for him. Song and action compete for primacy in this film, without making
any real connection with each other, something which Finos would keep in
mind when he went on to produce the best Greek musicals. The actors stand
still and act out stylized mannerisms as the camera dives into long-medium
shots of the urban landscape to explore the emerging reality of an alien-
ating and frightening city or the salons of a hypocritical bourgeoisie. The
looming nightmare of history frames an interesting character with moral
and emotional dilemmas, one of the first near-complete characters to be
produced in Greek cinema.
The movie was a colossal failure and, in terms of directing, was a
dead-end for Finos. N. G. Makris was scathing about the film:
The directorship is altogether missing; it is not only bad: it is simply
missing. This is a movie made fatally and accidentally. There is neither
montage, nor editing, nor photography. There is nothing. Deep darkness
prevails from the very beginning till the very end.37
Although the film’s escapism and retreat from history ignored the onslaught
of events that were to befall Europe, the film was a great step forward for
Greek cinema as it was the first talking picture to be processed in a Greek
technical laboratory. The facility had been built by Finos and would be the
genesis of Finos Films, which would subsequently become the dominant
production company in the postwar studio era.
Another talking picture, Night without Dawn (Nihta horis Ximeroma),
was also made in 1939. The film was directed by Tonis Papadantonakis who
co-scripted it with Dimitris Bogris. It was a romantic comedy and featured
well-known singers of the musical stage. Tracking shots were used in a
primitive way: a carpet was placed under the camera tripod and was dragged
slowly across the floor! Despite its poor technical quality, it might have been
a hit but for the outbreak of the Second World War in Greece. (The film
would later be recut and reissued in 1955 as a drama under the title Better
Late than Never.)
The storyline dealt with a resistance fighter who faces the moral dilemma
of choosing between wife and country. Finos’ own sound technology
was used for the film. This involved a system of “post-synchronizing” or
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 35
“dubbing.” First the action was filmed, then the dialogue was recorded, and
finally they were mixed together. This system was used until 1954 when
modern sound studios and technology in the American style were imported.
The Italian invasion and the unexpected Greek victory in October 1940
would become one of the most celebrated themes of postwar Greek cinema,
inspiring a whole catalogue of movies ranging from popular melodramas
to genuine existential explorations of war psychology. In contrast, the
German occupation that began in April 1941, with its horrible atrocities,
humiliations, terrible famine of 1942 and 1943, collaboration, and finally
the Resistance, remained one of the most politically sensitive and heavily
censored issues for cinematic elaboration. Indeed, it became the dominant
subtext of almost all Greek movies produced after 1945 through to the 1990s.
The occupation of the country meant the destruction of the industry’s
infrastructure and the cinema culture, since large gatherings were banned
and most cinemas were used as Soldatenkinos—cinemas for soldiers. In one
of his last reviews before the occupation, Makris lamented, yet with deep
optimism, the destruction of cinema all over Europe:
Cinema’s defeat in Europe is but a local episode. Let all national produc-
tions perish! Let the great crisis unfold! The blow is not lethal. As long as
Hollywood remains, nothing is lost for ever. One day the whole of Europe
will become a huge screen on which the showing of Charlie Chaplin’s latest
film will acquire the magnitude and the power of an eternal symbol.38
Under German occupation, many movies made in the prewar years were
lost, not simply because of the destruction by the Nazi forces occupying
public buildings that housed archival material, but also because of the
intense lice epidemic that had infected the urban population of Athens. The
Germans had confiscated the city’s supply of soap and in desperation most
of the existing films were melted for their silver to make combs and lice
removers.39
The Italian invasion provided the stimulus for the creation of the first
Greek animated short film, Ducce Narrates How He Conquered Greece by
Stamatis Polenakis and the camera of Meravidis and Papadoukas. The film
was made on the island of Sifnos in 1942 and was finally released after
1945, but remained totally forgotten until 1980. Seven minutes long with
a very good synchronization of image and sound, this short film is a rare
achievement and quite interesting in terms of its innovative technique and
optimistic spirit. In 1946, Yorgos and Yannis Roussopoulos made the second
ever cartoon in the country, a satire on the ancient gods of Olympus called
Settle Down With the Thunders! (Siga tous Keraunous!). It took another 23
years for this experiment to find its sequel, when Thodoros Marangos, a
graphic designer, made his famous Tsouf (1969) and his scathing satire Hush
(Ssssst, 1971).
36 A History of Greek Cinema
One of the most popular film critics of the prewar period, Vion
Papamihalis, claimed that 15 movies were ready to be released or close to
completion by the end of 1944. Although he criticized those who imagined
that Greece, “in its current historical situation, could easily become a
second Hollywood” because of the enthusiastic announcements regarding
the construction of new studios, he stressed that, “the creative performance
under the present circumstances is surprising” and concluded, “Tomorrow
there will be Greek cinematography, whether we want it or not. And we have
high expectations of it.”42
Shortly before the Germans left, another anonymous reviewer pointed
out the shortcomings in “cinematic experience” which could not be overcome
in the war period in which they lived. Yet the reviewer made the very inter-
esting point:
The perspectives of production . . . should tend towards purely Greek
themes, filmed in an “international” way, so that, even if the budget does
not allow for comparison and distribution in the international market,
there should exist at least at the artistic level the ethnographic color which
might interest international consumption.43
History, however, did not become any easier for the country after the
departure of the Germans, who, as they were withdrawing, destroyed all
important infrastructure including roads, factories, and railways. The process
of reconstruction was to be long and not without problems. The depiction
on screen of the traumatic events of 1941 to 1944 became extremely contro-
versial and politically dangerous in the context of a highly polarized society,
since new political problems began to surface with liberation.
During the occupation, as elsewhere in Europe, a strong division
began to loom between the resistance fighters, organized mostly by the
Communist Party, through EAM (Greek Liberation Front), and the
government in exile, supported by the British establishment. Attempts
for cooperation were made, as in the case of the destruction of the
Gorgopotamos Bridge in November 1942, but as Germany was collapsing
and the Cold War beginning, conflict was inevitable. After the liberation,
Greece was the only Balkan country to be assigned to the British-American
sphere of influence. Resistance fighters, mostly committed communists or
pro-communists, were marginalized, persecuted, and in many instances
systematically exterminated. The traumas of famine, public executions,
and savage brutality against civilians inflicted by the Germans were exacer-
bated by the events of December 1944 when a left-wing demonstration in
the center of Athens ended with the massacre of many innocent people by
British troops.
This tragic event caused collective disillusionment and rage and was
destined to appear more often in subsequent Greek cinema than the German
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 39
occupation itself. One could indeed claim that this event was the founding
mythos of postwar political cinema in the country.
After that, four years of civil war would destabilize Greek society and
cause a mass wave of refugees to migrate to the countries of Eastern Europe.
Although many of the defeated insurgents sought asylum in the communist
countries of the Balkans or in remote republics of the Soviet Union, many
others who were committed to left ideology and who remained in the
country were sent to uninhabited barren islands which became places of
exile, torture, and execution. These islands were soon transformed into the
symbols of a dark and horrific period in Greek history, which lasted well into
the late 1950s. The island prisons were later resurrected by the Greek Junta
between 1967 and 1974.
In the Greek collective memory to this day, every island seen on screen is
not simply an idyllic place for summer holidays under the hot Mediterranean
sun. On the contrary, it is surrounded by an unredeemed memory of exile,
oppression and death that rarely reached the screen, although it was present
through its very invisibility. As in the case of the Asia Minor Catastrophe,
the trauma of history was present but was never represented as an objectified
reality—and it remained so until the late 1970s.
An Assessment
Generally speaking, the prewar films were still, in their majority, pictures
that moved rather than real continuity cinema (with one or two exceptions
before 1936). The camera tried to capture real events, almost accidentally
and out in the open, in order to document life on location and then to bring
them together through a superimposed storyline, creating the illusion of a
cohesive visual experience. This method usually did not work well and the
gaps in plot, acting, and setting were too blatant to be ignored. This was
the harbinger of a problem that still haunts Greek cinema to this day, the
absence of screenwriters skilled in rendering, through cinematic dialogue,
characterization, continuity, and the transition of scenes.
Furthermore, there remains little to distinguish theatrical acting from
acting in movies. Until the early 1950s, when the first school of cinematog-
raphy was established, most playwrights were adapting their own theatrical
works to film scripts and were themselves the directors. Two prominent
examples are Alekos Sakellarios (1913–1991) and Orestes Laskos.
In the 1930s and 1940s most actors in film with formal training had
studied or worked under theatrical directors, often at the National (Royal
then) Theater of Greece, which promoted a neoclassical Germanic under-
standing of performance through a highly stylized form of acting. In short,
most Greek actors of this period seemed to act out emotions as if there were
no dialogue and the movies were still silent. Their acting was in reality a form
40 A History of Greek Cinema
This restoration work, funded by the state through the Greek Film
Center and the Greek Film Archive, has revealed the sustained and heroic
attempts of those early film-makers to establish a cinematic language and
tradition. Their films both need and deserve a contextual and situational
understanding in order for modern audiences or scholars to comprehend
the challenges they faced while trying to construct the dominant visual
idiom of Greek cinema.
Until the establishment of advanced studios with adequate technology,
early silent Greek movies were in their essence “photo-plays,” struggling to
capture the fleeting images of a turbulent reality, mostly through fusing the
genres of documentary and fiction. Their photography was almost always
blurred or faded, an indication of the cinematographer’s struggle with
natural light. Their mise-en-scène was static and inflexible, immobilizing
the camera while failing to produce widescreen compositions with emotive
strength or dynamic motion. When the camera moved, the focus was almost
lost and the scene became again a sequence of still photographs, mainly
middle-shot portraits to the waist, leaving human form unexplored.
The lack of funding, of organized and technically equipped spaces, of
trained screenwriters, actors, and critics made early Greek cinema a heroic
but doomed enterprise for those involved. The main quest in most produc-
tions was a growing awareness of the need for movies with “local character
and color.”
The need for the establishment of a Greek cinematic tradition was clearly
the objective of the pioneering Gaziadis brothers. Although their quest
remained unfulfilled, largely because of political instability and enormous
technical problems, they planted the seeds of a distinct visual grammar that
were to come to fruition under more propitious circumstances.
One anomaly of the Metaxas regime of 1936 to 1941 and its powerful
Committee for the Control of Public Spectacles was that it did not follow the
examples of the German and Italian dictatorships. As early as 1931, Dimitris
Gaziadis exclaimed in frustration, “The State cannot even understand the
importance of cinema for propaganda purposes!”44 As we have seen, under
Metaxas, only one feature film was produced. In addition to the restrictive
law of 1937, the puppet Greek government under the Germans introduced a
much stricter law that with a few subsequent minor alterations remained in
force until 1980, officially changing only in 1986.
The Committee of Cinema Control could ban a movie, “if, according to
its opinion, there were reprehensible elements in it, that could possibly have
a detrimental influence on the youth, or could cause social disorder if they
propagate subversive theories or could defame our country from a national
or tourist aspect, or could in any way undermine the healthy social traditions
of the Greek people or could reproach Christian religion.”45 All scripts had
to be submitted to this special committee consisting of army officers, police
42 A History of Greek Cinema
Against all odds, the period after the war was to become the Golden Age of
Greek film-making, the period when the visual idiom of Greek cinema was
gradually defined and its thematic representations crystallized in a popular
almost populist iconography. As Aglaia Mitropoulou observed:
In most films from this period you can find elements with a specific
approach to frame and with a variety of levels and nuances in photography,
which can be considered genuine technical and artistic achievements.48
When cinema was introduced to Greece there was no visual language that
dealt with the modern architecture of space, the expanding urban landscapes
or the variety of chromatic shades and colorations permeating modern
visual practices. Cinema was the focal art of modernity and constructed new
representations of collective and individual identities through images rather
than “literary” (that is, verbal) means. Consequently, modernity in Greece
signified a different way of dealing with the ambiguities of reality through
the interplay of black and white and not through the grand historicism of
Early Greek Cinema: 1905–1945 43
44
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 45
Hanover, returned to the country. The outcome of the elections and the
plebiscite led to a belligerent polarization of political parties and to the
entrenched ideologization of all social activities; soon after the elections,
as a reaction to the rise and domination of extreme right-wing groups
and militias, the Communist Party declared an armed rebellion against
the government in Athens.
The Communist Party’s stance led to civil war, which, from the very
outset, was disastrously futile, as Stalin was not interested in helping the
Greek communists, given his notorious secret “percentages” agreement with
Winston Churchill. At the same time, the central government in Athens was
the recipient of Marshall Plan support which gave it military superiority
against the rebels. The rebellion was doomed from its inception. Stalin had
conceded Greece to the Western sphere of influence and simply ignored the
rebels, who found themselves in the mountains fighting for their socialist
ideology with great conviction but essentially in a state of helplessness,
without any assistance and as Quixotic and suicidal as desperados. The
infighting between the communists themselves was equally fierce: armed
communist militias exterminated all of Zahariadis’ opponents and those
who disagreed with his decisions. Those who escaped to Eastern European
countries were imprisoned, assassinated, or exiled to the remotest republics
of the Soviet Union—a fate that Zahariadis himself was destined to share
after 1956.
In the context of such extreme political unrest in which citizens were
pressured from all sides, going to the movies was unavoidably an act
of political engagement; a political statement with consequences. Police
informers were everywhere and young students were turned away by
the police. The act of visiting the cinema to watch “un-patriotic” movies,
especially under the grim circumstances of a country ravaged by political
divisions, was a statement of civil disobedience and political defiance—an
experience that lasted well into the 1970s.
Needless to say, film production was extraordinarily difficult under
such circumstances. After the Civil War, Queen Frederica imposed a new
tax on all “public spectacles,” such as theater and cinema, in order to fund
her special schools for orphans of the war. In 1952, additional legislation
was passed which simply ignored local film production, imposing a new tax
on the gross income of Greek films while offering full tax exemptions to all
foreign films made in the country.
One must also bear in mind, though, that during this period the Left
was the most hospitable home for culture, especially after 1949, through its
cultural associations and cinematic clubs, or journals and other publications.
Conservative or right-wing parties showed distinct anti-intellectualism and
a reluctance to address questions pertinent to the arts of modernity.
Famous intellectuals of the Right, such as Constantinos Tsatsos and Yorgos
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 47
migrant from the United States returns to Athens where he discovers that his
ex-fiancé has become a prostitute while her daughter is planning her wedding to
a wealthy man. He tries to blackmail them but the burden of the double betrayal
destroys him. The film was a box-office failure and Tzavellas himself considered
it his worst movie. Yet it prefigured his mature works of the next decade, while
showcasing his eye for detail in composition, lighting and set design.
Marina (1947) by Alekos Sakellarios is also worth mentioning for its
fusion of music and action in a strange musical melodrama with loose script
and minimal action. It also introduced the new form of female star, in the
mould of Katharine Hepburn, with the singer Stella Greca (1925–?), who
sang more than acted, thus linking contemporary production to prewar film
traditions and practices in an attempt to produce the first Greek film musical.
This was also the first Greek movie in which a long and passionate kiss was
recorded to the extreme consternation of moralists—from both left and right.
Mihalis Gaziadis and Ioannis Philippou’s Anna Rodite (1948) was
another interesting film set on the island of Rhodes (which had just been
annexed to Greece) and which explored the tortuous relationship between
Greeks and Italians. “Mussolini struggled for 20 years but Greeks remained
Greeks. Now that fascism is dead, Greeks and Italians will be friends,” is the
line that ends the film. The movie was a box office success and demonstrated
the ability of the second brother of the Gaziadis family to make a good movie
with a quick pace and decent script.
Another good film was Nikos Tsiforos’ Last Mission (Teleutaia Apostoli,
1948), the first film to represent Greece at the Cannes Film Festival, in 1949.
It was produced during the Civil War and with the Cold War emerging over
the political horizon. No political references were made in the film nor were
there any reflections on the recent past; only idealized representations of the
ethical virtues displayed by army officers.
Thematically, such war dramas that dealt with the resistance were
compelled by censorship or indeed self-censorship never to mention
anything about the “anti-nationally thinking” Left. Left-wing resistance
fighters or rebels were represented as sinister shadows, reckless trouble-
makers or faceless Soviet agents. As the advertisement announced: “Watch
this film: it contains magnificent stories of self-sacrifice and patriotism!”
Stylistically, Tsiforos’ film introduced flashback as a technical device of
narrative re-enactment, a device which was to remain dominant in many
movies referring to the historical events of the 1940s. Flashback was an
effective device with which to present the invisible survival of the past in
the present. Only Angelopoulos’ The Travelling Players (1975), however,
succeeded in making present and past contemporaneous, intertwining them
in a continuous simultaneity.
Tzavellas’ next film, Marinos Kondaras: the Corsair of the Aegean
(Marinos Kontaras—o Koursaros tou Aigaiou, 1948) became the first Greek
52 A History of Greek Cinema
architecture and this film became one of the few records of how Zakynthos
used to be.
In his second film, Gregoriou collaborated with Jason Novak and went
completely in the opposite direction: the camera moved fast and without plan,
in a frantic way that, as Gregoriou himself admitted, made viewers dizzy:
I tried to juxtapose many diverse and heterogeneous elements, as a
result of a thematic and visual greed which had taken me over during
the shooting of the film. That was due to the complete freedom I had to
film whatever I wanted, without self-control and a third critical eye. As a
result, the film became a mosaic of different elements of Italian neorealism,
American thriller, and French psychological drama or detective story.5
Michael Curtiz’s Casablanca (1942) and Charles Vidor’s Gilda (1946), were
extremely popular and defined the ways in which Greek directors saw the
relationship between camera and human form. During the late 1950s Indian
films became popular too, especially Mehboob Khan’s Mother India (1957),
and gave the story template for many Greek melodramas and the melodies
for many popular songs.
The main characteristic of the early 1950s was the growing number of
movies in different genres. Urban dramas, period films, and comedies were
equally represented together with rural stories and fustanella remakes. By
the end of the decade, production was dominated by tearful melodramas
and delightful comedies, which unfortunately proliferated so much that their
initial freshness and sparkling wit were ossified into clichés and stereotypes.
The articulation of a complete visual language can be attributed to a number
of directors who need special mention, since they established the dominant
genres of postwar Greek cinema.
In 1951, Frixos Iliadis (b. 1931) released his Dead City (Nekri Politeia),
which was the official Greek entry in the 1952 Cannes Festival and which
received positive reviews. The film contained spectacular shots of the
medieval city of Mystras and its ruined palaces. It was, however, a commercial
failure that would haunt Finos Films for many years. In this film, together
with Josef Hepp, the rising star of cinematography, Aristidis Karydis-Fuchs
(b. 1925), made manifest the artistic sensibility that was to make him one
of the finest cinematographers in the country in the decades to come.
Unfortunately, after the commercial failure of this film at home, and after
some attempts at comedies, Iliadis abandoned film-making for a long time
and later made a comeback with superficial melodramas.7
Gregoris Gregoriou with his Bitter Bread (Pikro Psomi, 1951) infused
Greek cinematography with new temporalities by accelerating narrative
pace and by introducing neorealist forms to his depiction of social relations.
The important contribution of this movie was that it finally constructed a
complete narrative based on purely cinematic performances, which avoided
the theatrical elements in acting and photography, despite occasional
problems with transition scenes and the synchronization of sound with
image and lighting. Both amateur and professional actors took part in the
film with performances of authentic and refreshing simplicity.
At the same time, Bitter Bread inaugurated the tradition of political
movies with Marxist references, a tradition that was to be rediscovered in the
1970s. “The more wars happen, the more lame and cripple people will exist,”
was one of the most inflammatory lines of the script, and it was removed by
the censors. Thematically, this was also the first movie to depict the perse-
cution of Greek Jews and the extermination of the Jewish community in the
Nazi concentration camps. “You Jews are such clever people. They say that
you gave birth to great minds—and Hitler hated you for that,” was another
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 59
memorable line of dialogue. Despite the fact that it appeared only briefly,
the figure of the Lord (Archon) implicitly dominates the film without saying
a word: after his return from the concentration camp, he loses his mind,
speaks to no one and stays in his room painting imaginary beings, other-
worldly landscapes, and fantastic machines on the walls.
Gregoriou represented the attitude of Greek society towards the Jew as
the uncanny eternal stranger in an admirable way. The movie was heavily
censored and was also viciously criticized by reviewers.
Josef Hepp’s photography gave further proof of his mature style: stark
concrete forms surfaced against the ruined and unmitigated background of
the city. He focused on the deep contrast of black and white, which at times
dissolved into a fluid and blurred expressionist confusion, effectively repre-
senting a city and family in ruins.
Gregoriou continued to explore his neorealist aesthetics in The Big
Streets (Oi Megaloi Dromoi, 1953), a film that failed commercially and
forced Gregoriou to compromise himself within the growing trend of the
commercial mainstream.
Stelios Tatassopoulos’ Black Earth (Mavri Gi, 1952), a story based on the
emery miners of Naxos, was another important yet uneven movie. It was praised
for its “direct photography,” austere plot and suggestive cinematography. Also
close to neorealism, the film explored working class conditions and economic
exploitation with overt political references. The dialogue was minimal in order
to avoid sentimentality, and the camera depicted with unembellished cruelty,
as though in a documentary, the predicament of common people. The film was
shot on location at the actual mines, mixing social documentary and fictional
characterization in a way that is reminiscent of the British documentaries of
the period and of Giuseppe de Sanctis’ Bitter Rice (1949).
Gregoriou and Tatassopoulos explored the plight of the common man
in a society that denied them voice and representation. It could be claimed
60 A History of Greek Cinema
made a film full of sensuality, emotional cruelty, and sexual guilt, which
could be aligned with Alf Sjöberg’s Miss Julie (1951) and Marcel Carné’s
Thérèse Raquin (1952) in its relentless interplay between desire and moral
responsibility. Her central female character was full of existential euphoria
and ethical ambiguity, while the two central male figures were tormented by
lust, insecurity, and self-hatred. “Why does love leave such a bad taste . . .?”
Eva’s young lover asks, while her husband, in order to convince her to stay
with him, says, “You feel disgusted by me . . . but I will stay with you till
the end.”
Plyta depicted her female character as a true-to-life human being,
fallible, ambivalent, and seductive: no idealization, no promises of eternal
love, no marital fidelity—the ultimate insult to the patriarchal establishment.
Even the name Eve, with its religious connotations as the conduit through
which evil possessed the human soul, was counterbalanced by the strange
name of her young lover, Antinoos, the thoughtless youth, like Penelope’s
arrogant suitor in Homer’s Odyssey. Eve was a “problematic” film, and the
first major breakthrough in gender representation in Greek cinema, with
realistic dialogue, convincing characters, and rhythmic narrative, paving the
way for Cacoyannis’ Stella. Despite its sound problems, poor studio settings
and problems in scene continuity, Eve is still worth watching and, indeed,
must be rediscovered for its pioneering exploration of gender identity.
After The Drunkard, Yorgas Tzavellas made Bloodstained Christmas
(Matomena Hristougenna, 1952), which was the great commercial success
of the year. It was yet another movie which imparted its message through
implicit criticism. Some interesting subversions of gender roles in society
appear, which the strict censorship at the time did not leave untouched.
Despite its melodramatic character, the film addressed the question of
women who had intimate relations with Germans—a viscerally repulsive
issue in the polarized Greek society of the period.
62 A History of Greek Cinema
Between 1952 and 1955, a number of good releases seemed to put Greek
cinema on the international map. During the same period, many of these
films were again made in the advanced studios of Egypt, before their national-
ization in late 1954. Some of these films were also international productions,
common ventures with producers from, especially, Turkey and Egypt.
Tzavellas’ next film was the blockbuster that gave him the opportunity
and the producer’s consent to proceed with his artistic vision. Agnes of the
Harbour (I Agni tou Limaniou) was the big commercial success of 1952/53. It
was a loose remake of Marcel Carné’s La Marie du Port (1949), but Tzavellas
infused his film with the intensity of spontaneous realism as he explored
personal exile, the ethics of the underdog and the bitterness of social
marginalization. The film proved his ability to take deep shots of the urban
landscape while focusing simultaneously on individual episodes and signif-
icant details. The voice-over of an omniscient narrator sometimes becomes
intrusive with its patronizing tone, but does give narrative continuity to the
film. Tzavellas’ actors, especially the leading actress Mary Hatziaryiri, were
also extremely effective in depicting a wide range of emotions and encour-
aging empathy for the characters. In this film, as in the next, the conservative
director didn’t hesitate to foreground the female body in all its sensuality and
voluptuousness and even to discreetly address the issue of sexual practices.
Tzavellas’ comedies of the period were also interesting: The Jinxed Man (O
Grousouzis, 1951), The Little Chauffer (To Soferaki, 1953), and The Jealous Man
(O Ziliarogatos, 1956). The life of ordinary people is explored with frivolity,
empathy, and humour. Tzavellas was the most conservative but, at the same time,
the most compassionate humanist of Greek cinema, and in some respects his
cinematic achievement stands close to that of Jean Renoir or early David Lean.
However, the 1950s was a precarious decade which saw some promising
young artists imprisoned, others leaving Greece, and others having turned to
1909–1993), who spent most of his life traveling between Greece and
the United States and who produced, with his trained cinematic eye and
unflagging enthusiasm, his pioneering movie The Barefoot Battalion (To
Xipolito Tagma, 1954). Tallas’ life was strange and unique. He came from
Hollywood where he had worked with great directors in the editing of films
such as Victor Fleming’s Gone with the Wind (1939), Jean Renoir’s The
Southerner (1945), and the Marx Brothers’ A Night in Casablanca (1946); he
then directed two technically accomplished feature films, Prehistoric Women
(1949) and The Siren of Atlantis (1949), which are still minor cult B-movies.
His first Greek film, The Barefoot Battalion, was characterized by a fluid
poetic realism that depicted the German occupation through the eyes of 160
six orphans who roamed the city streets, stealing bread from the German
soldiers, as though taking part in an innocent and exciting game. The camera
followed their bare feet, constructing an elliptical image of a reality full of
suspicion, fear, and tension. The children were forced to deal with moral
dilemmas—and while they managed to do so effectively, instinctively imple-
menting notions of justice and solidarity, the world of adults denied them
everything they discovered.
The dialogue was a masterpiece of vernacular as the script moved
rapidly from scene to scene, creating an intense atmosphere of anxiety
and suspense. The dilemmas were enhanced by Mikis Theodorakis’ score,
orchestrated with wind, string, and percussion instruments, in an almost
operatic style that amplified the emotive force of recollection, nostalgia, and
trauma. The conflicting sounds of wind instruments and string harmonics
created an atmosphere of heroic distance and yet of extreme urgency; the
music transformed the children into symbols of a perpetual war against
fear. Aglaia Mitropoulou praised Theodorakis’ music as a unique attempt to
explore Eisenstein’s contrapuntal function between image and sound.10
Stylistically, the realism of the movie is densely organic, in the sense
that the external emptiness of the urban landscape corresponds to bodily
hunger and suffering. The film is also underpinned by religious fervor and
strong “spiritual” symbols without ever veering off into the sentimental or
the melodramatic. In a strange way, through subtle touches of humor and
irony, Tallas’ movie is more akin to Carné’s Les Enfants du Paradis (1945)
than to Rossellini’s Rome Open City (1945). In the movie, we can also see
the first and probably only positive depiction of the American presence
in the country—something that made Tallas a target of accusations of
pro-American bias.
Finally, we can also admire the mature camera work by the veteran of the
previous era, Mihalis Gaziadis. He had used the same camera since 1924 and
had only six projectors for lighting; yet his cinematic eye found its ultimate
consummation in The Barefoot Battalion with a dense depiction of rich detail
and nuance, in a constant interplay of shadows, through long shots and deep
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 65
four stories of the film were about likable outcasts who lived out their daily
adventures alone and against a universe of negative presences and intrusive
institutions; no political ideology or sexual passion assisted them in defining
their identity and self-perception. An episode with a prostitute and a fake-
blind beggar depicted with tragic poignancy and pessimistic humor the
horror of commodified human encounters. Against the backdrop of a sinister
state and an absent authority, Tzavellas’ heroes tried to make sense of reality
and to find their place in the shifting sands of history.
The protagonists resorted to deception or pettiness because something
greater was missing from their lives. They risked their dignity because
this was the only way to escape an existence without hope; they became
ridiculous because they understood that feelings have become exchangeable
commodities. “I want to paint not uncertainty, but the certainty of our love,”
says the poor painter to his girlfriend in the last story. Yet their only certainty
was based on a fake pound, on an illusion, a fraud. They will separate and
live in silent despair, in subdued tragedy and affluent banality. “Our story is
not fake,” says the narrator at the end of the film. “Only money is completely
fake.”
Tzavellas’ gaze tried to restore human emotions to their pristine
pre-modern purity; but nothing stands the march of time and the stigma of
poverty—all life ends in solitude. Social respectability and public acceptance
became the most obvious manifestations of emotional despair and existential
resignation. Through such “conventional” material, with clearly defined
gender roles and class distinctions, society simply marched on, over the
ruins of ordinary people. Tzavellas tried hard to believe that there are no
class distinctions in Greek society and his films always end with some recon-
ciliation and appeasement. Yet they also depict the dark shadows of a reality
that simply does not care for the individual, in which individual life is a
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 67
of Egypt, which received the Prize of Merit at the Edinburgh Festival. It was
a charming and fast-paced comedy, with convincing and likable positive
characters emerging under the bright Athenian sky. The city itself was
depicted as shining with optimism and ebullience. Elements of Lucciano
Emmer’s comedy Domenica d’Agosto (1950) were present, as well as some
interesting references to René Clair’s musical comedy Le Million (1931).
From his debut, Cacoyannis established himself as the master of cinematic
transcriptions and intertextual references as gestures to other films and
directors, thereby developing the formal affinities and stylistic analogies that
made his films dense and complex.
Cacoyannis’ first film was produced by a new company, Milas Films,
which seemed to give special attention to scripts focused on individual
characters and their humanity. Indeed, Cacoyannis is the most Chekhovian
of Greek directors. He is predominantly interested in representing complete
human characters, with their internal life, dilemmas, and follies. The repre-
sentation of individuals as “psychological beings” living in an internal reality
of their own soul and making failed or successful attempts to communicate
became the dominant theme in his films.
A year after women were allowed to vote for the first time, Cacoyannis
released Stella (1955), and this film was the culmination of the process of
bringing Greek cinema to its maturity. Stella was a masterful, if somewhat
unexpected, achievement. Until then, most Greek movies had failed to
produce a complete character let alone a complete aesthetic for the repre-
sentation of Greek selfhood, and, indeed, for a gendered selfhood, through
cinematic images. Stella transformed feminine irregularity into a powerful
moral presence by casting Melina Mercouri (1920–1994) as a superstar in
the mould of Rita Hayworth in Gilda (1946) and Barbara Stanwyck in Stella
Dallas (1937).
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 69
local singer tried to make her entry as a primitive Carmen Miranda (who had
just died in 1955), and it remained to the end the most successful adaptation of
Hollywood narrative strategies to the conditions of a specific country.
Furthermore, Cacoyannis succeeded in doing something that no one
else had achieved until then: he unlocked the mystery of human form
and made the human face the ultimate map of reality. Mercouri’s radiant
and spacious face added a new dimension to the cinematic depiction of
femininity through its vast autonomy and self-reliance. Until that time,
cinematic close-ups were basically replicas of traditional pictorial portraits,
depicting their subject up to the shoulders or the chest through medium
long shots and using material symbols in order to indicate the social position
or the emotional state of the character. In very few samples of the existing
visual culture, were the eyes, the skin or the whole face used as symbols of
an inner world or of a psychological reality.
In Stella the human face dominated the landscape and gave meaning and
depth to a reality that wanted to deprive the individual of its own interiority.
Cacoyannis constructed the first complete character in Greek cinema within
her own social context and psychological realities; a character who was
indeed an enigma, without a singular interpretation being able to exhaust
her contradictions. She was at the same time, loud and vulgar, dedicated and
individualistic, passionate and unfaithful. It was this very enigmatic quality
in Stella that made her appealing, annoying, and challenging.
The other female characters in the film were also quite interesting: her
rival Anneta (played by Voula Zouboulaki, performing a proletarian role
with imposing aristocratic elegance), who wants to have what Stella has,
represents a provocative statement by Cacoyannis about the ambiguity of
feminine desire. The second singer, played by the legendary prewar vamp,
Sofia Vembo, accepted her inferior status, but dreamt of another life, of an
escape into the world of her own mind, and of living her true life through
Stella’s transgressions. Finally, the mother of the main male character was
the ultimate proof of a self-alienated femininity: degenderized, passionless,
archetypal—a human being that has lost its ability to resist and react.
In the final scenes of the movie, a frantic dance between female and
male took place, accentuated by a battle between foxtrot and rebetiko music;
the camera dived into the human face and dragged the audience along with
it: the camera was both the viewer and the character, the director and the
anonymous person on the street. Cacoyannis’ editing through cross-cutting
in the final scene suggested an ingenious symbolic marriage of minds and
souls, at the deepest level of human existence and beyond social constraints
and ideological imprisonments. By juxtaposing and contrasting images,
Cacoyannis articulated a complex and ambiguous metaphor for social
debates, individual identities and political agendas. Robert Peckham and
Pandelis Mihelakis concluded their analysis of the film with the observation:
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 71
Gender was of course at the heart of the film, but the film was also about the
conflicting emotions that come with the freedom to choose. The internalized
social and gender roles were turned upside down: the man was a prisoner
of his dominant position and the woman was free to choose her life and her
death. As Dimitris Eleftheriotis noted:
In one of the most memorable dialogues in Greek cinema we hear the male
protagonist of Stella (performed with passion and disguised insecurity
by Yorgos Foundas), a victim of his masculinity as public performance,
shouting at Stella what has since become a proverbial line: “Go away,
Stella, I am holding a knife . . . Why don’t you go, Stella? I will kill you . . .”
From a Freudian point of view, the knife itself becomes a substitute for
something that Stella has taken from him: his manhood. Her independence
and self-reliance, her ability to choose for herself, and her willingness to
take risks castrate the man who cannot see the woman as a human being,
with contradictory feelings and ambivalent behavior. Consequently, the
conflict remains beyond resolution—she is killed by him as it seems that
her death is the only way in which he can regain his masculinity. The film
ends as if in a Greek tragedy with the neighborhood community mourning
over Stella’s dead body, dwarfed by the vast long shot of the endless city as
the camera moves ceremoniously away from the small personal drama to
show the impersonal magnitude of an urban reality in which all are equally
depersonalized.
Manos Hatzidakis’ score, which is based on a suggestive fusion of tradi-
tional bouzouki sounds and modern popular music, foregrounds the social
underpinnings of action: songs and music function as catalysts of action, as
72 A History of Greek Cinema
parts of the story. The song “Love, who became a double-edged knife” has
the same impact as Gilda’s famous “Put the Blame on Mame”.
It is hard to imagine the development of Greek cinema without
Cacoyannis’ “sculptural realism,” which encapsulated the transition of Greek
society from the organic unity of isolated neighborhoods to the impersonal
order of an expanding urban space. After Stella, Greek cinema developed
a new sense of filmic time and visual space, established distinct narrative
codes to express the polarities between city and countryside and the intro-
spective conscience of contemporary subjects, and explored gender issues or
matters of sexuality in a subversive and somehow invisible manner. As Dan
Georgakas observed:
Stella is not a realistic character exploring a new sexual role for Greek
women, but a poetic embodiment of the irresolvable conflict between
absolute independence and the commitments associated with a permanent
relationship.13
Yet when the movie was released, left-wing criticism was scathing:
Vulgarity and obscenity are represented as heroism, machismo and
aggression as bravery . . . How could they believe that the crude whore
they presented, the woman who does not want to marry in order to be
free to have fun in her life could be a character? How could her attempt,
her “struggle” to defend an immoral and perverse permissiveness ever
generate any sympathy or even admiration, or that her stabbing by a drifter
could be a tragedy? 14
Cacoyannis made his Girl in Black as an exit from the suffocating reality of a
depersonalized urban reality, and dived into the heart of “authentic” Greek life,
with the pure morals and innocent intentions of “natural” people. Yet what he
found there was neither pure nor innocent. Two friends from Athens go on
holidays to the island of Hydra. They rent rooms in the imposing house of a
deceased sailor. His family still lives there—a young boy and a girl, together
with their mother. The local men with their macho mentality try to take
advantage of the two women; as a friendship develops between the girl and the
Athenian, they play a prank with a boat that then sinks, drowning five children.
