(Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture) Albrecht Classen-Crime and Punishment in The Middle Ages and Early Modern Age-De Gruyter (2012)

Crime and Punishment in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age
Fundamentals of Medieval
and Early Modern Culture
Edited by
Albrecht Classen and Marilyn Sandidge
11
De Gruyter
Crime and Punishment
in the Middle Ages and
Early Modern Age
Mental-Historical Investigations
of Basic Human Problems and Social Responses
Edited by
Albrecht Classen and Connie Scarborough
De Gruyter
ISBN 978-3-11-029451-4
e-ISBN 978-3-11-029458-3
ISSN 1864-3396
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TableȱofȱContents
Introduction
AlbrechtȱClassenȱandȱConnieȱScarborough
Crime,ȱTransgression,ȱandȱDeviancy:ȱBehaviorsȱthatȱDefinesȱUsȱAll . . . . . . . . . 1
Chapterȱ1
BernardȱRibémont
Leȱ‘crimeȱépique’ȱetȱsaȱpunition:ȱquelquesȱ
exemplesȱ(XIIe–XIIIeȱsiècles) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Chapterȱ2
SusannaȱNiiranen
“Iȱknowȱhowȱtoȱbeȱaȱwhoreȱandȱthief”
Theȱpoet’sȱreputation:ȱtroubadours—
ancestorsȱofȱpoètesȱmaudits? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Chapterȱ3
ChristopherȱR.ȱClason
TheȱLaw—LetterȱandȱSpirit:ȱLanguage,ȱTransgressionȱ
andȱJusticeȱInȱThreeȱMedievalȱGermanȱEpicȱPoems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Chapterȱ4
StaceyȱHahn
Crime,ȱPunishmentȱandȱtheȱHybridȱinȱMedievalȱFrenchȱRomance:ȱ
RobertȱtheȱDevilȱandȱGeoffreyȱBigȱTooth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Chapterȱ5
ScottȱL.ȱTaylor
JudiciumȱDei,ȱvulgarisȱpopularisqueȱsensus:ȱSurvivalȱofȱCustomaryȱ
JusticeȱandȱResistanceȱtoȱitsȱDisplacementȱbyȱtheȱ“New”ȱ
OrdinesȱiudiciorumȱȱasȱEvidencedȱbyȱFrancophonicȱLiteratureȱ
ofȱtheȱHighȱMiddleȱAges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
vi TableȱofȱContents
Chapterȱ6
AlbrechtȱClassen
CrimeȱandȱViolenceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:
TheȱCasesȱofȱHeinrichȱderȱGlichezare’sȱReinhardȱFuchsȱ
andȱWernherȱderȱGartenære’sȱHelmbrecht . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
Chapterȱ7ȱ
JohnȱGough
TheȱFunctionȱofȱProjectedȱPain:ȱTheȱPoetryȱofȱFrançoisȱVillonȱ
andȱtheȱGiftȱofȱSelf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Chapterȱ8
JeanȱE.ȱJostȱ
RetributionȱinȱGamelyn:ȱAȱCaseȱinȱtheȱCourts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Chapterȱ9
JolantaȱN.ȱKomornicka
ContraȱSignumȱNostrum:ȱTheȱSymbolismȱofȱLèseȬmajestéȱ
underȱPhilipȱVIȱValois . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Chapterȱ10
ConnieȱL.ȱScarborough
WomenȱasȱVictimsȱandȱCriminalsȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
Chapterȱ11
MariaȱCeciliaȱRuiz
TheftȱinȱJuanȱManuel’sȱElȱCondeȱLucanor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
Chapterȱ12
PatriciaȱTurning
CompetitionȱforȱtheȱPrisoner’sȱBody:ȱ
WardensȱandȱJailersȱinȱFourteenthȬCenturyȱSouthernȱFrance . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
Chapterȱ13
BirgitȱWiedl
TheȱHostȱonȱtheȱDoorstep:ȱPerpetrators,ȱVictims,ȱ
andȱBystandersȱinȱanȱAllegedȱHostȱDesecrationȱ
inȱFourteenthȬCenturyȱAustria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
TableȱofȱContents vii
Chapterȱ14
DanielȱF.ȱPiggȱ
DoesȱtheȱPunishmentȱFitȱtheȱCrime?:ȱChaucer’sȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱ
andȱtheȱWorldsȱofȱJudgment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
Chapterȱ15
LiaȱB.ȱRoss
DeviancyȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAges:ȱTheȱCrimesȱandȱPunishmentȱ
ofȱGillesȱdeȱRais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359
Chapterȱ16
JohnȱBeusterien
TheȱCelebratoryȱConicalȱHatȱinȱLaȱCelestina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 403
Chapterȱ17
KathleenȱM.ȱLlewellyn
EqualȱOpportunityȱVengeanceȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱofȱ
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415
Chapterȱ18
NicolasȱLombart
CrimesȱetȱChâtimentsȱd’ExceptionȱenȱFranceȱ
auȱTempsȱdesȱGuerresȱdeȱReligion:
l’UtopieȱJudiciaireȱdesȱCommentairesȱdeȱMonlucȱ(livresȱVȱàȱVII) . . . . . . . . . 437
Chapterȱ19
MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock
TheȱAmsterdamȱSpinhuisȱandȱtheȱ“Art”ȱofȱCorrection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459
Chapterȱ20
ThomasȱWillard
PimpingȱforȱtheȱFairyȱQueen:ȱSomeȱCozenersȱinȱ
Shakespeare’sȱEngland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 491
Chapterȱ21
DenisȱBjaï
RéflexionsȱdeȱMontaigneȱsurȱleȱchâtimentȱdesȱcriminels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 509
viii TableȱofȱContents
Chapterȱ22
AllisonȱP.ȱCoudert
TheȱUltimateȱCrime:ȱCannibalismȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱ
MindsȱandȱImaginations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 521
Chapterȱ23
EvelyneȱLuef
PunishmentȱPostȱMortemȱ–ȱTheȱCrimeȱofȱSuicideȱ
inȱEarlyȱModernȱAustriaȱandȱSweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 555
ListȱofȱIllustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 577
Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 581
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 591
AcknowledgmentȱandȱGratitude . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 601
Introduction
Crime,ȱTransgression,ȱandȱDeviancy:ȱBehaviorsȱthatȱ
DefinesȱUsȱAll
AlbrechtȱClassenȱandȱConnieȱScarboroughȱ
WhenȱoneȱnaivelyȱthinksȱofȱtheȱconceptsȱofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Agesȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱperiodȱtheȱfirstȱaspectsȱthatȱprobablyȱcomeȱtoȱmindȱare
arbitraryȱsystemsȱofȱjudges,ȱandȱharshȱandȱoftenȱbarbarousȱcorporalȱpunishments.
Executionsȱ orȱ dismembermentȱ were,ȱ asȱ weȱ hearȱ inȱ popularȱ media,ȱ theȱ norm
duringȱtheȱpremodernȱworld,ȱandȱsoȱcruelȱjudgments,ȱruthlessȱtreatmentȱofȱeven
theȱslightestȱtransgression,ȱand,ȱworst,ȱtheȱabsoluteȱpowerȱexertedȱfirstȱbyȱtheȱking,
andȱ then,ȱ oftenȱ evenȱ supersedingȱ him,ȱ theȱ Church.ȱ Romantic,ȱ oftenȱ highly
dramatizedȱandȱemotionalȱperceptionsȱofȱtheȱpastȱcontinueȱtoȱinfluenceȱtheȱpublic
mindsȱuntilȱtoday,ȱandȱhenceȱtheȱbroadȱapproachȱtoȱaȱworldȱinȱwhichȱcrimeȱand
punishmentsȱwere,ȱasȱitȱseems,ȱsimplyȱrampant,ȱcrudeȱandȱcruel,ȱalmostȱbeastly.