This simple story shows more than in Stella the power and the complexity
of Cacoyannis’ vision. His script was written with fast and direct dialogue.
The change of scenes has a peculiar rhythm of its own, starting slowly, then
speeding towards a tragic dénouement and then ending ambiguously leaving
only questions for the viewer. Walter Lassally started with this film his close
collaboration with Cacoyannis and has stated:
Michael Cacoyannis and I saw very much eye-to-eye in visual matters, and
his script for the film was one of those rare ones where the scenes were
already broken down into actual shots, making it into a shooting script
which was both meaningful and practical.16
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 77
The central actors, Elli Lambeti and Dimitris Horn, gave the script a tense
and electrifying atmosphere: the power dynamics of the small village, the
secret lives of the inhabitants, the internalized oppression of women, the
phallic machismo of the male population—indeed, the lack of any sort of
moral energy in the public life of the community—made this film radical in
its critique of established order in Greek society.
Lassally’s camera created an almost three-dimensional space, as it
moved discreetly around the face and neck of Elli Lambeti, caressing
her with sensuality and affection. The scene where the children drown is
carefully structured, emotionally and stylistically; Cacoyannis’ neoclas-
sical reserve and restraint rejecting all forms of sentimentalism. The silent
and indifferent landscape testifies to the human drama after transforming
people into amoral animals. Villagers are fatalistic and resigned. The story
of the sexually active mother, indeed of an older woman having affairs with
younger men, is probably the most interesting subtext of this film and will
find its full treatment in Electra and Zorba.
The fact that Cacoyannis avoided one-dimensional roles and depicted
only moral ambiguities (there is something quite unsympathetic in most
of his characters) made this film a prime text on sexual psychodynamics
and gave it a peculiar position as a seminal text on repression and sexual
inhabitations in the history of cinematic representations. Overall, The Girl in
Black was probably one of best Greek movies ever made, with its sculptural
vividness of human form emerging from the barren and timeless landscape,
and with the power of its story, depicting the woman as an agent of moral
and social change.
The same can also be said of his next film, the urban drama A Matter
of Dignity. If Tzavellas in his urban dramas and comedies was the Honoré
de Balzac of Greek cinema, with this film Cacoyannis became its Gustave
Flaubert. Cacoyannis returned to one of his main themes, that of a family in
trouble, with a reckless mother gambling the family fortune away in order to
keep up appearances with the rest of the Athenian rich and lazy, with a weak
and sensitive father, and an obedient but unstable daughter willing to be sold
to the wealthiest husband.
Cacoyannis’ characters here are essentially good: they are unable to
commit acts of bad intention or to act in bad faith. They are trapped in their
social roles—they wear masks all the time which destroy them. Their tragedy
is that they are fully aware of what happens to them, but they are unable to
change their life. Around them, Cacoyannis explores both the mentality of
the affluent urban class, which passes its time at parties and excursions, and
the resilience of the poor villagers with their moral strength and directness.
Lassally’s camera moves with impassioned vividness throughout the
urban buildings, capturing Athens at night and at dawn with neoclassical
luminosity, transparency, and clarity. On some occasions, each frame looks
78 A History of Greek Cinema
however, they lacked in style and form. Most also lacked the moral and
psychological complexity that would have created complete and believable
characters. In a sense, these were grass-roots attempts to deal with the
modernity that was reshaping Greek society by rapidly transforming it into
a quasi-capitalist economy. During this process, the traditional ethics of
communal bonds began to collapse, but no value systems emerged in their
place. The new political establishment simply continued its opportunistic
policies in economy, nation building, and social cohesion, based mainly on
coercion, ideological conceptions of nationality and the systematic exclusion
of “dangerous” ideas.
The image of the “rascal” (katergaris) as a likable and sympathetic
character became the central figure in these movies, a new variety of the
common man dominant in earlier films. In this new representation, all
urbanized villagers and the aspiring petit-bourgeois or middle-class audience
recognized the compromises and the concessions they had to make in order
to be accepted and become mainstream. Their transformation meant that
they had to dispense with their villageois accent, their uncouth manners,
and their existential innocence and organic unity with nature, in order to
succeed in their new environment of class-conscious capitalist organization.
They also had to ingratiate themselves to state power and its representatives,
by concealing their thoughts, disguising themselves into those “acceptable”
by the official state in the new urban reality.
The image of the innocent villager who goes to the city and deals with
the intricacies, contradictions, and pretensions of the new urban culture
became the dominant theme in most comedies. In the beginning, they
were delightful moral tales of self-empowerment, with witty dialogue and
occasionally some extremely funny malapropisms (some of which have
become standard expressions in the daily vocabulary). The attempts of
uneducated low-class individuals to use sophisticated vocabulary and savoir-
vivre manners provoked genuine laughter together with the carnivalesque
depiction of the local aristocracy.
Certain movies that reflect the social tensions of the period should also
be mentioned. Dinos Dimopoulos’ Jo the Menace (Tzo o Tromeros, 1955),
and The Little Car (To Amaxaki, 1956) depicted the gradual transition to
Americanized forms of commercial interaction in a still underdeveloped
country: the juxtaposition of the prevailing traditional prewar mentality
with the capitalist mechanized rules of modern urban realities provoked
laughter by pointing out the contradictions and conflicts that existed in the
minds of ordinary people. The mental tension explored here showed that,
in these comedies at least, the individual was depicted with psychological
depth and moral agency. Their comic stories caused an implicit psycho-
logical release not simply on a personal level. Dimopoulos (1921–2003) soon
became one of the most prolific and uneven directors of the so-called Old
82 A History of Greek Cinema
Greek Cinema, and one of the central figures of the most successful period
in film production in the country.18
Similar can be said about some other comedies made by Alekos
Sakellarios during the 1950s, such as Music, Poverty and Pride (Laterna,
Ftohia kai Filotimo, 1955), a hilarious carnivalization of stereotypical
behavior, juxtaposing the urban mentality with the activities of wandering
outsiders, the gypsies. During this period, Sakellarios (1913–1991), a lighter
form of Frank Capra and Ernst Lubitsch, made a number of highly successful
comedies dealing with the process of social transformation.
Among them, The Coffee Oracle (I Kafetzou, 1956) was extremely funny
and quirky, starring the most important comedian of the period, Georgia
Vassileiadou (1897–1980), an actress who distinguished herself for her
peculiar idioms and sparkling wit. In Auntie from Chicago (I Theia apo to
Chicago, 1957), Sakellarios brought her together with the dramatic actor
Orestes Makris of The Drunkard to create one of the most exhilarating,
exuberant, and absurd comic situations: this was the Greek equivalent of
Waiting for Godot, minus the existential angst, metaphysics, and gloom.
With its whimsical contrasts, irreverent paradoxes, and spirited euphoria,
the film explored the deep and irreconcilable dualities coexisting in Greek
society that were to receive their inevitable denouement in the next decade.
The terror of the new realities of capitalist commodification, urban
alienation, and community dissolution can be seen in an amusing comedy
by Tzavellas, We Only Live Once (Mia Zoi tin Ehoume, 1958), starring the
great dramatic actor Dimitris Horn (1921–1988). The misappropriation
of money from a bank by a low-level clerk in order to live out the passion
of his life with a voluptuous woman (Yvonne Sanson, the first foreigner to
appear in a Greek production) became the starting point for an exploration
of the emerging capitalist class that was assuming power by imposing the
exchangeable objectification of human emotions.
Sakellarios’ A Hero with Slippers (Enas Iroas me Pantoufles, 1958), with
its melancholic humor and sad irony, and starring the great theatrical actor,
Vassilis Logothetidis (1897–1960), seemed like a farewell to an era and
to a type of cinematic hero. In the same genre of good comedies, Tsiforos
released his hilarious spoof on urban myths The Treasure of the Deceased (O
Thisauros tou Makariti, 1959) with two great comedians Vassilis Aulonites
(1904–1970) and Georgia Vassileiadou. The quirky humor of this film
almost established a peculiar style in scriptwriting with unexpected puns
and irreverent innuendos. It also farewelled a particular style in house-
making in Athens, as the old architecture with the courtyard in the middle
was gradually replaced by fortified and privatized blocks of flats.
After years of city life, innocence was replaced by compliance and
complacency, and by the terrifying image of a citizen without moral respon-
sibility or a civil conscience, an individualistic opportunist who would do
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 83
anything and accept everything in order to “make it.” The cultivation of such
an image became the dominant theme in these comedies which, despite
the freshness of their vernacular and elegant simplicity of their plot, propa-
gated a distinctly conservative and highly regressive ideological message. It
must, however, be conceded that they managed to keep the industry alive,
offer training in technical skills to young directors, and make the industry
self-sufficient, so much so that after the 1960s a new wave of cinematic repre-
sentations became possible.
In 1956, Elias Paraskevas presented the first color movie in a rather
faded Technicolor. The film was The Shepherdess’ Lover (O Agapitikos tis
Voskopoulas) a fustanella drama that enjoyed a revival in such a period of
social transition. As we have seen, back in 1932 Tsakiris had produced his
own sound version of the bucolic drama written in traditional demotic
verse—and the fustanella tradition with its reassuring clichés and assuaging
stereotypes gave a sense of continuity and strength to the urbanized masses
working in factories against the depersonalizing presence of state bureau-
cracy, urban anonymity, and capitalist mechanization. Two versions of the
same story had appeared the previous year; one by Dinos Dimopoulos and
a second by Dimis Dadiras. The latter became extremely successful thanks
to the fresh and authentic innocence of Aliki Vouyouklaki (1933/4–1996),
whose presence was to dominate the next 25 years of film-making.
In 1957, Gregoriou attempted a modern adaptation of the ancient
Persephone myth in The Abduction of Persephone (I Arpagi tis Persefonis).
The film was set in two villages that feud about having the daughter of
Dimitra, Persephone, amongst them. It was the most ambitious and most
interesting work made by Gregoriou during this decade. He filmed it in a
village outside Athens, forcing himself to abandon the written script and let
his camera simply record the actual life of the villagers. He recollected:
The camera became the all-seeing eye stealing scenes from the everyday
life of ordinary villagers, forcing me to adjust appropriately the set scenes
of the script, in a form of unpretentious following of actual life, dialogues,
movements and reactions—as if there was no predetermined editing, but
cinematic narrative followed objective reality.19
Gregoriou’s quest for realism soon ended, as his major films failed at the box
office and reviews were particularly, and unfairly, negative.
In the same year, Gregg Tallas made his own provocative and controversial
Ayoupa (Bed of Grass, 1957), which took risks with narrative and story-
telling, reminiscent of Tallas’ Hollywood days and of Howard Hughes’ The
Outlaw (1943). The rather explicit and uninhibited sexuality of the film
challenged the morals of a society that saw an enemy of the social order in
the nudity of the female body.
84 A History of Greek Cinema
comedies Little Vixen (Mousitsa) and Commoners and Aristocrats (Laos kai
Kolonaki); Alekos Sakellarios released his marvellous comedy about a dialect-
speaking villager turned policeman in the city in his Ilias of the 16th Branch
(O Ilias tou 16ou), and Dadiras his tense war drama The Island of the Brave
(To Nisi ton Gennaion), which featured great performances by Tzeni Karezi
(1930–1962), a sensitive actress with an intellectual performance style.
Comedies and melodramas have been unduly underestimated from
the perspective of the exploration of the social mentality surrounding the
cinematic experience of the audience. Just as in Tornatore’s Cinema Paradiso
(1988) and in all Mediterranean societies, going to the movies was a profound
social ritual which tended on many occasions to compete with or even replace
church-going. For the urban masses of the period, going to the movies was
an experience of social bonding and status recognition, implicitly creating an
alternative public sphere in which feelings and reactions could be externalized
without fear of punishment. It also represented a space devoid of class divisions,
a democratic spectacle, or illusion, of social equality—despite the fact that the
luxury cinemas at the centre of Athens always enjoyed the privilege of the “first
screening.” Furthermore, the villagers and the urban proletarians heard their
own language on screen and not the austere and archaic idiom employed by
the government. The demoticism of these films has to be studied carefully as
an opposition to and parody of the official language of power, which seemed
incomprehensible, hostile, and opaque to the audiences of the day.
Yet, for each one of these, another five or ten facile and foolish films
were made in all genres, sometimes by the same directors who were “prosti-
tuting” their talent for easy money and immediate success. It would suffice
to mention the old neorealist Tatassopoulos who produced some of his worst
patriotic melodramas and frivolous comedies during this period, but also
Sakellarios, Laskos, Tsiforos, and others who, unfortunately, fell victim to the
studio system, sometimes in full consciousness of what they were doing.
Constructing a Visual Language: 1945–1960 87
88
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 89
were found and soon became the symbols of a populist cinema for the
masses. The most famous of these eventually became Aliki Vouyouklaki, a
local version of Doris Day or Brigitte Bardot, who, during the 1960s, was the
cult idol for the aspiring lower middle class that looked for entertainment,
escapism, and fun. Her movies (and from the early 1960s, they were essen-
tially movies tailored around her) had immense commercial success and
sold more tickets than all other movies combined, until her retirement from
cinema in 1981.
The truth is that Vouyouklaki’s own adventure in show business was
equally interesting. As we have seen, she started as an aspiring and talented
young actress in 1953 and played some very demanding roles in the early
stages of her career, as in her first film, Tsiforos and Asimakopoulos’ The
Little Mouse (To Pontikaki). Dimopoulos’ Madalena (1960) was a widely
recognized ethographic film which gained international recognition at the
Cannes Festival. It was an unpretentious representation of rural life, a fine
example of a good “popular” movie, combining coherent narrative plot and
wider ideological concerns within the simplicity of its story and the clarity of
its depiction—not dissimilar to Visconti’s La Terra Trema (1948) but without
its didactic political message. Furthermore, it presented Vouyouklaki as a
consummate actress; her appearance in this rural drama marked the peak of
her career as a performer.
The film framed Vouyouklaki through the pulsating cinematic eye of
Walter Lassally, the Englishman to whom we owe some of the most “authentic”
Greek images ever made. The story is set on a small Greek island during the
transition from the old sailing boats
to the new passenger steam boats.
Madalena and her family become
victims of modernization and
are on the brink of utter poverty;
yet the film explores the death of
traditional economies without
melodramatic sentimentalism and
with the directness of irrevocable
change, as well as with a sense of
optimism. With documentary-style
precision and realistic complexity,
Dimopoulos’ craftsmanship and
Lassally’s cinematography trans-
formed Vouyouklaki into a “tragic”
heroine who for once did not imper-
sonate herself as somebody else on
Dinos Dimopoulos, Madalena (1960). Courtesy, screen. As Lassally observed: “Aliki’s
Finos Films. Greek Film Archive Collection. character in Madalena was typical
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 91
The star system and the film industry converged with an unexpected movie,
internationally produced, which was to create the most enduring cinematic
legends of Greek cinema and Greek culture as a whole. Despite the fact that
it does not belong to Greek cinema proper, it would be unfair not to mention
the crucial contribution to the construction of “images about Greece” and
their impact on film production in the country by the American expatriate,
Jules Dassin (1911–2008).
92 A History of Greek Cinema
hence the very successful song about the children of Piraeus which appears
so unexpectedly and without any real connection with the plot.
The film became an international success after Mercouri received
first prize at Cannes, (which she should have received for Stella) and the
composer Manos Hadjidakis the Oscar for best song in 1961.
Dassin was the first international director who not only made a number
of films in Greece, but also attracted international funds and casts for films in
the country. In 1962, on the island of Hydra, he filmed a modern adaptation
of Euripides’ Hippolytus story in his much underestimated Phaedra, starring
Anthony Perkins, Melina Mercouri, and Raf Vallone, which can be seen as
one of the first trans-national films made by an expatriate struggling to find
a new homeland.
Some special movies have to be mentioned, especially as tentative but
significant attempts towards film noir, which for Greece did not originate
in Hollywood but was mediated through its French appropriation. In these
films, the detective or the lonely policeman champions the “little man”
against the abuse of power by the pillars of society or the delusions of the
bourgeoisie. Under the story one can detect the very thinly veiled political
criticism, which was not allowed to be articulated.
Tzanis Aliferis’ Murder at Kolonaki (Englima sto Kolonaki, 1960)
addressed collaboration with the Germans under the guise of a detective
story in a powerful script by Yannis Maris, a Greek fusion of Raymond
Chandler and Georges Simenon. The theme of treason became here an
implied but not articulated subtext. Aliferis’ camera, framed by Aristidis
Karydis-Fuchs’ complex cinematography, worked through stark black and
white contrasts, as well as through the dark, ominous, and sinister streets
of Athens, to create the nocturnal aesthetics that dominate the film. Kostas
Kapnisis’ music was an exotic melange of diverse sounds that blended with
the slow but atmospheric action in an organic way, foregrounding some of
the most sensual and erotic scenes of the period. His music linked story and
audience in an agitated and highly ingenious way.
The critic Ion Ntaifas (b. 1927), an accomplished reviewer of movies,
released his most important work as a film-maker with the film noir, The
Killer Loved So Much (O Dolofonos Agapouse Poli, 1960). The film was based
on a very good script, which addressed in an indirect way the illicit activ-
ities, during the German occupation, of people who later became powerful
constituents of the Conservative Government.
It opens with an insert incredible for the times: “This film is a tribute to
the journalists who fight for justice and to the actors who struggle for high
artistic ideals.” Despite its weakness in continuity, it is a powerful document
of an era of persecution and fear, through its intense claustrophobic atmos-
phere and its expression of the untold secrets that were not allowed to be
articulated.
94 A History of Greek Cinema
Another good film, indeed a must-see, in the same genre was Dinos
Katsouridis’ Backstage Crime (Englima sta Paraskinia, 1960), one of the most
atmospheric, expressionistic and dark films ever made in Greece, based
again on a Yannis Maris detective story. The murder of a leading actress leads
detective John Bekas to investigate people above suspicion and to uncover
the guilt for crimes committed in the recent past. Its exploration of the
Athenian underworld is masterfully depicted and suggestively underlined
by the peculiar musical score by Mimis Plessas, a brilliant mixture of jazz,
pop, and rock and roll. Katsouridis’ story unfolds through strange camera
angles with frantic movement, rapid changes of scene, and an accelerating
rhythm of narrative—this film brought Hitchcock’s style into Greek cinema.
It was also one of the very few Greek movies which found distribution in the
United States, and it can be considered one of the best artistic achievements
of cinema in the country.
Errikos Thalassinos’ Death Will Return (O Thanatos tha Xanarthei,
1961) was an incredibly intense film, made in the closed and confined spaces
of a huge tower and set on the island of Cyprus. The scars of the Second
World War and the betrayal of Jews play a considerable role in the unfolding
of the story. Argyris Kounadis’ music underlines the agony and the claustro-
phobia of the strange story of repressed desire, revenge and hatred: in the
final scene, piano music alternates with the police car siren, creating a tense
atmosphere of frenzy and insanity.
The best and most complex film of the genre came in 1961/62 when
Errikos Andreou (b. 1938) released his debut movie Nightmare (Efialtis).
This was an atmospheric and well-structured film noir about the double
personality of a woman who lives isolated in a hotel: a mirror functions as the
catalyst for her second, murderous, personality to emerge. Psychoanalytically,
the film attempts the visual representation of the sexual panic that the female
body causes in the masculine gaze. The oval-shaped omnipotent mirror
resembles both the eye that looks into the realm of human motives and the
depthless, cavernous vagina ready to devour the masculine intruder. Indeed,
the film is about the desire of a woman to possess, or destroy, the male gaze,
or the penis, as an instrument of violence, domination, and murder.
The action is extremely tense and the psychological subversions highly
challenging. Karydis-Fuchs’ camera creates an atmosphere of urban unreality
full of illusions, reflections, and phantoms. The voodoo dance scene is
probably one of the most evocative and impressive mise-en-scènes in Greek
cinema, with real nudity and fascinating music. At the same time, the camera
moves at a fast pace through an effective use of chiaroscuro, reminiscent of
the original Scarface (1932) and Double Indemnity (1944). Mimis Plessas’
music, with its idiosyncratic melange of rock, jazz, and African tunes, made
this film quite unique, a complex filmic text which needs more attention,
especially for its possible psychoanalytic readings.
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 95
to the production of many films. Despite the fact that Nezeriti did not pursue
her film career further, her movie depicted a solid and dynamic style.
During the same year, we must mention the release of the first experi-
mental, avant-garde film of Greek cinema, John Kontes’ The Hands (Ta
Heria). It was a film without story or dialogue, based on the cinematic explo-
ration of how human hands express emotions and states of mind.
The magisterial black tragicomedy Hands Up, Hitler (Psila ta Heria,
Hitler, 1961) was made by Roveros Manthoulis. It was a nostalgic look at
the recent past as collective memory and, as such, an attempt to understand
what happened during the German occupation. In a characteristic scene,
the German soldiers who take photographs in front of the Parthenon chase
away the redundant and ordinary “modern” Greek who is passing by. Yet the
political implications for the present were obvious: at the peak of the mass
migration to other countries, organized by the government, Greeks felt like
strangers in their own homeland, like picturesque images for tourists and
case studies for experts.
A film that had a deep impact in 1961 was the historical documentary by
Vassilis Maros released under the title The Tragedy of the Aegean (I Tragodia
tou Aigaiou). It was a historical reconstruction of the greatest events of Greek
history from 1900 to the end of the Civil War (1949). Maros (1929–2002)
put together the most important reels filmed by the early cinematographers,
such as Prokopiou, Hepp, Gaziadis, Loggos, and Finos. It was an unset-
tling critical look at the recent past, with an ironic and occasionally acerbic
commentary, the first ever cinematic reflection on the experience of history
not simply as political narrative but as felt reality by the common people. The
predicament of these people is apparent throughout the film which, despite
its documentary form, can be seen as a grand epic of hope and destruction
and, as such, an indirect indictment of the political establishment which
persistently and consciously betrays the expectations of its own citizens.
Mitropoulou considers this film, which provoked fierce reactions and was
heavily censored on account of its critical stance towards the ruling elite, as
“the first historical and political film of Greek cinema.”7
Yorgos Tzavellas released the first attempt since 1927 to film ancient
Greek tragedy in his multi-award-winning Antigone (1961), a film that
established the international status of the actress Irene Papas (b. 1926). The
cinematic translation of the quintessential ancient Greek tragedy was a risky
and unpredictable experiment. Tzavellas was the master of internal spaces,
bourgeois formalism, and introspective understatement. Here he had to
reinvent his own visual idiom and create for Sophocles’ tragedy a cinematic
public space by reconfiguring its structure. He filmed on location, giving
the ancient chorus a powerful presence, using the language of the common
people and transforming the solemnity of the tragic ritual into a vibrant and
lively realistic confrontation. The film managed to balance naturalism and
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 97
archetypal time. It is the most expressionistic of his works; soft focus and
long shots create a sense of distance, indicating the mythic dimension of
the story, and yet the tangibility of images and distinctness of human form
articulate a relief-like depth. Irene Papas’ performance as Antigone was one
of the best of her career, while Manos Katrakis (1908–1984) as Creon gave a
mesmerizing performance of awe-inspiring terribilitas.
In the same year, Cacoyannis produced the underrated poetic gaze of
Eroica (1961), a film that depicted the indeterminacy of adolescent sexuality
and the nostalgia for a lost childhood through the soft use of camera, sparse
dialogue, and the slow pace of narrative. The film was a contemplative and
imaginative recreation of the innocence and purity of youth before it is thrown
into the world of adult social roles and taken captive by the cruelty of history. It
was based on a popular novel by Kosmas Politis (1888–1974), which recreated
the last years of growing up in Smyrna before the great Catastrophe. Its form is
reminiscent of Dovzhenko’s Earth (1930), and Walter Lassally’s camera recreates
with immense sensitivity and affection the motifs of lost innocence and lost
homeland, intertwined through a magnificent use of slightly unfocused, hazy
frames, which record a remembered past with empathy, reserve, and despair.
It is certainly not irrelevant to see the connection between this film and
Cacoyannis’ next, which was to become an international success, the ingenious
and magisterial filming of Euripides’ Electra (1962).
Cacoyannis’ Electra was a major formal achievement whose influence
can be discerned in Pier Paolo Pasolini’s Gospel According to Matthew (1964)
and Medea (1969), and Miklós Jancsó’s Electra, My Love (1974). It is probably
his ultimate cinematic masterpiece, a visual translation of ancient tragedy
through the practices of Russian formalists and specifically Eisenstein’s and
Dovzhenko’s theories of montage and editing.
Walter Lassally’s contribution to this film cannot be understated. During
the same period, he worked with Tony Richardson on films such as A Taste
of Honey (1961), The Loneliness of the Long Distance Runner (1962), and Tom
Jones (1963), which inaugurated the British New Wave. His cinematography,
with its crisp pragmatism and preference for foregrounding the immediate
and tangible, counterbalanced the symbolic, mythical, and archetypal story.
With its strong tonal ranges of black and white, Lassally’s camera created
dense contrasts and juxtapositions of forms through subtle movements that
made the camera itself participate in the story; indeed, through its sensitive
immobility the camera becomes the ubiquitous eye that guides the viewer
through the intricate psychological complexities of the story. As Lassally
explained:
I chose to film all the day exteriors in Electra through a deep red filter,
which gives a high contrast image with near black skies and we went for
very formal and somewhat stark compositions that filled the frame to its
very edges.8
For his part, Cacoyannis brought everything together: image, sound, and
silence. Indeed, at the most crucial moments, silence takes over action, while
the archetypal figures of tragedy emerges in the viewer’s subconscious in
all their psychological force. Mikis Theodorakis’ music unsettles the viewer
with its tense sounds, constructed by elemental instruments, mostly percus-
sions, xylophones, and harpsichord, in an effort to create a ritual rhythm of
solemnity and gravitas.
The theme of the tragedy is matricide—a topic which is the ultimate
taboo in all Mediterranean societies. A sexually active mother and her virile
and promiscuous lover “castrate” both brother and sister, Orestes (Yannis
Fertis) and Electra (Irene Papas), after the lovers kill their father. Such a
psychoanalytic background creates the suffocating atmosphere of guilt
and angst that permeates the film as the children struggle to avenge their
father’s murder. They both feel disgusted by and attracted to the animalistic
vitality of their mother’s lover (Fivos Razis), and want revenge from while
at the same time being bound to their mother by the psychic bonds of their
emotional umbilical cord. Love and hate struggle within them and they feel
neutralized by their conflicting emotions.
In a powerful scene, the mother (hauntingly performed by Aleka
Katseli) is isolated in a dark and circular hovel where her son Orestes is
lurking to kill her. The camera avoids showing the killing, but such ellipsis
makes the act more horrible and blasphemous. In this Freudian scene, the
ritual murder becomes a miasma, a horrible act that needs purification and
atonement. Yet there is no redemption: the children destroy their maternal
beginning and are condemned to an existence without a home to return
to. This film consummated the ultimate themes of Cacoyannis’ cinema:
troubled families, castrated children, and lost homelands.
Obviously, the tragedy was an apt metaphor for the indeterminate
realities of modern life. An “absent” father lurks in the background as
the phantom of peace and stability. His children, dispersed and confused,
struggle to come to terms with loss and trauma. At the same time, they
know the cause of their loss, but their inability to act demoralizes them in
a self-castrating way. The dominant mother, full of power and self-confi-
dence, reduces them to a life of insignificance. When they act, they destroy
themselves—a double exile awaits them, estrangement from their family
hearth and from their country.
The film was Cacoyannis’ response to Ingmar Bergman’s The Seventh
Seal (1956), a film about the silence of history and the death of God.
(Interestingly enough, left-wing film-maker and critic Dimitris Stavrakas
criticized Electra for its “Scandinavian photography” and “Babylonian
costumes.”)11 It was a humanist’s answer to the major questions of postwar
Europe and to the criminal mentality that seized power with the rise of
totalitarianism. The criminals were the people we loved—our kin, our
100 A History of Greek Cinema
distribution, the film defined the international image of Greece, and its
presumed social mentality still crystallize specific ways of looking at Greek
reality to this day.
Zorba the Greek is usually judged negatively; especially today when
the image of the crafty and resourceful village philosopher or village
fool that Zorba came to represent have imploded and all but vanished.
Yet around this demonic figure, so ambiguously performed by a frenetic
Anthony Quinn, Cacoyannis represented a universe of moral and psycho-
logical ambiguities replete with fear and panic. The adaptation of Nikos
Kazantzakis’ novel is more or less successful as a cinematic translation
of a work composed around philosophical dialogue, complex narrative
structure, and highly abstract speculation. Cacoyannis totally ignored
the central themes of the book, such as the strenuous intellectual effort
of the Boss to write a play entitled Buddha. He also omitted altogether
the stoic ethic of self-restraint and temperance that permeate the book
in favor of the epicurean celebration of euphoric exuberance and sensual
excess.
The film is uneven, as it can be seen as a series of loosely connected
episodes appearing out of nowhere in an attempt to move from the individual
to the community and to construct a fresco of their interaction. Emanuel Levy
notes that “the film is uneven due to Cacoyannis’ plodding direction, resulting
in a structurally shapeless film, despite great on-location shoots and melodic
score from Mikis Theodorakis.”14 Zorba is comically spectacular and dominates
each scene with an almost Luciferian presence which often borders on the
ridiculous; yet the episodic stories that unfold around him, like the widow’s
assassination, the presence of foreigners, the influence of institutional religion,
and the hidden reality of madness in small communities, are depicted with an
accomplished and stark realism and through a puzzled and inquisitive gaze.
and 1967, Greek society suffered an intense political crisis. The Conservative
Government of ERE, under the leadership of Constantine Karamanlis, which
had been in power since 1955, was increasingly unable to deal with the
growing social tensions created by intense industrialization and unplanned
urbanization. Greece signed up for the European Common Market in 1961,
but democratization and liberalization were necessary prerequisites for the
ultimate fruition of the project. (Greece eventually joined the EU in 1981.)
The Communist Party, however, was still banned, while many political
dissidents were either imprisoned or exiled. Secret, state-sponsored nation-
alistic and ultra-conservative militias kept society under strict surveillance
and in a state of open terror. The notorious elections of “violence and
fraud” in October 1961 gave the Conservative Party a precarious mandate
to govern, which became untenable as the conflicts within the party itself
intensified. The most infamous incident associated with such secret militias
was the assassination of the deputy of the Left Grigoris Lambrakis in
Thessaloniki on May 27, 1963. The truth about the culprits was revealed
by the sense of duty, or simple personal stubbornness, of the local attorney,
Hristos Sartzetakis, who would resurface in the 1980s, for the wrong reasons.
The event was immediately transformed into a book by Vassilis Vassilikos
and later adapted to the screen by the expatriate Costa-Gavras under the title
Z (1968).
Karamanlis himself was politically damaged by the inability of his
government to control the right-wing extremists, despite his good inten-
tions. In a moment of frustration, he uttered one of the most indicative cries
of despair to have ever been expressed by a prime minister in a (quasi-)
democratic society: “At last! Who is governing this country?” Continuing
social unrest through strikes, demonstrations and open confrontations with
the police made obvious the fact that society had turned against the state
and its oppressive apparatuses, and that a deep division existed between the
body politic and the institutional framework of a society as it was entering a
phase of economic recovery. In November 1963, Karamanlis fled the country
under a pseudonym and remained in self-imposed exile in Paris until 1974.
The Conservatives lost the election in November 1963, and a new centre-left
coalition under Yorgos Papandreou received the majority to govern. The
period is referred to as “the Lost Spring,” as its optimism and great expecta-
tions floundered tragically with the coming of the military dictatorship on
April 21, 1967.
Internal divisive factions and external influences derailed the process
of democratization. In February 1964, Papandreou renewed his mandate
to govern, despite the interventions of King Paul and Queen Frederica,
a looming crisis in Cyprus, and the CIA-sponsored subversion of his
authority. At a critical moment, in July 1965, at the instigation of the new
King Constantine and under the leadership of the future prime minister
106 A History of Greek Cinema
become one of the principal architects of the New Greek Cinema. Amok also
featured Nikos Kavoukidis making his debut as director of photography. The
movie inaugurated a less-terrified but deeply critical look at the recent past in
an attempt to reassess it under the prism of the new political environment.
The story is about a group of girls who escape from a reform centre and
find refuge on a remote island. One of the girls, a Jew, has lost all her family
in Thessaloniki. A group of Germans arrive, ostensibly to excavate for ancient
ruins, but in reality only to discover the treasures of their Jewish war victims.
The conflict between them escalates; the younger German falls in love with
the Jewish girl and they escape together after his Nazi father is killed. The
movie was censored and was considered “bold,” with nudity and scenes
of brutal rape and ruthless cruelty. It was the first movie to overtly depict
racism, sexual violence and anti-Semitism. It was also extremely successful
in the United States, one of the very few Greek films which made a profit for
its producer (Finos Films), selling for the unprecedented amount of $20,000.
Kostas Manousakis’ (1935–2005) monumental Treason (Prodosia, 1964)
uses the same theme. The movie was about the extermination of Greek Jews,
told through the story of a German soldier who, after having discovered
that his Greek lover was Jewish, betrayed her to the Gestapo. Through inter-
cuttings between authentic footage from the German occupation and the
narrative, Manousakis made one of the most successful movies of the decade
on such a previously unexplored topic, and before any other Holocaust
movie.
It was criticized for its fascination with the military might of the
Nazis, as reflected in its frequent use of clips from Leni Riefenstahl’s films.
(Some critics even called it a “hymn to Nazism.”) However, Manousakis
merely exposed the hollowness of such parades, juxtaposing the exhibi-
tions of collective grandeur with the manifestations of individual meanness.
having concealed their faces beneath black hoods, singled out communists
or members of the resistance for execution. Many of these collaborators
were never punished and became wealthy and powerful, especially after the
communist defeat. The film was the very first occasion that such exposure
took place and it became an objectified representation in the public domain.
It was also strange aesthetically, since Kyrou, as a French thinker, was
famous for his criticism of realist cinema (as understood by André Bazin)
and his preference for surrealist and erotic films. It seems that his unreserved
endorsement of Andrzej Wajda’s Kanal (1957) inspired him to deal with the
ghosts of his own youth and country. Kyrou praised Kanal “because it is neither
bathed in blissful optimism nor false pessimism, because it sees both cruelty and
the absurd, because it draws from this an immense joie de vivre.”20 Despite his
anti-realist pronouncements, back in Greece the former member of the resistance
directed one of the most gripping and fascinating realist movies ever made in the
country and in Europe; a movie that certainly deserves further study.
Kyrou filmed The Roundup at the location where the viewer could still
see the disastrous marks of the past. At the same time, many collaborators
during the occupation, now in high positions of power, could recognize
themselves in the movie and could feel its political edge pointing to them.
The movie belonged to a tradition of “cruel realism” which Greek audiences
had not been permitted to see before. In one of its most terrifying scenes,
men with their faces covered under black hoods point their fingers within
a crowd of thousands to individuals who had participated in the resistance:
the film was as real in its impact as were the real events themselves. Nothing
similar had ever been depicted before: the horror was engendered by the
image of Greeks betraying other Greeks, by the cruelty and the vulgarity of
the Germans, by the banality and the immorality of the collaborators.
In spite of all this, Kyrou depicted how life still goes on: a child steals
food from the Germans, a German soldier breaks a mirror as he looks at his
reflection, and a woman in love tries to make good coffee for the man she
has lost to another woman.