Suffice,ȱofȱcourse,ȱtoȱrememberȱthisȱpopularȱopinion,ȱandȱthenȱtoȱdismissȱitȱquickly
sinceȱitȱdoesȱnotȱliveȱupȱtoȱwhatȱweȱreallyȱknowȱaboutȱcrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱin
theȱMiddleȱAges.ȱAfterȱall,ȱcrimeȱitselfȱconstitutesȱaȱhighlyȱcomplexȱphenomenon
representingȱtheȱnormsȱandȱtheirȱtransgressionȱbyȱanȱindividual,ȱaȱgroup,ȱorȱa
wholeȱsociety.ȱSimilarly,ȱpunishmentȱcanȱbeȱmetedȱoutȱinȱaȱvastȱarrayȱofȱpossible
degreesȱandȱprocedures,ȱsoȱbothȱaspectsȱaddressedȱinȱtheȱpresentȱvolumeȱalertȱus
toȱtheȱconstantȱneedȱtoȱrevisitȱtheȱbasicȱassumptionsȱaboutȱtheȱpremodernȱorȱany
otherȱ world,ȱ especiallyȱ becauseȱ theȱ conceptȱ ofȱ whatȱ aȱ crimeȱ actuallyȱ means
appearsȱtoȱbeȱinȱconstantȱflux.ȱ
Everyȱsocietyȱlivesȱbyȱitsȱownȱnormsȱandȱstandards,ȱandȱculturesȱhaveȱdiffered
fromȱeachȱotherȱprofoundlyȱfromȱperiodȱtoȱperiod,ȱfromȱcountryȱtoȱcountry,ȱand
fromȱreligionȱtoȱreligion.ȱMoreover,ȱweȱwouldȱbeȱwellȱadvisedȱtoȱabstainȱfrom
quickȱ evaluationsȱ simplyȱ becauseȱ ofȱ differencesȱ inȱ approachesȱ andȱ attitudes
throughoutȱtimeȱasȱfarȱasȱfundamentalȱconceptsȱofȱrightȱandȱwrongȱchange,ȱifȱwe
disregard,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ thoseȱ casesȱ addressedȱ byȱ theȱ Tenȱ Commandmentsȱ as
2 ConnieȱScarboroughȱandȱAlbrechtȱClassen
formulatedȱinȱtheȱOldȱTestamentȱ(inȱtheȱSeptuagintȱ[orȱLXX]ȱatȱExodusȱ34:28[3]
andȱDeuteronomyȱ10:4).ȱTheȱdangerȱcouldȱbeȱthatȱinȱaȱhastyȱcondemnationȱofȱthe
pastȱworldȱorȱcultureȱasȱbeingȱbelowȱourȱmodernȱstandardsȱwithȱrespectȱtoȱthe
legalȱsystemȱweȱmightȱfallȱintoȱ theȱtrapȱofȱidealizingȱourȱownȱworldȱasȱvastly
superiorȱtoȱanythingȱthatȱmightȱhaveȱexistedȱbefore.ȱOfȱcourse,ȱhereȱweȱfaceȱthe
ScyllaȱofȱglorifyingȱtheȱpremodernȱworldȱandȱtheȱCharybdisȱofȱcondemningȱitȱas
theȱallegedlyȱ‘darkȱage,’ȱneitherȱoneȱofȱwhichȱisȱtrulyȱcorrect.ȱȱ
Yet,ȱwhenȱcarefullyȱexaminedȱinȱaȱcomparativeȱmethod,ȱweȱwouldȱsuddenly
comeȱ acrossȱ theȱ ratherȱ alarmingȱ observationȱ thatȱ theȱ twentiethȱ century,ȱ for
instance,ȱ hasȱ witnessedȱ manyȱ moreȱ systemsȱ ofȱ brutal,ȱ merciless,ȱ andȱ devilish
formsȱofȱpersecutionsȱandȱpunishmentsȱforȱideologicalȱcrimesȱthanȱeverȱbefore.
Neitherȱ theȱ Nazisȱ norȱ theȱ Communists,ȱ notȱ toȱ mentionȱ countlessȱ other
dicatorshipsȱ inȱ Asia,ȱ Africa,ȱ andȱ LatinȬAmerica,ȱ canȱ beȱ creditedȱ withȱ having
significantlyȱimprovedȱhumanȱrightsȱandȱtheȱlegalȱsystemȱatȱlarge,ȱorȱwithȱhaving
beenȱsuccessfulȱinȱsuppressingȱcrimeȱinȱgeneralȱtermsȱandȱthusȱinȱprovidingȱmore
securityȱ toȱ theȱ people.ȱ Byȱ contrast,ȱ theirȱ wayȱ ofȱ dealingȱ withȱ infractions,
transgressions,ȱandȱcrimesȱwereȱoftenȱmoreȱbrutalȱandȱtorturousȱthanȱeverȱbefore
inȱhumanȱhistory,ȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱthoseȱsystemsȱregularlyȱdeterminedȱspecific
formsȱofȱbehaviorȱ(rituals,ȱceremonies,ȱpatterns,ȱpractices),ȱideas,ȱandȱvalues,ȱnot
toȱmentionȱsexual,ȱracial,ȱorȱreligiousȱidentities,ȱasȱcrimesȱagainstȱtheȱleader,ȱthe
party,ȱorȱsocietyȱatȱlarge,ȱwhichȱweȱtodayȱwouldȱrejectȱasȱabsurd,ȱfanatical,ȱand
purelyȱideologyȱdriven.ȱOfȱcourse,ȱthisȱsoberingȱrealizationȱdoesȱnotȱforceȱusȱto
portrayȱmedievalȱlawȱandȱtheȱcriminalȱjudgmentȱsystem,ȱinȱradicalȱoppositions,
asȱbetterȱorȱpreferable,ȱbutȱitȱshouldȱwarnȱusȱtoȱavoidȱdemonizingȱtheȱpastȱsimply
becauseȱ todayȱ weȱ wantȱ itȱ toȱ beȱ identifiedȱ asȱ soȱ muchȱ betterȱ thanȱ theȱ present.
Mythsȱcontinueȱtoȱenjoyȱaȱhighȱpopularity,ȱandȱtheyȱliveȱonȱfromȱgenerationȱto
generation,ȱwithoutȱtherebyȱgainingȱmoreȱhistoricalȱveracityȱorȱvalidity.1ȱ
Legalȱ history,ȱ toȱ putȱ itȱ bluntly,ȱ isȱ aȱ trickyȱ business,ȱ especiallyȱ inȱ culturalȬ
historicalȱterms.ȱGenerallyȱspeaking,ȱthereȱstillȱisȱveryȱgoodȱreasonȱtoȱbelieveȱthat
today,ȱafterȱhundredsȱofȱyearsȱofȱintensiveȱworkȱtowardȱtheȱimprovementȱofȱthe
legalȱsystemȱinȱorderȱtoȱcomplyȱwithȱtheȱprinciplesȱofȱhumanism,ȱenlightenment,
tolerance,ȱandȱjusticeȱwithinȱaȱdemocraticȱframework,ȱcrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱare
treatedȱ andȱ dealtȱ withȱ inȱ aȱ veryȱ differentȱ mannerȱ thanȱ inȱ theȱ past,
nonewithstandingȱconstantȱcomplaintsȱorȱcriticismȱofȱsevereȱinfractions,ȱdisregard,
andȱbreakingȱofȱevenȱsomeȱofȱtheȱbasicȱnormsȱbyȱwhichȱweȱorientȱourselvesȱinȱthe
Westernȱworld.ȱ
1
SeeȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱMisconceptionsȱaboutȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱStephenȱJ.ȱHarrisȱandȱBryonȱL.
Grigsby.ȱRoutledgeȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱReligionȱandȱCulture,ȱ7ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2008);
Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ Theȱ Medievalȱ Chastityȱ Belt:ȱ Aȱ MythȬMakingȱ Process.ȱ Theȱ Newȱ Middleȱ Ages
(Houndmills,ȱBasingstoke,ȱHampshire,ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPalgraveȱmacmillan,ȱ2007),ȱ7–16;ȱ147–54.
Introduction 3
Eachȱsocialȱsystemȱbelieves,ȱofȱcourse,ȱinȱtheȱfullȱvalidityȱofȱitsȱownȱlegalȱcodes
andȱlegalȱpractices,ȱotherwiseȱitȱwouldȱconvertȱtoȱanother,ȱbetterȱoneȱinȱorderȱto
survive.ȱTheȱgreatȱsuccessȱstoryȱofȱEikeȱvonȱRepgow’sȱfamousȱSachsenspiegelȱ(The
Saxonsȱ Mirror)ȱ fromȱ ca.ȱ 1225–1230,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ muchȱ adapted,ȱ modified,ȱ and
translatedȱthroughoutȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAges,ȱconfirmsȱthisȱobservation,ȱbutȱmany
otherȱlawȱbooksȱbothȱfromȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱtimeȱwould
providedȱsimilarȱevidence.ȱWhileȱEikeȱdidȱnotȱhaveȱanyȱwrittenȱsources,ȱasȱfarȱas
weȱcanȱtell,ȱhisȱcollectionȱofȱlegalȱstipulations,ȱregulations,ȱexplanations,ȱandȱrules
becameȱtheȱfoundationȱforȱmanyȱotherȱlawȱbooksȱallȱoverȱnorthernȱGermany,ȱas
documentedȱ byȱ moreȱ thanȱ 450ȱ survivingȱ manuscripts—trulyȱ aȱ recordȱ forȱ the
MiddleȱAges.2
Whileȱ thereȱ wereȱ certainlyȱ casesȱ ofȱ unjustȱ sentencesȱ andȱ cruel
punishments—andȱ whenȱ didȱ thoseȱ notȱ occurȱ inȱ theȱ historyȱ ofȱ mankind?—the
contributionsȱtoȱtheȱ presentȱvolumeȱshowȱthat,ȱinȱmanyȱcases,ȱcourtsȱorȱother
judicialȱofficialsȱwereȱgenuinelyȱconcernedȱwithȱtheȱletterȱandȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlaw.