And at the end of the film we see a different brand of tragic chorus: the
women whose relatives were executed search through the pile of corpses
in absolute silence: no cries, tears, or any form of emotion. The tense and
ominous silence is broken by the slow appearance of a child who approaches
the camera and simply stares straight at the viewer. This is an homage to
Francois Truffaut’s 400 Blows (1959) with its similar ending and a discreet
response to his cinematic philosophy. The open ending made this film
extremely uncomfortable for both sides of politics; for the right because no
one was ever brought to justice after the war and for the left because it didn’t
give any indication about the class consciousness of its director.
By way of explanation Kyrou once wrote:
Directorship must be realistic, must have the truthfulness of a document,
but must at the same time give to lyricism the position which it has by
natural right in a story of human passion. The Nazis in the movie will
express the uniform dehumanization of an excessively organized totali-
tarian army; in contrast, the Greeks will be distinct for their individual
human personality, which may or may not be heroic. The central massage
of the movie will be the objective inability of contemporary man to remain
inactive when great events take place.21
The Roundup was the revelation of a new aesthetic, akin to Robert Bresson’s
A Man Escaped (1954) but without its existential and religious metaphysics;
a movie about the contingency of reality and with deep reverence towards
the concrete with the explicit intention of helping to heal the trauma of the
period through its unembellished, direct, and confronting representation.
The film’s striking simplicity amplifies the cruelty and brutality of
the events depicted. At the same time, the unheroic depiction of the
main characters, the shaken consciousness of the ordinary human being,
the existential terror of death, and the obvious fear in the face of the
ruthlessness of the German war machine make Kyrou’s movie one of the
most consummate depictions of history within the context of moral drama,
one of the best to have ever been produced in Greece.
Another film dealing with the same topic was made in 1966 by Panos
Glykofrydis (1930–2010) under the title With Glittering Eyes (Me tin Lampsi
sta Matia). The film revolves around the decision of a father who has to
choose which of his three sons would be saved from execution by the
Germans. The film avoids all patriotic rhetoric and focuses instead on the
dilemmas of the ordinary man who cannot fathom the immensity of the
historical events around him. Through a demythologization of the past,
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 113
The rest of the film is a long monologue by the female protagonist as she
remembers and relives the lost experience: “You didn’t ask for my name
neither did I . . . Now that the dream came into us and became our reality,
I dreamed that I went back there, it was winter, but no . . . I didn’t find you
. . . but I found that brief parenthesis that brought us together . . .” The film
rests in the camera’s hovering over the minute details of objects, flowers, and
images that made that experience possible and which are now an indelible
part of the woman’s identity. Mamagakis’ music, based on the shrill sounds
of the mandolin and the cembalo, provide a rich emotional background for
such a transforming and guilt-laden encounter.
Kanellopoulos’ later movies, The Last Spring (I Teleutaia Anoixi, 1972),
The Chronicle of Sunday (To Hroniko tis Kyriakis, 1975), and especially
Romantic Note (Romantiko Simeioma, 1978), unfortunately ossified his
unique style into self-referential projects, which should have been short films
the beginning that instead of fine arts I would end up studying the art of
cooking, I would never have believed it! I replaced my paint brushes with
kitchen ladles . . . ”
Gregoris Gregoriou’s 201 Canaries (Ta 201 Kanarinia, 1964) must also
be mentioned for its ingenious structure, spontaneity, and hilarious wit. The
film opened as a Brechtian “theatrical” exercise, for all characters entered the
stage and presented themselves before getting involved in the plot. It was an
unexpected experiment with theatrical and cinematic forms, fused through
the ingenious jazz sounds of Yorgos Katsaros’ score and a script with punchy
dialogue by Nikos Tsiforos and Polyvios Vasileiadis. Actors improvised and
sang without making any attempt to hide their inability to sing. Despite
its rather conventional ending, the film subverted the expectations of its
viewers with respect to the acting by inviting them to become part of the
action, with humor and exuberance, in one of the most radical reinterpreta-
tions of cinematic mise-en-scène.
Two comedies by Dinos Dimopoulos must also be mentioned; Ms
Director (Dis Dieuthintis, 1964), featuring a hilarious performance by Jenny
Karezi, dealt with the issue of equal opportunity in the workplace. It was an
exhilarating spoof on changing family values, expressing new perceptions
of gender and social ideologies with ebullient wit and whimsical drollness.
Dimopoulos’ next film, A Crazy Crazy Family (Mia Trelli Trelli Oikogeneia,
1965), was also a great comedy with riotously funny characters, sparkling
wit, and unforgettable punchlines. Dimopoulos, working then for Finos
Films, sent the movie to laboratories in France for the processing of its
vibrant and almost pastel colors, which contribute to its “absurd craziness”
and to the cartoonish quality of the characters themselves.
Culturally, the film depicts how the conflict between the new morality
of the 1960s and the traditional values of the 1950s led to a renegotiation
of ideas, practices, and the limits of authority within patriarchal families.
The always forgetful mother, a real “fruit-cake,” played superbly by the
great actress of ancient tragedy, Mary Aroni, who could tolerate anything
in order to be left alone with her friends, was one of the most complete and
impressive characters ever produced in Greek cinema—a character out of a
play by Oscar Wilde or even Eugène Ionesco.
Also important is Dimopoulos’ psychological melodrama-thriller I
Accuse Humans (Katigoro tous Anthropous, 1966), which used a gripping
script by Nikos Foskolos, true-to-life photography by Nikos Kavoukidis, and
magnetic music by Yannis Markopoulos. The film shows Dimopoulos at his
best, full of narrative force and visual intensity.
After the compelling realistic drama, Division (Dihasmos, 1965), Errikos
Andreou’s Him and Her (Ekeinos kai Ekeini, 1966) was an unexpected
cultural fantasy of sheer escapism, permeated by pagan sensuality, complex
psychological conflicts, and emotional violence. Indeed, it was a strange
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 119
Freudian parable about the conflict between ego and super-ego set on a
hippy resort in Crete. A woman from the high bourgeoisie abandons every-
thing for a simple life in a remote village close to nature and the elemental
life of natural people, but after feeling “in danger” (expressed through
dreams and hallucinations), returns to her boring and artificial existence.
Karl Heinz Hummel’s photography, with its masterful alternation between
color and black and white, creates an emotional commentary of the action,
juxtaposing two opposing mental landscapes, and in some ways emulating
Lassally’s Zorba. Yannis Markopoulos’ music counterbalances the sensuality
of the images with folkloric warmth and tonal simplicity.
Yorgos Skalenakis’ Queen of Clubs (Dama Spathi, 1966) was a fasci-
nating psychological drama, suffused with the anxieties of the period,
as two handsome men, played by the famous playboys of the 1960s,
Spyros Fokas and Thodoros Roubanis, compete for the heart of a seductive
woman (superbly performed by Elena Nathanael). The film, screened at the
Chicago International Film Festival of 1969, is set in the medieval city of
Nafplion and presents with reserve and distance the extremely tense sexual
energy between three characters as the psychological triangulation blurs the
objects of each character’s desire. Its slow pace, effective acting, and richly
detailed photography make this film a good example of the balance between
commercial cinema and art film made for the tourist industry, fusing the
strong sensuality of the 1960s with the reserved mentality of mainstream
values. It is quite remarkable for its concealments, inversions and evasions.
Sokratis Kapsaskis’ The Hot Month of July (O Zestos Ioulios Minas, 1966),
a film that spoke with neorealist directness, was a magisterial mise-en-scène
of a strange love story between a hustler and a married woman. The film
has one of the best scripts of Greek cinema, by Kapsaskis himself, and its
dialogue is replete with punchy epigrammatic lines and highly suggestive,
mostly sexual, connotations. It is an atmospheric film (not exactly a film
noir), full of frustration and cynicism, reminiscent of many American films
of the period especially by Samuel Fuller, and depicting the dark realities
of human greed and desire that lurk beneath the glamorous veneer of the
tourist island of Rhodes.
Kapsaskis (1928–2007) was a unique case, who abandoned cinema
after this film and turned to literature. Some of his comedies, such as The
Bridegrooms of Eutichia (Oi Gamproi tis Eutichias, 1962), as well as his urban
melodramas, such as The Last Temptation (O Teleftaios Peirasmos, 1964) and
Bitter Life (Pikri Zoi, 1965), are minor classics. Special mention is deserved
by his early film Love Stories (Erotikes Istories, 1959), based on three different
stories, it is one of the best examples of psychological realism mingled with
stinging social criticism. His Thirst for Life (Dipsa gia Zoi, 1964) was also an
interesting but overinflated melodrama, the Greek Rebel Without a Cause,
which explored family dynamics and gender identity. Despite their comic or
120 A History of Greek Cinema
melodramatic facade, most of his films have as their underlying theme the
inability for communication and connection, implying a tragic vision of life
in contemporary society, not unlike Antonioni’s in his early films.
Roveros Manthoulis’ Face to Face (Prosopo me Prosopo), a biting social
satire with a distinct visual idiom and disjointed narrative inspired by the
French Nouvelle Vague and Jean Luc Godard’s films, was probably one of
the best movies of this period. Released in 1966, one year before the dicta-
torship, it looked like an aesthetic and moral enigma in the development of
cinematic art in the country. Manthoulis created a new filmic time which
did not work with flashbacks but with the simultaneous juxtaposition of
past and present, of the German occupation and the contemporary affluent
society of the Athenian nouveaux riches, of Greek migrants in Germany
learning German and Germans executing Greeks in 1943, of English soldiers
shooting Greeks in 1944 and Greeks learning English 20 years later. Amid
such temporality, an impersonal voice comments: “Oh, Greek food, how
many German soldiers have you nurtured!” while an intertitle falls with the
German inscription: “German soldier, do not give your food to the Greeks
because they get strong and will strike you back!”
The movie was a filmic experiment with time and space through a
Godardian use of camera and narrative. After the film’s release, Manthoulis
had to escape to France, and his cinematic contribution was put on hold for
the next ten years. However, his movie paved the way for a new approach
to filmic time, montage, and editing, something that the new generation
emerging after 1970 will take seriously into consideration.
Another important film from those two memorable years (1965 to
1967) was Dimitris Kollatos’ The Death of Alexander (O Thanatos tou
Alexandrou, 1966). It was an independent production by Kollatos himself,
who had already produced two short films. The story was about a young
man dying of leukemia in hospital. As he is on his deathbed he asks his wife
to make love to him, an act which becomes the catalyst for the emergence of
memories from his childhood and adolescence.
The film was one of the best explorations of mortality in Greek cinema.
Through close-ups and static frames, Kollatos depicted death and its effects
on the living, as the body deteriorated while the mind was still active and
full of life. Yannis Markopoulos’ music with its stark austerity enhanced the
painful emotions of the protagonist with subtlety and discretion. This was
one of most humane and humanizing films ever made, a film that elicited
genuine and authentic emotions from its audience through its depiction
of the relentless cruelty of death as it affects an ordinary, unexceptional,
common man. It was the cinematic equivalent of Tolstoy’s The Death of Ivan
Illyich and represented another unique case in Greek cinema. Shortly after
making the film, Kollatos fled to France where he became extremely contro-
versial with his revisionist depiction of resistancialisme.
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 121
enhances emotions and instead uses music sparsely in order to underline the
silences in the dialogue or announce themes that emerge in the three stories
that make the film.
The film rejects all forms of emotional plethorism and naturalistic
excess. Through its very simplicity it depicts the reality of displacement
and loss, as the protagonist leaves an unfriendly home to emigrate to an
unknown land. The last story brims with sensuality and sexual tension in
some of the most explicit scenes of Greek cinema, and is underpinned by
a deep sense of tragedy and despair. The emptiness of its settings and the
geometrical lines of its composition make this film the forerunner of the
cinematic style that was to reshape Greek cinema after 1970.
A number of movies produced around the end of 1966 and with the
intention of being released early the next year were not given permission by
the dictatorship imposed in April 1967. Some were released after 1974 and
are now considered among the best films made both for their de-centering of
narrative and for their depiction of new forms of subjectivity. Among them
was The Shepherds of Disaster (Oi Voskoi tis Simforas) by Nico Papatakis
(1918–2010), an expatriate living in France. This was an important film with
regard to its unmitigated and violent realism. A love affair in a Greek village
between a shepherd and the daughter of the landlord leads to their public
deaths after they elope during Easter. The film offered a ruthless representation
of the oppressive family in a rural society, the class system, the hypocrisy of
the Christian Church, and the internalized inferiority of the villagers. It was
a powerful artistic statement of extreme and shocking realism, as the camera
focused on every detail of brutal oppression and destruction, reminiscent
of the Brazilian Glauber Rocha’s Marxist aesthetics, combining religion and
folklore in a “revolutionary amalgam” of conflicts and contradictions.
The second movie, Open Letter (Anoihti Epistoli), which was
given permission in 1968 (and was screened in 1969), was by Yorgos
Stampoulopoulos and received the International Critic’s Award at the
Locarno Film Festival. (Walter Lassally was again the director of photog-
raphy.) The story revolves around a love affair between a young man from
the wealthy aristocracy of Athens and a radical young teacher whose
dedication and idealism help the protagonist to grow up and mature. The
simplicity of the narrative and the transparency of its composition made this
film one of the first expressions, or intimations, of the New Greek Cinema.
The third banned movie was Dimos Theos’ Kierion (1968), based on the
assassination of the American journalist George Polk in 1948. In the film,
an American journalist who goes to Athens to investigate the secret dealings
between politicians and oil companies is found dead. His Jewish colleague
who is incriminated is also found dead and then all witnesses who knew
them. Another journalist tries to find answers while surrounded by a wall of
secrecy and fear; yet nothing is revealed or exposed.
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 123
Another good film by a veteran was Gregg Tallas’ underrated spy action
film Assignment Skybolt (or Spies in the Saronic Bay, 1968). Tallas displayed
his talent and artistry in the relentless unfolding of the story through
incredibly vibrant technicolor and a masterful movement of camera by
Lassally. An international cast supported local actors and the film, being the
last that Tallas made in the country, must be discovered as the last testament
of a director who, unfortunately, was to spend the rest of his creative career
(he died in 1993) making bad television serials and B-rated horror films.
A unique film in the corpus of Greek cinema was Yorgos Skalenakis’
Byzantine Rhapsody, or Imperiale (1968). It won two Golden Globe Awards
for best actress and best music, but despite this international recognition,
did not sell many tickets at home. The main actors Theodoros Roumbanis,
a stunning international playboy, and the sensual Betty Arvaniti recreated
the last days of the world around the year 1000 in Byzantium. The enamored
empress leaves her palaces and her emperor in Constantinople and finds
refuge in the lonely tower of her lover, so that they can die together. But
the end of time does not arrive and, reconsidering her folly, she returns
to her imperial residence. The story is simple but effectively put together,
with impressive costumes and a gripping dialogue, and set in authentically
medieval castles. It was the first time we had a film about Byzantium that was
devoid of idealization and characterized by considerable historical accuracy.
It was unfortunate that Roumbanis’ project for more historical dramas from
Greek history didn’t eventuate.
Another Skalenakis film, The Island of Aphrodite (To Nisi tis Afroditis,
1969), was a fascinating historical drama set in Cyprus during the struggle
for independence from Britain. Cypriot freedom fighters abduct a young
and innocent British soldier in order to exchange him for one of their
imprisoned comrades. It is an excellent political thriller with a magnificent
performance as the Cypriot matriarch by the great theatrical actress Katina
Paxinou (in her first and last Greek cinema appearance). The scene where
two mothers, the Cypriot and the British, meet is one of the most touching
moments in Greek cinema, as the nobility of motherhood and the emotional
anxiety of both women break down the barriers of political circumstances
and establish a perennial symbol for the suffering of the innocent. Mimis
Plessas’ music score is epic in its orchestral polychromy and antithetical
tonalities. At the end of the film, as the British execute the Greek freedom
fighter and the Greeks liberate the British hostage, the emotional energy of
the music explodes into a mournful monophonic tune of tragic magnitude.
Vangelis Serdaris’ Robbery in Athens (Listeia stin Athina, 1969) was an
accomplished and masterful attempt to reinvent film noir by infusing it with
a new sense of filmic temporality through an elongation of time, a slowing
down of action, and a prolonging of silences (not unlike Jules Dassin’s 1955
Rififi). In his film debut, Serdaris explores the underworld of Athens with
126 A History of Greek Cinema
The aesthetics of closed form and the confined space as determined by the
studio were now imprisoning the camera and withholding new potenti-
alities of expression. The unity of image, word, and sound, which had been
achieved over a period of 30 years, started to implode under the weight of
its own completeness. Indeed, the critical issue with these films was that
they had achieved an almost perfect form; as a consequence, the density of
representation and the compactness of composition began to collapse. What
was needed was an opening-up of form, a gradual but relentless dismantling
of the achievement itself—and it was already happening.
Drawing from Lucien Goldmann, we could suggest that cinematic
language was undergoing a process of “de-structuration” due to the new mental
structures that had emerged with society’s evolution towards its industrial
stage. Koundouros blurred the distinct contours of forms; Kanellopoulos
relocated action in the human mind; Kyrou depicted the indeterminate nature
of human emotions; Manthoulis abandoned serial narrative altogether; Kollatos
de-glamorized the moral pretensions of the nouveaux riches; Damianos
reformed the representation of lived temporality; Theos attacked the Greek
self-perception of a transparent and luminous reality. The makers of short
films rediscovered historical reality and represented it as a highly imaginative
construct, yet with immediate political consequences. Obviously, the codes
of the past, of what was to be called Old Greek Cinema, were not simply
questioned but blatantly rejected, and a new visual language was gradually
forming that was still exploring its own representations, themes and spaces.
Between 1964 and 1967, most cinematographers seemed to have
abandoned the safety and allure of the studio; and all of them started
filming on location again, under the strong Mediterranean glare, moving
the camera in a lifelike manner and rejecting the entrenched achievements
of the postwar golden age of cinematic production. And yet, although the
accepted codes slowly collapsed and eventually lost their meaning, their
dominance was secured with the rise and commercial domination of
popular melodramas.
Melodrama was the preferred spectacle for the villagers who left their
homeland and became displaced proletarians in the big city. In melodrama,
urban masses discovered raw, unconceptualized and unreflective emotions,
which expressed more than any abstract symbol or historical analogy their
own feelings of rejection and marginalization. So, their directors avoided
experiments with form or storyline, often dispensing with the editing room
altogether. The movement of the camera was minimal and photographic,
the frame was structured like a family portrait, and the space composition
was without details or characteristic markers. There was only one dominant
mode: that of the mournful elegy for a lost organic unity.
However, as the visual crisis was intensifying through the continuous
overexposure of the genre, Greek melodramas became extremely formulaic
and dull; not simply derivative, but generic and lifeless. In the early
melodramas, the viewer could identify with the story and empathise with the
predicaments of its protagonists. The mass production of melodramas during
the 1960s simply destroyed any sense of connection between the audience
and the screen: the story was far below the expectations of the viewers who
had been oversaturated with copies of the same story; the only thing that
changed was the background: urban, rural, or historical. Such stereotypical
repetitiveness had started to take its toll on the industry by the mid-1960s.
Meanwhile, as more movies were being produced, audiences remained
the same in terms of numbers. The comedies of the period lost their
ethographic function of depicting a society in transition from the customs
of a rural mentality to the structures of an urban and capitalist organi-
zation of time and space. Most of them regurgitated the specific image of
certain actors or referred to previous movies by them. It was almost as if
the continuous production of interconnected light-entertainment movies
was preparing the way for the arrival of its main opponent, television, which
was introduced in 1966 and which by the next year had started claiming its
primacy for the dissemination of entertainment programs.
The huge commercial success of melodramas forced one of the most
important directors of Greek neorealism, Stelios Tatassopoulos, to produce
his own When the Bells Toll (Otan Simanoun oi Kambanes, 1964), which was
to inspire an impressive number of artificial, boring, and kitsch melodramas.
As a genre, they promoted a cinematic language of soft “pseudo-realism”
which, after the end of commercial cinema, found refuge in television. It
was realism without any reality. Even when serious social issues such as
drug addiction, madness, or police corruption were represented, the films
left untouched the structures that had created them and failed to explore
their impact on the character involved. Certainly, however, there were some
notable exceptions to this rule.
The central director of the genre was unquestionably Yannis Dalianidis
(1923–2010). After his initial successful comedies, he started working with
130 A History of Greek Cinema
Finos Films in 1961. During his long collaboration with Finos, Dalianidis
directed the best melodramas, comedies and the best and only musicals
in Greek cinema. He made around 60 films and 15 television series, all of
which remain extremely popular. He released his best melodramas during
the 1960s, constructing an interesting narrative style, something between
Douglas Sirk, Frank Capra, and Otto Preminger, but without their striking
architectural space or stinging social critique. Nevertheless, in most of his
good films Dalianidis was the quiet modernizer of cinematic iconography.
He had an impeccable sense of camera movement. His long shots, close-ups,
and jump cuts were among the best in Greek cinema; as well as his sensitive
and sculptural understanding of spatial composition, black and white
lighting, and the actor’s movement. He must also be credited with seamlessly
incorporating rock and roll music into his films without succumbing to the
dominant moralistic attitude about the alien origin of the music of 1960s
youth culture.
His films Downhill (Katiforos, 1961), Law 4000 (Nomos 4000, 1962),
Vertigo (Illingos, 1963), Story of a Life (Istoria mias Zois, 1965), Stephania
(1966), The Past of a Woman (To Parelthon Mias Ginaikas, 1968), and others
distinguished themselves for their rapid emotional swings, fast narrative
pace, effective alternation between internal and external spaces, evocative
music scores, and, on most occasions, very good acting. His early urban
melodramas exhibited the finest qualities of an accomplished director, who
used the camera effectively, in soft and sensitive black and white shots, and
who always remained in control of the story and its emotions. Vertigo was a
film analogous to The Shock Corridor (1963) or The Stolen Kiss (1964)—with
passionate performances by the unselfconsciously sexy Zoi Laskari, as the
girl who escapes from home after being abused by her stepfather.
With his early film noir, written by Yannis Maris, Without Identity
(Horis Tautotita, 1962), Dalianidis was one of the very few directors who
dared to explore the mystery of goodness in the human soul without senti-
mentality and pathos and through the unpretentious and sophisticated
representation of guilt and redemption. In his films, there is no place for
real evil—his bad characters are good in disguise. They behave badly out
of a deep-seated inferiority complex or because they are naughty children.
Dalianidis expressed a profound and religious humanism, enveloping all his
characters as suffering sinners in affection, empathy, and compassion.
Furthermore, he was the absolute master of effective storytelling: his
films were both atmospheric and exciting, offering good entertainment and
lucid thinking. But their real value lay in what they disguised rather than
in what they disclosed. Laura Malvey once noted that through emotional
identification and catharsis, melodrama functions as a “safety valve for the
ideological contradictions centered on sex and family,” an observation that
suits Dalianidis more than any other director.26 Most of the films mentioned
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 131
next generation, Stavros Tsiolis and Nikos Nikolaidis, the film grapples with
class differences. Through the innocuous love story between a poor pianist
and a wealthy woman, Georgiadis investigates class issues and social preju-
dices with subtle humor and penetrating psychological sensitivity.
After his superb Amok, Dinos Dimopoulos released Lola (1964), a
film with great performances by Jenny Karezi and Nikos Kourkoulos, with
a moving script and memorable music. A number of his other films, like
Society Zero o’clock (Koinonia ora Miden, 1965), Concert for Machine Guns
(Kontsero gia Polivola, 1967), and Asphalt Fever (Pyretos Stin Asfalto, 1967)
were really effective dramas with emotional conflicts and fast-moving
narrative. Asphalt Fever, in particular, was an enthralling film noir, which
explored the nocturnal aesthetics of a cityscape, with magnificent perfor-
mances by Yorgos Foundas, Jenny Roussea and Spyros Kalogirou. The music
by Mimis Plessas is still one of the most interesting scores composed for the
screen, attaining the proportions of a grand symphony.
In 1969, Dimopoulos started working with Aliki Vouyouklaki and
made three unparalleled blockbusters: The Lady and the Tramp (I Arhontisa
kai o Alitis, 1968), The Teacher with the Golden Hair (I Daskala me ta Hrisa
Mallia, 1969), and The Fairy and the Brave Lad (I Neraida kai to Palikari,
1969). The more ambitious their projects, the less satisfactory seemed the
final result—despite Dimopoulos’ sensitivity with colors and lighting, the
choice of location, and the overall affectionate atmosphere surrounding his
protagonists, there was a gaping hole at the heart of these films: by then,
Vouyouklaki could not act! She was a victim of her own stardom and thus
victimized everybody around her. All her films from this period were narcis-
sistic postures in front of an imaginary mirror. Yet people loved her, watched
her films, and made them the highest grossing in the history of Greek
cinema. But the more successful she became, the less convincing became
her acting, and, unfortunately, Dimopoulos was one of her most sympathetic
casualties.
Generally speaking, the central problem with these Vouyouklaki
melodramas was that they condensed narrative time to such a degree that
they created a completely artificial emotional response, a self-contained
reflex reaction that evaporated with the finale of the movie. Such short-
lived emotional responses were used by the censorship of the period in
order to promote a new symbol of identification, the victim as a cultural
hero (especially the female victim), thus reflecting the official version of
“authentic” Greek cultural mentality. (The same symbol will return later
under unexpected circumstances.)
In 1963, another production company, Klak Films, was established,
declaring that it would make films for the “Greek family.” Apostolos
Tegopoulos (b. 1936) was the producer who chose the actor Nikos
Xanthopoulos (b. 1934) to be the “beloved child (or artist) of the people.”
136 A History of Greek Cinema
They made many atrocious melodramas together, mostly about poor indus-
trial workers, even poorer girls falling in love with cruel wealthy womanizers,
or immigrants leaving behind their sweethearts, their mothers or their
children; most of them achieved success at the box office through their
sugary sentimentality, imitations of successful stories, and relentless use of
heartbreaking mournful songs. (In 1968/69, Klak Films produced 12 films;
in 1969/70, 13 before gradually decreasing towards its ultimate demise in
1972.)
Tegopoulos’ The Odyssey of an Uprooted Man (I Odysseia enos
Xerizomenou, 1966) was an overwhelming four-hour melodrama of
Bollywood proportions about the Asia Minor Catastrophe. The film ridiculed
the tragedy and pathos of the events surrounding the Catastrophe, as it repre-
sented them through a crude and facile primitivism, filling the gaps of the
script with sentimental songs and bizarre improbabilities. (The scene where
Xanthopoulos confronts a “bear” in a remote forest still remains one of the
funniest moments in Greek cinema.) The link between the personal reality
of the actor and his imaginary personas on screen forced Tegopoulos to
cancel Xanthopoulos’ contract after the latter announced that he was getting
married: the “child of the people” should belong to “mother Greece” and not
to a specific woman, and that put an end to Xanthopoulos’ stellar career. His
collaboration with Tegopoulos had managed, though, to construct a special
understanding of national identity and masculinity. Dimitris Eleftheriotis
stated:
The “Greekness” of the national identity (certainly in its cinematic
melodramatic form) did not revolve around a confident sense of belonging
to a powerful and self-sufficient nation but depended on emotional bonds
between people who “make do” under adverse conditions—as the song
suggests, to be Greek (or Indian) means to possess a heart but not much
more.”27
such, they can be used as models for a thorough analysis of how genres
lose their semantic value through over-exposure, replication and excessive
self-referentiality.
Another interesting genre of the period was the musical. Lydia
Papadimitriou has written a detailed study of the popular ones of the
period.28 Some of these films presented interesting experiments with form
and content. Papadimitriou points out that, “the formal and generic eclec-
ticism of the Greek musical was paralleled by its cultural hybridity.”29 Some
musicals are distinct for their expressive colors, spectacularly revealing
costumes, and stylistic geometry. Dalianidis’ Something Sizzling (Kati na
Kaiei, 1963), Rendezvous on Air (Rantevou ston Aera, 1965), The Blue Beads
(Oi Thalassies i Chadres, 1966), and Marihuana . . . Stop! (1970), as well as
Sakellarios’ My Aunt the Hippy (I Theia mou I Hipissa, 1970), depicted a
country in marked transition, full of the contrasts and paradoxes of a tradi-
tional society which was crying out for new forms and means of expression.
More than anything else, these musicals represented a cultural physi-
ognomy full of heterogeneity and diversity. They juxtaposed different
cultural experiences, responding to the demands of an equally diverse
audience, experiences which on screen complemented each other instead of
falling into an antagonistic disunity. Greek film musicals, like other musicals
worldwide, seemed to stop being produced in the mid-1970s, but maintain
their popularity to this day. Silicon Tears (2001) stands out as an attempt at a
revival of the genre. However, as Papadimitriou stressed, “The films are ideal
for pastiche appropriations and camp readings, and their multiple layers of
cultural referencing render them pleasurable to revisit and reconstruct.”30
The proliferation of melodramas, though, did not produce a coherent
visual language that could be modified to attract new audiences. As more
foreign films that took risks with the medium (such as independent American
films) were successful, it was becoming increasingly obvious that the general
public, just as much as the intellectuals, was in growing discord with the film
industry. The imposition of the dictatorship in 1967 postponed the eruption
of such dissatisfaction for several years, not only through strict censorship,
but mainly through the production of films that manipulated and capitalized
on lingering collective traumas.
Brave of the North (Oi Gennaioi tou Vorra, 1969) or October 28th, time 5.30
(28 Octovriou, ora 5.30, 1970), and Georgiadis’ At the Battle of Crete (Sti
Mahi tis Kritis, 1970) were propaganda films in the same way that British
war movies were propaganda. They promoted, through schematic charac-
terization and totally skeletal plot, a fanciful image of Greek history, full of
evil invaders, sinister traitors, and conniving foreigners. The crux of the film
was usually the moment when Greek soldiers died as heroes with epic music
playing in the background, as in No!, or when Greek women were raped by
invaders, as by Bulgarian irregulars in The Brave of the North. They were
all twisted glamorizations of a death-cult mentality conveyed in a perverse
and manipulative style—plus displaced sublimations of sexual violence and
transgression in the mind of the audiences themselves. Rape scenes were
much anticipated and evoked more and stronger emotional reactions than
any other part of a film!
Not all propaganda films, however, were crimes against good taste:
Dimis Dadiras’ At the Frontiers of Treason (Sta Sinora Tis Prodosias, 1968)
tried to create a Greek James Bond, bursting with sensuality, plot twists,
and relentless action. Despite its obvious political agenda regarding double
agents, femmes fatales and communist infiltrations, it is worth watching
today as the ultimate testament to the official ideology of the dictatorship.
The fact that the empty parliament building was used as a military court-
house was a very interesting statement about the way in which the dictators
presented the memory of democratic institutions.
The same can be said of Hristos Kiriakopoulos’ The Highway of Treason
(I Leoforos tis Prodosias, 1968), which was about a communist double agent
from behind the Iron Curtain whose twin brother was a virtuous and ethno-
loving army officer. The film was a compelling political thriller full of fast
action and plot impossibilities in totally fictitious historical settings. Later, it
became the model for the most popular television series of the dictatorship,
The Unknown Warfare, directed by Nikos Foskolos. Both this and At The
Frontiers of Treason were subsequently parodied mercilessly.
Gregoris Gregoriou’s The Last of the Commitadje (O Teleutaios ton
Komitaztidon, 1970) was also another anti-communist film produced under
the pretext of depicting the occupation of northern Greece by Bulgarian
forces; yet it can be seen with interest to this day for its suspenseful story
and passionate performances—strong proof of the aesthetic and political
versatility of its director.
Finally, the film that must not be overlooked as quintessential propa-
ganda is Errikos Andreou’s Give Your Hands (Doste ta Xeria, 1971). The
film’s plot revolves around the predicament of two childhood friends who
find themselves on opposite camps during the Civil War. Their dramatic
conflict is part of an enthralling storyline (as long as one does not take it too
seriously) and is accompanied by magnificent music. The film ends with the
140 A History of Greek Cinema
proclamation, “We are Greeks and despite our ideology we must give our
hand to each other for reconciliation and for a better life in our country.”
Given the fact that many Greeks were at that time either in exile or in prison,
such didacticism was highly superfluous!
Overall, most films produced during the period were visual strategies
for subjectification, especially as their “power and identity” war imagery
formed part of a concerted and systematic policy to control and discipline
dissent and difference. As Dana Nolan has argued in her study of American
war movies, “The discourse of the war effort encourages a microphysics
of power in which citizen spies on citizen, where everyone lives under the
scrutiny of a relentless look.”31
The film which most consolidated, consummated, and, indeed, assas-
sinated the army officer as a valued cultural hero was the widely popular
The Brave Die Twice (Oi Gennaioi Pethainoun Dio Fores, 1973) by Takis
Vouyouklakis. The film was absolutely shameless in its glorification of the
virtues of army officers; however, it is historically important as it marks the
transition from the big screen to television. By then, ticket sales had started
dwindling dramatically. 1968 was the record year when film production
reached its peak: 117 films were released (excluding shorts and documen-
taries) and an astounding 137 million tickets were sold. After 1968, when
television was broadcasting nationally, attendance started decreasing by
almost 15 percent annually. As Yannis Bakogianopoulos observed:
In 1971, tickets to Greek movies were reduced by 30 percent in Athens
alone. While in 1968 in the wider area of Athens-Piraeus and suburbs,
around 20,000,000 tickets were sold, that number had fallen down to
1,500,000 by 1974. By 1977 it fell down to 400,000.32
Television entered the home of the working class and brought into its living
room the air of contemporary life as represented in blockbusters mainly
from the United States.
In the early years of television, the most popular shows, together
with sports events, were American serials such as Combat, Bonanza, Star
Trek, Lost in Space, Mission Impossible, and The Fugitive. Mostly American
films were screened while only one third of the program (six hours in the
beginning and after 1969 twelve hours per day) was made up of Greek
comedies, serials, and news bulletins. As the time frame was extended,
progressively more and more directors were needed for the production of
television series, game shows, and news programs. Nikos Foskolos, Yannis
Daliannidis, Takis Vouyouklakis, Gregoris Gregoriou, Vassilis Georgiadis,
and many others made the ultimate leap from the big screen to the small—
with disastrous results in most cases. However, many film production
companies were reluctant to make television programs: Filopimin Finos
rejected television and denied any relation with it. Eventually, this denial led
Glory and Demise: 1960–1970 141
to the demise of Finos Films in 1977 and to the end of a whole era of film
culture.
While television was making its impact felt, film production continued
unabated. Despite the pro-American policies of the dictatorship, American
films were not commercially very successful between 1968 and 1974, as the
Hollywood studio system was experiencing a structural crisis. The screening
of “youthpix” films about campus revolutions and unorthodox lifestyles
involving sex and drugs was not particularly liked by Greek censorship; so
the movies were either banned or only allowed in limited venues in Athens
or Thessaloniki.
In a very strange twist of international movie trade, the second most
popular melodramas of the period originated in the arch-enemy state of
Turkey, despite the fact that, after anti-communism, the next pillar of the
dictatorship’s nationalist ideology was staunch and relentless anti-Turkism.33
Between 1969 and 1974, the names of Turkan Soray and Hulya Kocyigit
were as popular as those of Aliki Vouyouklaki and Martha Vourtsi among
an extremely nationalistic Greek audience. Indeed, the differences in plot,
performance, and setting were so minimal that even language did not seem
to be a barrier between the common sensitivities that presumably divide the
two people. (Turkish audiences had already been seduced by Vouyouklaki’s
charm, with two of her most popular comedies dubbed into their own
language.)
Turkish melodramas depicted landscapes “familiar” to Greek audiences.
For instance, the children of the 1922 refugees recognized the memories of
their parents by seeing in cinema the places that for them were images of
nostalgia, myth, and legend. The popularity of these films also indicated a
crisis in cultural orientation, as the dictatorship, having no real domestic
reaction was rapidly and without plan and social consensus industrializing
the economy and unwittingly destroying traditional lifestyles and values.