Punishmentsȱ couldȱ beȱ corporal,ȱ suspensionȱ ofȱ rightsȱ orȱ privileges,ȱ exile,ȱ or
monetaryȱ fines.ȱ Theȱ epithetsȱ ‘unjust’ȱ andȱ ‘cruel’ȱ are,ȱ however,ȱ notȱ easyȱ to
determineȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheirȱtime,ȱandȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱmeanȱmuchȱinȱcomparison
withȱourȱlawsȱtoday,ȱatȱleastȱinȱtheȱwesternȱworld,ȱsinceȱmedievalȱsociety,ȱfor
instance,ȱ toȱ generalizeȱ hereȱ deliberatelyȱ inȱ aȱ perhapsȱ inappropriatelyȱ gross
manner,ȱembracedȱitsȱownȱlawsȱandȱregardedȱthemȱasȱappropriateȱandȱeffective,
sinceȱtheyȱallowedȱthemȱtoȱfunctionȱmoreȱorȱlessȱinȱpracticalȱterms.ȱAtȱtheȱsame
time,ȱweȱneedȱtoȱconsiderȱwhatȱtheȱbasicȱpurposeȱofȱlawsȱhadȱbeenȱorȱwouldȱbe
atȱanyȱtimeȱandȱinȱanyȱculture.ȱ
Lawsȱ areȱ madeȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ copeȱ inȱ practicalȱ termsȱ withȱ crimesȱ (actualȱ or
perceived),ȱhenceȱtheyȱrevealȱmuchȱaboutȱcertainȱconditionsȱofȱaȱgivenȱsocietyȱand
itsȱmentalȬhistoricalȱframework.ȱForȱinstance,ȱinȱtheȱUSȱmanyȱlawsȱregulateȱor
ratherȱforbidȱtheȱuseȱofȱdrugsȱbecauseȱtheyȱhaveȱenteredȱthisȱcountryȱandȱthreaten
theȱwellȬbeingȱofȱaȱgrowingȱnumberȱofȱpeople,ȱandȱultimatelyȱofȱsocietyȱatȱlarge.
Theȱexistenceȱofȱthoseȱlawsȱindicatesȱthatȱtheȱgovernmentȱbecameȱawareȱofȱthat
problemȱandȱrealizedȱthatȱitȱhadȱtoȱreactȱtoȱstemȱtheȱfloodȱofȱdrugsȱonceȱcritical
massȱhadȱbeenȱreached.ȱInȱthisȱregard,ȱdrugȱlawsȱinformȱusȱfundamentallyȱabout
theȱchangingȱconditionsȱwithinȱaȱsocietyȱsinceȱpeopleȱareȱeitherȱbeginningȱtoȱtake
dangerousȱ drugsȱ orȱ theyȱ are,ȱ afterȱ havingȱ beenȱ regularȱ drugȱ users,ȱ suddenly
treatedȱ asȱ criminalsȱ becauseȱ newȱ lawsȱ wereȱ institutedȱ toȱ suppressȱ drugs
altogether.
2
TheȱSaxonȱMirror:ȱAȱSachsenspiegelȱofȱtheȱFourteenthȱCentury,ȱtrans.ȱMariaȱDobozy.ȱTheȱMiddle
AgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ28–33.ȱDobozyȱeitherȱmeans
theȱ historyȱ ofȱ receptionȱ withȱ theȱ dateȱ inȱ herȱ subtitle,ȱ orȱ sheȱ simplyȱ meantȱ ‘ofȱ theȱ thirteenth
century.’
Sinceȱjudicialȱpracticesȱandȱsentencesȱvariedȱoverȱtimeȱandȱplace,ȱitȱisȱindeed
difficultȱtoȱdrawȱanyȱmonolithicȱconclusionsȱaboutȱtheȱperceptionsȱorȱactualities
ofȱcrimesȱandȱpunishmentȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod,ȱalthough
theȱhistoricalȱinvestigationȱofȱtheȱjusticeȱsystemȱinȱtheȱpastȱbyȱnowȱlooksȱbackȱto
moreȱ thanȱ twoȱ hundredȱ yearsȱ atȱ least.3ȱ Estherȱ Cohen,ȱ inȱ fact,ȱ warnsȱ against
approachingȱtheȱideaȱofȱaȱlegalȱsystemȱasȱaȱunifiedȱwholeȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱperiod.
Sheȱstatesȱthatȱ“theȱmultiplicityȱandȱoccasionalȱcontradictionsȱofȱdifferentȱlegal
levelsȱwasȱtheȱmostȱrealȱandȱpersistentȱcharacteristicȱofȱlateȱmedievalȱsociety.”4
Justȱasȱweȱcannotȱimposeȱaȱsingleȱjudicialȱsystemȱonȱlawȱduringȱthisȱperiod,
neitherȱshouldȱweȱimposeȱmodernȱstandardsȱaboutȱwhatȱconstitutesȱ“cruelȱand
unusualȱpunishment”ȱasȱDanielȱBarazȱpointsȱoutȱinȱhisȱbook,ȱMedievalȱCruelty:
Changingȱ Perceptions,ȱ Lateȱ Antiquityȱ toȱ theȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Period.5ȱ Crueltyȱ asȱ a
constructȱ canȱ beȱ appliedȱ bothȱ toȱ casesȱ ofȱ crimeȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ subsequent
punishmentsȱ inflictedȱ onȱ thoseȱ foundȱ guiltyȱ ofȱ crimes.ȱ Amongȱ crimesȱ most
frequentlyȱcitedȱasȱ“violent”ȱareȱmurder,ȱrape,ȱassault,ȱandȱrobberyȱevenȱthough
whatȱconstitutesȱtheseȱcrimesȱmayȱvaryȱacrossȱculturesȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱenforcement
ofȱ lawsȱ againstȱ them.6ȱ Forȱ theȱ periodsȱ weȱ areȱ discussingȱ documentationȱ also
becomesȱproblematicȱandȱitȱisȱdifficultȱtoȱreachȱanyȱdefinitiveȱconclusionsȱabout
whichȱ specificȱ actsȱ wereȱ viewedȱ asȱ criminal.ȱ Didȱ theseȱ changeȱ withȱ regardȱ to
circumstance,ȱ socialȱstandingȱofȱperpetrators,ȱorȱotherȱmitigatingȱfactors?ȱWas
punishmentȱalwaysȱimposedȱwhenȱaȱcrimeȱorȱotherȱviolentȱactȱwasȱprovenȱtoȱhave
beenȱ committed?ȱ Wereȱ certainȱ personsȱ exemptȱ fromȱ punishmentȱ andȱ would
3
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱFranzȱHeinemann,ȱDerȱRichterȱundȱdieȱRechtspflegeȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱVergangenheit.
MonographienȱzurȱdeutschenȱKulturgeschichte,ȱ4ȱ([Leipzig:ȱDiederichs],ȱ1900;ȱEdwardȱJenks,ȱLaw
andȱPoliticsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱwithȱaȱSynopticȱTableȱofȱSourcesȱ(1898;ȱLondonȱ:ȱMurray,ȱ1913);ȱȱFritz
Kern,ȱGottesgnadentumȱundȱWiderstandsrechtȱimȱFrüherenȱMittelalter:ȱZurȱEntwicklungsgeschichteȱder
Monarchie.ȱMittelalterlicheȱStudien,ȱI,ȱ2ȱ(Leipzig:ȱK.ȱF.ȱKoehler,ȱ1914);ȱWilliamȱSeagle,ȱTheȱHistory
ofȱLawȱ(NewȱYork:ȱTudorȱPublishingȱCo.,ȱ1946);ȱR.ȱC.ȱvanȱCaenegem,ȱLegalȱHistory:ȱAȱEuropean
Perspectiveȱ(LondonȱandȱRioȱGrande,ȱOH:ȱHambledonȱPress,ȱ1991).ȱResearchȱhasȱgrownȱinȱleaps
andȱboundsȱeverȱsince,ȱbothȱinȱEuropeȱandȱinȱNorthȱAmerica;ȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱAnthonyȱMusson,
MedievalȱLawȱinȱContext:ȱTheȱGrowthȱofȱLegalȱConsciousnessȱfromȱMagnaȱCartaȱtoȱtheȱPeasants’ȱRevolt.