Furthermore, their popularity revealed a strange self-questioning about
belonging, together with a distinct psychological ambivalence towards Turks
themselves, inherent in the elusive identity of all post-Ottoman societies.
The success of this Yeşilçam Cinema externalized the mixture of
attraction and fear that Greek audiences felt towards the Turkish Other,
given the fact that a substantial part of Greek historical experience cannot
be understood without reference to the Turkish presence. It was a kind
of narcissistic projection of the “I love you and I hate you” psychological
ambivalence that seems still to dominate Greco-Turkish mutual perceptions.
On the other hand, common cultural memory was enhanced by common
structures in social organization and parallel cultural dilemmas regarding
the issues of belonging and identity that permeated both cultures. These
films encoded the same patriarchal ideology by enforcing stereotypes about
feminine behavior and gender roles. As Gonül Dönmez-Colin observed, the
142 A History of Greek Cinema
143
144 A History of Greek Cinema
Its story was simple. A migrant returns from Germany to his village where
his wife and her lover kill him and bury his body in the basement of his own
house. People start asking what happened, the police intervene and the culprits
are arrested. The final scene is one of the most impressive visual frescoes in
cinema: the women of the village attack the wife with words and stones as she
is taken away to prison. A Greek folk song is heard by way of a farewell.
The story was a retelling of “Oresteia” (a myth that will recur in a grand
scale in Angelopoulos’ masterpiece in 1975). The shock of the film’s simplicity,
immediacy, and directness was so strong, that it demolished the aesthetics
of the previous two decades and was reconnected with the visual language
of the silent cinema. We are reminded here of the mountainous landscapes
in Gaziadis’ Astero (1929). Vassilis Rafailidis called Reconstruction “the first
‘grown-up’ film of Greek cinema. The first that managed to transcend the
stage of impulsive primitif experimentations or of an aesthetic borrowed
from other arts.”1
Angelopoulos, indeed, introduced a new way of seeing the Greek
landscape. The setting of the movie, a remote mountain, represented a
radical departure from the blue and white extravaganza of the Aegean
iconography, designed to attract bored intellectuals and inflate the senti-
mental romanticism of tourists. Dark shadows and black backgrounds made
the actors move with fear and horror through an implied crime scene.
With this film, individuals lost their depth, their psychological agency,
and became an appendix to the invisible archetypes underpinning time, or
were seen as animals crawling over a landscape of unfriendly, even cannibal-
istic, mountains. The chiaroscuro dominated all forms against the archetypal
natural background, which simply stands there—immovable, emotionless,
and indifferent. With its soft and almost imperceptible movement, Yorgos
Arvanitis’ camera was like an innocent bystander to this small yet powerful
drama. No sunlight fell on human faces; only rain and dark clouds covered
with their eerie presence the scene of the original crime. Angelopoulos used
only amateur actors in the film; they succeeded in creating an atmosphere
of tension, anxiety, and fear without any sentimentality or pretension. The
film, with its deceptive simplicity, slow action and unassuming settings, was
a loud indictment, a Munch scream, against the death of community and
the loss of the political. Angelopoulos’ images reformed almost instantly the
mind of its viewers, who realized how artificial and false the whole cinematic
idiom of the 1960s had been.
Reconstruction marked “the formalist moment” in Greek cinema, since
in this film we do not simply watch a story and a powerful “re-enactment”
of a murder, but we are initiated into the experience of a cinema that reflects
on its ability to represent reality without any of the devices of emotional
rhetoric. Angelopoulos’ black and white movie made absent color an invisible
commentator on the action. The simplicity of the story and its unique
narrative structure gave the movie its radical formalism, which avoided the
oratorical excesses of Eisenstein’s montage or the sentimental exuberance
of the American tradition. In a sense, behind its austere language, a touch
of magic realism could be detected, as the camera rolled over the landscape
with a sense of strangeness, similar to the approach of Yilmaz Güney’s Umut/
Hope, released the same year in Turkey. As Gönül Dönmez-Colin argued
about Guney’s film, “One may seek of magic realism in Guney’s preoc-
cupation with images of borders and centers.”2 Angelopoulos took such
a border to its extreme liminality by having the characters interact in the
emotional vacuum of a timeless community.
However, Angelopoulos’ movie only spearheaded the appearance of
many more films that were to change the orientation of Greek cinema
for good. This movement has been called the New Greek Cinema and
it reinvented the art and the industry of film-making in the country.
Reconstruction was followed by an explosion of a creative energy that accel-
erated the consolidation of the reform movement.
Six years after his first movie, Alexis Damianos produced his master-
piece, Evdokia (1971). He transferred the new gaze onto the urban landscape
and the new strange relations and emotions which had emerged after the
industrialization and the abandonment of the countryside. As one critic
noted, with this movie, “life entered relentlessly into Greek cinema.”
Through scenes of brutal and unpolished realism, the camera intruded
violently into the space of the actors emerging as one of the central “actants”
of the plot. The private love affair between a prostitute and a soldier was
watched and supervised from everywhere: even in their most intimate
moments, these two young people were not alone. The invisible structures
which defined their social position, and the expectations of their peer groups,
were with them in their thought and desire. Beyond the symbolism of the
story, the real protagonist in the movie was the barren and unfriendly urban
146 A History of Greek Cinema
Its lack of compliance established the tradition of the open form in Greek
cinema that was to become the dominant means of cinematic representation
for the next 15 years until the death of the New Greek Cinema. Overall,
Damianos’ movie was an impressive and provocative moral tale about Greek
society—as Evdokia with Reconstruction together started a new chapter in
Greek cinematic history.
However, what both movies lacked was humor, and that was exactly what
gave to Dinos Katsouridis’ What Did You Do in the War, Thanassis? (Ti Ekanes
ton Polemo Thanassi?, 1971) its great popularity, commercial success, and,
indeed, a different visual language of dramatic tension and comic catharsis.
The movie was screened the same year as Evdokia and immediately became
popular because of the emotional identification with the main character, the
Greek John Doe, who, was struggling to survive day by day of the German
occupation, through deception, mischief, or small acts of unremarkable
heroism. This survival instinct made the character so lovable by bringing out
the best and the worst of his mind. Thanassis Vengos (1927–2011), a great
comic actor, a successful fusion of Buster Keaton’s profound humanism and
Louis de Funès’ exciting hyperactivity, gave a face to the social mentality that
dominated the urban middle class of this period: unreflective yet sympathetic,
passive yet with a strange sense of justice, terrified but with the certainty that
things will get better. Despite the many problems with censorship and the
lack of any assistance from the state, the film was an accomplished metaphor
for oppression and hope, one of the most important political comedies made
in Greece after The Germans Strike Back.
Nor did the photography have the structural depth or rich texture we
found in Electra. Katherine Hepburn’s Hecuba does not have any emotional
depth, while Bujold as Cassandra is lacking in awe. The naturalism of
strong and vibrant colors simply undermines the emotional impact of the
tragedy, while the chorus is inactive, with most actors not knowing what
to do. Cacoyannis inundated a classical tragedy with Hellenistic, almost
Roman, sentimentalism—by simply betraying his own sublime abstraction
of Electra.
Errikos Andreou’s Papaflessas (1971), a historical drama about the life
and death of one of the most popular heroes of the War of Independence
in 1821, was the closest that the Greek film industry has come to a big
Hollywood blockbuster. It was a lavish co-production by Finos Films and
James Paris and was shot on location, in opulent studio settings, and with
magnificent costumes. The film had distinct narrative patterns, and avoided
sentimentality and jingoism, despite the fact that it was very “patriotic”,
as the dictatorship would have demanded. The story of how an idealistic
revolutionary priest is transformed into a manipulative bureaucrat while
having an illicit love affair was rather risqué from its inception. Furthermore,
his death by the Egyptians looks more like an act of personal despair than of
The Formalist Moment: The Inward Gaze and the New Greek Cinema 157
its commercial success, her Maria of Silence (I Maria tis Siopis, 1973)8 by
Dalianidis brought an end to the commercial industry.
The New Greek Cinema didn’t produce any box office successes, but it
was to these works that the urban audiences turned for renewal and change.
When the dictatorship collapsed in July 1974, the creative explosion that
had been restrained by censorship and persecution resulted in strange and
long-term consequences.
Meanwhile, in its contradictions, the dictatorship had amended the
existing laws going back to 1961, and with new legal arrangements in 1973,
gave more emphasis to the artistic aspect of film-making over the industrial
one. It divided films into two categories: protected and subsidized films. It
also gave incentives for the production of quality films by returning part of
its taxes to the producer while at the same time subsidizing films to cinema
owners for public screening. The existing legal entity within the industry
ministry for cinema was renamed the Greek Film Center, and its director
was the great but retired Giorgos Tzavellas. It remained under the Ministry
for Industrial Development until 1978.
art cinemas like Studio and Alcyonis screened contemporary world cinema
with retrospectives on all genres and by directors from all over the globe.
Newly founded film journals like Contemporary Cinema (Sihronos
Kinimatografos, 1969–1982) presented the reflections of contemporary
European film-makers and provided the forum for some extremely inter-
esting and, unfortunately, often personalized debates about cinema. This
particular journal gave birth to and consolidated an intellectual momentum
that became more intense after the fall of the dictatorship in 1974 and
continued for decades. It was written by specialized critics who could appre-
ciate film as a distinct and autonomous artistic expression with its own
vocabulary and principles. Critics like Vassilis Rafailides, Tonia Marketaki,
Yorgos Korras, Kostas Sfikas, Lakis Papastathis, Frida Liapa, Maria Gavala,
Theodoros Angelopoulos, and Mihalis Dimopoulos were at different times
on the editorial board of Contemporary Cinema and their contributions
changed the way that films were understood and evaluated.
The journal promoted a sharp difference and antagonism between
“commercial cinema” and “creative cinema” or “the politics of the creator;”
advocating predominantly the auteur tradition, although in a rather ad
hominem way, since, from the directors of the movement only Angelopoulos
could be seen as belonging to such a tradition. In this respect they carried
on with the debate from the 1960s which identified, as Maria Chalkou points
out, there are:
Four vital elements as prerequisites for a valued Greek national cinema:
the “quality”/“artistic,” “real,” “popular,” and “national,” which were inextri-
cably linked and resulting in one the other. Greek national cinema should
be “quality” in terms of content and technique as well as of authorial view;
“real” in its thematics and representational styles; “popular” in its content
and familiarity to the audience; and finally “Greek” in its theme and, if
possible, form.9
The journal also, under Vassilis Rafailidis, applied to the Ford Foundation
in 1971 for a grant and received the substantial amount for the time of
3 million drachmas. With the funds, the journal purchased cameras and
other equipment. These offered a unique opportunity to new film-makers to
produce their short films with modern machines, and indirectly contributed
to the promotion of the new movement. As Rafailidis wrote, justifying the
donation from a suspected agent of the CIA:
We made ten short films, participated in the production of two feature
films by Marketaki and Sfikas, and more importantly we purchased a
complete series of expensive machinery necessary for makings films.12
However, the grant itself raised a furious debate about the “moral legit-
imacy” of accepting money from the imperialist Americans and the hateful
class enemy, preparing a wave of vulgar populism that was to dominate the
public domain after 1981.
After 1974, Thanasis Rentzis’ Film was also a theoretically inclined
journal with its distinct format and a radical reinterpretation of the filmic
experience that brought to the discourse the experimental mode of Russian
formalism and futurism. Rentzis, one of the most innovative thinkers on the
production and interpretation of films in the country, theorized on “how
poetic transformation and political struggle go side by side.”13
In 1978, Makis Moraites published the journal Cinema, which under
different editors and content emphasis continues to be published today. In
Thessaloniki, Screen (Othoni) appeared the next year, followed by Cinema
Notebooks (Kinimatografika Tetradia). Journals like Camera (1984), Cine
Fantastiko (1983), Metropolis (1985), Anti-Cinema (1992), and Cinema and
Communication (2000) kept the debates about the social function of cinema
alive during a period of marked decline in audience attendance and the
transformation of discussions about cinematic experience into incompre-
hensible theoretical jargon.
Ideas from many sources, filtered through the newspapers and journals,
ended the rather impressionistic, more or less political and ad hoc film
reviewing that had dominated film criticism for decades. At the same time,
these magazines gave to official institutions such as the Thessaloniki Film
Festival a set of alternative aesthetics which was to be heard through the
audiences’ and critics’ awards. Most of the contributors to the journals
were influenced by the ideas of the French Cahiers du Cinema, but also by
American cinema or Russian formalism, and grafted onto the empirical
The Formalist Moment: The Inward Gaze and the New Greek Cinema 161
Also important is Nikos Kolovos’ work on the sociology of cinema and his
more theoretical approach to cinema, with his main thesis that, “fiction and
documentation in cinema do not copy reality; they reduce it to filmic image,
sound and speech; to a fragment of a different order of things.”15
But the personality that stands out in the field is that of the historian
Yannis Soldatos, with his sustained and meticulous dedication to all aspects
of Greek cinema. His work, despite its very personal character and the
fact that it is based on the interpretation of cinema through its historical
evolution, should be the starting point for any further exploration of the
field. His publishing house Aigokeros has been the single most important
research centre on cinema in the country, a veritable university in film
studies, saving from oblivion important works of Green cinema.
Newspapers had and still have their own film review section with
influential reviewers like Tonis Tsirbinos, Kostas Stamatiou, Ninos Fenek-
Mikelidis, Yannis Bakogiannopoulos, and the younger generation with
Michel Dimopoulos, Hristos Bramos, Dimitris Koliodimos, Andreas Tyros,
Achilleas Kiriakidis, Tasos Goudelis, Vassilis Kehagias, Vaggelis Kotronis,
Ilias Kanellis, Yannis Fraggoulis, Maria Katsounaki, Dimitris Haritos, Yannis
Zouboulakis, Thodoros Soumos, and Thodoris Koutsogiannopoulos, all of
whom approach movies as art-works in themselves and not as byproducts of
other arts dependent on technology, personalities, or funding.
Special mention is deserved by the cosmopolitan reviews and essays by
Pericles Deliolanis. The contribution by Yorgos Tzitsios through the journal
Cinema is also noteworthy. Dimitris Koliodimos’ work on the history of
Greek cinema is of permanent value. Finally, of special importance are the
passionate and idiosyncratic film reviews by Dimitris Danikas.
Each critic naturally gives emphasis to different aspects of a film and
its evaluation—there are no common ideological or aesthetic trends among
them. Some focus on what is depicted in terms of social relations, gender
162 A History of Greek Cinema
The system that was implicitly accepted was that of limited release in
selected venues, which in the long run screened only “sexually explicit”
movies under the rating “Strictly Inappropriate.” Such labels functioned as a
further stimulus to the male population to watch such “inappropriate” films,
especially in suburban areas. During the 1960s, prestigious luxury cinemas,
like Rosi-Clair—which was one of the first cinemas built in Athens—
gradually screened only porn films in order to compete with the rising
dominance of television, while porn cinemas existed in specific suburbs,
submerged in the anonymity of populous cities.
Another undercover system was concocted by producers and cinema
owners in order to “enhance” the sexual content of the films but avoid the
restrictions of the censors. Soft porn films, or skin flicks, were screened
as rated by state censorship; but, during the screening itself, some extra
scenes were added with more explicit material, with different actors and
in different settings. This addition (tsonta in the vernacular) became the
main characteristic of these films and as an extension of the cinema venues
themselves.16
From 1970 until the early 80s, when the industry itself evolved to
hard-core porn, with violent sex scenes, rape, incest, bestiality, and more;
around 180 movies were made which became legendary for their titles,
their actors, and their dialogue. Lust and Passion (Kiriakos Mauropanos,
1960), The House of Lust (Yorgos Zervoulakos, 1960), The Perverts (Kostas
Stratzalis, 1963), The Nets of Shame (Errikos Andreou, 1965), The Sinful
Women of the Night (Dimitris Galatis, 1966), Gabriela the Whore of Athens
(Yorgos Papakostas, 1966), and Sinful Gypsy Women (Lakis Kazan, 1969)
paved the way for an unexpected proliferation of sexually explicit movies
which thrived under the stern and strict supervision of the dictatorship.
From 1969, an average of 20 to 30 films were made each year, some of
them box office successes. For example, in the most political year of 1975,
Angelopoulos’ and Koundouros’ groundbreaking films were selling fewer
tickets than the venerable Women Lusting for Sex, Honey on Her Body, My
Body on Your Body and Her Lustful Body!
In these films, the script was more or less nonexistent and the acting
was appalling. They were usually filmed on an island in order to be sold
internationally, and their cost was extremely low. The actors were of diverse
origin, background, color, and sexual orientation; some, like the voluptuous
Gizela Dali, the carnivorous Tina Spathi, the demanding Anna Fonsou, and
the insatiable Kaiti Gini were professional actors or singers. (Some of them
later became fanatical Christian nuns to atone for the sins of their careers.)
Among the studs ruled the semi-divine Kostas Gousgounis who became
a household name for two generations. His shaved Telly Savalas-like head
(though he was presented as the Greek Yul Brynner), his famous surreal (and
totally unrelated to the action) punchlines, his abysmally bad acting, and
The Formalist Moment: The Inward Gaze and the New Greek Cinema 165
The actors were mainly heterosexual, but after the mid-70s, male
homosexuality became fashionable, as men were “experimenting” more,
while lesbian stories seemed to be the ultimate aphrodisiac for some hetero-
sexual men. In homosexual porn films the “passive” partner was depicted as
an effeminate screaming queen with an insatiable thirst for rough sex with
hairy, oily, and foulmouthed Mediterranean men.
Another characteristic of these soft porn films is that they never depicted
full male nudity; with the penis penetrating everything and everyone, but
without ever being seen. Only in the early 1980s did such nudity become
acceptable and desirable for the mainly heterosexual audience, especially
after the import of films of John Holmes, Ron Jeremy, Lexington Steele,
and other legends of the genre. At that point, a strange figure appeared as
the key director, producer, distributor, and pimp, who remained not only
anonymous but totally unknown, using the nickname Berto, as homage to
Bernardo Bertolucci’s Last Tango in Paris.17 His obscure personality (nobody
has been able to identify him with certainty to this day), is in itself material
for cinema. “The Great Berto” made most of his commercially successful
films with his own production company, Elite Films, for the home-video
market and as such it was impossible to rate them officially or even to
measure their success. As they were made for private consumption, they
became more hard-core, lacking in the sparkling humor that had made them
acceptable as “cult” pleasures until then. This change led to the death of the
skin flicks and the popular culture surrounding them.
Certainly we must see the proliferation of porn films within the wider
context of sexual liberation that engulfed the industrialized world from the
1960s. Greek porn films belong to the golden age of the genre worldwide
and were “inspired” by the success of films like Boys in the Sand (1971), Deep
Throat (1972), Emmanuelle (1974), and later the cult classic Debbie Does
Dallas (1978). Their titles have become proverbial: I Accuse My Body (1969),
The Circle of Viciousness (1971), Mirella, the Flesh of Pleasure (1973), Perverts
Since Their Birth (1974), Lesbian August (1974), Naked Sting (1975), Playing
in Two Beds (1975), Mikaella, the Sweet Temptation (1975), Six Pervert
Women Ask for a Murderer (1976), and more. Some of these films deserve
attention with regard to the “cultural encasement” of sexuality they encode
and for what appears incidentally in them. The financial success of some of
the films is rumored to have funded the production of the good films of the
period, thus indicating the indirect ways the margins can assist mainstream
culture.
Together with their provocative depictions of homosexuality, trans-
sexuality, and lesbian sex, some also had a tongue-in-cheek sense of humor
and self irony. On other occasions, explicit sex disguised an implicit social
message or ridiculed specific government policies. The funniest parts in
these films were parodies of mainstream movies or actors. The first explicitly
The Formalist Moment: The Inward Gaze and the New Greek Cinema 167
soft porn film made by the respected director Vangelis Serdaris, The Girl and
the Horse (1973) with Anna Fonsou, is considered the most “artistic” film of
the genre, with lots of psychological conflicts and an attempt to connect it
to the myth of Phaedra and Hippolytus. On the other hand, many venerable
and artistic actors and actresses of mainstream cinema and theatre seem to
have been involved in soft porn films—it is rumored that even the epitome of
sexual innocence, Aliki Vouyouklaki had taken part in a film that has never
been found.
The Greek soft porn industry was also an attempt to deceive censorship
and to entertain the sexually repressed male population. The allure of
transgressive sexuality is always present in the psychodynamic horizon of
patriarchal societies. The representation of the female body as an open field
for the aggression of the male gaze was the ultimate outcome of the unwanted
realization that women could be sexually proactive. As such, the commercial
success of the porn industry should be seen as the anxious male reaction to
the female emancipation movement and the rise of new ethical codes of soft
masculinity. It also must be seen as satisfying the phallic curiosity of hetero-
sexual men, the hidden desire to see another penis, as a personal affirmation
of masculinity and virility. Dimitris Koliodimos observes that”
Many porn films foreground “pure sex” and present a “repressed” sexuality
by the bourgeois patriarchal society . . . that is a sexual act which is
considered as “perversion,” “irregular,” or “unhealthy.” In these cases such
representations take on, without being necessarily “positive,” a special
character for the viewers who enjoy such pleasures and express similar
sexual behaviors in their lives.18
fantasies of being ravaged by a modern Satyr. The film was notorious for
the scene in which the English pervert, painfully performed by Bob Belling,
penetrated a goat, in order to commune with the elemental purity of natural
life. The movie demonstrated the androcentric character and sexist ideology
of pornography, and especially of the enfant terrible of Greek television Nico
Mastorakis.19 Whereas the camera stripped naked and raped the female
body, the penis was never exposed. (Perhaps because the actors were very
shy!) As with most Greek porn films of that early period, the film fetishizes
the female but de-eroticizes the male body and retains its phallic mystery
and narcissistic self-satisfaction.
Overall, early soft porn films exude a kind of strange innocence, and
the actors seemed to really enjoy what they were doing on screen. Behind
the sexual buffoonery and the verbal absurdity, viewers can see a certain
jouissance, a mixture of pleasure and pain, as, through their sexual excess,
these films acted out the guilt and joy of transgression. It was a rebellion not
only against the “system,” or religion, or tradition, but against themselves,
manifested through a sense of the guilty pleasure offered by a freedom
privately won in the dark. In the cult classic The Voyeur (O Idonoblepsias,
1984) we see two macho males—one of them the deity called Gousgounis—
greeting each other before their shared sexual escapades begin: “Master,” the
younger man says, “you taught me everything . . . In my glorious sexual career
I learnt everything through your films which I watched at Rosi-Clair!” The
master with cool, gusto, and pride responds, “Oh yes, those were the days;
pure and ethical, when all porn films were based on Christian tradition and
patriotic Greek ideals!” In a sense, his pronouncements were a worthy farewell
to an industry that had served the motherland well in more than one way . . .
with their insane intervention in Cyprus. In early July a coup was organized
by the Greek army and Macarios’ presidential palace was attacked, with the
explicit intention of assassinating him. He escaped, but the Athens Junta
imposed as the new president Nicos Samson, a paranoid and murderous
nationalist who, after exterminating his Greek opponents, was planning to
massacre the Turkish-Cypriot minority (15 percent of the population) and
declare the desired union with the Greek motherland. This gave the pretext
to the Turkish government, it too in search of a “national victory”, to invade
the island, completely annihilate the unprepared Greek-Cypriot defense,
expel 200,000 people from their homes and divide the island, thereby
creating a major political anomaly for European integration to this day.
Meanwhile, on the mainland, the terrified dictators and “heroic” army
officers simply vanished or took the first airplane out of the country. For
several days there was no government until the old right-wing former prime
minister Constantine Karamanlis was invited to return from Paris as the
“saviour” of the country, the new “ethnarch” who was to create order out
of chaos. The Restoration of the Republic with the reinstatement of parlia-
mentary democracy in July 1974 is the most important political event in
postwar Greek history and deeply affected the development of cultural life
and, of course, of cinema. Despite recurrent financial problems, the period
after 1974 has been the most stable, peaceful, and creative era since the
establishment of the Greek state.
The Restoration instigated an incredible fermentation of creative forces
which had remained dormant until then. Censorship was relaxed, the
Communist Party became legal again; while the return of exiles made possible
the establishment of a mass cultural movement reluctantly supported by the
state but overwhelmingly endorsed by the majority of the population. Film
clubs proliferated and cinemas enjoyed the last years of their immense
popularity, although by this stage they had already lost a considerable
percentage of their viewers to television. The social energy generated by
the fall of the dictatorship lasted for almost ten years and created some of
the best movies of Greek cinema, boosting local production in all kinds of
cinematic genres.
demanded recognition. The first year after the dictatorship was so dominated
by documentaries and experimental films, it seemed as if narrative movies
had become instantaneously obsolete and spurious. After 1974, we see a
remarkable collapse of narrative representation even in commercial cinema,
a collapse which reflected the questioning of all narratives that had until then
legitimized the social and political structures of the country.
In most documentaries, there was no script or set of questions; the
camera moved and recorded almost unintentionally how ordinary people
understood political upheavals, social tragedies, and finally themselves.
Most were brilliant cinematic achievements by any standards. It was the
first time that social formations were not seen as ethnographic case studies
or as prettified innocent relics of archetypal realities, but as class struc-
tures, as relations of power and control, as configurations of invisible yet
powerful communicative networks between individuals and their condi-
tions—individuals who struggled to define themselves and determine their
position within the larger picture of Greek political and social economy. The
representation of ordinary people taking their destiny into their own hands
was in itself an act of emancipation from the oppressive and suffocating past
as well as from preconceived notions about national, cultural, and personal
identity.
For many months after July 1974, one could see in action what Cornelius
Castoriadis called the “instituting radical imaginary,” as the collapse of the
dominant social order led to the search for new significations and new
symbolic languages regarding the articulation of historical experience,
personal identity, and cultural memory. Many artists stopped looking at
reality as a metaphysical given to be imitated, reproduced, and represented.
By breaking away from such restrictive and “closed” understanding of
creative action, they explored imaginative constructs which allowed the
emergence of new patterns for the visual schematization of experience.
Although many efforts focused on the de-institution of old and
dominant significations, by criticizing their ideology, a number of these
new “propositions” struggled to constitute radical reinterpretations of
history and society. They employed not rationalist conformity or ideological
cohesion, but imaginative recreations of temporality, space, and collective
experience through the singularities of their own individual being. Nikos
Nikolaidis, Theo Angelopoulos, and Costas Sfikas, as well as Thanasis
Rentzis, Antouaneta Aggelidi, and Tonia Marketaki, drastically rearticulated
the methods of visual perception that had dominated cinematic language
until then. They established the imaginative schemata that brought to promi-
nence undisclosed aspects of experience by elucidating them and rendering
them signifiable.
Unfortunately, this imaginary eruption lasted only a few years, as
the new conservative government, which won three successive elections,
172 A History of Greek Cinema
didn’t break with the past but found a comfortable accommodation with it,
replicating its ideological obsessions and reinventing its oppressive mecha-
nisms. The institutionalization of cultural production suppressed the radical
reimagining of collective and personal identities which had emerged when
the authoritarian state had collapsed. Furthermore, left-wing parties, in
particular the newly legalized Communist Party, contributed greatly and
gravely, to this process of institutionalized control over creative action,
indeed over the rebellious subjectivity, by imprisoning individual imaginary
within the confines of ideological dogmatism and party allegiance. The
willingness of many artists to conform raises questions about them and their
work, while the consequences of such conformism were to become apparent
in the next decade.
The documentaries of the period nonetheless presented a radically
new thematology. Soon after July 1974, Yorgos Tsemperopoulos and Sakis
Maniatis released their political documentary Megara (1974), a challenging
experiment in cinema direct. Takis Hatzopoulos screened Gazoros Serron
(1974), a documentary about the life of tobacco workers in Macedonia in
the tradition of cinéma-vérité. In 1974/5, documentaries were made on the
Polytechnic uprising in 1973, on the Cyprus tragedy, the dictatorship and
the Restoration of the Republic. Among them, Cacoyannis’ Attila 74 must
be mentioned as one of the best documentaries on such a contentious issue,
as it presented in a balanced way what happened in Cyprus during the
Turkish invasion. Koundouros’ The Songs of Fire (Ta Tragoudia tis Fotias)
and Leuteris Haronitis’ July 24th, 1974 (Eikosi Tesseris Iouliou ’74) must
also be included as they encapsulate the immense optimism and rebellious
spirit of the period, particularly during the first weeks after the fall of the
dictatorship.
Significant political documentaries were also made by the so-called
“Group of 4,” consisting of K. Hronopoulos, Y. Hrissovitsianos, S. Zahos, and
Th. Skroubelos, entitled The New Parthenon (O Neos Parthenonas, 1974); and
by the “Group of 6” (D. Gannikopoulos, I. Zafeiropoulos, G. Thanasoulas,
Th. Maragos, F. Oikonomides, and K. Papanikolaou), called The Struggle (O
Agonas, 1974), both about social and political conflicts in the country from
the 1950s to 1970s. Nicos Kavoukidis’ documentary Testimonies (Martyries,
1974) was also an emotional recording by the film-maker himself of the
three days of student uprising in 1973. Within the same climate of opinion,
Jules Dassin’s Rehearsal (Dokimi, 1974) was an experimental re-enactment
of the uprising. Dassin constructed a cinematic tragedy by recreating the
actual events through a documentary style punctuated by narrative, songs,
and commentary—an extraordinary achievement, a vanguard visual essay
on historical reconstruction.
Together with the highly political documentaries of the period, a
number of unexpected experimental films also appeared. Kostas Sfikas
The Formalist Moment: The Inward Gaze and the New Greek Cinema 173
In the same vein, Nikos Nikolaidis (1939–2007) released his Euridice B.A.
2037 (1975), which explored the Underworld into which Euridice was
174 A History of Greek Cinema
thrown to wait for Orpheus; “B.A. 2037” was her code number in the
Underworld where she could not remember anything or anyone, even
Orpheus, despite all his efforts. This was another anti-realistic film which
paved the way for Nikolaidis’ mature works.
Nikolaidis and Panayiotopoulos were unique voices raised in opposition
to the domination of the political over the existential. Throughout their
careers they shaped new forms of oppositional aesthetics that were to disrupt
the post-Restoration optimism about what constituted cinematic language
and the role of cinema in contemporary societies. More importantly, both
directors, together with other experimental creators, “problematized” the
dominant narrative about reality by constructing “non-logical” narrative
idioms, permeated by the surrealist “marvellous” and by a special concern
for non-linear forms of representation.
In the same direction, although released the next year, Andreas
Thomopoulos’ masterful and jocular Aldebaran constructed an imaginary
city with inhabitants from social margins. The movie was a poetic and
surrealistic exploration of the Athenian landscape through the eyes of a
“hyper-lexist” poet, a rock musician, and a prostitute, and introduced fantasy
and imagination as the principles of the cinematic visual space—a totally
different way of looking at the reality of the urban centre with the strange
subcultural communities living between the cracks of social legitimacy.
Two feature films of stark realism from 1974 are also worth mentioning.
Tasos Psarras’ For Insignificant Reason (Di’ Asimanton Aformin) was about
the lives of tobacco workers in the 1950s as they struggled to establish their
union. This was film of dire and austere realism depicting social conflicts
with sensitivity and powerful images. As an unexpected oddity from the
past, Panos Glikofridis’ The Trial of the Judges (I Diki ton Dikaston was a
good narrative film, despite its strong theatricality, about the trial of the
leader of the Greek Revolution Theodoros Kolokotronis in 1834. The film
was released after the fall of the dictatorship at a very opportune time, when
court cases against the dictators were being raised. Court procedures against
the officers who tortured citizens and the leaders of the dictatorship itself
later became documentaries by Theodosis Theodosopoulos with consid-
erable box office success.
The year of the Restoration of the Republic was permeated by euphoric
chaos, irrational hopes, and uncontrollable optimism. All kinds of cinematic
genres were tested and radical experiments with the medium were taken. It
was as though in six months Greek film-makers were attempting to construct
their own Nouvelle Vague, Cinema Novo, Czech New Wave, New German
Cinema, and the American Underground, among others, all at once. The
camera abandoned the safety of the studio, the director, the security of a
stable script and actors, the assurance of an accepted style of performance;
and in unison asked, indeed demanded, the audience to abandon their own
viewing conditioning and the friendly aesthetics of commercial cinema, the
Hollywood tradition, and the French Cinema du Qualité, and to immerse
themselves into inaccessible and sometimes incomprehensible avant-garde
creative outbursts. In the beginning, audiences seemed to respond—moder-
ately. But such creative frenzy could not last long and could not be consumed
by everyone. Furthermore, the Herculean labor of reforming aesthetic
regimes and viewing habits by homogenizing all cinematic idioms into
a singular “political” unified language had strong elements of a looming
cultural autocracy by a specific kind of artistic representation and its corre-
sponding hermeneutics.
In the beginning, the prospect looked appealing. If we look at the
sales of 1974, from an overall production of 34 films, four from the tradi-
tional “commercial” cinema sold a considerable amount of tickets. Filippos
Fylaktos’ war melodrama Pavlos Melas had 432,989 admissions (heavily
promoted by the dictatorship; the film disappeared after July); Glikofridis’
The Trial of Judges had 98,299 admissions; Dalianidis’ comedy My Love
Wua-Wua (Agapi Mou Oua Oua) had 94, 945, and Thallassinos’ A Law
Abiding Citizen (Enas Nomotagis Politis) had 69,100. Errikos Andreou’s
Soul and Flesh (Psihi kai Sarka), with 89,000 admissions also made a
moderate international career employing the Hollywood tradition of a
gripping political thriller spiced with electrifying sexuality. The rest were all
soft porn, which dominated both production and consumption that year: 21
porn films were screened with 800,000 admissions overall.21
This seemed to have only slightly changed in the next year. Despite
the dominance again of porn films (six erotic films are among the ten most
successful in 1975), a strange political film had more admissions than any other
production. Theo Angelopoulos’ The Travelling Players (O Thiasos) topped the
list with an impressive 205,000 tickets. Its success was unexpected because the
film was almost four hours long, its narrative was complicated and slow, and it
seemed to present its subject matter from a specific left-wing perspective. No
176 A History of Greek Cinema
other political movie of the New Greek Cinema would ever be as successful.
Its legacy was to overshadow the development of Greek cinema in a way that
is both admirable and puzzling. In a way, The Travelling Players synthesized all
experimental efforts and traditional practices of Greek cinema and converged
them into a unified language, which was dense, solid, and self-sufficient.
historical experience of the common people. But in this early period, his
characters do not develop any emotional strength or inner life—they are
not characters but historical forces, agents of action and energy, catalysts
that move the story in different directions. They are so in order to deal
with the lingering traumas and tensions of the past. As Aimilia Karali aptly
concluded:
In his Travelling Players Angelopoulos becomes the rhapsodist of memory
(of a memory forbidden, rejected, stubbornly preserved, morbidly believed,
of a memory that should have been forgotten. He used it in his film in
diverse forms: cultural (myths, popular theatre, folk painting), active
(songs, narrations, confessions, proclamations), subjective (recollections,
convictions, individual and collective fantasies). His main aim was the
activation of memory as a factor in the present and not as antiquarian
remembrance. As an artistic work, The Travelling Players constitutes a
political act which does not relate solely to the historical time it talks
about, or in the time when it was made. It belongs, as Spyros Asdrahas, has
said, in the “genealogy of our contemporaneity.”23
Almost 40 years later, the film retains its radical aesthetics in a way that
begs for more detailed and closer analysis. It seems that Angelopoulos has
brought together the great experiments with time and space, from Bresson,
Antonioni, Tarkovsky, Ozu, to Welles, Godard and Jancsó, by rejecting
montage and editing, and by letting his camera simply “attest” to the events.