Manchesterȱ Medievalȱ Studiesȱ (Manchester,ȱ UK:ȱ Manchesterȱ Universityȱ Press;ȱ Newȱ York:
Palgrave,ȱ2001);ȱAlanȱHarding,ȱMedievalȱLawȱandȱtheȱFoundationsȱofȱtheȱStateȱ(OxfordȱandȱNew
York:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2002);ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱBoundariesȱofȱtheȱLaw:ȱGeography,
Genderȱ andȱ Jurisdictionȱ inȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Europe,ȱ ed.ȱ Anthonyȱ Mussonȱ (Aldershot,
England,ȱandȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2005);ȱandȱtoȱLawȱandȱSovereigntyȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱthe
Renaissance,ȱed.ȱRobertȱS.ȱSturgess.ȱArizonaȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱ28
([Turnhout]:ȱBrepols,ȱ2011).
4
EstherȱCohen,ȱTheȱCrossroadsȱofȱJustice:ȱLawȱandȱCultureȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱFrance,ȱBrill’sȱStudiesȱin
IntellectualȱHistory,ȱ36ȱ(Leiden,ȱNewȱYork,ȱandȱCologne:ȱE.ȱJ.ȱBrill,ȱ1993),ȱ16.
5
DanielȱBaraz,ȱMedievalȱCruelty:ȱChangingȱPerceptions,ȱLateȱAntiquityȱtoȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱPeriod,
ConjunctionsȱofȱReligionȱ&ȱPowerȱinȱtheȱMedievalȱPastȱ(IthacaȱandȱLondon:ȱCornellȱUniversity
Press,ȱ2003),ȱ4.
6
Baraz,“MedievalȱCruelty,”ȱ6ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
Introduction 5
punishmentȱvaryȱaccordingȱtoȱone’sȱsocialȱstandingȱorȱrank?ȱWereȱthereȱminority
groupsȱsignaledȱoutȱforȱharshestȱpunishmentȱifȱaȱmemberȱofȱaȱmarginalizedȱgroup
wasȱconvictedȱofȱaȱcrime?ȱ
Theȱsourcesȱthatȱoneȱmayȱconsultȱtoȱfindȱanswersȱtoȱtheseȱcomplexȱquestions,
whileȱscantȱinȱcomparisonȱtoȱmodernȱstatisticalȱdata,ȱcanȱbeȱdiscoverdȱinȱcountless
recordsȱofȱcourtȱproceedings,ȱhistories,ȱlegalȱcodes,ȱandȱliteraryȱtexts.ȱAlbrecht
Classenȱ hasȱ addressedȱ theȱ viabilityȱ ofȱ usingȱ literaryȱ textsȱ forȱ aȱ studyȱ ofȱ such
epistemologicalȱ concernsȱ asȱ humanȱ transgressionȱ andȱ retribution.ȱ Sinceȱ the
majorityȱ ofȱ theȱ articlesȱ inȱ thisȱ collectionȱ useȱ literaryȱ textsȱ asȱ aȱ basisȱ forȱ their
analyses,ȱ Classen’sȱ explanationsȱ thatȱ literatureȱ isȱ “oneȱ ofȱ theȱ centralȱ mediaȱ of
humanȱconsciousnessȱandȱhasȱofferedȱbothȱdescriptiveȱandȱprescriptiveȱmodels
ofȱhumanȱinteraction”ȱandȱthatȱliteratureȱreflectsȱsociety’sȱeffortsȱ“toȱcomeȱtoȱterms
withȱitsȱendemicȱandȱexternalȱproblemsȱandȱcrises”ȱseemsȱworthȱrepeatingȱhere.7ȱ
Also,ȱliteraryȱtextsȱplayedȱaȱroleȱinȱshapingȱasȱwellȱasȱreflectingȱsocialȱrealities
asȱRobertȱMillsȱremindsȱus.8ȱMillsȱspeaksȱofȱmodernȱcriticalȱviewsȱofȱtheȱMiddle
Agesȱinȱtermsȱofȱalterityȱandȱstudiesȱinȱthisȱvolumeȱwillȱhopefullyȱmoveȱbeyond
seeingȱ theȱ conceptsȱ ofȱ punishmentȱ orȱ crueltyȱ merelyȱ inȱ termsȱ ofȱ constitutive
differenceȱwithȱcontemporaryȱnotionsȱofȱlawȬbreakersȱandȱpunitiveȱpractices.ȱThis
criticȱalsoȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱbyȱfocusingȱonȱtheȱabjectȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱtheȱmodern
conceptȱofȱpunishmentȱandȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱperceptionsȱweȱactually
reinforceȱtheȱviewȱofȱ ourȱdesireȱtoȱidentifyȱwithȱanȱideaȱofȱourselvesȱwhichȱis
inherentlyȱwestern,ȱcivilized,ȱandȱprogressive.9ȱ
Whenȱaddressingȱtheȱissueȱofȱtorture,ȱMillsȱcontendsȱthatȱ“Theȱcriticalȱtendency
toȱcondemn,ȱexcuseȱorȱevenȱcelebrateȱimagesȱofȱtortureȱwithȱreferencesȱtoȱnotions
ofȱ medievalȱ alterityȱ mayȱ ultimatelyȱ deriveȱ lessȱ fromȱ anȱ understandingȱ ofȱ the
Middleȱ Agesȱ ‘onȱ itsȱ ownȱ terms’ȱ thanȱ fromȱ falseȱ notionsȱ ofȱ ourȱ ownȱ moral
superiorityȱ andȱ ethicalȱ progression.”10ȱ Theȱ articlesȱ inȱ theȱ presentȱ volumeȱ are
mindfulȱofȱthisȱpotentialȱpitfallȱandȱseekȱtoȱavoidȱsensationalizingȱeitherȱtheȱcrimes
orȱtheȱpunishmentsȱasȱmoreȱinherentlyȱviolentȱorȱcruelȱthanȱatȱotherȱmomentsȱin
history.
Forȱ example,ȱ recentȱ studiesȱ indicateȱ thatȱ capitalȱ punishmentȱ wasȱ notȱ the
pervasiveȱ sentenceȱ metedȱ outȱ inȱ medievalȱ systemsȱ asȱ manyȱ scholarsȱ have
previouslyȱasserted.ȱItȱwasȱfarȱmoreȱcommonȱofȱpeopleȱconvictedȱofȱcrimesȱto
escapeȱ theȱ deathȱ penaltyȱ eitherȱ becauseȱ theyȱ wereȱ ableȱ toȱ escapeȱ fromȱ their
7
AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱSexualȱViolenceȱandȱRapeȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱAȱCriticalȱDiscourse
inȱPremodernȱGermanȱandȱEuropeanȱLiterature,ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱCultureȱ7ȱ(Berlinȱand
Boston:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ2011),ȱ2.
8
RobertȱMills,ȱSuspendedȱAnimation:ȱPain,ȱPleasureȱandȱPunishmentȱinȱMedievalȱCultureȱ(London:
ReaktionȱBooks,ȱ2005),ȱ10.
9
Mills,ȱSuspendedȱAnimation,ȱ13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).
10
accusers,ȱ leaveȱ theȱ areaȱ underȱ jurisdiction,ȱ wereȱ pardoned,ȱ orȱ diedȱ ofȱ other
causes.11ȱ Asȱ ourȱ studiesȱ indicate,ȱ theȱ impositionȱ ofȱ fines,ȱ banishment,ȱ public
humiliation,ȱorȱimprisonmentȱinȱalmostȱallȱareasȱofȱtheȱWestȱwereȱmoreȱprevalent
thanȱpublicȱexecutions.ȱTheȱimpositionȱofȱaȱpilgrimage,ȱorȱofȱfinesȱinȱreligious
terms—fasting,ȱprayers,ȱspendingȱtimeȱinȱaȱmonasticȱcell,ȱexile,ȱorȱtheȱseekingȱof
dispensationȱbyȱaȱhighȬrankingȱchurchȱauthority,ȱespeciallyȱtheȱpope—provedȱto
beȱquiteȱsuccessfulȱstrategiesȱandȱprovidedȱpeopleȱwithȱsuccessfulȱalternatives.
Punishmentȱcanȱbeȱleviedȱonȱanȱindividualȱlevel,ȱtakingȱtheȱformȱofȱpersonal
revengeȱ orȱ redressȱ forȱ grievancesȱ committed,ȱ orȱ onȱ anȱ institutionalȱ level,
administeredȱbyȱaȱjudge,ȱcourt,ȱorȱotherȱlegalȱauthority.ȱPunishmentsȱmayȱalsoȱbe
exactedȱbyȱaȱcommunityȱorȱgroupȱwhoȱdeterminesȱthatȱoneȱofȱitsȱmembersȱhas
transgressedȱ commonlyȱ agreedȬuponȱ normsȱ forȱ acceptableȱ behavior.ȱ Whenȱ a
judicialȱbodyȱwasȱchargedȱwithȱdeterminingȱguiltȱorȱinnocenceȱandȱmetingȱout
punishmentȱagainstȱthoseȱfoundȱguilty,ȱtheȱjudiciaryȱwas,ȱinȱmostȱcases,ȱmore
concernedȱwithȱgeneralȱsecurityȱthanȱinȱabstractȱnotionsȱofȱjustice.12
HenryȱMaine,ȱwritingȱinȱtheȱnineteenthȱcentury,ȱstressedȱthatȱpenalȱlawȱwasȱnot
originallyȱ aboutȱ crimesȱ butȱ aboutȱ wrongdoingȱ andȱ concernȱ thatȱ theȱ wronged
personȱbeȱproperlyȱcompensated.13ȱThisȱcompensationȱoftenȱtookȱtheȱformȱofȱa
monetaryȱ settlement.ȱ Finesȱ wereȱ basedȱ onȱ bothȱ theȱ severityȱ andȱ natureȱ ofȱ the
damageȱ doneȱ andȱ alsoȱ onȱ theȱ socialȱ standingȱ orȱ sexȱ ofȱ theȱ offendedȱ party.14
Damageȱconsistedȱofȱbodilyȱinjuryȱ(includingȱmurder)ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheftȱofȱone’s
propertyȱorȱanyȱotherȱpossession(s).ȱ
Rapeȱ wasȱ muchȱ moreȱ seriouslyȱ punishedȱ than,ȱ perhaps,ȱ inȱ someȱ modern
societies,ȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱtheȱwoman’sȱvictimizationȱwasȱregardedȱmostlyȱmore
asȱaȱmatterȱofȱhurtingȱaȱfather’sȱorȱaȱhusband’sȱrightsȱthanȱasȱanȱattackȱagainstȱthe
womanȱallȱbyȱitself.15ȱAccordingȱtoȱIves,ȱcompensationȱwasȱextractedȱnotȱfromȱany
11
12
RenéȱGirard,ȱViolenceȱandȱtheȱSacred,ȱtrans.ȱPatrickȱGregoryȱ(BaltimoreȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱJohns
HopkinsȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1989),ȱ22,ȱ
13
HenryȱSumnerȱMaine,ȱAncientȱLaw:ȱItsȱConnectionȱwithȱtheȱEarlyȱHistoryȱofȱSociety,ȱandȱItsȱRelation
toȱModernȱIdeasȱ(NewȱYork:ȱH.ȱHoltȱandȱCompany,ȱ1878),ȱ379.
14
GeorgeȱIves,ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱPenalȱMethods:ȱCriminals,ȱWitches,ȱLunatics,ȱPattersonȱSmithȱReprintȱSeries
inȱCriminology,ȱLawȱEnforcement,ȱandȱSocialȱProblems,ȱ124ȱ(1914;ȱMontclair,ȱNJ:ȱPattersonȱSmith,
1970),ȱ8.
15
AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱSexualȱViolenceȱ(seeȱnote);ȱJeremyȱGoldberg,ȱCommunalȱDiscord,ȱChildȱAbduction,
andȱRapeȱinȱtheȱLaterȱMiddleȱAges.ȱTheȱNewȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2008);
seeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱRepresentingȱRapeȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱLiterature,ȱed.
Elizabethȱ Robertsonȱ andȱ Christineȱ M.ȱ Roseȱ ȱ ȱ Theȱ Newȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ (Newȱ York:ȱ Palgrave
Macmillan,ȱ2001);ȱKathrynȱGravdal,ȱRavishingȱMaidens:ȱWritingȱRapeȱinȱMedievalȱFrenchȱLiterature
andȱLawȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1991);ȱsieheȱauchȱHildeȱSchmölzer,ȱDie
Frau:ȱdasȱgekaufteȱGeschlecht;ȱEhe,ȱLiebeȱundȱProstitutionȱimȱPatriarchatȱ(BadȱSauerbrunnȱ:ȱEd.ȱTau,
1993).
Introduction 7
humaneȱobjectionȱtoȱphysicalȱpunishmentȱbutȱratherȱoutȱofȱaȱfearȱofȱvendettaȱon
theȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ victimȱ orȱ his/herȱ family.16ȱ Partȱ ofȱ theȱ compensationȱ mightȱ also
accrueȱtoȱtheȱcrownȱorȱotherȱauthorityȱasȱaȱtypeȱofȱcompensationȱforȱdisturbingȱthe
peace.17ȱCriminalsȱwereȱkeptȱinȱprisonȱuntilȱtheirȱcasesȱwereȱadjudicatedȱbutȱlong
prisonȱ sentencesȱ asȱ punishmentȱ wereȱ notȱ asȱ commonȱ aȱ practiceȱ asȱ isȱ often
assumed.18ȱ
Personsȱaccusedȱofȱcrimesȱcouldȱbeȱfoundȱinnocentȱthroughȱvariousȱtypesȱof
ordeals,ȱwithȱtheȱmostȱcommonȱbeingȱthatȱofȱtheȱheatedȱironȱbar,ȱorȱring.ȱAfter
carryingȱtheȱheatedȱironȱforȱaȱspecifiedȱdistance,ȱtheȱaccusedȱhandsȱwereȱbandaged
andȱif,ȱafterȱthreeȱdays,ȱtheyȱwereȱfoundȱcleanȱandȱnotȱinfectedȱheȱwasȱdeclared
innocent.ȱOrdealsȱwereȱcondemnedȱinȱ1251ȱbyȱtheȱFourthȱLateranȱCouncilȱand
sinceȱtheȱordealȱrequiredȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱaȱpriestȱwhenȱitȱwasȱadministered,ȱtrial
byȱordealȱlargelyȱceasedȱafterȱthisȱdate.19ȱTrialȱbyȱbattleȱwasȱanotherȱformȱofȱordeal
althoughȱthisȱpracticeȱappearsȱrarelyȱafterȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury.ȱCriminalsȱcould
alsoȱseekȱsanctuary,ȱandȱthusȱfreedomȱfromȱpersecution,ȱbyȱseekingȱasylumȱwithin
aȱchurchȱorȱmonastery.ȱThereȱisȱevidenceȱthatȱcoloniesȱofȱfugitivesȱgrewȱupȱat
someȱofȱtheȱgreatȱseatsȱofȱworship.ȱ
Irrespectiveȱ ofȱ theȱ banȱ byȱ theȱ Churchȱ onȱ theȱ ordeal,ȱ duelsȱ andȱ similar
proceduresȱtoȱdetermineȱsomeone’sȱguiltȱorȱhonorȱcontinuedȱtoȱenjoyȱconsiderable
popularityȱfarȱintoȱtheȱnineteenthȱandȱevenȱtwentiethȱcentury.ȱManyȱscholarsȱhave
questionedȱwhetherȱweȱcouldȱevenȱcharacterizeȱsuchȱaȱduelȱasȱaȱformȱofȱordeal,
butȱbothȱmethodsȱcertainlyȱreflectedȱonȱtheȱneedȱtoȱappealȱtoȱhigherȱpowersȱto
determineȱhumanȱguiltȱorȱinnocence.20
Publicȱshamingȱofȱcriminalsȱwasȱalsoȱpartȱofȱtheȱarsenalȱofȱmedievalȱandȱearly
modernȱpunishments.ȱTheȱmostȱsevereȱformȱofȱshamingȱwasȱaȱpublicȱfloggingȱbut
thereȱwasȱalsoȱexposureȱinȱtheȱstocksȱorȱinȱaȱneckȱpillory.21ȱCriminalsȱmightȱalso
beȱ requiredȱ toȱ wearȱ someȱ sortȱ ofȱ badgeȱ onȱ theirȱ clothingȱ asȱ aȱ signȱ ofȱ their
16
Ives,ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱPenalȱMethods,ȱ4ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
17
18
JeanȱDunbabin,ȱCaptivityȱandȱImprisonmentȱinȱMedievalȱEurope,ȱ1000–1300ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPalgrave
Macmillan,ȱ2002);ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱOrteȱderȱVerwahrung:ȱdieȱinnereȱOrganisationȱvon
Gefängnissen,ȱ Hospitälernȱ undȱ Klösternȱ seitȱ demȱ Spätmittelalter,ȱ ed.ȱ Gerhardȱ Ammerer.