It was, as Bresson said, “production of emotion determined by a resistance
to emotion.”24
Today, one could also add a layer of irony that we find emerging from
the idealism of a generation that sacrificed everything to the altar of failed
gods, in a way analogous to the other Marxist phantasmagoria of the period,
Bernardo Bertolucci’s 1900 (1975). At the end of The Travelling Players, the
defeated revolutionary recites verses by the famous Greek anarchist poet
Mihalis Katsaros, while overlooking the city: “I will remain in my rags, as
the French Revolution bore me, as you my mother Spain gave birth to me, a
dark conspirator.” He speaks with force and despair about the “submission
to the dreadful power” and that “an ordered life” is a nightmare while they
were promised “a lame freedom again.” We must ask today whose power he
was referring to: the coercive force of the capitalist system or the terror of
Stalinist Soviet Union?
The film was a revolutionary reflection on the forces of history, an
exploration of the social utopia that had to remain an imaginary homeland.
Instead of attempting to glorify the endurance of the Civil War fighters,
this was a film about the necessary projects of political renewal and social
regeneration and the sacrifices they entail. It was a film stating principles,
like the Declaration of Human Rights, and as such it remains one of the
180 A History of Greek Cinema
most important political statements ever made—in the age of late capitalism,
the era of generalized conformism—through cinema. In a society without
opposition, this film completed and consummated the tradition of opposi-
tional aesthetics that undercut cinematic production in Greece.
Finally, Angelopoulos’ film was one of the very few Greek films which
have had an international impact; it consolidated some of the central
principles of the Third Cinema and its postcolonial self-articulation as well
as of art cinema around the globe. Dennis Hanlon explored “dialectical
transculturation,” describing what he called:
. . . thematic similarities between Angelopoulos’s film and Javier Sanjinés’
Clandestine Nation. Both films look back on traumatic periods of dicta-
torship and attempt to rescue and reconstruct a national history and
identity. In The Travelling Players, Angelopoulos presents a history of the
left in Greece between 1939 and 1952 that had been erased from the record
by a succession of right-wing governments. Sanjinés gives visibility to the
indigenous majority of Bolivia whose presence is effaced by the dominant
discourse of meztizaje.”25.
Catastrophe, the Civil War, and the invasion of Cyprus, and to younger film-
makers to experiment with form and script in unprecedented ways.
As a consequence, the conflict between commercial and art cinema
resurfaced in the mid-1970s and unfortunately led to the demise of both.
Audiences turned to television more and more. By 1980, cinemas had lost
50 percent of their audience, and the production of movies was reduced
substantially despite state assistance through the Greek Film Center.
Indeed, state assistance was so extensive that Rafailidis observed that
between 1975 and 1985 film production “de facto 100 percent belonged
to the state.”28 As the state controlled Greek Film Center started receiving
more funds for the production of new films, the old independent studio
system was dying out.
In January 1977, Philopimin Finos died. He had produced the most
important commercial movies in the postwar period, and he had staunchly
refused to make any programs for television.29 His death was to mark the
end of an era in production, distribution, and exhibition patterns in the film
industry. However, a new independent production company was established
by the ambitious businessman Mihalis Lefakis, Greca Film-Lefakis, which
was to make some of the best films in the following 15 years.
Between 1976 and 1980, a number of interesting films were released,
although their number was gradually decreasing. At the same time, the
differences were starting to become obvious. Angelopoulos took his idiom in
unpredicted directions, whereas Voulgaris was soon to develop a new style
reminiscent of a more traditional narrative cinema. Marketaki produced very
few movies and one television serial while Tasios turned to a more “popular”
cinema with strong ethico-political agendas. Damianos was to withdraw for
almost 20 years. Despite their “intellectual” dominance, the directors of the
New Cinema never produced a big commercial success while, due to the
growing competition with television, film production decreased rapidly.
Fewer than 10 feature films were made in 1976, 7 in 1977, 12 in 1978,
11 in 1979, and 14 in 1980. Each year meanwhile, at least 30 to 40 porn
films were made, as well as a number of documentaries and short films.
Ticket sales for these films were extremely low: the first in sales were porn
films, followed by slapstick comedies. Some “unusual” films, for example
the last two by Kanellopoulos, were never released to cinemas. In 1976,
eight films in the top ten list of commercial success were porn movies.
Only Pantelis Voulgaris’ Happy Day with 61,000 admissions and a comedy
by Thanassis Vengos with 248,000 can be found on that list. In 1977, five
of the top ten were porn, while Angelopoulos’ The Hunters topped the list
with 105,000 admissions. In 1978, a number of good films appeared on
the list, namely Panayiotopoulos’ The Lazy People of the Fertile Valley with
117,000 tickets, but all other films had very limited commercial success. The
next year was dominated by slapstick comedies and porn films, with the
182 A History of Greek Cinema
’76 (Evia Mantoudi 76) explored the causes of the long strikes by factory
workers. Maria Papaliou’s The Struggle of Blind People (O Agonas ton Tiflon)
presented a major expose of the way that institutions affiliated with the state
and the church, exploit the predicament of blind people. Pope Alcoule’s
Women Today (Oi Gynaikes Simera) was the first ever sociological inves-
tigation of the position of women in Greek society through interviews
and in-situ research. The experimental film Studies on the Same Theme
(Parallages to Idio Thema) by Antouaneta Aggelidi explored the signifi-
cance of representation itself, especially the representation of women, in an
attempt to investigate the impact of images on the human mind.
After receiving a huge amount of funding and technical assistance from
the Greek state, Michael Cacoyannis adapted Euripides’ tragedy Iphigeneia
(1977) which completed his trilogy, but, unlike his Electra, was heavy with
the Hollywood aesthetic of the grand spectacle, loud performances, and
hyperbolic emotional conflicts. It was the last Greek film to be nominated
for an Oscar until Dogtooth in 2010. Manousos Manousakes’ The Archons
(Oi Arhontes) was a surreal and absurd parable on the oppressive mecha-
nisms employed by a ruling elite of politicians, army officers, priests, and
diplomats. In it, ordinary people experience and define themselves not as
citizens but as inferior subjects reacting against their status only in their
dreams or in borderline states of social and personal conflict. Drama and
comedy converge in this film, which despite its cinematic crudeness, was
emblematic of the debates of the period. It won the special prize in the
Anti-Festival of Greek Cinema which was organized for the first and last
time against the official Thessaloniki Film Festival in 1977. A similar film
which caused a political uproar when it was screened on television was
Nikos Alevras’ Bullets fall like a hailstorm (and the wounded artist sighs)
(Peftoun oi sfaires san halazi kai o pligomenos kallitehnis anastenazei). Its
bizarre and provocative hallucinations explored in a surrealist manner the
alienation and complacency that were to dominate Greek society in the years
to come.
A good film of gritty but optimistic social realism was Pavlos Tasios’
The Big Shot (To Vari Peponi). The film explored the gradual alienation of an
innocent young farmer from his self and those around him as he struggles
for success in the big city. His gradual disconnection from reality makes him
live in an illusory world, which collapses after he gets married and must
work to earn his living. This simple story about an ordinary individual was
a fascinating morality tale about personal identity, social commitment, and
self-perception. The film continued the ethical project which was unfolding
in all of Tasios’ films, by depicting the moral nature of all decisions when
humans succeed in recognizing each other’s existence.
Angelopoulos screened his mystifying political film The Hunters (Oi
Kinigoi), which received the first prize at the Chicago Film Festival in 1977.
184 A History of Greek Cinema
The new democratic government denied him funding, a practice that was
to become characteristic of all parties in power, who controlled the Greek
Film Center. With this film, Angelopoulos inaugurated his practice of
co-productions, especially with television channels from Italy, Germany,
and France, a practice that would soon elevate him to the status of a major
European director. His film was an extraordinary artistic achievement in so
far as it extended the visual language of The Travelling Players and reinvented
“historical verisimilitude” by establishing new camera angles, rearranging
photographic composition, and recasting styles of acting. The plot was made
around a simple premise: celebrating New Year’s Eve, a party of wealthy
hunters discovers in the mountains of northern Greece, preserved in ice, the
dead body of a communist fighter from the Civil War. The body becomes the
catalyst for the fantasies, phobias, and panics of the bourgeois class to emerge
and be re-enacted as if on a theatrical stage, showing the “inauthenticity”, the
“heteronomy,” and the “unreality” of the Greek political establishment.
The most interesting aspect of the film was its visual style; based on
yellow, green, and ochre colors, it created a cold distance between the viewer
and the story, a chilly separation from any kind of empathy or identifi-
cation with the characters. It was as if Angelopoulos deliberately kept his
viewers away from the film, as its story unfolded in an icy remoteness. This
is essentially a director’s film, a compact visual laboratory for all aspiring
film-makers who need to study such bold experiments before attempting
any form of filmic representation. One could claim that a new theory of
visual perception is needed in order to make justice to the fundamental anti-
realism that we encounter in this film.
It was also the film that ended Angelopoulos’ so-called “history trilogy”,
which explored the history of modern Greece, as the topos of a profound
disparity between society and state, as the space of an ongoing conflict
between the negativity of government and the constant resistance of the
The Formalist Moment: The Inward Gaze and the New Greek Cinema 185
events between 1917 and 1977. Despite their honesty, both works explore
history from the narrow point of view of the Left, presenting historical life
as the result of external conspiracies and internal cabals, an approach which
characterized most documentaries of the period, and presenting Greek
people as lacking in agency and judgement.
Kostas Ferris made Two Moons in August (Dio feggaria ton Augousto),
a strange love story between a music teacher and a girl. Dimitris Makris’
Iron Door (Kangeloporta) was a successful adaptation of a dark Kafkaesque
novel. Tonis Lykouresis’ The Golden Haired Girl (Hrisomalousa) must also
be included for its suggestive reconstruction of village life in a state of
transition and for the great performance by Vera Krouska. The exploration
of provincial life with its amoral conservatism, xenophobia, and ossified
traditionalism makes this film a unique text of New Greek Cinema, a visual
complement to Angelopoulos’ Reconstruction. The ultimate defeat of the
teacher who wanted to perform a traditional theatrical play, the departure of
his lover for Germany, and the triumph of the established authorities offered
a completely new representation of the “authenticity” of Greek village life.
In the same year, Jules Dassin released A Dream of Passion, which
represented the country at Cannes and was nominated for a Golden Globe
for Best Foreign Film. It was a modern rendering of the story of Medea,
as a cinema star—performed passionately by Melina Mercouri—tries to
empathize with the ancient heroine, by contacting a mother, hauntingly
played by Ellen Burstyn, who had murdered her children to take revenge
on her husband. The film explored emotional complexities and mental
borderline states in a magnificent and powerful style that both shocks and
attracts. An interesting subtext was the psychology of the artist and how she
related to her own role as she discovered its objective realization. The acting
styles of Mercouri and Burstyn are so different that the whole film hangs on a
precarious balance, occasionally upset by Mercouri’s overacting or Burstyn’s
internalized subtlety. Unfortunately the film was under-appreciated by
critics who expected a more antiquarian rendering of the ancient tragedy.
Yorgos Panousopoulos’ Honey Moon (To Taxidi tou Melitos) was one of
the most stylish movies of the following year. Panousopoulos explored with
affection, sensitivity, and compassion the world of aging people in one of
the best films of the period for narrative pace, photography, and characteri-
zation. In the same vein, Andreas Thomopoulos’ A Laughing Afternoon (Ena
Gelasto Apoyevma) explored the common memories of a divorced couple, as
on their last day together they face a terrorist action, with touching sensi-
tivity and ingenious subtlety. Hristophoros Hristofis Wandering (Periplanisi)
was one of the most poignant reflections on the destiny of the Greek
Diaspora. Rafailidis noted that the film was “the result of a serious reflection
on the grave Greek past and its uncertain historical destiny . . . Wandering is
the first and to this moment the only ‘national’ Greek movie.”32
188 A History of Greek Cinema
that make this film a primary cinematic text foregrounding the “hidden
histories” of forgotten generations.
Within the atmosphere of marginal groups reclaiming visibility, one
must include Dimitris Stavrakas’ short film Betty, a documentary on the
life of a transsexual. Without cheap voyeurism, the film confronted Greek
audiences with an uncomfortable view about male sexuality and with an
exceptional individual enjoying every moment of her life with passion
and responsibility. Finally, two important experimental films should be
mentioned; Maria Gavala’s Narrative/Adventure/Language/Silence (Afigisi/
Peripeteia/Glossa/Siopi), a strange and haunting investigation into the
meaning of cinematic language itself. Thanassis Rentzis’ Corpus was a visual
illustration of how the human body has been depicted in seven historical
periods through narration and double exposures of corporeal representa-
tions by various artists.
The arrival of the new decade gave rise to new hopes that cinema could
fight back against television and bring audiences back to the movies. A
number of lavish productions were made, together with the production of
slapstick comedies based on the continuing appeal of popular actors and
directors. Aliki Vouyouklaki returned to the studios, seven years after her
last movie, with the boulevard comedy Cunning Female . . . Rascal Woman
(Poniro Thiliko . . . Katergara Ginaika), but the film enjoyed a very moderate
success. A number of mildly successful comedies by Thanassis Vengos and
Costas Voutsas lampooned the forthcoming participation of Greece in the
European Union. Also, there was a remarkable decrease in porn films, as the
free import of hard-core porn from other countries was finally allowed.
Within the context of local production, a number of films stand out.
Voulgaris’ Eleftherios Venizelos (1980) was an ambitious attempt to recon-
struct the life of the most prominent Greek statesman, depicting him as
an agent of historical change and as the politician who took risks with
the nation’s life. With this film, Voulgaris made his first move away from
the styles of New Greek Cinema through attempts at characterization and
psycholigization structured around a linear narrative.
Thodoros Marangos also worked with Thanassis Vengos in the comedy
Thanassi, tighten your belt (Thanassi sfixe ki allo to zonari sou, 1980); despite
its commercial success, the film failed to renew interest in comedies (which
had started reappearing in various forms) and bring audiences back to
cinemas. Nikos Panayiotopoulos’ Melodrama? (1980) introduced the theme
of existential angst which was to become dominant in the following decade,
as Greek film-makers became more and more self-conscious. A number of
very good existential dramas were made during this period.
A realistic exploration of a subculture was given with Paulos Tasios’,
Request (Paragellia), which represented the psychodynamics of the macho
subculture with shocking realism through an unembellished narrative. The
190 A History of Greek Cinema
story was based on true events that took place in the early 70s, when two
brothers requested a song at a night club—an indication in these circles of
social status and more importantly, respect. At the same time, Tasios trans-
formed the true story into a tense re-enactment of the lives of disturbed
individuals as they unfold within a complex universe beyond their under-
standing and control.
The film was one of the very few attempts at gritty realism and austere
visual pragmatism, exposing the glamorized vulgarity of the ruling middle
class. The commentary throughout the film by the anarchist poet Katerina
Gogou is probably one of the most unforgettable sound tracks in Greek
cinema; and her verse, “There will come a time when children will choose their
parents . . .” amplified profoundly the crisis of family and familial authority
that Tasios depicted, a theme which would be explored by a number of new
directors later in the decade.
Yorgos Stampoulopoulos’ And It Goes to Glory Again (Kai xana pros
tin Doxa Trava, 1980) was a hilarious parody of popular culture in its trivi-
ality and truth focused on the life and career of the popular singer Yannis
Floriniotis. The highest grossing film of the decade was Nikos Tzimas’
The Man with the Carnation (O Anthropos me to garifallo). It was a brave
and unambiguous attempt at the visual biography of the famous left-wing
politician and intellectual Nikos Belogiannis who was executed by the
state in 1954. It was also a gripping and fascinating political melodrama
made with all-Hollywood narrative techniques, emotional conflicts, and fast
transitions—and, as such, it sealed the end of the political films as under-
stood and promoted by the New Greek Cinema.
However, the greatest movie of the year was again made by Angelopoulos.
His historical epic Megalexandros (Alexander the Great) was a grand narrative
farewelling all grand narratives, a magnificent recapitulation of his cinematic
scripture in a way that both puzzled and inspired. The film received the
Golden Lion of experimental cinema at the Venice Film Festival (while the
Golden Lion went to Louis Malle and John Cassavetes). It is almost four
hours long and could be seen as Angelopoulos’ reply to Eisenstein’s Ivan
the Terrible (1944 and 1945). It explored power and its corrupting influence
on charismatic personalities, which in certain historical moments linked
past and present by focusing social energy and political activism. As Dan
Georgakas remarked:
With Alexander the Great, Angelopoulos upped the cinematic and political
stakes by shifting from specific historical events to take on national
mythology with techniques that were even more demanding than in his
previous films.33
The story was based on the infamous Dilesi Massacre of 1872, when brigands
abducted a number of British tourists and demanded ransom. As the ransom
The Formalist Moment: The Inward Gaze and the New Greek Cinema 191
was not given, the bandits killed the tourists. Angelopoulos relocated this
incident at the beginning of the twentieth century as a folk hero, calling
himself Alexander the Great, establishes a counter-community of rebels
and outcasts. Power makes him cruel, inconsiderate, and tyrannical. At the
end of the film, a ritual of theophagia (god-eating) takes place as the leader
is devoured by the community. The final scene shows the only child of the
community escaping, and a voiceover announces almost didactically, “This
is how Alexander entered the cities . . .”
The film remains one of the most underrated by Angelopoulos because
of its dense symbolism, opaque and sometimes impenetrable references,
and its archaic anthropology. For those who don’t know much about Greek
history and folk culture it can be seen as an exercise in pure style with the
dominance of neo-platonic optics of representation and their cosmological
correspondences. But the references to contemporary realities can be seen
as it depicts the tense atmosphere of the political messianism of a deranged
individual who sees himself as having been given a special mission by history
or God, like the personality cult of Jim Jones in Jonestown, which had come
to its tragic end the previous year. The strong Freudian background, with the
subplot of incest, adds a complex layer of references to the character. At the
same time, the submerged homoeroticism within the closed community of
soldiers living with imposed abstinence, obedience, and self-control around
the leader opens another dimension towards the libidinal undercurrents that
energize the story.
Visually, Angelopoulos explored the multiple perspectives of folk
painting, especially of the naive painter Theophilos, and the spatial arrange-
ments of Byzantine iconography, with the slow movement of camera,
offstage action, and the use of deep earthy colors to explore the psychopa-
thology of authochthonicity that dominates such blood-and-soil movements.
Hristodoulos Halaris’ music with its rural sounds from windpipe instru-
ments, added an animistic depth that was both seductive and terrifying. The
descent into self-delusion of a political leader was to become an extremely
relevant issue in the new decade, as the up-and-coming socialist leader
Andreas Papandreou presented himself as the savior of the country, in
messianic terms, full of the dynamism that was to liberate the country from
the demonic oppression of the right-wing conservative autocracy.
With its new themes, Megalexandros both farewelled the period of
extrovert optimism and greeted the dawning period of grand illusions,
which, just as in the film, was to end in an immense disenchantment from
all projects of social renewal. The tendency towards psycholigization shows
that by then the New Greek Cinema had begun to morph into something
different, gradually abandoning the overtly political orientation of the recent
past while continuing its formal legacy: long takes, slow narrative pace,
suggestive lighting, and the discreet rejection of montage by privileging a
realistic representation in plot, location, and character.
Most films in this transitional period were moving between realism and
magic realism in an attempt to find new ways of visually articulating the
changing reality and, most importantly, the changed intellectual and political
atmosphere. It was obvious that the explosion of the creative imaginary
that had taken place after the Restoration was anything but dormant. The
institutionalization of all cultural activity through state apparatuses stifled
collective projects of social renewal and relocated the creative impetus into
the private sphere.
The early 1980s were a period when the auteur tradition became densely
introspective. At the same time, television serials and productions for video
led to a certain revival of commercial cinema which had by now lost its
communal appeal and had instead become a private entertainment at home.
Most cinema venues were closing down, while only slapstick comedies and
soft porn films were screened at the few remaining theaters. Great actors
took part in them for financial reasons and many talents were destroyed
by overexposure in vulgar and cheap productions, with rudimentary plots,
inane dialogue, and pornographic voyeurism.
But the promise of a new era was on the political horizon as the
conservatives had run out of steam after seven years in power, and the
Socialist Party, full of rhetorical ebullience, ideological fanaticism, and infec-
tious enthusiasm was likely to win the upcoming elections in October 1981.
C h a p t e r F iv e
❦❦
193
194 A History of Greek Cinema
During the incoming decade, this formalist tendency would transform itself
into another manneristic device meaning anti-commercial, intellectual, and
introspective cinema—which ultimately meant boring and self-indulgent
stylistic exercises that drove audiences away from the cinemas.
New Films for the New Regime and the Death of New
Greek Cinema
Together with the election of the Socialist Party, in October, another
significant event took place in 1981—the last film made by the superstar
of the sixties Aliki Vouyouklaki. A Spy Called Nelly (Kataskopos Nelly) was
released and withdrawn after three weeks. Very few tickets were sold and
Vouyouklaki abandoned cinema altogether after this humiliating failure. It
proved that the old cinema, its values and stars had become irrelevant and
that the New Greek Cinema of the 70s had finally triumphed; the only name
that survived the demise was the comic genius Thanassis Vengos, who over
the next two decades would reveal the sublimity of an authentic tragic self
under the popular comic mask.
At the same time, a new way of distributing films through video started
becoming so popular that it soon developed its own mode of production
and dissemination. Many films were made exclusively for the video market.
Most were low-budget slapstick comedies, or soft porn, which became
really popular as VHS technology was spreading and cinema ticket sales
were falling. Many movie theaters closed during this period, despite the
new government’s attempt to fund and promote film clubs throughout the
country. Film production started dwindling dramatically, and by the end of
1985 it looked as if it had almost vanished, with fewer than 20 artistic feature
films being produced each year. There were some interesting contributions
to film production, however, produced against the background of countless
populist comedies, porn films, and silly melodramas about drugs in schools,
prison life, and sexual perversions in the judiciary.
Nikos Veryitsis’ Stories of a Honey Bee (Istories mias Kerithras, 1981)
brought a new sensitivity to film-making as well as an insight into artistic
sensibility with the visual exploration of the life of actors beyond the
walls of the studio. Thodoros Maraggos’ Study My Son Study (Mathe paidi
mou grammata, 1981) was a stinging satire on the value of education in a
materialistic, affluent, and oppressive society, as a provincial teacher forces
his children to study. Things become complex when politics intervene,
The 1980s: Hope and Disenchantment 199
showing both the liberating and the destructive aspects of education. The
film expressed the looming anger of ordinary citizens, as educated people
remained politically suspect and mostly unemployed: “Six year in primary
school and 6 years in high school, makes 12. Plus 6 years at the Polytechnic
school—18 in all. Another 6 years abroad, 24 . . . Where did my life go?” It
was the most successful film of the year and became extremely popular as
a satire of the contradictory policies of an oppressive state which promoted
education as a mechanism of obedience and conformism.
Tasos Psaras’ The Factory (To Ergostasio, 1981) was a realistic depiction
of the growing changes in economic production and their consequences.
Yorgos Panousopoulos’ A Foolish Love (Oi Apenanti, 1981) was an accom-
plished depiction of the desire for communication and connection between
people living in modern apartments, as presented in the illicit love affair
between a middle-aged woman and an adolescent. Betty Livanou’s perfor-
mance was majestic while the emotional realism that Panousopoulos
employed to unfold his story was engaging without becoming melodramatic.
Frida Liappa’s The Ways of Love are Nocturnal (Oi Dromoi tis Agapis einai
Nihterinoi, 1981) was probably one of the best and most interesting attempts
to reclaim the primacy of the individual adventure against the grand
collective narratives that dominated the populist aesthetic of the period.
Liappa’s female gaze searched for what constituted emotional truth in the
desperate existential quest for fulfillment and reciprocity.
Lakis Papastathis’ In the Time of the Hellenes (Ton Kairo ton Ellinon,
1981) was a strange and somehow “revisionist” film which inaugurated a
new understanding of “national identity” as the distorted perception of the
ruling class regarding the “authentic Greek tradition.” Set at the beginning
of the twentieth century and dealing with a topic similar to Angelopoulos’
Megalexandros, it is interesting to notice the differences in approach,
style, and storyline between them. Papastathis (b. 1943) showed a distinct
sensitivity for the details in the reconstruction of the period, in language,
costume, and settings. However, the suggestion that “authentic” Greece was
to be found in the behavior of the brigands, as if there was somewhere an
“inauthentic Greek tradition,” made this film ideologically spurious. On
the other hand, Thanasis Rentzis’ Electric Angel (Ilektrikos Angelos, 1981)
was a significant non-narrative experimental film, exploring the mystery
of eroticism as manifested throughout the twentieth century in dreamlike
sequences full of sensuality and hypnotic music.
The first full year of socialist government saw a number of good films
produced. Hristophoros Hristofis’ Rose (1982), with the Polish actors Andrej
Severin and Daniel Obrinsky, was a nostalgic meditation on the predicament
of displaced political refugees, through poetic realism and fragmented
narrative. The story is about these refugees as they meet at a famous hotel in
Trieste during the Greek dictatorship, the same hotel where Rosa Luxemburg
200 A History of Greek Cinema
had stayed during her exile. Dinos Mavroidis’ The Happy Face of Leonora (To
Eutihismeno Prosopo tis Leonoras, 1982) was an opaque attempt to explore
the rise to power of the new middle class, after years of persecution: closed
in an isolated house, the successful members of society narrate the ghosts of
their past and reveal the betrayal of their idealistic youth.
Vassilis Vafeas’ Break (Repo, 1982) was another interesting satire about
the lower-middle-class mentality that dominated Greek society. Dimitris
Makris’ The Dam (To Fragma, 1982) presented a dense allegorical film with
a Kafkaesque atmosphere and allusions, based on a famous Greek novel.
On the other hand, Tony Likouressis’ The Blood of Statues (To Aima ton
Agalmaton, 1982) was a poetic reflection on the meaning of symbols, as a
group of youths escaping from a provincial reform school find refuge in
a new archaeological museum. The depiction of a society that privileges
antiquarianism at the expense of the living was probably one of the most
interesting sub-themes emerging in this period.
Tasios released his Stigma in 1982; the first film to explore with
honesty, sincerity, and empathy families with children suffering from Down’s
syndrome. It was an unexpected social drama that tackled a controversial
issue that was to become current decades later. The story revolves around
the decision of a young couple to perform euthanasia on their child and
how this decision leads to their separation. It was a tale of moral empow-
erment with serious ethical issues raised on voluntary death, abortion, and
medical principles. Tasios structured the various reactions of the married
couple towards their child as well as those of the social environment with
emotional austerity and starkness; he never became sentimental or evasive.
The protagonists Olia Lazaridou and Antonis Kafetzopoulos, performed
with reserve and passion. The film was a good example of the new “themes”
which had begun to emerge in the 80s, referring to issues of personal respon-
sibility. Furthermore, Tasios was one of the very few directors who managed
to create characters with distinct individual psychology.
In the same vein one must see Kostas Zois’ documentary The Rejected
(Oi Azititoi, 1982), about the mental hospital on the island of Leros and
the treatment of people with mental disabilities. The film explored social
realities associated with “madness” and exposed collective prejudices and
personal tragedies.
Yorgos Karypidis’ Confrontation (Anametrisi, 1982) was an incredibly
dense film noir full of literary references and a story that blurred the
boundaries between illusion and reality. A lonely man— played superbly
by Aris Retsos—falls in love with a mysterious movie star who is then
found dead. His reading of Edgar Allan Poe, Herman Melville, and Dashiel
Hammett inspire him to search for her killer. In his mind, literary refer-
ences become confused with real clues until he finds out that she died in
an accident. The film was an apt exploration of solitude and introspection
The 1980s: Hope and Disenchantment 201
Padrone (1977) and Ermanno Olmi’s The Tree of Wooden Clogs (1979) for its
reinvention of neorealism as a radical exposure of the oppression of ordinary
people, in an era when even human misery tended to look cosy and chic.
The quest for identity—gender or social—inevitably led to the search for
origins. As we have seen, Nikolaidis turned to the study of marginal groups
whose presence in Greek history was strong, but whose voice was sanitized
and domesticated. One of these groups was the rebetes, the songwriters
and singers, who lived and created in complete illegality until they became
“national” and “political” symbols of resistance and opposition during the
1960s, through sanitized and mainstreamed translations of their work.
Kostas Ferris produced his epic narrative Rebetiko (1983) which
presented in a semi-fictional and semi-documentary form the predicament
of the rebetes and their tormented personal and collective history. The movie
unfolded as a “spasmodic” narrative with many gaps in the script, but was
kept together by the powerful music of Stavros Xarhakos which, reviving the
tradition going back to Stella, wove a non-visual thread through action and
dialogue, enhancing their emotional impact.
Its main axis was the life of the singer, presumably the legendary Marika
Ninou, who escaped as a refugee from Smyrna to Piraeus and who sang
some of the most popular rebetika songs, before her death from cancer at
a very young age. Her life, career, and death became the pretexts through
which Greek history was represented from below, from the perspective of
the ordinary people who suffered the disastrous upheavals of political life.
The movie was uneven, as Ferris entered a world which, despite its uncon-
ventional and “abnormal” behavior, wanted to be accepted and become
“normal;” unlike the “outcast” heroes of his movies up to then, who were
unable to belong and be accepted.
The incongruity was striking: the narrative idealized and abstracted
situations that could only be deemed tragic and horrific. Despite the inclusion
of original footage from major historical events, the film has something
artificial and contrived. It is almost as if Ferris was trying hard to find a
redeeming element in the life of the rebetes; but in doing so, he aesthetisized
their adventure and humanity and made them look like schematized forms
instead of real human beings. A comparison between Ferris’ Rebetiko and
Francis Ford Coppola’s The Cotton Club of the same year would be extremely
enlightening. Coppola was not afraid to touch upon the violent and illegal
character of the very same people who were the creative geniuses behind
jazz music. Ferris on the contrary prettified everything by not showing the
very obvious and sometimes horrible shadows in the consciousness of the
rebetika singers. Yet the movie revealed an incredible adventure of loss,
death, and exploitation which marginalized groups suffered for a long time
and which resonated with audiences still remembering the persecutions that
followed major historical upheavals.
The 1980s: Hope and Disenchantment 207
One can only see such “grand narrative” as a farewell to an era, mentality,
and understanding of social experience and cultural memory; indeed a visual
eulogy on the life of a subculture which by then had become an industrial
commodity to be celebrated as a tourist attraction and to be disseminated
as “authentic” Greek culture. The deviance, rebelliousness, and death-
wish that dominated such subcultural groups—the drugs and prostitution,
the violence and exploitation—were barely touched upon. Instead, Ferris
depicted their “personal authenticity” as their main redeeming feature, thus
transforming them into cultural icons. Such incommensurability though
belonged to the wider social realities of the period.
By 1984, it had become apparent that the government, despite its
revolutionary rhetoric, was simply “modernizing” the functions of the state
without making the necessary structural and institutional changes, so that
all social forces could realize their potential. In the same year, the collapse of
the last political legacies of the New Greek Cinema also started to become
obvious. It was generally considered as the year when Greek cinema entered
into a prolonged creative coma, when most Greek films were screened in
empty theaters—with the most successful selling fewer than 20,000 tickets.
The most popular films were hastily made for the video market (and
included slapstick comedies or porn films by the mysterious Berto), and
there are no reliable statistics to account for their commercial success. State-
controlled television was gaining more viewers with lavish productions of
failed socialist sagas such as The Lavrion Strikes or imported soaps such as
Dallas, The Love Boat and Fame.
Meanwhile a strange idea emerged in the new patrician establishment
of the Socialist Party: all commercially successful films were bad and
“reactionary.” A new elitism of incomprehensible abstractions about the
people, revolution, and socialism became the dominant mantras of Prime
208 A History of Greek Cinema
testimony—rejected the request. This would have been Kazan’s last film, but
he never made it.8
In the season of 1984/85 a number of interesting films were released.
Nikos Panayiotopoulos’ Varieté was about the existential impasse of a
director while his own constructed characters experience genuine emotions.
It was a highly personal film, which struggled, somewhat unsuccessfully, to
transcend narrative cinema. In Vassilis Vafeas’ Ulysses’ Love (O Erotas tou
Odyssea), Costas Voutsas, a comedian of the old commercial cinema, was
transformed into an emblem of urban solitude and psychological isolation.
After he is sacked from his job, Ulysses walks aimlessly through the streets
of Athens following an unknown woman whom he is only able to approach
at the end to whisper to her, “I love you.” He then returns home to family
happiness and safety.
Hristos Siopahas’ The Descent of the Nine (I Kathodos ton Ennea), based
on a novel by Thanasis Valtinos, was a popular film on the desperate heroism
and idealized martyrdom that the Left and the government promoted. The
strange story about nine communist insurgents escaping invisible enemies
was proof that Greek cinema of the period was all but dedicated to lost causes,
expressing the self-indulgent nostalgia for excitement and adventure of a
well-fed bourgeoisie. Panos Papakyriakopoulos’ Final Countdown (Antistrofi
metrisi) presented another nostalgic take on the heroism of the Left’s fighters
as reconstructed by a political exile returning from France. By watching the
film, you cannot really tell if this is about lost youth or the failure of ideology.
Andreas Thomopoulos’ Ostria expressed another perspective on the
intellectual and emotional hibernation of the period. Three couples camping
on a remote beach meet a beautiful woman who destroys their psychological
balance and personal relations. Andreas Tsilifonis’ The City Never Sleeps (I
Poli pote den Koimatai) explored generational change as a man returns after
20 years’ exile to investigate the death of his younger brother. Instead of
ideology and war, young people died of drug addiction and shady dealings
with the underworld. Social injustice and exploitation assumed new forms
and were being implemented through different methods.
Most of these films, wavering between realism and magic realism,
in one way or another were nostos stories—homecoming tales about
displacement and dislocation. The film that monumentalized such
homecoming to a remembered paradise lost, the ultimate Greek Heimat
story, was Theo Angelopoulos’ Voyage to Cythera (Taxidi sta Cythera)—
one of the best films of the decade and one that put an end to the epic
cinema that Angelopoulos had produced until then. The film received the
Firesci Award at the Cannes Festival in 1984. Its story was very topical, as,
the year before, the government had allowed the unconditional repatri-
ation of all political refugees of the Civil War from Eastern Europe. In
the film, the political refugee returns home from the Soviet Union after
210 A History of Greek Cinema
The story was about the life of a political exile starting after the Civil
War and ending with his liberation in 1974. At the same time, it depicted
the dedication and love of his wife—superbly performed by Themis Bazaka.
The film was a political melodrama, with a linear narrative which explored
the indefatigable spirit of left-wing fighters. Stylistically, it seemed to deny
everything that the New Greek Cinema stood for: understatements, ambigu-
ities, and openness. Voulgaris achieved a precarious balance between the
emotional restraint that he had shown until then and an overflowing roman-
ticized nostalgia. Yet as Dan Georgakas stressed, despite its shortcomings,
the film “wanted to bring the old conflicts to some kind of closure.”9
Conversely, the surrealist extravaganza Bordello by Nikos Koundouros
explored a world of irrational impulses and repressed desires. In the
labyrinth of history, there is no redemption except the one that comes
through the explosive liberation of desires—only through perversion and
excess can human history and nature be understood. This film, set during
the Cretan Revolution of 1897, showed Koundouros as an angry romantic
reducing history to its elemental beginnings: desire and death.
Yorgos Panousopoulos’ Mania was another sensual bacchanal celebrating
the liberation of the senses in a symbolic garden dominated by animalistic
deities. The human body, the corporeal conscience, remains the only
certainty that contemporary humans can possess in an era without visions
of renewal or reform—the era of ossification and stagnation.