GeschlosseneȱHäuserȱ–ȱhistorischeȱStudienȱzuȱInstitutionenȱundȱOrtenȱderȱSeparierung,ȱVerwahȬ
rungȱundȱBestrafung,ȱ1ȱ(Leipzig:ȱLeipzigerȱUniversitätsȬVerlag,ȱ2010);ȱEnfermementsȱȱleȱcloîtreȱet
laȱprison:ȱVIeȱȬȱXVIIIeȱsiècle;ȱactesȱduȱcolloqueȱinternationalȱorganiséȱparȱleȱCentreȱdȇÉtudeȱetȱdeȱRecherche
enȱHistoireȱCulturelle,ȱed.ȱIsabelleȱHeullantȬDonat,ȱJulieȱClaustre,ȱandȱLussetȱElisabeth.ȱHomme
etȱsociétéȱ(Paris:ȱPublicationsȱdeȱlaȱSorbonne,ȱ2011).
19
JohnȱBriggs,ȱChristopherȱHarrison,ȱAngusȱMcInnes,ȱandȱDavidȱVincent,ȱCrimeȱandȱPunishmentȱin
England:ȱAnȱIntroductoryȱHistoryȱ(NewȱYork:ȱStȱMartin’sȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ10.
20
Sarahȱ Neumann,ȱ Derȱ gerichtlicheȱ Zweikampf:ȱ Gottesurteilȱ –ȱ Wettstreitȱ –ȱ Ehrensache.ȱ MittelalterȬ
Forschungen,ȱ31ȱ(Sigmaringen:ȱJanȱThorbeckeȱVerlag,ȱ2011).
21
Ives,ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱPenalȱMethods,ȱ54Ȭ55ȱ(seeȱnote11).
malfeasance.ȱOneȱexampleȱwasȱtheȱpiecesȱofȱredȱclothȱinȱtheȱshapeȱofȱtonguesȱthat
aȱfalseȱwitnessȱwasȱrequiredȱtoȱwearȱonȱhisȱbreastȱandȱonȱhisȱshouldersȱforȱtheȱrest
ofȱhisȱlife.22ȱDishonoringȱatȱtheȱpilloryȱsometimesȱinvolvedȱtheȱcriminalȱwearing
animalȱ masksȱ orȱ woodenȱ yokesȱ thatȱ heightenedȱ theȱ senseȱ ofȱ shameȱ these
punishmentsȱwereȱmeantȱtoȱconvey.ȱTorturesȱorȱ brandingȱthatȱleftȱpermanent
marksȱonȱtheȱbodyȱwereȱalsoȱsignsȱofȱinfamyȱandȱdisgrace.23
TrialȱbyȱjuryȱwasȱinstitutedȱinȱEnglandȱinȱ1166ȱforȱdecisionsȱaboutȱlandȱcasesȱand
wasȱsoonȱafterwardȱextendedȱforȱuseȱinȱcriminalȱcases.ȱAnȱessentialȱdifference
betweenȱmedievalȱjuryȱtrailsȱandȱtheȱmodernȱconceptȱisȱthatȱmedievalȱjurorsȱbased
theirȱverdictsȱonȱtheirȱknowledgeȱaboutȱtheȱcrimeȱandȱnotȱonȱtheȱbasisȱofȱevidence
presentedȱinȱtheȱcourseȱofȱtheȱtrial.24ȱAlsoȱitȱisȱimportantȱtoȱkeepȱinȱmindȱthat
criminalȱlawȱwasȱratherȱlimitedȱandȱunsophisticatedȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱcivilȱlaw.ȱAnd
mostȱcivilȱcasesȱwereȱheardȱbeforeȱaȱmagistrateȱwhoȱrenderedȱjudgmentȱrather
thanȱaȱjury.25ȱAdditionally,ȱtheȱChurchȱhadȱitsȱownȱcourtsȱandȱtheirȱjurisdiction
extendedȱtoȱclericsȱandȱchurchȱbuildings.ȱTheseȱChurchȱtribunalsȱalsoȱdealtȱwith
sexualȱoffensesȱandȱtestamentaryȱdisputes.26ȱ
AȱwonderfulȱandȱstillȱnotȱsufficientlyȱscouredȱsourceȱforȱChurchȱlawȱinȱtheȱlate
MiddleȱAgesȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱtheȱApostolicȱPenitentiaryȱatȱtheȱVatican,ȱwhichȱhas
beenȱmoreȱcriticallyȱexaminedȱinȱrecentȱyearsȱespeciallyȱbyȱSwedishȱscholarsȱfor
theȱChurchȱprovinceȱofȱUppsalaȱfromȱ1410ȱtoȱ1452.ȱApartȱfromȱtheȱusualȱcasesȱof
theft,ȱmurder,ȱandȱevenȱrape,ȱtheȱPenitentiaryȱheardȱmanyȱcasesȱpertainingȱto
marriage,ȱ birthȱ rights,ȱ bloodȱ relationships,ȱ thenȱ relatingȱ toȱ violentȱ behavior,
apostacy,ȱ religiousȱ conflictsȱ (includingȱ breakingȱ monasticȱ rulesȱ andȱ vows).
Violence,ȱ manslaughter,ȱ andȱ participationȱ inȱ militaryȱ actionsȱ wereȱ theȱ most
commonȱissues,ȱcloselyȱfollowedȱbyȱsexualȱcrimesȱ(includingȱrape,ȱasȱmentioned
above,ȱ breakingȱ theȱ vowȱ ofȱ celibacy,ȱ illegalȱ positionsȱ inȱ theȱ sexualȱ act,
homosexuality,ȱetc.),ȱthenȱdisobedience,ȱfailingȱtoȱfast,ȱcommittingȱsimony,ȱhaving
aȱconcubine,ȱcommittingȱadultery,ȱetc.ȱ
Theȱrangeȱofȱpossibleȱwrongdoingsȱinȱmedievalȱsocietyȱwasȱveryȱbroad,ȱquite
similarȱtoȱourȱworld,ȱbutȱtheȱimpositionsȱbyȱtheȱChurchȱonȱallȱpeople,ȱbothȱcleric
andȱlay,ȱincreasedȱtheȱdangerȱofȱtransgressingȱandȱbecomingȱguiltyȱofȱaȱsinȱandȱa
crimeȱ multifold.27ȱ Asȱ theȱ documentsȱ inȱ theȱ Apostolicȱ Penitentiaryȱ alsoȱ often
22
23
Mitchellȱ B.ȱ Merback,ȱ Theȱ Thief,ȱ theȱ Crossȱ andȱ theȱ Wheel:ȱ Painȱ andȱ theȱ Spectacleȱ ofȱ Punishmentȱ in
MedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱEuropeȱ(Chicago:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱ213.
24
Briggs,ȱet.al,ȱCrimeȱandȱPunishment,ȱ10ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
25
Briggs,ȱet.al,ȱCrimeȱandȱPunishment,ȱ11ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
26
Briggs,ȱet.al.,ȱCrimeȱandȱPunishment,ȱ12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
27
ȱ AuctoritateȱPapae:ȱTheȱChurchȱProvinceȱofȱUppsalaȱandȱtheȱApostolicȱPenitentiaryȱ1410–1526,ȱed.ȱSara
Risberg,ȱintrod.ȱKirsiȱSalonen.ȱDiplomatiariumȱSuecanumȱAppendix.ȱActaȱPontificumȱSuecica,
IIȱ(Stockholm:ȱNationalȱArchivesȱofȱSweden,ȱ2008).
Introduction 9
indicate,ȱmanyȱsupplicantsȱwereȱsimplyȱafraidȱofȱpotentiallyȱhavingȱcommittedȱa
crimeȱorȱaȱtransgressionȱofȱchurchȱlawȱandȱtiredȱhardȱtoȱfreeȱthemselvesȱfromȱany
allegationsȱorȱaccusations,ȱsuchȱasȱofȱillegitimateȱbirth,ȱofȱhavingȱbeenȱpassively
involvedȱinȱmurderȱcases,ȱorȱofȱotherȱperceivedȱwrongȬdoings.
MitchellȱB.ȱMerback,ȱoneȱofȱmanyȱscholarsȱinȱtheȱfieldȱofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishment
inȱtheȱpremodernȱera,ȱsuccinctlyȱtracesȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱwhatȱtodayȱweȱrefer
toȱ asȱ theȱ legalȱ system.28ȱ Inȱ medievalȱ Europeȱ lawȱ wasȱ notȱ theȱ professionally
controlledȱandȱseparateȱsphereȱofȱactivityȱasȱweȱperceiveȱitȱnow.ȱCustomaryȱlaws,
i.e.,ȱpracticesȱdevelopedȱoverȱtimeȱandȱconsistentlyȱapplied,ȱprevailedȱuntilȱwell
intoȱ theȱ eleventhȱ centuryȱ whenȱ Romanȱ lawȱ beganȱ toȱ playȱ aȱ larger,ȱ ultimately
dominant,ȱroleȱinȱsecularȱjusticeȱasȱkingsȱstroveȱtoȱmaintainȱtheirȱsovereignȱand
legalȱcontrolsȱagainstȱtheȱrisingȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱChurch.ȱMerbackȱalsoȱpointsȱout
thatȱcriminalȱjusticeȱproceedingsȱbeforeȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAgesȱwereȱaccusatorialȱin
nature.ȱTheȱinjuredȱpartiesȱaccusedȱsomeoneȱofȱaȱcrimeȱbeforeȱaȱjudgeȱandȱthe
proceedingsȱoftenȱtookȱplaceȱinȱpublic.ȱ
However,ȱduringȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱtheȱsystemȱchangedȱtoȱanȱinquisitorialȱone
inȱwhichȱcourtsȱconductedȱtheirȱownȱinvestigationsȱintoȱtheȱcircumstancesȱofȱthe
crime,ȱmadeȱaccusationsȱandȱarrests,ȱandȱjudicialȱproceedingsȱwereȱconductedȱin
private.ȱ Butȱ sentencingȱ andȱ punishmentȱ wereȱ stillȱ conductedȱ inȱ veryȱ public
settings,ȱ servingȱ aȱ distinctȱ performativeȱ function.ȱ Theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ punishmentȱ as
spectacleȱisȱcentralȱtoȱMerback’sȱimportantȱ1998ȱstudy,ȱTheȱThief,ȱtheȱCrossȱandȱthe
Wheel.ȱHeȱstatesȱthatȱ“Theȱveryȱideaȱofȱpunishmentsȱenactedȱasȱaȱformȱofȱspectacle
isȱ predicatedȱ onȱ theȱ beliefȱ inȱ theirȱ educativeȱ potential,ȱ thoughȱ ‘lessonsȱ ofȱ the
scaffold’,ȱasȱtheyȱwereȱlaterȱknownȱtoȱtheȱmoralistsȱwhoȱexploitedȱthem,ȱcouldȱrun
theȱgamutȱfromȱcautionaryȱtales,ȱthroughȱbrutalizingȱthreatsȱofȱviolentȱretribution,
toȱexemplaȱofȱdamnation.”29ȱ
Socialȱ statusȱ ofȱ aȱ convictedȱ criminalȱ wasȱ anȱ importantȱ factorȱ inȱ theȱ typeȱ of
punishmentȱinflicted.ȱEvenȱinȱcasesȱofȱtheȱdeathȱpenaltyȱsomeȱformsȱofȱexecution
wereȱconsideredȱdisgraceful,ȱsuchȱasȱhanging,ȱbreakingȱonȱaȱwheel,ȱandȱburning
atȱ theȱ stake,ȱ whichȱ wasȱ mostlyȱ reservedȱ forȱ hereticsȱ orȱ apostates,ȱ andȱ later,
especiallyȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱage,ȱforȱallegedȱwitches.ȱDecapitation,ȱbyȱcontrast
wasȱconsideredȱanȱhonorableȱformȱofȱexecutionȱandȱusuallyȱreservedȱforȱmembers
ofȱtheȱaristocracyȱfarȱintoȱtheȱseventeenthȱandȱeighteenthȱcenturies.ȱButȱexecutions
ofȱ anyȱ kindȱ wereȱ intendedȱ toȱ beȱ edifyingȱ inȱ theȱ senseȱ thatȱ spectatorsȱ sawȱ the
accusedȱconfess,ȱshowȱcontrition,ȱreceiveȱabsolution,ȱandȱendureȱtheȱpainȱofȱdeath
withȱtheȱpromiseȱofȱredemptionȱinȱtheȱafterlife.30ȱPriorȱtoȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury
manyȱ criminalsȱ wereȱ deniedȱ confessionȱ beforeȱ executionȱ butȱ inȱ 1312,ȱ Pope
28
Merback,ȱTheȱThief,ȱ129Ȭ33ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
29
Merback,ȱTheȱThief,ȱ135ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
30
ClementȱVȱforbadeȱthisȱpracticeȱandȱcriminalsȱwereȱafterwards,ȱmoreȱoftenȱthan
not,ȱgivenȱtheȱopportunityȱtoȱconfess,ȱusuallyȱinȱaȱpublicȱforum.31ȱAccordingȱto
Merback,ȱ“TheȱsalvificȱpromiseȱofȱChrist’sȱselfȬabasingȱdeathȱonȱtheȱCrossȱwas
nowhereȱ moreȱ fullyȱ realizedȱ thanȱ inȱ theȱ redemptionȱ ofȱ theȱ criminalȱ who
confessed,ȱatonedȱandȱsufferedȱhisȱpainsȱsteadfastly.”32ȱ
Cohenȱ speaksȱ aboutȱ punitiveȱ publicȱ ritualsȱ asȱ “theȱ mostȱ commonȱ formȱ of
governmentȱ propaganda.”33ȱ Sheȱ alsoȱ assertsȱ thatȱ “Likeȱ allȱ publicȱ ceremonies,
publicȱexecutionsȱwereȱbasedȱnotȱonlyȱuponȱaȱsetȱofȱsharedȱperceptions,ȱbutȱalso
uponȱaȱsetȱofȱknownȱsymbols,ȱalteredȱonlyȱwithȱgreatȱdifficulty.”34ȱButȱthisȱshould
comeȱ asȱ aȱ surpriseȱ forȱ usȱ sinceȱ manyȱ aspectsȱ ofȱ premodernȱ cultureȱ were
commonlyȱ carriedȱ outȱ inȱ public,ȱ whileȱ theȱ privateȱ spaceȱ andȱ privateȱ culture
emergedȱ onlyȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ age,ȱ whichȱ thenȱ had
considerableȱimplicationsȱforȱtheȱcriminalȱsystemȱespeciallyȱsinceȱtheȱsixteenth
century,ȱ whenȱ theȱ authoritiesȱ beganȱ toȱ developȱ aȱ moreȱ elaborateȱ systemȱ of
prisons.35ȱ
Theȱoverarchingȱproblemȱofȱconflictȱinȱjurisdictions—layȱandȱreligious,ȱroyal
andȱseigneurial,ȱlocalȱandȱcentral—ledȱtoȱconfusionȱaboutȱwhereȱandȱbyȱwhomȱan
accusedȱ shouldȱ beȱ tried.36ȱ Withȱ regardȱ toȱ layȱ andȱ ecclesiasticalȱ law,ȱ Cohen
maintainsȱthatȱtheȱtwoȱsystemsȱ“recognizedȱtheȱinherentȱvalidityȱandȱlegalityȱof
theȱotherȱdespiteȱconstantȱboundaryȱconflicts.”37ȱLegalȱquestionsȱaboutȱmarriage
orȱreligiousȱorthodoxyȱwereȱclearlyȱcasesȱforȱChurchȱcourtsȱbutȱtheyȱwereȱalso
knownȱtoȱexcommunicateȱdebtors,ȱevenȱthoughȱdebtȱwasȱaȱcivilȱoffense.38ȱInȱthe
casesȱofȱtheȱsecularȱjudiciary,ȱtheȱkingȱwasȱtheȱultimateȱauthorityȱbutȱthereȱwere
aȱvarietyȱofȱlocalȱcourtsȱand,ȱinȱmostȱcases,ȱtheirȱjudgmentsȱwereȱonlyȱoverturned
onȱappeal.39
Byȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiodȱthereȱisȱaȱshiftȱinȱlegalȱconcerns.ȱLateȱmedievalȱkings
wereȱmostlyȱinterestedȱinȱcontrollingȱtheȱwealth,ȱpower,ȱandȱinfluenceȱofȱtheȱnoble
classesȱbut,ȱbyȱtheȱmidȬseventeenthȱcentury,ȱdisorderȱamongȱcommonȱpeopleȱwas
seenȱasȱaȱprimaryȱobstacleȱtoȱaȱpeacefulȱandȱorderedȱsociety.ȱRisesȱinȱpopulation
growthȱ andȱ increasingȱ levelsȱ ofȱ povertyȱ contributedȱ toȱ moreȱ crimesȱ being
committed,ȱ especiallyȱ inȱ urbanȱ centers.ȱ Vagrantsȱ inȱ citiesȱ wereȱ seenȱ asȱ aȱ real
problemȱandȱmanyȱofȱthemȱbecameȱ“professional”ȱcriminalsȱwhoȱoftenȱspecialized
31
Merback,ȱTheȱThief,ȱ148Ȭ49ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).