Takis Spetsiotis’ Meteor and Shadow (Meteoro kai Skia) was a biography
of the homosexual poet Napoleon Lapathiotis through a poetic realism
that both fascinated and confused. Yorgos Korras’ The Children of Saturn
(Ta Paidia tou Kronou) explored psychological and sexual triangulation,
especially bisexuality, as a way of rethinking human relations and, more
specifically, family values. The dynamics of family as a repressive and
coercive institution leading to madness were chillingly explored in Stavros
Tsiolis’ Such a Distant Absence (Mia Toso makrini Apousia) who, after 15
years, made his first movie in a completely new genre. Dinos Mavroidis’
Scenario must also be mentioned as a parody of old Greek cinema and its
clichés; yet the film revisited the forgotten Greek cinema with affection and
admiration, preparing the revival of the 1990s.
Two more films from 1985 must also be included: Stavros Konstantarakos’
Floating (En Plo), an earnest attempt to explore the remains of the Civil War;
and Maria Gavala’s Violet’s Fragrance (To Aroma tis Violetas), a low-budget
film presenting human relations through the feminine gaze, something that
is both upsetting and inspiring. Also, Antouanetta Angelidi’s Topos explored
the interiority of the female existence as it unfolds before a dying woman as
her life parades in front of her eyes like a spectacular kaleidoscope. The film
borrowed its iconography from paintings by Giorgio De Quirico and the
masters of the Renaissance to create a visual explosion of colors, forms, and
abstract geometries. It was an impressive and haunting visual meditation on
human mortality, gender, and destiny, with magnificent visual juxtapositions
and music.
With the exception of Voulgaris’ Stone Years, which enjoyed moderate
commercial success, box office sales were dominated by slapstick comedies
and facile remakes. By 1985, the mythology of the Civil War seemed to
belong to remote and somewhat fairy tale days long gone. By being adopted
by power, the rhetoric about the traumas of the past made these stories
lose their subversive function. They had become aesthetisized landscapes
and mythological images proving the spirit of resistance and rebellion that
every “true” Greek felt. Soon, such rhetoric had developed into a particular
self-conscious style, full of religious fervor and the desire for martyrdom.
Consequently, it lost its historical and political edge; it became an alibi and
an excuse for the state and its ideologues to impose their undisputed control
The 1980s: Hope and Disenchantment 213
He never cared at all for commercial success, although his films were moder-
ately successful.
Tornes explored a pagan spirituality expressed through warm colors,
the worship of community and sensual choreography—creating a cinematic
the social structure of the country. The “repatriated” Greeks were given tax
deductions and hefty financial assistance mostly in the form of cash. They
were also given incentives to build houses in designated areas as satellite
villages around cities like Athens and Thessalonica, or other areas in Thrace
and Macedonia. But the infrastructure was not prepared to receive such an
influx of people at once. The lack of effective infrastructure combined with
the endemic corruption of Greek bureaucracy transformed good intentions
into a logistical and social nightmare. Soon, the inadequacy created a new
underclass of outsiders, some of whom could not speak the language, and
many of whom didn’t know how capitalism worked and didn’t understand
the modus operandi of the Greek state.
Unexpectedly, it also created another problem which became a
nightmare for the state and its ideologues. According to the laws of 1983
and 1985, the political refugees had to be given back their lost property and
assets; but who could be easily be classified as “Greek” among them? As it
was claimed in 1989, if the law was to be applied to all there was the danger
of “allowing into the country non-native minorities (allogenon meiotiton)”
meaning Slav-Macedonians who had escaped from Yugoslavia. This caused
considerable identity-anxiety, a psychological condition to which the Greek
state has always reacted badly and wrongly (as is always the case when “evil”
foreigners question the continuity between ancient and modern Greeks!).
Soon the designated areas became ghettos that sheltered crime, smuggling,
and prostitution, as the newcomers showed a marked resistance to all attempts
at assimilation. At the same time, mainstream society, feeling stressed and
threatened, started to react to such “foreigners” and the oriental presence
among them, which inevitably stressed the eastern and non-occidental
elements in popular culture (in music in particular). Within ten years, repat-
riates became so well established that they found voice and representation in
the mainstream of Greek society. As Ferdinand Braudel concluded, “demog-
raphy is destiny,” and this sudden change in demography was understood by
many people as indicating a deep transformation in the self-perception and
the self-representation of contemporary Greek experience.
Furthermore, during 1986 and 1987, an attempt at rapprochement
with Turkey took place, and the Greek government, sensitive to issues
relating to Greek minorities in other countries, discovered that there were
certain invisible minorities within its own territory. First, there was the
Turkish, or Muslim, minority in Thrace. Second, were the Macedonians, or
Slav-Macedonians, a group which was going to cause considerable anxiety
to the Greek public by claiming ownership of none other than Alexander
the Great, a popular Greek hero for centuries. For the first time, the idea of
a homogeneous national territory was questioned, and Greek society—so
conditioned by official education into identifying nation and state territory—
began to experience a cultural and political panic which was magnified by
The 1980s: Hope and Disenchantment 217
the generation of reporters who became journalists on the basis of their high
school certificates.
The panic was expressed not simply in the rise of isolationist nation-
alism—masterfully manipulated by the socialists who were leading the
economy to bankruptcy—but also in the rise of the Orthodox Church as
a major cultural and political presence. On most occasions, Orthodoxy
was transformed into Orthodoxism, a peculiar melange of nationalized
religious ideology, which saw the Eastern Church as under relentless attack
from underground conspiracies, perfidious allies, and sinister cabals—
organized by evil Catholics, colonialist Protestants, and the ubiquitous Jews.
Secular forces were never very strong in Greece. The state and the church
remained in close alliance in their struggles to defend the nation against the
communist threat and other numberless enemies.
Unfortunately, the Orthodox Church never developed an intellectual
discourse capable of holding a dialogue on the questions of modernity (in
the way that the Catholic Church was forced to with the Second Vatican
Council). Isolated into a Byzantine self-declared “liturgical spirituality,” it
ignored history and the historical adventures of the community, supporting
the prevailing political ideology of the Greek state, of anti-communism, but
in more general terms, of anti-modernism. The failure of politics in the 1980s
gave rise to religious belief as the inalienable “minimal self ” who remained
untouched by the challenges of modernity and the disenchantment of social
engagement—especially when “moral” enemies appeared like the rise of
sexual liberation in the mid-80s, linked with the AIDS epidemic.
Between 1985 and 1989, around 35 films on saints and martyrs of
faith were made by Elpis Films. One of them, by Yorgos Hondrokostas,
Family as the Protector Against AIDS (I Oikogeneia Frouros kata tou AIDS,
1986), shows the political agenda of its producers. Another, by Kostas
Hatzikostas, Universal Government (Pagosmia Kivernisi, 1985), was about
the global conspiracy to convert Greek Orthodoxy to other faiths, in this
case Jehovah’s Witnesses, and the irreparable damage this caused to the
family, the individual, and, of course, to the motherland. These films were
never successful commercially but their sheer number within a few years
indicates a wider cultural problem also reflected in mainstream art films.
After 1986, Greek cinema seemed to have totally collapsed. All films
were produced by the Greek Film Center, bound by the clientelistic policies
of the Socialist Party. The official ideology declared that “democratic forces”
had to win the war against the reactionary ideas of the conservatives,
the “accursed right-wing party” (eparatos dexia), as the prime minister
announced through the state-controlled media. After four years of wrangling
between unions and various ministries, Melina Mercouri brought the new
legislation to parliament.
After the legislation was passed in 1986 (revised in 1988), the problem
of establishing “genuine” criteria for funding became one of the main reasons
for factional rivalry, personal squabbling, and generalized conformism. Very
few independent productions were made, and most of those were either
experimental or short films. But even with funding, the Greek Film Center
did not have the appropriate mechanisms for promotion and distribution
of its own films. Even after establishing its own international distribution
agency, Hellas Films, in 1984, the response was minimal. Many local films
were sent to international or local festivals, but very few could find their way
to ordinary venues. Max T. Roman observed:
The Greek Film Center was hurt by a distrust of private initiative and help,
so that those in charge of GFC, trying to carry out Mercouri’s brilliant
ideas for a strong Greek cinema, pointedly snubbed all private investment
or co-production proposals (some did not even want to see the films sold
to the United States), and withdrew into a cocoon, eventually isolating the
films that were made from the larger public.12
With very few exceptions, the years between 1986 and 1994 were the most
insular in the history of Greek cinema. Good films were made, and some
superb experiments with the medium appeared, but the audience was lost,
and the communal socializing experience of going to the cinema became a
memory. People went to the movies only when there was nothing “good”
(reality shows, games or soaps) on television. By the end of the decade,
private television channels were established which challenged the state’s
monopoly of the airwaves. The proliferation of these channels took more and
more people away from cinemas and essentially isolated the industry from
the wider community.
Although the testimony of the box office is not the only sufficient
argument for the appeal of a movie, many movies produced by previously
successful film-makers were commercial failures. In 1985 and 1986, the great
legend of the old commercial cinema Alekos Sakellarios released his last
movie, with the star of the 60s, Rena Vlahopoulou, but the film failed even to
be noticed. Dalianidis also produced his charming comedy for home video,
Come In, Give Us a Kiss, You are Done (Peraste, Filiste, Teleiosate)—another
colossal failure. Both represented the return of “zombie” cinema, totally
The 1980s: Hope and Disenchantment 219
disconnected from the new audience. It seemed as if the audience was lost
for Old and New Greek Cinema alike.
A significant experiment with the medium must be mentioned. Kostas
Sfikas’ Allegory (1986) was a visual extravaganza in a highly stylized,
one-dimensional yet cubist, Byzantine-like landscape. The film explored
the ways in which power creates its own mystique and imposes it on its
subjects. The story emerged on two levels of articulation: through a moving
eye and over a world spinning like a wheel. Both classical and biblical refer-
ences make this polychromatic frenzy a strange and alluring commentary
on the desire for freedom and individuality. Sfikas made three more films:
The Prophetic Bird of Paul Klee’s Sorrows (1995), The Enigmatic Mr Jules
Verne-Nemo-Allegory II (2002), and Franz Kafka’s Metamorphosis (2007),
constructing an anti-representational space for cinematic language, taking
film-making back to the wildest experiments of Eisenstein. Together with
Stavros Tornes and Dimos Theos he constituted a challenging counter-
cinema tradition which deserves more attention and study.
Pavlos Tasios released his psychological comedy of manners Knock Out
in 1986. It added nothing to his previous works—the theme of friendship
which could have been explored from a moral perspective was totally lost. Yet
the film did include a strange new element: a sense of humor and self-irony
that greatly enriched Tasios’ visual style. Also in 1986, Frida Liappa’s It was
a Quiet Death (Itan Enas Isihos Thanatos) depicted existential impasse and
personal loss in an opaque and rather impenetrable style. Dimitris Makris’
Shaven Heads (Oi Kekarmenoi) was an emotional and sensitive exploration
of how army service influenced the lives of four friends from different social
classes. Dimitris Panayotatos’ first feature film, Night with Silena (Nihta me
tin Silena), was another existential quest along the blurred borders between
illusion and reality, and an attempt to Hellenise cinéma du look.
An interesting take on loneliness and isolation when fantasy and reality
collide was presented in Stavros Tsiolis’ Regarding Vassilis (Shetika me ton
Vassili). The film was an urban road-movie, with amateur actors and only a
provisional script, which created an atmosphere of experimental strangeness
and impermanence.
Two films of the year seemed to belong to another era: Good Homeland,
Comrade (Kali patrida, Sintrofe) by Lefteris Xanthopoulos about Greek
refugees in Hungary, and Caravan Serai by Tasos Psarras, a period film about
refugees during the Civil War. Despite their good intentions, and decent
scripts, both films seemed to tell stories that no one was interested in any
more, except the professional ideologues of the party establishment.
It would be an oversight not to mention the entrancing visual exper-
iment by Dimos Avdeliodis, especially in The Tree We Wounded (To Dentro
Pou Pligoname), which established a cinematic form of folk opera, with
music and image working together to represent the elemental beauty of
220 A History of Greek Cinema
for reinforcement. The film has been read as a visual translation of the Hegelian
Master-Slave dialectic, since the young man depends on the older and thus
has to satisfy his desires in order to maintain his position while making the
master dependent on him. Despite the heterosexual story, there is a strong
undercurrent of homoeroticism, expressed superbly by Papatakis in the routine
of common meals and the deflected verbal expression in letters supposedly
written by the sister. Even behind that, the men’s inability to communicate is
fatal. As Chrysanthi Sotiropoulou observes, “Both heroes pay the price for the
absence of human contact. Imprisoned within their dreams, they are unable to
experience their own friendship. A friendship which is real and significant.”14
The colors are bland and icy, the dialogue ambiguous and evasive, the
settings, especially in Paris, claustrophobic and alienating. The last scene as the
two men drive through mountainous roads towards the village is something
between Hitchcock and Melville. At the very end, the young man turns to the
camera, and, like the moral conclusion of a tragedy, tells his viewers:
“I killed him because I loved him . . . Yerasimos Tzivas is gone, expecting
everything from happiness; and before realizing it through a horrible
death. May my action inspire people to think of all those who around the
world abandon their country searching for destinies that do not belong
to them, looking for them persistently, and without ever succeeding in
achieving them.”
people. The film showed the best and worst in Ferris’ cinematic art: the
rampant imagination that remakes reality into a spectacular extravaganza
around the timelessness of the unconscious, and, at the same time, the
aesthetics of excess that overwhelm and overpower the viewer with an
oblique personal mythology.
Next year, only 16 feature films were released due to immense political
unrest, fiscal problems, and the continuing bickering within the main
production company, the Greek Film Center. Soon, the change in government
would also mean a change in the director of the Center—something that led
to major confrontations with unions and directors alike.
New and old themes seemed to dominate the very meagre and uneven
production in 1990. Yorgos Tsemperopoulos’ So Long (Ante Geia) was a
decent melodrama with subtle music by Manos Hatzidakis and great perfor-
mances by the veteran comedian Kaiti Pananika and the handsome youth
Alkis Kourkoulos, in a love story between a middle-aged married woman
and a younger man. Dimitris Panayiotatos’ Lovers in the Machine of Time
(Erastes stin Mihani tou Hronou) was an interesting fantasy about different
timelines and confusion of parallel moments in the personal history of
a couple. The film received a special prize at the Avoriaz International
Fantastic Film Festival and its technical effects show the rise of new technol-
ogies in the film production.
Stavros Tsiolis’ Love Under the Date Tree (Erotas stin Hourmadia) was
a funny film about two friends who try to find a date tree in the middle of
Greece as proof of the fidelity or infidelity of their lovers. Vassiliki Iliopoulou’s
first feature film The Passage (Perasma) was an impressive thriller about two
friends who return from the army. One of them is killed in a brawl with a
policeman, and the other kills his friend’s murderer. His attempt to escape
from the country, with the help of a female truck driver, makes this chase
movie a fascinating thriller with lots of wit and humor. Another first feature
film, by Tasos Boulmetis, Dream Factory (Biotehnia Oneiron), explored a
futuristic city in which people have lost the gift of dreams and where they
have to buy their own dreams through invisible and omnipotent agencies.
The film was atmospheric and tense and used a fast, gripping narrative.
Dimos Avdeliodis continued with The Victory of Samothrace (I Niki tis
Samothrakis), a film in which his poetic imagination made many conces-
sions to narrative realism. The film was rather uneven but showcased
Avdeliodis’ ability to create a film without protagonists and characters. It
was also distinct for its peculiar humor, based on movement and expression
more than conversation, and thus reminiscent of silent films, such as those
of Charlie Chaplin and even Commedia dell’arte. Elements of the showdown
puppet theatre of Karagiozis can also be detected, emphasizing the surreal
character of the story. Classical music transforms the Athenian landscape
into a peculiar topos of anachronistic juxtapositions.
228 A History of Greek Cinema
However, the strangest and most controversial film of the year, and
probably of the whole of the 90s, was Nikos Nikolaidis’ Singapore Sling: the
Man Who Loved a Corpse (Singapore Sling: o Anthropos pou Agapise ena
Ptoma). The film signaled a new direction in Nikolaidis’ film-making, as
now sex, fetishism, sado-masochistic orgies, and madness were converging
in a rather precarious way which sometimes veers off to the explicitly
pornographic. A lonely private detective is looking for a woman who had
disappeared four years earlier. In the dark, he sees two women, an insane
mother and her nymphomaniac daughter, try to bury a man alive. The
women take him prisoner and inflict on him sexual torture, rape, and
endless humiliation without any hope of escape. The film would have
imploded within its own imagery but is saved by its quirky black humor,
magnificent cinematography by Aris Stavros and the hilariously “insane”
acting of the female leads, Meredith Harold and Michelle Valley.
Nikolaidis created a palimpsest of cinematic references, from Gene
Tierny to Sylvia Kristel, from Otto Preminger to Marco Ferreri, from
Nagisa Oshima to Louis Buñuel, with underlying philosophical discourses
on eroticism, necrophilia, perversion, and the “the divine filth” by Georges
Bataille, and with the sublime immorality of the Marquis de Sade. It was a
shocking film that indicated an existential and probably cinematic impasse,
a visual “liminal experience” exposing sexual violence and corporeal humili-
ation in an ambiguous way, as though Nikolaidis was deeply fascinated and
attracted to the dark, asocial, and animalistic tendencies of the unconscious.
and ambitious films. The culmination of her work before her untimely death
was her dreamlike Crystal Nights (Kristallinies Nihtes). The film was a bold,
Borgesian attempt to recapture time lost, through mystical ceremonies,
arcane reincarnations, and resurrected souls. Set in Thessaloniki’s populous
Jewish community before the Shoah, it opened with a love affair between
a gentile woman and a young Jewish man. The death of the man leads the
woman to bring back his soul, but now only as a lifeless and selfish zombie.
The narrative is extended in time to explore what happened after the war and
ends with a suggestive reflection on the nature of love and life. Despite the
improbabilities of the script and the impenetrable esoteric character of its
symbols, Marketaki’s final film was a visually mesmerizing experience, full
of sensitivity and fragility, and touching on the most inhuman incidents of
recent history, with empathy, affection, and a sense of guilt for the victims,
their lost lives, and happiness. It was a film about lost innocence, and the
continual traumas of history, which can never be healed or atoned for.
Two further films from 1991 must also be included. Lefteris
Xanthopoulos’ The Fugitive (or, Master of the Shadows) (O Drapetis) was a
touching depiction of the life of a shadow theater player (Karagiozis) and
the fate of his art as it became obsolete by the rise of modernity in the form
of cinema. Thanassis Skroubelos’ Johnny Keln, My Lady (Tzonys Keln, Kiria
Mou) revisited the stories about brothels, pimps, and prostitutes from the old
Greek cinema of the 60s, exploring the communal bonds between under-
ground people.
In the same year, Angelopoulos released the most “prophetic” of his
movies, The Suspended Step of the Stork (To Meteoro Vima tou Pelargou),
the first part of a trilogy exploring borders and divided people. As the
communist world collapsed and the borders that divided Greece from its
Balkan neighbors became irrelevant, Angelopoulos visited the concept of the
border and what it meant in the contemporary world. Marcello Mastroianni
and Jeanne Moreau find themselves again in a “sequel” to Antonioni’s La
Notte (1961) as they struggle to reconnect with each other as well as with the
history around them. Bridges, dividing lines, and interrupted roads express
the highly symbolic climate of the film, culminating in a silent wedding on
opposite sides of the border—one of the most startling and unsettling scenes
in the film.
The film was about the new forms of communication and interaction
between people who leave behind the divisions and conflicts of the old
world. It explored the new frontier of human development, by depicting the
interstitial realities in what Manuel Castells called “the space of flows.” In
the last scene of the film, technicians install wires like the notations of an
inaudible music score, transcending borders and divides, and ending the
dangerous realities of the collapsing nation state. Electronic networks of
communication demolish barriers against human interaction and mutual
The 1980s: Hope and Disenchantment 231
Tonia Marketaki, Crystal Nights (1992) From the Greek Film Centre
Collection
screaming Irene Papas. Nobody could believe that such an atrocious crime
against taste was committed by the great director of Stella. However, the
film was solid proof of the end of an era—and of a specific way of making
movies.
In 1993, 25 films were made, most of them funded by the Greek Film
Center. There are some interesting explorations of the emerging crisis in Greek
society. Nikos Grammatikos’ The Time of Assassins (I Epohi ton Dolofonon)
was a fascinating psychological thriller about contract killers, with a great
script, exciting music, and superb costumes. Kostas Aristopoulos’ Starry
Dome (Enastros Tholos) was an allegorical modern retelling of the story of
Antigone. The cinematography by Stamatis Yannoulis and the costumes
by Anastasia Arseni create a symbolic atmosphere of archetypal references
magnificently enhanced by the music of Berlioz, Mozart, and Cherubini.
Dimitris Kollatos’ independent production I Plucked a Red Rose for You
(Kokkino Trantafillo sou ekopsa) was a touching autobiographical meditation
on the suicide of the director’s wife and how he lived with his autistic son,
trying to regain lost time by watching the old films they had made together.
Nikos Panayiotopoulos’ I Dream of My Friends (Oneireuomai tous Filous
Mou) was an emotional exploration of the past life of a man, starting in
Berlin in 1965 and unfolding through time. Although the script was rather
too introspective, the outstanding performance in the lead role gave Lefteris
Vogiatzis firt prize at the International San Remo Festival.
Dinos Dimopoulos’ last film, The Little Dolphins of Amvrakikos (Ta
Delfinakia tou Amvrakikou) was a touching and optimistic take on human
relations, focused around the emotional rite of passage for three children,
photographed with gentle subtlety and warm intimacy by Walter Lassally’s
eye for Greek luminescence. It is one of the best films ever made about
children, and won major awards in Cairo, Vienna, Italy, and that of Best Film
in New England’s Children Film Festival in 1995.
Yannis Papadakis’ White Red (Aspro Kokkino) depicted the violent
dynamics of subcultural characters with passion and directness. Markos
Holevas’ Eyewitness (Autoptis Martis) explored with psychological sugges-
tiveness and narrative strength a strange series of murders that lead the
main character to a lethal confrontation with a homeless man. Patric
Vivankos’ Happy Life (Zoi Harisameni) was a fascinating exploration of the
relations between six middle-aged friends as they go searching for money
in Colombia. There, differences come to the surface and a “game” of mutual
extermination begins. Only one of them makes it back home.
From the overall production of 1993, however, three films stand out.
Alexis Bistikas’ The Dawn (To Harama) was a touching “popular” melodrama
about the career and personal life of two singers in a traditional singing
club. Their hopes, ambitions, and conflicts are superbly depicted in a film
which could have been made by Douglas Sirk, with catchy popular music
234 A History of Greek Cinema
The film becomes a hybrid between documentary and fiction, its actual
realities and imagined situations framed by stark and austere photography
The 1980s: Hope and Disenchantment 235
by Stamatis Yannoulis. The only characters moved by the strangers are the
persecuted and the marginalized—Goritsas presented the stranger as a
domestic category: there were so many strangers in Greek society that the
newcomers only made exclusion policies obvious and visible.
The film explored the unknown back alleys of the Greek capital,
giving for the first time a clear image of the squalor and misery of many
homeless people, local or immigrant—and, at the same time, it opened
up the self-sufficient and self-referential forms that had dominated Greek
cinema since the early 1980s. A new “work of mourning” emerged then;
not for lost ideological certainties but for what was being perpetrated at
that very moment, with the indifference and collusion of normal citizens,
against hopeless, miserable and terrified people living in their midst. The
“opening-up” of form that Goritsas achieved inaugurated the process of a
cinematic renaissance full of dynamism and violence within the five years
that followed.
Seventeen feature films were made in 1994. The most successful, and
one of the most interesting films made after 1974, was the first feature film
by Antonis Kokkinos, End of an Era (Telos Epohis). Set in dictatorship-1969
at a school where students want to perform Ionesco, the main story revolves
around a new student who comes from the countryside to the big city. Here,
he confronts oppression, falls in love, and experiences rejection as rites of
passage to adulthood. The film, in black and white, was funny, subtle, and
sensitive. It resonated with the emotional memories of a whole generation
as it recreated with nostalgia and empathy the paradoxical era of the dicta-
torship, the confused era of their adolescence.
Three women directors released films that continued the traditions of
Liappa and Marketaki. Lagia Giourgiou’s House in the Countryside (Spiti
stin Exohi) was a riveting detective story about a writer who tries to write
Sotiris Goritsas, From the Snow (1993). Courtesy, Sotiris Goritsas. Greek
Film Center Collection.
236 A History of Greek Cinema
239
240 A History of Greek Cinema
of most filmic representations. From the early 90s to this day, political and
historical issues have been replaced by personal anxieties, private fantasies,
and individual phobias. Despite several films being made about the critical
representation of the past, new directors seem to be more interested in
depicting contemporary social realities through the lens of cynicism, emotive
humanism, or indifference, revealing a profound ambivalence towards their
own society. In other films, community tensions are mostly represented
through a gloom-and-doom, morose, and depressive perspective that create
a constant juxtaposition to the jocular atmosphere of films from the golden
age of Greek cinema, which, shown on television, have started becoming
symbols of a lost communal unity (which of course may have never existed).
Overall, different films started being made for different communities
from the body politic: mainstream, diasporic, queer, transgender, and so
on. The ideological construct of a single nation, of the Nation, was decon-
structed into its constitutive micro-communities which, in their turn, sought
representation, voice, and visibility. The persistent attempt to “compile” a
post-national imaginary can be found in most works of cultural production
of the latest period.
Consequently, new micro-histories are now being represented,
especially of the new migrant minorities and their predicament in a society
which doesn’t know how to deal with its own citizens. The invisible people
at the margins gained their visibility at the moment when all projects that
inspired previous generations collapsed, especially projects that privileged
the political and existential adventure of Greek citizens in search of meaning
and self-definition.
“All Greek movies today are about Albanian immigrants,” is said melan-
cholically in Vangelis Seitanidis’ Under Your Makeup (Kato apo to Makigiaz
sou, 2009). It is almost as though the Greek experience has lost its right to be
represented; or even as though contemporary Greek directors refuse to deal
with the Greek experience and use the mirror of the immigrant in order to
depict the crisis of meaning, authority, and purpose that seems to dominate
social life, without ever admitting that they themselves are the immigrants
we see on screen, strangers in their own land. Indeed, the “stranger” is the
new cultural hero in these films—the stranger from outside and the stranger
from within, represented now as the “human” uncanny that fascinates and
unsettles. For these new cultural heroes, new forms of realism are gradually
being constructed—a process that is still under way today and which is
constantly reconfigured in a society in rapid and unpredictable fluidity.
The dominant form of representation might be called episodic realism,
as a reaction to the symbolic grand narratives of reconstructed past of the
previous decades—although Pandelis Voulgaris’ Deep Soul (2009) and Theo
Angelopoulos’ The Weeping Meadow (2004) seem to insist on such recon-
struction. Now the camera usually focuses, with anxiety, anger, and horror,
242 A History of Greek Cinema
on episodes of everyday life full of the banality and triviality found in the
ordinary, the pedestrian, and the habitual. Most movies magnify the prosaic
and the common in an attempt to unearth the implied subtexts of a society
that has lost all vision of renewal and change. Indeed, the absence of political
or social vision is painfully obvious; nevertheless no criticism of the function
of Greek democracy is attempted, or of the official ideologies about history
and the past. It is as if the prolonged social crisis has created an emotional
numbness and intellectual confusion that have established a visual discourse
of discontent devoid of moral considerations.
Most of the films after 2005 shed fresh light on the common experience
but absence of communal bond by foregrounding individual alienation and
the loss of shared values. Indeed, they depict a society dominated by the
pseudo-events promoted by the media, without moral dilemmas and ethical
concerns, privatized and insular, almost consumed by doubt, disbelief, and
self-loathing. The actions of specific individuals in a society without bonds,
collective memories, or a sense of destiny now become the axis of most
films; but such individual praxis is neither an exercise in individualism
nor in secluded privatization, as the ideologues of the past would have
accused it of.
On the contrary, it is the constant reminder of a missing societal bond,
of a lost togetherness, which has thrown the individual into a whirlwind of
ambiguities and uncertainties which cannot be resolved. The central theme
of the most important films after 1995 is the helplessness of human beings
within a political system of depersonalizing structures; a system divested
of its moral legitimacy and which imposes a perpetual state of existential
anomie on lonely and homeless people, especially those who try to survive
as strangers in a society without bonds.
It is a new cinema that emerged, the cinema of the narrow path, being
pressured from all sides and struggling to construct a way out of the crisis
by looking outside accepted mainstream centers. Some call it the New Greek
Current, and see a great challenge to the “boring and repetitive cinema of
the 80s” as well as the cinema of the 70s. As Orestis Andreadakis stated in a
recent research of 77 new directors:
We use the word “Current” because this movement does not have the
inflexible characteristics of an entrenched school and does not function
on ideological or aesthetical manifestos like “Dogme 95.” The creators
who constitute this current let themselves free within its own dynamic
with a peculiar jocular predisposition and deny all parochial groupings.
However, they clearly manifest some common elements. They are united
by audacious boldness, for example, they are interested in reality and have
substituted symbolism with the subversions generated by the conflict
between pop and realism.2
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 243
After the early 1990s, the cinematic gaze lost its center: instead of looking back
on its history with the conscious attempt to heal the traumatic memories left
by instability and division, it looked around and discovered something only
occasionally and unexpectedly observed in its development. Greek society
had ceased being a society that sent migrants outside its borders. Domestic
and international migration created an immense nostalgia for a paradise lost
in the archetypal organic serenity of the village, of the topos of origin. After
the 90s, however, the national space itself was inhabited by “aliens,” genuine
refugees, escaped criminals, Muslims, women and men from other cultures
who, after the collapse of communism and during continued unrest in the
Middle East, flooded Greece, either passing through to western Europe or
staying and making the country their new home.
So the gaze that looked with nostalgia towards the past discovered the
Other in the immediate present and in the adventure of the newcomers for
whom Greece was a place of both hope and exile, of promise and despair,
of stability and anxiety. Culturally, as the borders fell after 1991, not only
Balkan neighbors entered Greece, but Greece itself was reconnected with its
immediate environment. Immigrants, especially Albanian, helped Greeks
to rediscover their common Balkan heritage and their long historical bonds
with the other nations of the region which had been severed by the Iron
Curtain and the Cold War. Even the common bonds with Turkey became
frequent cinematic material, as Turkish cinema, especially that by Yilmaz
Güney, was respected and admired by Greek cinephiliacs.
Angelopoulos’ Ulysses’ Gaze contains a scene on the mountains between
Albania and Greece where hundreds of faceless people try to escape through
the snow and freezing cold for a better life in the south. The landscape full
only of snow resonated with the whispers and sounds of an entrance into
history together with all of its consequences: the trauma of birth and the
endless primal scream that cannot be appeased, since there is no maternal
presence to alleviate it. For the film-makers, the immigrant appeared at a
very paradoxical moment; when politics had been discredited and grand
statements had become suspect. Together with them, the aesthetics of
populism dominant during the 80s was also discredited as parochial and
dangerous. New senses of filmic time emerged through the creative osmosis
between old films screened on television and the actual timing of television
programs.
After 1988, the airwaves were deregulated. This led to the proliferation
of independent channels with their own programs which competed with
state-owned channels. At first, new channels introduced quality programs
and independent news, plus more working positions for technical staff,
actors, and directors. But the spring of good television and independent
information lasted for very few years. Soon, trash television took over and
the promise of renewal died within the amoral populist aesthetics of the
244 A History of Greek Cinema
because they are made specifically for the small screen. Probably the main
challenge of contemporary cinematic poetics is to find a solution to this
urgent question: how can the experience of the big screen be transferred to
the small screen of home television or to the even smaller computer screen?
Most film-makers really do try to find a solution to this in an attempt to
make movies relevant to the generation which goes to the movie theater only
infrequently and only to watch American special-effects blockbusters—as
the only movies that perpetuate the magic and allure of the big screen.
Most of the new directors are still trying to find their way with the
medium and within the market forces that determine its development,
nationally and internationally. The most important goal is to bring audiences
back to the cinemas—something that is looking more and more utopian.
Good movies sell very few tickets, whereas a comedy like Mihalis Reppas
and Papathanasiou’s Safe Sex (1999), co-produced by a television channel,
sold over 1,400,000 tickets, superseding Aliki Vouyouklaki’s old record for
Lieutenant Natasha (1970). The comedy itself is technically accomplished,
with good dialogue, and hilarious episodes. On television, each story could
have been expanded to a full episode of about 30 to 45 minutes; in the
cinema, the episodes look sketchy and brief. Yet it revived the tradition of
good comedies and brought the audience back to the cinema in a spectacular
fashion, thereby proving that cinema is still possible!
It seems that this is the only way to rekindle film culture and to revive
the industry; the production of good popular cinema, using the most
advanced technology, and based on the hybrid aesthetics of the small and the
big screen. The challenge, therefore, is not simply the production of quality
films, but the very survival of cinema film as a distinct art in a society that has
lost interest in stylistic experimentation. The challenge is for the production
of “good” films in all genres, covering a wide range from “commercial”
cinema to what has been considered self-reflexive and formalist.
many films in the first decade of the new century. The caricaturing of politi-
cians, the representation of state apparatuses as hostile mechanisms, and the
critique of the official version of history that we see in these films reflect this
atmosphere of decline and corruption, of radical distrust and faithlessness
towards the Greek state.
Despite the message of perpetual modernization and the considerable
successes of the previous nine years, the Socialists lost the 2004 election to
a supposedly dynamic Conservative leader, yet another Costas Karamanlis,
nephew to the previous prime minister and president, who promised the
“re-establishment of the state” (epanidrisi tou kratous), but to whom soon
was to be attributed the honorary title of most incompetent politician in
recent memory. Creative accounting, public sector increases, and dodgy
deals about construction works laid the foundations for the ultimate collapse
that was to follow. Meanwhile, the young prime minister kept himself busy
by globetrotting and allowing party factions to destroy the state machine. As
Koliopoulos and Veremis state, “By the end of the twenty-first-century’s first
decade, the Greeks appear to have lost their sense of direction.”3
The period between 2000 and 2005 was a period of affluence and
excess—two grave errors that were to cost the ordinary people dearly
several years later. The eudaemonistic atmosphere was mainly created by
the presumably endless European Union “funding packages” which were
mostly wasted on shady agreements and clientelistic policies. The boom
of economic activity was also due to the cheap labour that countless illegal
immigrants provided and the air of psychological confidence that such
affluence created—for all the wrong reasons as it came out later.
Another reason for optimism was the selection of the country to host
the 2004 Olympic Games—a major event which, according to many hopeful
predictions, could completely reinvigorate the Greek economy through
international investments. (Unfortunately, it simply contributed further to
the loss of money and the corruption of the bureaucracy which, in 2008,
through the conscious inertia of a completely impotent government, brought
Greece to near bankruptcy once again.)
have abandoned the studios altogether and have their cameras (sometimes
handheld digital cameras) out in the streets filming works of intense imagi-
nation as if they were actual documentaries.
On the streets they find incredible new stories and people: the
immigrants, junkies, social outcasts, and, more importantly, they witness
the cruelty, indifference, and apathy of the mainstream petit bourgeoisie
towards those unlucky people. Certainly, they were already in front of them
for quite some time, but they now gained a new visibility and a new gravity.
They turned the attention of the camera away from the political theater, or
the representation of the past as ideological theater, towards the exploration
of actual spaces of interaction. As Pierre Sorlin had already detected after the
early 1990s:
Unlike documentaries, feature films did not describe the condition of the
immigrants, but played with the uncanny, the unexpected, thus stressing
the new features, the new “visibility” introduced by the strangers. For
it is in this field, in the realm of images, that cinema tells us something
regarding the common vision of the world around us.4
On the other side, the “strangers” are depicted almost as wild and unruly
intruders, bewildered and confused, experiencing “a labyrinth in which they
have lost all sense of their bearings.”5
The fusion of documentary and fiction gave rise to many films
belonging to the hybrid genre of docudrama, establishing new representa-
tional codes for the newcomers. As we have seen, the beginning was made
by Sotiris Goritsas with From the Snow in 1993. Most directors explore
the Balkan dimension in Greek society and cross the borders to discover
a cultural continuum that both shocks and amuses. At the same time, as
they followed their erratic odysseys, they unexpectedly discovered the
Greek countryside and the ways of life that dominate the heartland of
Hellenism. In many films made after 1995, the main characters abandon
the big city and find or at least try to find refuge in the village. After
the immigrant, the escape from the city is the second dominant theme
of the New Greek Current. Most films, like From The Snow, The Edge
of the City, Hades, The King, The Guardian’s Son, articulate a negative
discourse about the capital city, which until recently was the only center of
political authority and cultural legitimacy. Anthropologist James Faubion
has called this new discourse “the Athenian negative” and defined it as
follows:
The Athenian negative is at once a recirculation of commonplaces and an
ever-new pronouncement of insight and discovery; it is at once formulaic
and filled with the freshest of pathos. It is a paradox, but a paradox that
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 249
has the precise form of ritual, which in its effective expression is always a
union of the formulaic and the deeply felt.6
In the past, the persecuted and the outcasts had found refuge and protection
in the grand anonymity of the big metropolis, hiding their presence under
the ruins of the past or in the human hyperactivity of the present. By the
end of the 80s, however, Athens was transformed into a “negative” place of
“civic alienation,” according to Faubion. This new reality was thematized by
many films—dramas and comedies—with the added tragedy of the alien
immigrant, who couldn’t be concealed any more. The Athenian negative as
a cultural discourse dominates the mythography of the new film-makers
who frame urban reality as a space of dramatic re-enactment of the ongoing
conflicts without redemption or catharsis.
After Goritsas, the director who tries intensively to fuse these two modes
of representation is Constantine Giannaris (b. 1959). He is not the only
one. A number of new and imaginative directors, like Panos H. Koutras,
Dimitris Indares, Yannis Oikonomidis, Stratos Tzitzis, Angelos Frantzis,
Yorgos Nousias, Yorgos Lanthinos, Vardis Marinakis, Syllas Tzoumerkas, and
Athena Tsangari, replace identity politics with psychodynamics of difference
in an attempt to capture the fluidity of personal identity, social belonging,
and cultural memory, through a transcultural cinematic eye and ultimately a
European, if not a global, cinematic gaze. As cultural critic Ilias Kanellis stated:
The independence and the extrovert attitude of certain older cinematogra-
phers is the tradition of the living stage against which the most competent
younger directors, create thanks to the new technologies and the interna-
tionalization of the cinematic market, by now totally free from the state.”7
Meanwhile, the great names of the past continued to make their own
contributions to Greek cinema. After 1995, the attempt to reconnect with the
geopolitics of the Balkans and Eastern Europe became one of the dominant
concerns of Greek cinema. The Yugoslav wars had already started in 1991,
and were rekindled in 1993 and in 1995. The destruction of the historic
Old Bridge in Mostar by Bosnian-Croat forces in November 1993 was an
incident symbolic of the escalating violence and brutality. In July 1995, the
Srebrenica massacre took place in which Serbian paramilitaries extermi-
nated 8,000 Muslims. It seemed that history had gone back to the wars of the
nineteenth century and the internationalist union was not a utopian dream
but a horrible illusion.
Angelopoulos’ 1995 epic Ulysses’ Gaze (To Vlemma tou Odyssea) was
a landmark that inaugurated a new era in Greek cinema, by constructing
a monumental funeral for the past. Angelopoulos finally took the first step
to look outside Greece: Ulysses’ Gaze is a visual testimony of what he saw.
The film depicts the journey of a Greek-American director (played with
intense awkwardness by Harvey Keitel) through the Balkans until he reaches
Sarajevo at the moment of its brutal siege by Serbian paramilitaries. Once
there, he finally discovers the original reels taken by the Maniaki brothers
in the early twentieth century. The journey becomes a symbolical descent to
the originary gaze and to the source of cinematic transcription of history,
a regaining of the “authentic gaze.” At the moment, however, when the
reels are produced by the Jewish memory keeper, the director’s friends are
murdered. With tears in his eyes, he cannot see anything: having lost his
innocence, there is nothing to be seen of the innocent world that the original
gaze recorded.
All other films of that year pale into insignificance vis-à-vis the scope,
breadth, and story of Angelopoulos’ movie. Unquestionably one of the best
films of the decade in Europe, it is a trans-historical road movie under which
we can see the archetypal journey of Ulysses towards a new hearth—that of
the collective memory encapsulated in cinematic images. The film received
the Critic’s Award at the Cannes Festival and its iconography, music, and
story have permeated many films ever since.
Ulysses’ Gaze can be seen as a mythical journey, a personal quest, or as
a cultural exploration. It can also be interpreted as an attempt to reconnect
Greek cinema with its past and the original innocence of the Manaki
brothers before borders separated communities and people. There are so
many aspects to this film: it is a journey—the archetypal odyssey—to the
origins of Balkan cinema, to the original gaze of unity and authenticity so
savagely lost after the collapse of the last “internationalist” project—the
grand utopia of communist brotherhood and unity. The broken gigantic
statue of Lenin, offered to the real god of Europe, the bloodline of all its
civilizations, the river Danube, is a funeral of all ideologies that go back
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 251
their separation, one of them blackmails the other. Despite its conventional
ending, the film expresses a confronting view of hidden sexual behavior.
Within experimental cinema in 1996, Vassilis Mazomenos’ The Triumph
of Time (O Thriamvos tou Hronou) should be mentioned for its ingenious use
of computer animation to explore the intellectual trajectory of Don Quixote
through the eyes of Charlie Chaplin in what the critic Babis Aktsoglou
called “a filmic opera.”8 Mazomenos (b. 1964) had appeared with his first
experimental film in 1995 with Days of Wrath—A Requiem for Europe (Meres
Orgis—Ena Rekviem gia tin Evropi), an eschatological visual exploration of
the last days of Europe, based on the classical myth of Deadalus and the
science-fiction idea of establishing a utopian society through coercion and
torture.
In 1997, Goritsas’ Valkanizater presented a comic fantasy that delved
into the new realities that emerged after the collapse of the Balkan borders.
Vangelis Serdaris’ Vassiliki was also an interesting film by a veteran director,
with a gripping story from the Civil War. Despite its rather parochial story,
the critical look on the past and the exploration of human emotions between
ideological enemies was probably the characteristic that differentiated this
film from the heroic martyrology of the 80s. Renos Haralambidis’ No Budget
Story was a strange tragicomedy in black and white of a young director who
joins forces with a porn producer who promises funding for his first movie
as long he smuggles drugs in videotapes. Antonis Kokkinos’ My Brother and
I (Adelfos mou ki Ego) fell short of his previous achievement with End of an
Era; while Panayiotopoulos’ The Bachelor (O Ergenis) was a film that showed
the continuing shortage of good scripts and how it could lead to easy sensa-
tionalism using sex and more sex as its alibi!
Hoursoglou’s The Gentleman in Grey (O Kirios me ta Gri) was a sensitive
depiction of a love affair between two elderly people. Special mention is
deserved by Sophia Papahristou’s The Golden Apples of Hesperides (Ta Hrisa
mila ton Esperidon), Nikos Kornelios’ The Innocent Body (To Athoo Soma),
and Symeon Varsamidis’ The Fragrance of Time (To Aroma tou Hronou)—all
were atmospheric and surreal dramas with great performances and brilliant
scores and showed the increased interest of the new directors in enhancing
filmic experience by emphasizing sound and visual effects.
But 1997 belonged again to the highly personal, almost autobio-
graphical film made by Angelopoulos, Eternity and a Day (I Aioniotita kai
mia Mera) which received First Prize at Cannes the following year. One can
see this film as an elegy to a lost sensitivity and as a nostalgic recreation of
a humanistic tradition which had tried to visualize a cinematic response to
the great questions of human mortality. (Angelopoulos made the film after
the death of his mother.)
Long takes make for a poignant psychological device to explore the
mind of a dying poet: his life is ending but life still goes on. An Albanian boy
254 A History of Greek Cinema
comes his way and for a while he feels again the impulse for living. Around
this simple encounter, Angelopoulos builds a complex narrative about the
life of illegal immigrants, their dreams and predicament in a hostile land,
their exploitation by Greeks and Albanians alike, in a slow and introspective
narrative, which must be seen as a poetic incantation for the appeasement of
death. The ghost of the Greek poet Dionysios Solomos, who spent most of
his life “searching and buying unknown words,” appears and vanishes in the
film, showing the only immortality people can aspire too: the deathlessness
given by language and art, the ultimate justification of life as an aesthetic
phenomenon, created by tragedy, sacrifice and loss.
The scene where the Albanian children burn the meagre possessions of
their dead friend is an authentic anthropological ritual. Another scene with
people hanging over the wired fences of the borders is parallel to Dante’s
infernal descent. Finally, the long take about the poet’s birth, growing
up, falling in love, having children, maturing, aging, and finally dying,
entangled throughout his whole life in the waves of language and the sea, is
a magnificent contemplation of the meaning of life, in a way that was lost
after Ingmar Bergman and Andrey Tarkovsky.
The next year, 1998, can be seen as the year of minor achievements.
Stavros Tsiolis’ Let Women Wait (As Perimenoun oi Ginaikes), Olga Malea’s
The Discreet Charm of Males (I Diakritiki Goiteia ton Arsenikon) and Yannis
Soldatos’ The Enigma (To Ainigma) were brilliant works with a new sense of
social realism and comic relief. Menelaos Karamagiolis’ Black Out was an
absorbing drama of jealousy and perverse religiosity.
Something totally new broke out with Constantine Giannaris’ From the
Edge of the City (Ap’ tin Akri tis Polis), the film that created a whole new
genre of urban drama, with its fast editing, electrifying music, and relentless
action. This is the most accomplished formal attempt to incorporate two
technologies and styles: the televisual and the cinematic. Giannaris has
fused the two modes of representation in a functional way: bringing
together the fast pace of television news bulletins and the long takes of
cinema drama.
Giannaris started his career with the production of three interesting
gay short films which questioned masculinity and femininity as normative
models. His early movies are about transgression and subversion—they deny
the legitimacy of normative practices by imbuing their “deviant” heroes with
inner moral struggle and internal life. His heroes do not simply have sex,
since sexuality is the battleground where most social tensions are negotiated.
Sex becomes a painful reminder of a missing unity. It is neither vulgar nor
obscene: it is the living proof of a mechanical and depersonalized existence,
without perspective and hope. The migrant is his cultural hero in a series of
half-documentary half-fiction movies that explores the predicament of the
new “ethnics” at the margins of society, at the edge of the cities.
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 255
The Russian families living on the outskirts of the city, suspended between
the nostalgia for their childhood and the negative realities of their actual
life, give Giannaris the ultimate metaphor for contemporary life. They all
experience interstitial realities, hovering between the real and the imaginary,
constructing identities that perform a social role while experiencing another
identity in the mental world of their true existence. Sex, drugs, and illegality
are the only means by which they can make their true existence emerge, and
be touched by something that transcends their misery and their muzzled
256 A History of Greek Cinema
and folk piety, of animistic terrestrial magic, through the childlike eyes of a
camera experiencing a state of sinlessness, and pre-lapsarian beauty, while
occasionally veering off to the picturesque and the pretty.
Costas Kapakas’ Peppermint looked back at an idyllic childhood in the
early 1960s with affection and humor; while Panayiotopoulos’ This Night
Remains (Afti i nihta menei) gave a new dimension to the urban melodramas
of the 60s by reviving the effective fusions of music and image from the best
musical tradition.
Nikos Koundouros’ The Photographers (I Fotografoi) explored the cruelty
of history through an apocalyptic landscape of civil conflicts in border areas
between countries and entrenched identities, and was loosely based on the
ancient myth of Antigone. Photographers follow the cruel leader of the avengers
as his soldiers destroy every living thing around them. Visually, it is one of the
best films of contemporary Greek cinema, although Koundouros immerses
himself into an obscure mythology of interstitial spaces where homeless refugees
live suspended between territories and societies. It is at the same time a powerful
film, exploring violence and war with moral indignation and humanistic rage.
Panayiotis Karkanevatos’ Soil and Water (Homa kai Nero) was another
exploration of the Greek countryside as it hosted illegal immigrants after
the changes that took place at the heartland of tradition. Dimitris Makris’
Original Sin (Propatoriko Amartima) was a gritty film about sexual violence,
incest, and patricide—an extremely bleak psychological thriller about family
dynamics. Dimitris Stavrakas’ The Canary Yellow Bicycle (To Kanarini
Podilato) was an affectionate and humorous attempt to explore the influence
of education on the shaping of young minds.
Nikolaidis’ I Will See You in Hell, My Darling (Tha se do stin kolasi, agape
mou) belongs to the very personal, almost hermetic, works of an important
director, a self-conscious film noir which fantasizes about inner private
spaces and satanic rituals with a necrophiliac nostalgia for times lost or
wasted: it was the darkest of Nikolaidis’ films, made with only three actors,
and with haunting music by Nikos Touliatos and great photography by Yorgos
Argiroiliopoulos. It has exceptional cinematic accomplishments, but seems
to be a perfect exercise in style, a private fantasy and a personal paradise,
mostly refining the cannibalistic atmosphere of his previous Singapore Sling.
Vassilis Kehagias notes the “post-world” in the film as it frames a space
“out-of-here, a cinematic external field in which the viewer’s fantasies and the
gaps in the film converge separating us from the tasteless here and now.”11
Three international co-productions must also be mentioned; Katerina
Filippou’s The Boys (Ta Agoria) was a gripping psychological thriller about
the murder of a boy that happened in 1972 during the holidays of an
English school in Greece. Kostas Natsis’ Innocent (Athoos) was a drama
set in Paris, as a man, after release from prison, tries to live and rekindle
interest in life working as a taxi-driver. Finally, Michael Cacoyannis’ The
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 259
Stone (Agelastos Petra) was an extraordinary and haunting work on the city
life of the ancient Eleusinian mysteries. Among the fiction films, Vangelis
Serdaris’ The Seventh Sun of Love (O Evdomos Ilios tou Erota) was a suggestive
and poignant historical drama about an army officer who returns to his
village mutilated from the Asia Minor campaign. The tense exploration of
the personal traumas of war is presented with affection and sensitivity, with
the music of Mikis Theodorakis adding emotional depth. Athena Rachel-
Tsangari’s first long experimental film The Slow Business of Going explored
the effects of the society of spectacle as a woman belonging to a fringe
political group travels the world recording experiences and passions.
Maria Iliou’s Alexandria is probably one the best films of the decade. It
tells the story of a mother and daughter as they discover the indelible marks
on their lives made by the past when they visit the city of the mother’s youth.
With visual force and sensitivity, Iliou constructed a Proustian narrative
about the recollection of the past through the eyes of two women in the
legendary city where ancient traditions and modern realities converge.
Vassilis Boudouris’ The Apple of Discord (To Milo tis Eridos) was a
sensitive exploration of the hidden emotions between two brothers as a
woman comes between them. Angelos Frantzis’ musical comedy Polaroid
was a pioneering experiment with the new handheld cameras, almost an
experiment with cinema direct. The story is about a group of friends who
put together a musical as they are running up and down the empty streets of
Athens, at the moment that all its inhabitants are transfixed in front of the
television sets watching the 1998 Mundial.
Constantine Giannaris released his August 15th (Dekapentaugustos)
in 2001, exploring the fears and insecurities of the petit-bourgeoisie as an
illegal immigrant invades the sanctum of their conventional bliss, the myth
of the previous decades, their comfortable and object-crammed apartment.
The story is about the exodus of a family from Athens during the religious
holiday dedicated to the Dormition of the Virgin Mary towards their village.
In their empty house, the unwanted stranger, the uncanny intruder, takes
possession of everything they have acquired and enjoys some hours of
humanizing luxury. The film satirizes one of the main rituals of contem-
porary urban Greece with bitterness and empathy. Despite the latent anxiety
and fear, Giannaris infuses his story with unusual subtexts and references,
exploring the emotional bond between mother and child (the real meaning
of Mary’s life), adding an uncanny religious innocence to the incomprehen-
sible ecclesiastical ritualism.
In the same year, Lakis Papastathis produced his eerie and fasci-
nating adaptation of a short story, The Only Journey of His Life (To Monon
tis Zois tou Taxidion), an accomplished and majestic recreation of the
late-nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire, with Greeks and Turks living
side by side under the shadow of a declining sultanate. The film was an
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 261
divided into two timelines and explored the difficulty of “coming to terms
with the past.”15
The most successful film of the year, which gained international distri-
bution and much praise, was Tasos Boulmetis’ A Touch of Spice (Politiki
Kouzina). It is a film that wavers between decent melodrama and sugary
sentimentalism and which, despite its technical artistry and interesting story,
fails to construct a convincing narrative about the destiny of the Greeks who
were expelled from Istanbul in 1963. Despite some good moments in the
script and superb cinematography, the movie fizzles out into cute episodes
and pretty landscapes unable to create atmosphere and mood.
The year of the Athens Olympics, 2004, was particularly interesting for
Greek films. Thirty-two feature films were made, two of them international
productions which indicated a growing appeal to find sponsors outside the
country and to make films that could suit international audiences.
The most successful film was Pandelis Voulgaris’ The Brides (Oi Nifes),
an international production under the supervision of Martin Scorsese. The
film sold 700,000 tickets in Greece alone and won a number of prestigious
awards at the Thessaloniki Festival, but it is rather weak and sentimental
and fails to stand next to Elia Kazan’s America, America (1963) or even
Emmanuelle Crialese’s Golden Door (La Porte d’Or, 2008), a film also
produced by Martin Scorsese. Nevertheless, it was an elegant and well-
designed melodrama, occasionally corny and vapid, but with stunning colors
and a dreamlike atmosphere of wonderment and strangeness.
Angelopoulos’ The Weeping Meadow (To Livadi pou Dakrizei) was
the other highly ambitious film of the year, which failed however to win
international acclaim. It has great visuals and stunning cinematography
by Andreas Sinanos, but the film suffers from a rather complicated script
and a strange oscillation between epic and lyrical modes of representation.
When Angelopoulos becomes personal, as in the beginning of this movie,
his visual language pulsates with intensity and power. When he reverts to his
old monumental style, a certain incommensurability emerges between the
form and its significations. The personal is the new mode to have emerged
in the latest films by Angelopoulos. After the overtly autobiographical mode
in Eternity and a Day, the mode of the emotionally charged melodrama
invites the viewer to participate in an empathic union with the story and its
characters—an unexpected gesture on his part towards the tradition of the
much-excoriated Hollywood.
Ilias Giannakakis’ Alemagia was a poignant film about the Greek
diaspora returning from Ethiopia, while Denis Iliadis’ Hardcore was a
revealing exposé of the Athenian brothel culture and its interaction with the
reality shows that dominate Greek television. Yannis Soldatos’ documentary
on the great comedian Thanassis Vengos, A Man for All Times (Anthropos
Pantos Kairou) is also worth mentioning for its sincere exploration of the
264 A History of Greek Cinema
life and drama of a great actor. Eleni Alexandraki’s The Nostalgic Woman
(I Nostalgos) was a successful adaptation of a literary classic by Alexandros
Papadiamantis made with a meticulous regard for atmosphere and settings.
Dimitris Athanitis’ Planet Athens (I Poli ton Thaumaton) was a charming
multinational drama set in Athens during the Olympics—when a variety of
characters from all over the world search for their personal miracle which
sometimes does arrive.
Kostas Zappas’ Uncut Family was a film about family psycho-sexual
dynamics, while Panousopoulos’ Testosterone was an interesting social
allegory with strange sexual obsessions. Lakis Lazopoulos’ My Best Friend
(O Kaliteros Mou Filos, 2001) and R20 (2004) were charming and delightful
comedies with a strong existential message, made by a master comedian.
Finally, Panos Koutras’ Real Life (Althini Zoi) was a surreal and complex
psychological drama of reversed roles and uncanny fantasies about death
and destruction. The scene with the burning Acropolis is definitely one of
the most memorable in recent Greek cinema.
However, another film by Constantine Giannaris was the most signif-
icant contribution of the year. Earlier in the decade, a frustrated young
immigrant from Albania hijacked a local bus and, with the threat of a gun,
demanded to be taken to the border. On the bus, he held almost 30 people
hostage and the whole incident became a media circus until they reached
the border, where the young man was killed by the police. This real incident
became the basis for Giannaris’ film Hostage (Omiros) which explored
the lethal interplay between genuine problems in society, their spectacu-
larization through the media, and the inability of the state to communicate
effectively with its own people. The story retained a strong psychoanalytic
undercurrent, as it is implied that the Albanian youth Elion, who had an
affair with the wife of a policeman, was sexually abused by the latter at the
police station: the gun, the hostages, and the return to his motherland was
a desperate and self-destructive attempt to retain his violated masculinity.
Stathis Papadopoulos seems totally immersed in the role, radiating with
anger, agony, and frustrated sexuality. Theodora Tzima excels as his confused
and overwhelmed mother.
Despite some problems with technique, largely due to the restrained
space of a bus, the film explores the Other as a psychological agent, and
constructs a narrative about what happens in the mind of an outcast when
everything and everyone are against him. This is a not a facile film about
xenophobia and racism; it is a complex story about a community of people
which, despite its new network of communication—the media—is unable
and ultimately unwilling to establish common communicative codes. With
Giannaris’ film the absence of a culture of dialogue and consent in Greek
society receives its most striking representation.
With all of these films it was becoming obvious that a new movement, an
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 265
evasion, black-market activities and nefarious business with legal and illegal
investors. The seemingly endless funding packages from the European
Union continued in defiance of all common sense: the idea that Greece for
some reason was still an exception and a special case which placed it beyond
criticism and obligations seemed to dominate the political decisions and the
economic practices of the Union.
Soon, the underlying social crisis exploded. Vast bushfires in the
Peloponnese in the summer of 2007 proved the inability of the bureaucracies
to coordinate themselves against natural disasters. In December 2008, the
assassination of a youth in the center of Athens by two idle macho policemen
showed that the government was not in control of the state apparatuses
either. Soon after, massive confrontational demonstrations against a terrified,
impotent, and totally neutralized government erupted with immense force,
violence, and destructiveness. Nobody had seen anything similar since 1973;
and now it was not only the students, but the overwhelming majority of the
population which expressed its suspicion and distrust of a prime minister
who dedicated most of his time to computer games and lavish banquets.
Stathis Gourgouris aptly observes that:
The deeper historical and political significance of the December insur-
rection may still elude us, though there is no doubt that this event will
remain a key reference in radical history and in the history of youth
movements worldwide. The hermeneutical work in this case is made
harder by the fact that the insurgent actors demanded precisely that we
dismantle our ways of interpreting and representing the world.18
The conservatives understood that the social uprising was beyond their
ability or willingness to control and avoided claiming responsibility for what
had happened. The Greek political establishment has imposed a culture of
historical irresponsibility on the social reality and mentality of the country.
But the worst was still to come.
After the global economic meltdown in 2008, all the disguised
deficiencies of the Greek economy transformed overnight the affluent
society into a panic-stricken community of beggars. The establishment
that controlled all political processes since 1975 suddenly found itself
accountable, not to the Greek people whom it could manipulate and mislead
through the collusion of media, but to the European Union and the inter-
national markets. It could no longer hide its frauds and deceptions. Under
the pressure of the global financial crisis, all the concessions that had been
made for decades in order to help the Greek economy adjust to the interna-
tional environment simply became irrelevant and dangerous for the other
members of the Eurozone. Since the ruling party was once again unwilling to
take responsibility, it declared elections in October 2009, which it lost with a
massive swing away of 15 percent, securing first immunity from prosecution
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 267
for all its ministers—a principle on which both main ruling parties seem to
be in amicable agreement.
The socialists returned triumphantly to power, under the leadership
of Yorgos Papandreou Jr., the son of Andreas and grandson of Yorgos, who
appointed as his main ministers the people who had first created the problem
and who by now were miraculously considered “reformed” and thus capable
of solving it. By the end of 2010, the country essentially was supervised by
the International Monetary Fund and the European Union as an implicit
recognition of the failure of both conservatives and socialists to govern. And
the tragicomedy continues to this day with the new “socialist” government
trying to solve economic problems by implementing the most Thatcherite
policies ever concocted—policies that have deeply influenced not simply the
funding but the production of films made in the country. Until now, 2011,
Greece comes closer and closer to declaring once again, “Regretfully, we are
bankrupt!” as it did back in 1892.
While the Papandreou family and the Socialist Party came to power
again, as the messianic saviors of the country, a new element emerged: the
abstention vote rose up to almost 30 percent, something quite unimaginable
in such a politicized society. This period of unrest, frustration, and disen-
chantment with politics and politicians succeeded the previous ten years
of growth, affluence, and irresponsibility—and many were left wondering
if Papandreou Jr. wanted to save the collapsing economy or the corrupt,
incompetent, and dangerous post-1974 political establishment.
Under such a period of a presumed economic boom followed by a total
collapse, Greek cinema continued its own independent and lonely path.
Between 2005 and 2010 a number of interesting and challenging films were
made, probably because of the co-sponsorship by the European Union or,
on some occasions, by the national and private television channels, which
invested part of the prescribed 1.5 percent of their profits in making films.
An average of 20 to 25 films was produced every year for the last five years,
through multiple sponsorship and international productions, and with a
rather diverse audience in mind. For the first time, Greek film-makers try
to reach out and make movies for international audiences, by exploring
themes and constructing stories which touch upon the wider questions of
national and personal identity under the new conditions of globalization and
transculturality.
In 2005, Yannis Diamantopoulos’ The Blue Dress (To Galazio Forema)
presented a rather weak subversion of the masculine stereotypes of Greek
society with the facile Freudianism of its story, but it is an interesting movie
if only for its ingenious use of inner space to depict the psychological claus-
trophobia that permeates social reality. The central character of a transsexual
indicates a completely new “cultural hero” emerging from the ashes of all
great heroes of the past. All ideologues, political activists, and ambitious
268 A History of Greek Cinema
reformers of social life converge in the new image of a masculinity that does
not know what to do with its body and disposes of its phallus.
Nikolaidis’ The Zero Years was another hermetic and highly personal
film, reminiscent of Pasolini’s Salo (1975) and Buñuel’s Belle de Jour (1968),
as four women living in a state-owned brothel act out their sado-masochistic
fantasies with willing clients. If there was to exist something that might be
called “Mediterranean baroque,” it can be found in Nikolaidis’ later films.
Gratuitous violence, kinky yet mechanical sex, and great cinematography
create a strange melange which simply repeats what he has done before—this
film confirmed the fossilization of a visual style which had transformed itself
into a self-conscious manneristic extravaganza.
Lioumpe by Lagia Giourgou is a frank and honest exploration of
the theme of the stranger within a society that worships convention and
conformism. Yannis Oikonomidis’ Soul in the Mouth (Psyhi sto Stoma)
“documents” the latent violence permeating Greek society as an abuse of
meaning and verbal communication—it is an edgy experiment although it
somehow seems to implode within its own gritty and stifling realism. Yorgos
Nousias’ The Evil (To Kako) is an ambitious experiment with storyline
and digital effects. Dialogue that sparkles and is full of humor makes
this film unique as it consciously parodies Hollywood B-movies with a
minimal budget yet highly infectious and fascinating sense of action. Makis
Papadimitratos’ Tweet (Tsiou) is a strange film about a group of junkies
struggling to find drugs in the underworld of Athens—good cinematog-
raphy, akin to Danny Boyle’s Trainspotting (1996), and good acting, but the
film’s sense of time shows it to have been made for television and that it was
rather overstretched for screening in cinemas.
Nikos Grammatikos’ Vigil (Agripnia) is a well-paced story about the
reconciliation between two brothers, one a corrupt policeman and the other
a priest; very good acting and a good script lead to a climactic ending. Yorgos
Lanthimos (b. 1973) made his debut with Kinetta, with minimal budget and
very few actors, in a Kafkaesque suspense story in which a policeman inves-
tigates a number of killings at a tourist resort. Lanthimos said: “All elements
are realistic but the end result looks totally unrealistic: at the moment
you film reality it is transformed into something else.” Maria Katsounaki
observes that this was a film:
. . . wavering between something artistically extreme and narratively
indeterminate. A handmade, unembellished film . .
. The deliberate
unnatural movement of bodies creates an interesting relationship between
space, bodies, and characters in front of the camera.19
feelings for a woman and the persecution he suffers at the hands of his two
fathers is both the funny and tragic element of the film: because when he
wakes up from this dream, he sees that it is the heterosexual oppression that
persecutes him.
In 2008, two films by the old masters dominated interest. Angelopoulos’
The Dust of Time (I Skoni tou Hronou) starring William Dafoe, Bruno Ganz,
Michel Piccoli, and Irene Jacob, was one of the most ambitious experiments
with narrative time we have seen in Angelopoulos’ career. Its melodra-
matic, almost Sirkian mode, emerged dominant with emotional conflicts,
performed with Stanislavkian empathy in pure Aristotelian poetics. Despite
the film’s over-plotting (the converging storylines are confusing in many
ways), the film problematizes memory and reality within a cosmopolitan
environment with new elements, such as an explicit love, not simply for the
generation of socialist ideologues, but for the new generation which wastes
itself in drugs and self-destructive behavior.
Angelopoulos has expanded his narrative language here to incorporate
the new tragic realities, in a world without borders or revolutionary projects.
Yet one who has followed his cinematic development still remembers the
exquisite simplicity and lucid linearity of Reconstruction with nostalgia.
However, in an era of cynicism, resentment, and scorn, the emotional
power—even the sentimentalism—of this film functions as an antidote,
reminding its audience of a quality of being somehow forgotten or deferred.
The other grand master, Voulgaris, released his new vision of the Civil
War with Deep Soul (Psihi Vathia), using an emotionally overinflated story
as two brothers find themselves on opposite sides during the Civil War.
The performance of Thanassis Vengos makes the film explode with intense
emotional energy and psychological tension. However, the strange lighting,
bizarre camera filters, and Hollywood editing make the film rather uneven,
as the superb technique overtakes the tragic reality of the story.
Vangelis Seitanidis’ Under Your Makeup (Kato Apo to Makigiaz Sou)
is a simple personal story about a woman’s life spiraling out of control
after her involvement in a traffic accident. The interesting dialogue and
poignant story lead to certain improbabilities and oversimplifications in
the script which is kept together only through the good performance by
Ariel Constantinidis. Nikos Cornelios’ The Music of Faces (I Mousiki ton
Prosopon) is an independent film with next to no budget, totally made on
digital handheld camera, which explores the mystery of the human face
through the stories of different young people from dawn to dusk. There is
no script, only the free improvisation of actors who extract meaning from
the random interconnection of small and grand ideas and actions. “The film,
says Cornelios, is about the noisy crowd that each one of us carries within.”
Two comedies were also box office successes: Argyris Papadimitratos’
Bank Bang and the remake of the 50s comedy Ilias of the 16th Branch (O
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 271
Ilias tou Dekatou Ektou) by Nikos Zapatinas. Both films have a distinct and
contemporary sense of humor. Mihalis Reppas and Thanassis Papathanasiou’s
Strictly Appropriate (Afstiros Katallinon) is another outrageously insane film,
which depicts the story of two young art directors who, after failing to
produce a classical love story as their first feature, end up with a producer of
ancient porn films. The simultaneous production of hard-core porn and an
art film on Phaedra, Madam Bovary, and Anna Karenina creates scenes of
great comic explosions.
Tonis Lykouresis’ Slaves in their Prison (Sklavoi sta Desma tous) was
an evocative adaptation of a literary classic, by Konstantinos Theotokis,
with great performances and a successful reconstruction of early twentieth-
century Corfu. The film must be seen in contrast to Marketaki’s The Price
of Love (1983), if only to detect the new theme of political impasse that
dominates the story of a family doomed to self-destruction, unable to
move on and unwilling to accept change. The false “communitarian” feeling
created by the socialists in the 1980s finds here its ultimate debunking: the
fall of the family is the fall of all amoral familialism, of all familiocracy, of
the most powerful institution that dominates Greek politics. As Lykouresis
stated:
I am not interested in directing a period piece, dedicated in the antiquarian
depiction of an aristocratic family and representing the manner codes of
the period. I want to elucidate the personalities and the psychological
states of heroes from within a modern interpretive style, knowing that
similar aspirations and conflicts mark our contemporary life.20
with its inspiring absence of fear and euphoric celebration of life till the last
minute is one of the most exhilarating and encouraging images of this film.
Koutras takes Greek cinema out of the closet, by showing its dirtiest
laundry—yet he does so with love, empathy, and compassion, totally
rejecting guilt-ridden introspection and opaque self-referentiality. As
Dimitris Papanikolaou concludes:
Strella puts things back again in their place, morally aesthetically, pedagog-
ically . . . From this point of view, the movie does not simply suggest a
model for a new family structure: by tracing the trajectories of desire that
keep it together it becomes the fairy tale that brings the new family to the
same table. So Strella becomes the complete homology of what in the past
we used to call with certainty “a film for the whole family.”21
The story explores the sexual labyrinth of normal families and problema-
tizes normality as a mechanism of psychological sterilization and emotional
death. Of course, it leaves many issues unanswered: despite Koutras’
statements, incest has been the most powerful taboo throughout human
civilization. Whenever it was transgressed, all values collapsed; this is the
story in, for example, Luchino Visconti’s The Damned (1969). You cannot
have sex with your father and then throw a party to celebrate new forms of
family structure! The intensity of tragic transgression, even of a conscious
and deliberate tragic transgression, is lost in the film. Even at the level of
intentionally personal symbols, liberation should be followed or indeed be
preceded by moral responsibility—otherwise the mistakes of parents will
simply haunt the children. The film ends somehow awkwardly, since the
immense complexity of the issues raised are left unanswered. The sacred
hill of the Acropolis is full of fireworks and confetti in celebration of the
new year. The optimistic note about new practices and new forms of social
organization emerging from the margin of contemporary society proves
once again the truth that art offers hope even at the gates of Hell.
Athens where he gets involved in a triangle of sex, violence, and hatred. The
film is made in black and white with the brief emergence of color through
the theatrical illusion of a play as a commentary on a life eclipsed by the
absence of direction and hope.
In early 2011, Argyres Papadimitropoulos and Jan Vogel released
Wasted Youth, a portrait of Athens during a heatwave. The depiction of a
young skateboarder on the verge of a mental breakdown is framed by the
incredible negative energy, aggression, and violence that dominate the tense
social conditions of the city. The directors explain that the film:
. . . is also about the real existence of adolescence with the vivacity and the
energy that silently burns in it. It is also a film about a young man who
struggles to do what all young men struggle to do, without knowing that
maybe their future will be wasted—and as it happens it is wasted indeed.24
genre shows another strong trend in the overall production scheme, a trend
that privileges well-written populist films which, although they seem to
parody social maladies, are pure entertainment.
Angelopoulos’ Eternity and a Day sold 200,000 tickets in 1998 while his
Weeping Meadow in 2003 only 40,000. His latest movie, A Dust of Time in
2009, sold even fewer than that and was taken off only three weeks after its
premiere in Athens. The two other great blockbusters of the decade were the
very Hollywood-like productions A Touch of Spice (Politiki Kouzina, 2003)
by Tasos Boulmetis with 1,600,000 tickets, and Voulgaris’ Brides (Nifes, 2004)
with 700,000—neither is the best moment of its director. Overall, it is still
hard to distinguish between movies made for television and movies for the
cinema—and this suggests that cinema seems to be losing ground.
In 1999, a new experiment started with Angelos Frantzis’ Polaroid, a
successful musical comedy made with handheld cameras and computer
technology for a minimal budget. The experiment gained wider support and
many films are totally independent productions made with tiny budgets and
almost entirely without complicated studio technology.
In 2005, Yorgos Noussias released his cult zombie film The Evil (To
Kako), made with almost no money (less than €10,000) and featuring
amateur actors in blood-soaked gory action and sparkling dialogue. It
was a major success at the box office and brought Noussias more money
(€150,000) to produce its 2009 sequel Evil in the Time of Heroes (To Kako
tin Epohi ton Iroon) with Billy Zane as the only professional actor. Both
films are parodies of Hollywood splatter movies and elicit genuine laughter
and “zombie-terror,” similar to the New Zealand film Black Sheep (2006)
by Jonathan King, each spoofing the franchise symbols of their country:
merino sheep in the case of New Zealand and the ancient Greeks in the case
of Noussias’ films.
During the last ten years, radical changes have been taking place in
film culture and its organization. In 2010, there were about 400 cinemas in
Greek national territory; most of them multiplexes with restaurants, cafés,
game-stations, and other recreational facilities. Only ten percent of cinema
venues belongs to independent entrepreneurs who continue the old culture
of art cinemas opening in either winter or summer. Most multiplex cinemas
belong to international companies (Village, AudioVisual, Odeon AE, and
so forth) which import and distribute films from countries with a large
production, mainly from the United States, with some from, for example,
France, Germany, the UK, and Australia.
Greece is a very small market and its ticket sales are not substantial
enough to attract international investment. The recent financial crisis and
high levels of electronic piracy through the internet and illegal DVDs have
further marginalized the market. At the same time, the multinational distri-
bution companies release only films that they anticipate will be successful;
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 277
so the most significant films of independent cinema from the United States
are only infrequently released and are mostly commercial failures. Despite
the continuing production of local feature films (around 20 to 30 every year
with an average budget of €300,000), the most commercially successful are
American films. The biggest box-office successes of the last ten years have
been Titanic, the Harry Potter movies, and Avatar. Of the Greek films after
Safe Sex, the most successful were A Touch of Spice (2003), Sirens in the
Aegean (2005), El Greco (2007), and Deep Soul (2008)—all of them actively
promoted by the distribution agencies of multiplex cinemas (as international
productions). Village also produced Alter Ego (2007) with the pop idol Sakis
Rouvas, but with no great success.
The most successful was Smaragdis’ El Greco, with almost 800,000
tickets, despite its well-deserved bad reviews. All other films usually sell
very few tickets, and most of them, even films by prominent directors such
as Koundouros and Angelopoulos, have received limited release. In an era of
diminished expectations, an average of 20,000 to 30,000 tickets makes a film
“successful,” although it won’t be enough to recoup its production costs.
On the other hand, we don’t know much about the makeup of the
viewers during the last ten years. Since the demography has changed signifi-
cantly, who goes to the movies today? There is certainly a solid and dynamic
audience base of cine-literate people in all major cities who go to the cinema
on all possible occasions. They also act as a dynamic and effective focus
group, through their attempts to purchase abandoned old cinemas, revive
them and use them as cine-cultural centers.
But what is happening with the immigrants? A substantial 15 percent
of the population is “non-Greek” and it would be interesting to know if
they ever go to the cinema and what kind of films they like watching. Do
these new citizens have access to existing artifacts and institutions of both
high and popular culture in the country? Have they established their own
cinemas? Are there any policies in place to attract these new citizens to
watch Greek movies so that filmgoing could function as a socializing space
and the topos of communal cohabitation?
Also, more studies should be conducted on the relationship between
ticket prices and average wages and to investigate how much money an
average worker can afford in watching movies each year. What is the leisure
time relative to that of working hours dedicated to filmgoing? It is estimated
that approximately 13,000,000 tickets are sold every year (based on data for
2009 with a projected increase of 4 percent for 2010). This means that it is
almost one ticket to each inhabitant per year against four tickets per inhab-
itant in France and three in Italy and Germany.
An overall income however of €100,000,000 was grossed by the industry
between 2009 and 2010. Yet investment in the production of new films has
been minimal. Of the gross amount assigned by the state to cinema, less
278 A History of Greek Cinema
they can see how the ideological and aesthetic battle lines along which
American culture fights for the representation of identity, gender, and
sexuality have evolved and can thus appreciate more the achievements of
both classical and new American cinema. Even in Angelopoulos’ films we
can clearly detect the psychologization of colors as found in Vincente Minelli
and the choreographed emotions of Stanley Donen.
Just as the best producers and directors in the past have done, it would
be more appropriate to revive the private independent sector, in the way
that happened with Finos, Zervos, Karagiannis, and Milas in the 1950s. It
would be the only way to inaugurate a new “Golden Age” of Greek cinema,
with production diversified through various genres, catering for different
audiences and co-funded by multiple sponsors in different centers and
through a healthy competition.
European Union programs such as MEDIA Plus and Eurimages,
television channels in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and many other
countries invest in international productions. Greek film-makers should
find ways of attracting these funds: the “cultural” potential for good films
does exist, and they must abandon the introspective culture of complaint
and look for the support and acceptance they deserve. (Koutras, Giannaris,
and Antoniou among others have been very successful in attracting foreign
sponsors.) Organized promotion and co-productions seem to be the two
main strategies for gaining international recognition and acceptance.
In a globalized economy, a film may respond to the questions of many
different societies. In this sense, today there are no “national cinemas” any
more; one could even claim that there are no European cinemas either, only
world cinemas. Language, instead of being a barrier, might as well further
enhance the rediscovery of local traditions or contribute to the reinvention
and internationalization of “local knowledge.” Local stories must be told for
the local communities, but in styles defined by global discourses and the
challenges of a technology developed in different contexts and for diverse
needs. The medium does not determine the message although it confines its
limits of response; a medium that is constituted by differentiated signifiers
is more likely to find responsive audiences outside the communities that
produced it.
Unfortunately, the legacy of the post-1974 period of inflated statism
is still strong and the people who consolidated it are still in power. The
excessive expectations of the state led to the demise of Greek cinema in
the 80s and to its provincialization ever since. The ties with that period
of excess and nothingness should be severed—the indifferent and hostile
state of the postwar period was simply succeeded by the conformist and
unimaginative control of a party bureaucracy that destroyed the creative
dynamism and social energy surrounding cinematic art. The hegemonic
role of the state can be seen in the fact that, despite the supposed “social”
The Polyphony of the Decentered Gaze: The Other as Cultural Hero 281
nature of most films, none of them is about political figures and their
political actions, the way we have seen in Italy with, for example, Nanni
Moretti, Paolo Sorrentino, Mimmo Calopresti, Paolo Virzi, Guido Chiesa,
and Gianni Amelio.
There are no films about recent political events, not even about the
endless sexual and financial scandals which could have inspired great
comedies. (The Papandreou clan, for example, can be seen as the Adams
family of gratuitous gore and moral irresponsibility!) It seems that most film-
makers, especially after the New Greek Cinema, have internalized a sense of
obedience to the state, through self-imposed censorship; meanwhile, the
current political establishment has maintained its rhetoric of opposition
while in government since 1981. They have imposed a culture of complaint,
but not a culture of critique.
Every interesting Greek film produced since the 1950s articulated a
very strong subversive and adversarial message in political terms: from
Stella to The Travelling Players, from The Ogre of Athens to The Wretches
Still Sing, from Evdokia to The Edge of the City, and from The Sky to Strella.
Many recent films seem to restrict themselves in depicting the misery and
the confusion of contemporary life, the suffering of immigrants and the
inability for effective communication in a domesticated and sanitized way
that makes their social critique irrelevant and their political intervention
harmless. Instead of revealing to the viewer what happens, by foregrounding
the radical potential within the real, this new episodic realism fizzles out
into either inconsequential fragments or cute micro-histories by wasting its
energy on incomprehensible screams or doleful complaints.
Film-makers of the 80s were satisfied with making movies about the
heroism of the Left and the oppression of the Right in clear-cut distinc-
tions between right and wrong. Yet no film touched upon the structures
and forms of oppression implemented by the state apparatuses in their time
that imposed ideological and political uniformity; or even upon the struc-
tures that made the Left behave the same way as the Right when in power,
squandering all forms of moral and political legitimacy. Their critique of
history was naive and superficial and their understanding of the past was
antiquarian and romanticized. Consequently, they lost the new generations
for whom the past was a totally strange country; but the same young people,
through their exposure to diverse representational strategies, were sensitive
enough to understand that they were deliberately deceived. Together with
them, the whole cultural memory of the country was manipulated in an
attempt to control the minds of their generation. There is no question then
as to why, even at the height of the ideological delusions of the 80s, most
people preferred watching American films: they were not only well-made
but audiences also knew they could consciously see them as sublimated
fantasies and modern fairy tales.
282 A History of Greek Cinema
The new “primitiveness” that one sees in many new films today is
probably the best way of renewing the narrative structures and the visual
languages of cinematic production, which has been suffocating for far too
long under the achievements of the New Greek Cinema; achievements
which by now are more or less cultural clichés, hagiological relics, and
aesthetic archaisms. It may also become the only way in which to escape
from subservience to the state and its powerful mechanisms of control and
domination: if cinema in Greece loses its oppositional aesthetics, then it
won’t be Greek any more.
A new political cinema is what is most needed at the moment:
de-centralized, anti-hegemonic, pluralistic—and it is indeed what has started
emerging in the last 15 years. As Petro Alexiou so succinctly observed:
The “new current” of films is characterized by tighter scripts and direction,
faster pace, less introspection and theorizing, more focus on relationships
and family dynamics, hybridity in genre and style, acute awareness of the
codes of popular culture and indifference to the issue of Greekness or large
political statements. They are realist in the sense that they probe contem-
porary social realities in innovative ways.25
Encouragingly, the new film-makers who are shaping the New Greek
Current are well aware of the pitfalls of the past, and struggle to avoid the
complacency that destroyed Greek cinema at the most critical moment of
its development. They also discard the parochial questions about where
Greece belongs, dispense with all antiquarian discourse about Greekness,
and are totally liberated from the delusional megalomania for socialist
utopias and communist paradises. In a world dominated by “the rise
of insignificance,” they have the courage to take on lost causes. They
experience a challenging cultural and aesthetic syncretism and want to
represent their existential adventure to the best of their abilities. They don’t
suffer from inferiority problems and they haven’t internalized the feeling
of having been left behind. They do not pretend to be who they are not
and that is a profound and inspiring feeling. They are neither heroes, nor
ideological fighters, nor model citizens; they have nothing to do with the
classicist fantasies of the state-fed intellectuals, or the Orthodoxist exclu-
sivism of a supposed pure and authentic Christianity. They struggle to
be themselves: individuals who express an individual vision of the world
without pretension, posturing, or self-exoticization. They also struggle to
be contemporaneous with their own era—and, by exploring the fluidity
and unpredictability of the present, they create new territories for the
cinematic gaze. As Orestis Andreadakis concludes: “Reaching the end of
the first decade of 00s we can clearly see that the New Current transcends
the film-makers themselves and propels them all into continuous explosions.”
(my emphasis)26
284 A History of Greek Cinema
The story of Greek cinema is one of complex diversity and chaotic pluralism.
Its main virtue has been the irresistible capacity to regenerate itself under
all and any circumstances; its main impediment, a strange reluctance to
reach out and share its achievements. Despite the fact that not all genres
were developed by the film industry, the film culture was always open,
receptive, and sensitive to new ideas, practices and suggestions. Like Greek
society, Greek cinema has always been a space of contrasts and juxtaposi-
tions, indeed, a space where contested truths coexisted in an uneasy and
sometimes paradoxical interdependence.
Also, just as with the country’s political life, the Greek film industry
was always inward-looking, withdrawn and lonesome, locked into a series
of dilemmas that led to a hermeneutics of doubt directed towards its
own self. But it was introverted without being introspective; it avoided
making comparisons and analogies, thus remaining unable to locate its
position within European and global cinemas. It also avoided establishing a
theoretical critical discourse on its own principles and values, staying firmly
within the realm of symptomatic criticism, ad hoc reviewing, and circum-
stantial self-loathing or childish self-depreciation.
In reality, many good films were produced in the country and some of
them could be safely and comfortably labelled as “great films” in the European
or even global canon. What has always been noticeably absent from their
promotion and, consequently, reception is the appropriate and commen-
surate contextualization. On most occasions, Greek films were framed and
interpreted either through the nefarious quest for an elusive “Greekness” or
through the perspective of national political instability—the social, formal, and,
one might say, anthropological claims that were articulated in Greek movies
were overlooked and lost. The truth is that very few Greek directors dealt
explicitly with the quest for “Greekness,” and then only in periods of crisis or
self-indulgence.
285
286 Recaptulation
for the control of the public sphere was always the promotion of the idea
of a unique and “brotherless” nation with an exclusive destiny and mission.
By abolishing history and moral responsibility, the political establishment
controlled cultural production. Greek cinema was at the forefront of the
battle against such de-historicization. It looked at class, gender, and identity
as fundamentally social realities, as individual and collective experiences,
through a stark and austere (even in its melodramas) “stylistic pragmatism.”
The social reality, also with its political instability, oppression, and
insecurity, never promoted a prolonged and sustained dialogue with various
social forces and classes. However, Greek cinema remains the most exemplary
cultural activity, thus indicating the heterogeneity, pluralism, and diversity
of social structure in opposition to the official versions of “Greekness”
from a naive and parochial nineteenth-century historicism. Greek cinema
explored and depicted the nations at the margins of Greek society in direct
opposition to dominant discourses. In this, one can see the permanent
presence of what we have called “oppositional aesthetics.” Greek film-makers
(even the most conservative like Yorgos Tzavellas, Michael Cacoyiannis and
Yannis Dalianidis) depicted realities that undermined official ideologies and
confronted their audiences with uncomfortable truths.
However, despite being a heroic endeavor, Greek cinema is the ultimate
space where the compromises that Greek society has made in its history
could be easily seen and framed. Only during the last 20 years, when a
break between society and state has become glaringly obvious, can we see
attempts at social dialogue and social consent. Unfortunately, the Greek
state, even when motivated by good intentions, had a negative impact on
the development, dissemination, and promotion of Greek cinema. Gaziadis
had already in 1929 protested that the Greek state did not understand the
propaganda that cinema could play at. It also did not understand the cultural
effects of cinema or even its industrial and technological aspects. When it did
finally comprehend the power of the medium in the 1980s, it endorsed an
elitist and ideologically charged role of cinematic production that essentially
destroyed and annihilated production by parochializing and provincializing
it. In the 1990s, a markedly changed Greek society simply followed its own
path by establishing new cultural spaces outside the state-sponsored zones
of production and promotion.
In the 1920s, when Greek cinema first organized itself, film representa-
tions expressed the traumas of national catastrophes, political frustrations,
and social regression. In the 1940s, they expressed the confusion and
disorder of constant warfare and fratricidal irrationalism. In the 1950s,
movies contributed more than any other cultural activity to social cohesion
and the establishment of social identities. In the 1960s, films questioned the
precarious balance achieved during the decades of urban sprawl and indus-
trial development. In the 1970s, they radically opposed a political system
288 Recaptulation
of coercion and oppression. In the 1980s, films lost their edge and became
martyrological visions of a lost mythology. In the 1990s, they articulated
the rebirth of history through the influx of strangers after the collapse of
communism. In the first decade of the new century, they reinvented new
imaginary significations and new imaginative representations in order to
articulate new realities: the loss of paternal authority, the crisis of family,
the collapse of a defensive national identity, the emergence of new gender
codes and new sexualities, and the opening up of form and aesthetics to the
fluctuating ambiguities of the contemporary world.
The “dream nation” of the nineteenth century, as Stathis Gourgouris
has demonstrated, was transformed into the “dreaming communities” of the
twentieth—and their dreams are compensation, therapy, and redemption.
Greek film-makers confronted, often unintentionally, the nation with its
own image. Sometimes what was depicted was not particularly flattering.
On other occasions, it was confusing and bewildering; the new and the
old coexisted on the screen, leaving the audience with a sense of a deferred
integration and a constantly postponed identity cohesion. In other instances,
movies confronted the nation with its worst fears by challenging established
rituals and authorities, as expressed in its conformism and lack of agency.
The mirror reflected the person in front of it—the person changed only
when the holder of the mirror started to think on his/her self.
Notes
Chapter One
1. In Arkolakis, p. 212.
2. Gallant, p. 108.
3. Some scholars argue that these reels were staged at Méliès’ primitive studios; not
taken in situ.
4. Hepp, p. 307.
5. There are four forms of the name: Manakis, Manakias, Manakas and Maniakias.
The Greek death certificate reads Ioannis Manakias.
6. Christodoulou, p. 179.
7. Ibid., p. 180.
8. Lindsay, p. 76.
9. Florensky, pp. 201– 72.
10. Their archive is in Skopje, Macedonia.
11. Soldatos, Volume 4, p. 35.
12. Georgakas, “Greek Cinema for Beginners,” pp. 2–8.
13. Soldatos, Volume 4, p. 2.
14. Fraser, p. 208.
15. Xanthakis, pp. 104–5.
16. Soldatos, Volume 4, p. 121.
17. Existing scenes from Gaziadis’ film will be incorporated by Vassilis Maros into
his documentary, The Tragedy of the Aegean (1961).
18. Soldatos, Volume 4, p. 48.
19. Nirvanas, Volume 5, p. 445.
20. A complete copy of the silent movie was found and restored in 2004.
21. Soldatos, Volume 4, p. 67.
22. Delveroudi, p. 368.
23. Soldatos, Volume 4, pp. 45–6.
24. Hess, p.24.
25. Hestia, 6 Oct 1929.
26. Dönmez-Colin, Turkish Cinema, p. 24.
27. In 1969, Laskos produced a remake of Daphnis and Chloe, but it was a pale
and rather silly imitation. In 1966, one of the few pioneer female directors, Mika
Zaharopoulou, released her only film, Daphnis and Chloe, stressing the subtext of
pederasty that Laskos had omitted from the original Longos story. In her version,
Daphnis was seduced by a wealthy homosexual who abducted him to Paris. Daphnis
and Chloe meet years later as adults.
289
290 Notes
Chapter Two
1. Andritsos, p. 22.
2. Ploritis, “The ‘Notorious’ Greek Cinema,” p. 20.
3. A similar story, but with a communist invasion was Alfred Green’s Invasion USA
(1952).
4. Gregoriou, p. 59.
5. Ibid., p59.
6. Ibid., p. 86.
7. Iliadis also wrote the first short history (Greek Cinema) in 1960.
8. Angeli, p. 87.
9. Soldatos, Volume 4, p. 317.
10. Mitropoulou, p. 127.
11. Peckham and Michelakis, p. 74.
12. Eleftheriotis, “Questioning Totalities,” p. 238.
13. Georgakas, “Stella,” p. 15.
14. Moshovakis, “Stella,” p. 112.
15. Anderson, p. 45.
16. Lassally, p. 36.
17. Fenek-Mikelidis, p. 26.
18. Dimopoulos made 46 films and 2 documentaries, wrote 7 scripts and 12 literary
books.
19. Gregoriou, p. 155.
Notes 291
Chapter Three
1. Soldatos, Volume 1, p. 167.
2. Ibid, p. 290.
3. Lassally, p, 85.
4. Dalianidis, p. 92.
5. Kamvasinou, p. 264.
6. Strangely enough, some peculiar Greek characters appear in almost all his films
made before 1955.
7. Mitropoulou, p. 339.
8. Lassally, p. 90.
9. Moshovakis, 1997, p. 31.
10. Cacoyannis, p. 75.
11. Stavrakas, p. 753.
12. Varriano, Lassally, and Hepp are the three great “outsiders” who created
“authentic” Greek images.
13. Soldatos, Corporeal Odysseys, p. 125.
14. Levy.
15. Agathos, p. 166.
16. Despite their differences, we can easily detect striking similarities with Tony
Richardson’s Tom Jones, for which Lassally was also director of photography.
17. Kaplan, p. 253.
18. Gauntlett, p.275.
19. The story is similar to Yesim Ustaoglou’s Waiting for the Clouds, especially its
questioning of identity.
20. Kyrou, “Kanal,” p. 47.
21. Kyrou, Cinematic Star, p. 14.
22. Quoted in Soldatos, Volume 4, p. 487.
23. Karderinis, p. 56.
24. Katsounaki, “Alexis Damianos.”
25. Soldatos, Corporeal Odysseys, p 164.
26. Malvey, p. 75.
27. Eleftheriotis, “A Cultural Colony of India,” p. 108.
28. The Greek Film Musical.
29. Papadimitriou, p. 141.
30. Ibid, p. 144.
31. Polan, p. 78.
32. Bakogiannopoulos, pp. 12–14.
33. Bouloukos, p. 55.
34. Dönmez-Colin, Turkish Cinema, p. 143.
Chapter Four
1. Rafailidis, Greek Cinema, p. 25.
2. Dönmez-Colin, “Umut/Hope,” p. 47.
3. Papargyris, p, 104.
292 Notes
Chapter Five
1. Clogg, p. 189.
2. Clarke, p. 167.
3. The first quote is from Papandreou, p. 56.
4. Karalis, p. 262.
5. Koliopoulos and Veremis, p. 162.
Notes 293
Chapter Six
1. Hallam and Marshment, p. 47.
2. Andreadakis, p. 44.
3. Koliopoulos and Veremis, p. 200.
4. Sorlin, p. 215.
5. Schutz, p.105.
6. Faubion, p. 182.
7. Kanellis, p. 47.
8. Aktsoglou, p. 71.
9. Papanikolaou, “Repatriation on Screen,” p. 266.
10. Tsitsopoulou, p. 253.
11. Kehagias.
12. Jays.
13. Papastathis, p 57.
14. Paradeisi, p. 132.
15. Ibid, p. 139.
16. Soumas.
17. Gourgouris, “Euro-Soccer and Hellenomania.”
18. Gourgouris, “We are an Image of the Future.”
19. Katsounaki, “From Sfikas to Lanthimos.”
20. Lykouresis.
21. Papanikolaou, “Strella,” p. 24.
22. van Hoeij.
23. Quoted in Kagios.
24. See the directors’ note at myfilm.gr/8328.
25. Alexiou, “Greek Cinema.”
26. Andreadakis, p. 44.
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294
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Index
299
300 Index
Blood of a Poet, The (1930) 115 Cacoyannis, Michael xiv, xvi, xix, 47,
Blood of Statues, The (1982) 200 61, 67–70, 72, 75–9, 89, 97–9,
Blood on the Land (1964) 134 100–4, 124, 127, 156, 172, 183,
Bloodstained Christmas (1952) 61 232, 258–9, 279, 285, 287, 291
Bloodstained Sunset (1959) 85 Calopresti, Mimmi 281
Blue Angel, The (1930) 226 Cameron, James 277
Blue Beads (1966) 137 Canary Yellow Bicycle, The (1999) 258
Blue Dress, The (2005) 267 Cannibals, The (1969) 185
Bogris, Dimitris 34 Canon and the Nightingale, The (1968)
Bokolis, Kostas 165 124
Bombardment of Monastiri, The (1916) 5 Capra, Frank 67, 82, 130
Boorman, John 237 Captain Meidanos, the Image of a
Bordello (1985) 211–12 Mythical Fighter (1987) 223
Borderline (1994) 236 Captain Scorpion (1943) 32
Boudouris, Vassilis 252, 260 Captives of Hatred (1972) 133
Boulmetis, Tasos 227, 263, 276 Caravan Serai (1986) 219
Bouloukos, Stathis, 291 Carne, Marcel 61–2, 64
Boyle, Danny 268 Casablanca (1942) 58, 69
Boys, The (1999) 258 Cassavetes, John 176, 190
Boys in the Sand (1971) 166 Castellani, Renato 67
Bramos, Hristos 161 Castells, Manuel 230
Brave Die Twice, The (1973) 140 Castoriadis, Cornelius 49, 171
Brave of the North, The (1969) 139 Cavafy (1994) 236
Brazileiro (2001) 261 Cavani, Liliana 185
Break (1982) 200 Celebration of King George I (1908) 3
Brecht, Bertolt 176 Cerdova, Lila 103
Bresson, Robert 100, 112, 179, 292 Cezanne, Paul 271–2
Bridegrooms of Eutichia, The (1962) Chabrol, Claude 149
119 Chalkou, Maria 159, 292
Brides, The (2004) 263 Chandler, Raymond 93
Broken Blossoms (1918) 27 Chaplin, Clarlie 12, 15, 35–6, 227, 253
Broken Hearts (1945) 50 Charioteer (1994) 236
Brother Anna (1963) 108 Charlie Chaplin Arch Bandit in
Brynner, Yul 164 Arachova (1927) 15
Bubble, The (2002) 262 Chase, The (1946) 40
Bujold, Genevieve 156 Cheap Cigarettes (2001) 261
Bullets fall like a hailstorm (and the Cherry Orchard, The (1999) 258
wounded artist sighs) (1977) 183 Chiesa, Guido 281
Bumbach, Erich 7, 20 Chistof, Georges 165
Buňuel, Luis 228, 267 Christodoulou, Christos 5
Burstyn, Helen 187 Christodoulou, Christos K. 289
Business in the Balkans (1996) 252 Chronicle of Sunday, The (1975) 116
Butler, David 22 Churchill, Winston 46
Byron, Lord 232 Cinderella (1899) 3, 7
Byron, the Ballad for a Demon (1992) 232 Cinema Paradiso (1988) 86
Byzantine Rhapsody (1968), 125, 223 Circle of Viciousness (1971) 166
302 Index
Godard, Jean Luc 120, 150, 179 Hands Up, Hitler (1961) 95
Godfather III 208 Hanlon, Dennis 180, 292
Gogou, Katerina 190 Happy Day (1976) 181–2
Golden Apples of Hesperides, The (1997) Happy Life (1993) 233
253 Haralambidis, Renos 252, 261, 269
Golden Door (La Porte d’Or, 2008) 263 Haralambopoulos, Stelios 251
Golden Dust (2009) 274 Harbor of Tears (1929) 17
Golden Haired Girl, The (1978) 187 Hard Farewells, My Father (2002) 261
Goldmann, Lucien 128 Haritos, Dimitris 161
Goldwin, Samuel 33 Harold, Meredith 228
Golfo (1914) 8 Haronitis, Lefteris 172
Gone with the Wind (1939) 64 Hatziargiri, Mary 62
Goodbye Berlin (1994) 236 Hatzidakis, Manos 50, 71, 78, 91, 93,
Good Homeland, Comrade (1986) 219 227, 245
Goritsas, Sotiris 23–5, 248, 253, 261, Hatzikostas, Kostas 217
269 Hatzinasios, Yorgos 133, 157, 223
Gospel According to Matthew (1964) 97 Hatziyiannis, Vaggelis 85
Goudelis, Tasos 161 Hatzopoulos, Takis 172
Gourgouris, Stathis 265–6, 288, 293 Hawaii (1995) 251
Gousgounis, Kostas 164, 168, 252 Hayworth, Rita 68
Grammatikos, Nikos 233, 252, 262, 268 Heart of the Beast, The (2005) 269
Grande Buffe, The (1973) 185 Heinz-Hummel Karl 119
Great Train Robbery, The (1903) 7 Heiress, The (2009) 275
Greca, Stella 51 Heleni (1984) 208
Greece of 1938 Speaks . . . (1938) 33 Helmi, Katerina 188
Greek Miracle, The (1922) 16 Hepburn, Katherine 156
Green, Alfred 290 Hepp, Josef xv, 4, 7, 9, 11–12, 14, 20,
Gregoriou, Grigoris 37, 55–9, 78, 79, 29–30, 40, 52–3, 55, 58–9, 96,
83–4, 89, 95, 108, 110, 118, 285, 291
139–40, 290 Hertzog, Werner 153
Griffith, D. W. 15, 17, 27, 176 Hess, Franklin L. 23
Grigoratos, Dionysis 186, 225 Highway of Treason (1968) 139
Guardian’s Son, The (2006) 269 Him and Her (1966) 118
Guazzone, Enrico 6 Hinas, Phanis 150
Guilt (2010) 257 Histoire d’un crime (1901) 3
Guthrie, Tyrone 100 Hitchcock, Alfred 40, 73, 94, 149, 222
Gypsy Girl of Athens, The (1922) 13 Hitler, Adolf 58
Gyzis, Nickolas 6 Hoeij, Boyd van 273, 293
Güney, Gilmaz, 145, 242 Holevas, Markos 233
Holidays in Vietnam (1971) 157
Hades (1995) 248, 251 Holmes, John 165, 166
Halaris, Hristodoulos 191 Homeland (2010) 274
Halatsis, Filippos 269 Hondrokostas, Yorgos 217
Hallam, Julia 239, 293 Honey Moon (1979) 187
Hammett, Dashiel 200 Horn, Dimitris 77
Hands, The (1961) 95 Horton, Andrew xiv, 180, 292
306 Index
Study My Son Study (1981) 198 The Garden of God (1994) 236
Suburb of Dreams, The (1961) 107 The Happy Face of Leonora (1982) 200
Such a Distant Absence (1985) 212 The Lost Treasure of Hursit Pasha (1995)
Sudden Love (1983) 202 251
Sun of Death, The (1978) 185 The Music of Faces (2008) 270
Suspended Step of the Stork, The (1991) Theodoraki, Stella 249
230–1 Theodorakis, Mikis 64, 99, 102, 104,
Sweet Bunch (1983) 202–3 260
Synodinos, Yannis 3 Theodosiadis, Nikos 126
Synodinou, Anna 84 Theodosiou, Nikos 290
Theodosopoulos, Theodosis 175
Tabou (1931) 27 Theophilos, (1987) 223
Take Your Places (1973) 152 Theophilos 191
Tallas, Gregg C. 63–5, 79, 83, 125, 163 Theos, Dimos 122–3, 126–8, 149,
Tarkovsky, Andrey 115, 176–8, 225, 254 155–6, 182, 219, 223, 252
Tasios, Pavlos 148–51, 181–3, 189, Theotokas, Yorgos 47
200–1, 219 Theotokis, Konstantinos 204, 271
Tatassopoulos, Stelios 24, 29–30, 59, 60, The Passage (1990) 227
86, 129 The Photographers (1999) 258
Taviani Brothers 205 Thérèse Raquin (1952) 62
Teacher with the Golden Hair, The The Ways of Love are Nocturnal (1981)
(1969) 135 198
Tears for Electra (1966) 131 Thief of Reality, The (2001) 249
Tegopoulos, Apostolos 135–6 Thieves’ Highway, The (1949) 92
Terirem (1987) 223 Thin Red Line, The (1998) 115
Terra Incognita (1994) 236 Third Man, The (1949) 73
Terra Trema, La (1948) 90 Thirst for Life (1964) 119
Terzakis, Angelos 49 This Night Remains (1999) 258
Testimonies (1974) 172 Thomopoulos, Andreas 174, 181, 187,
Testosterone (2004) 264 209
Thalassinos, Errikos 94, 175 Those who Spoke with Death (1970) 131
Thanasoulias, Yorgos 172 Three Ages (1996) 252
Thanassi, Take Up Your Gun (1972) 157 Three Greeks From Amerika (1929) 33
Thanassi, tighten your belt (1980) 189 Tierney, Gene 228
Thanassis in the Country of the Slap Time of Assassins, The (1993) 233
(1976) 182 Tobros, Yannis 48
Thasos (1961) 114 Tolstoy, Leo 120
That Summer (1971) 157 Tom Jones (1963) 98
The Apple of Discord (2000) 260 Topos (1985) 249
The Children of Helidonas (1987) 223 Tornatore, Giusepe 86
The Children of Saturn (1985) 212 Tornes, Stavros xix, 213–15, 219, 220
The City Never Sleeps (1984) 209 Touliatos, Nikos 258
The Descent of the Nine (1984) 209, 213 Tragedy of the Aegean, The (1961) 96,
The Deserter (1988) 225 289
The Four Seasons of the Law (1999) 257 Trainspotting (1996) 268
The Fugitive (1991) 230 Transmission (1968) 127, 292
316 Index
Travelling Players, The (1975) 8, 51, 175, Ulysses’ Love (1984) 209
176–80, 184, 281 Umberto D. (1952) 55
Treason (1964) 109 Umüt/Hope (1970) 145
Treasure of the Deceased, The (1959) 82 Uncut Family (2004) 264
Tree of Wooden Clogs, The (1979) 206 Underground Trajectory (1983) 203
Tree We Wounded, The (1986) 219 Under Your Makeup (2008) 270
Trial of Jean d’ Arc, The (1961) 100 Under Your Makeup (2009) 241
Trial of the Judges (1974) 174 Universal Government (1985) 217
Triantafillidis, Nikos 252 Unknown Woman of the Night, The
Triers, Lars von 262, 273 (1969) 108, 157
Trikoupes, Charilaos 2 Unslaved Slaves (1946) 50
Triumph of Time, The (1996) 253 Unsmiling Stone (2000) 258–60
Trojan Women (1971) 156 Until the Ship (1966) 121–2
Truffaut, Francois 112 Up, Down and Sideways (1992) 232
Tsakiris, Dimitris 23 Urban Jungle (1971) 157
Tsangari, Athena-Rachel 249, 260, 274, Ustaoglou, Yesim 291
282
Tsangas, Hristos 221 Vafeas, Vassilis 188, 200, 209, 224, 226
Tsatsos, Constantinos 46 Vagena, Anna 151
Tsemperopoulos, Yorgos 172, 203, 227, Vakalopoulos, Hristos 160, 226, 232,
261 292
Tsiforos, Nikos 50–2, 86, 90, 118 Vakousis, Manos 232
Tsilifonis, Andreas 209 Valkanizater (1997) 253
Tsiolis, Stavros 126, 135, 157, 212, 219, Valley, Michelle 228
225, 227, 232, 251, 254 Vallone, Raf 93
Tsirbinos, Tonis 161 Valtinos, Thanassis 209
Tsitos, Philippos 273 Vamvakaris, Markos 106
Tsitsopoulou, Vassiliki 257, 293 Varieté (1984) 209
Tsouf (1969) 35 Varriano, Giovanni xvi, 95, 101, 114,
Turkish Prisoners (1912) 5 285, 291
Turn, The (1982) 132 Varsamidis, Symeon 253
Tweet (2005) 268 Vassilakou, Katerina 236
Two Moons in August (1978) 187 Vassileiadis, Polyvios 118
Two Suns in the Sky (1991) 229 Vassileiadou, Georgia 82
Typaldos, Nikos 236 Vassilikos, Vassilis 101, 105
Tyros, Andreas 161 Vembo, Sophia 32, 70
Tzavellas, Yorgos 36–7, 50–2, 54–6, Venezis, Ilias 84
61–2, 65–7, 77, 79, 82, 89, 96, Vengos, Thannasis 147–8, 157, 162, 181,
127, 158, 163, 285, 287 182, 189, 198, 256, 263, 270
Tzima, Theodora 264 Venizelos, Eleftherios 7, 9, 10, 22, 85
Tzimas, Nikos 127, 182, 190 Veremis, Thanos 195, 247, 293
Tzitzios, Yorgos 161 Vertigo (1963) 130
Tzitzis, Stratos 249 Veryitsis, Nikos 198, 203, 224
Tzoumerkas, Syllas 249, 274 Victimes de l’alcoolisme, Les (1902) 3
Victory of Samothrace, The (1990) 227
Ulysses’ Gaze (1995) xv, 237, 243, 250–1 Vidor, Charles 58
Index 317
Z (1968) 49, 105, 143, 150 Zero Years, The (2005) 268
Zafeiropoulos, Ioannis 172 Zervas, Markos 36
Zahariadis, Nikos 45 Zervos, Anthonis 57, 280
Zaharopoulou, Mika 289 Zervos, Nikos 152, 204, 259,
Zahos, Cleanthis 3 Zervos, Yorgos 85, 163
Zahos, Spyros 172 Zervoulakos, Yorgos 157, 164
Zalmas, Stavros 234 Zinnemann, Fred 69
Zane, Billy 276 Zois, Kostas 124, 200
Zannas, Pavlos 57 Zorba the Greek (1964) xvi, xix, 75,
Zapatinas, Nikos 261, 271 101–4, 119
Zappas, Kostas 264 Zouboulaki, Voula 70
Zecca, Ferdinard 3 Zouboulakis, Yannis 161
Zero Visibility (1968) 132–3 Zoya (1944) 45