32
33
Cohen,ȱTheȱCrossroadsȱofȱJustice,ȱ24ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
34
35
SeeȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱPatriciaȱTurning.ȱ
36
Cohen,ȱTheȱCrossroadsȱofȱJustice,ȱ17ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)
37
38
39
Introduction 11
inȱcertainȱkindsȱofȱcrimeȱsuchȱasȱhorseȱtheft,ȱconȬgames,ȱandȱpickȱpocketing.ȱIn
fact,ȱtheȱconstantlyȱgrowingȱmobilityȱthroughoutȱlateȬmedievalȱEurope,ȱwithȱthe
roadsȱmoreȱandȱmoreȱfilledȱwithȱmigrants,ȱstudents,ȱgoliards,ȱpilgrims,ȱmerchants,
andȱmanyȱothers,ȱalmostȱautomaticallyȱledȱtoȱtheȱriseȱofȱcrimeȱasȱwell.40
Inȱtheirȱbook,ȱCrimeȱandȱPunishmentȱinȱEngland,ȱBriggs,ȱHarrison,ȱMcInnesȱand
VincentȱpointȱoutȱthatȱinȱpreȬmodernȱtimesȱtheȱrationalesȱforȱpunishmentȱwas
fourȬfold.ȱFirstȱwasȱthatȱofȱdeterrence.ȱTheyȱalsoȱreferȱtoȱtheȱfactȱthatȱexecutions
wereȱ carriedȱ outȱ inȱ aȱ publicȱ beforeȱ largeȱ crowdsȱ andȱ withȱ aȱ goodȱ dealȱ of
ceremony.ȱTheȱsecondȱrationaleȱtheseȱcriticsȱidentifyȱisȱthatȱofȱretribution.ȱThey
assertȱthatȱpunishmentsȱwereȱmetedȱoutȱproportionallyȱtoȱtheȱseriousnessȱofȱthe
crimeȱ committed.ȱ Rapeȱ orȱ murderȱ wereȱ punishedȱ byȱ hangingȱ butȱ aȱ crimeȱ as
seriousȱasȱhighȱtreasonȱwarrantedȱthatȱtheȱoffenderȱbyȱhangedȱandȱthen,ȱwhileȱstill
alive,ȱcutȱdown,ȱorȱquartered,ȱdisemboweled,ȱandȱcutȱintoȱfourȱpieces.ȱAȱthird
rationaleȱwasȱthatȱofȱritualȱcleansing.ȱGoodȱexamplesȱareȱshamingȱpunishments
byȱwhichȱtheȱguiltyȱundergoȱaȱkindȱofȱpenanceȱforȱtheȱoffenseȱcommittedȱandȱthen
areȱallowedȱtoȱbeȱreintegratedȱintoȱsociety.ȱ
ByȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱpreȬmodernȱperiodȱaȱfourthȱrationaleȱbeginsȱtoȱemerge—the
ideaȱofȱreformingȱtheȱwrongdoerȱwithinȱtheȱpenalȱsystem.ȱThisȱconceptȱdeveloped
alongȱ withȱ theȱ widespreadȱ useȱ ofȱ imprisonmentȱ asȱ punishmentȱ withȱ inmates
subjectȱtoȱstrictȱregimesȱofȱworkȱandȱreligiousȱinstructionȱtoȱrehabilitateȱthemȱin
bothȱbodyȱandȱspirit.41
Theȱarticlesȱinȱthisȱvolumeȱdealȱprimarilyȱwithȱliteraryȱandȱhistoricalȱtextsȱwhich
shedȱlightȱonȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱperceptionsȱofȱwhatȱconstitutedȱcriminal
behaviorsȱandȱhowȱsocietyȱrespondedȱpunitivelyȱtoȱthoseȱfoundȱguiltyȱofȱviolating
normativeȱpatternsȱofȱbehavior.ȱWhileȱrecognizingȱthatȱliteraryȱtextsȱofȱtheȱperiod
reflect,ȱtoȱaȱcertainȱextent,ȱtheȱexpectationsȱandȱestablishedȱconventionsȱofȱstyle
andȱexpression,ȱtheyȱpresentȱuniqueȱportholesȱintoȱauthors’ȱtreatmentȱofȱactsȱof
malfeasanceȱandȱtheȱmetingȱoutȱofȱjusticeȱorȱcriticalȱattitudesȱtowardsȱtheȱinjustice
ofȱ wrongdoersȱ goingȱ unpunished.ȱ Theȱ volumeȱ isȱ roughlyȱ arrangedȱ in
chronologicalȱorderȱand,ȱwhileȱitȱisȱimpossibleȱtoȱprovideȱaȱtrulyȱcomprehensive
viewȱofȱthisȱmultiȬfacetedȱtopic,ȱtheȱfollowingȱstudiesȱareȱdesignedȱtoȱgiveȱinsights
atȱspecificȱlocalesȱandȱtimeȱframeȱofȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱperiodsȱbasedȱon
aȱvarietyȱofȱtextsȱthatȱdealȱwithȱcriminalȱbehaviorȱandȱredressȱagainstȱthoseȱfound
guiltyȱofȱoffenses.ȱ
40
Briggs,ȱet.al,ȱCrimeȱandȱPunishment,ȱ20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14);ȱseeȱalsoȱErnstȱSchubert,ȱFahrendesȱVolkȱim
Mittelalterȱ(Bielefeld:ȱVerlagȱfürȱRegionalgeschichte,ȱ1995),ȱ264–69.
41
Briggs,ȱet.al,ȱCrimeȱandȱPunishment,ȱ83Ȭ85ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
Asȱ aȱ proviso,ȱ however,ȱ theȱ purposeȱ ofȱ thisȱ collectionȱ isȱ notȱ toȱ adress,ȱ inȱ a
classicalȱsense,ȱtheȱbroadȱhistoryȱofȱlaw,ȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱcrime,ȱandȱtheȱhistoryȱof
punishment.ȱWeȱdoȱnotȱpursueȱissuesȱsuchȱasȱthoseȱpertainingȱtoȱtheȱintroduction
ofȱRomanȱlawȱinȱ theȱhighȱMiddleȱAges,ȱ asȱinfluentialȱandȱprofoundȱtheȱeffect
certainlyȱwere.ȱTheȱinterestȱalsoȱdoesȱnotȱrestȱonȱcomparing,ȱsay,ȱSpanishȱwith
German,ȱ Englishȱ withȱ French,ȱ Swedishȱ withȱ Polishȱ law,ȱ etc.ȱ Theȱ historyȱ of
lawyers,ȱofȱtheȱcriminalȱjusticeȱsystem,ȱand,ȱwithȱaȱsmallȱexception,ȱtheȱhistoryȱof
punishmentȱetc.ȱmightȱallȱbeȱextremelyȱinteresting,ȱbutȱtheȱcontributorsȱtoȱthis
volumeȱmostlyȱcomeȱfromȱaȱnonȬlegalȱbasedȱdisciplineȱandȱyetȱapproachȱtheȱtopic
ofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱfromȱtheirȱspecificȱsubjectȱmatter.42ȱ
Theȱcriticalȱmethodȱgenerallyȱreliesȱonȱtheȱprinciplesȱofȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱmentality
whichȱtriesȱtoȱgraspȱhowȱpeopleȱinȱtheȱpastȱperceivedȱtheirȱrealityȱbyȱmeansȱofȱa
comprehensiveȱanalysisȱofȱartȱworks,ȱliteraryȱexpressions,ȱreligiousȱcomments,ȱand
alsoȱlegalȱstatements,ȱallȱofȱwhichȱcontributeȱinȱtheirȱownȱwayȱtoȱtheȱlargerȱpicture
ofȱhowȱaȱspecificȱsocietyȱregulatedȱitselfȱandȱsetȱupȱlawsȱandȱrulesȱtoȱdetermineȱthe
extentȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱindividualȱcouldȱoperateȱfreelyȱandȱinȱaccordanceȱwithȱthe
commonȱagreement.ȱLawsȱbyȱthemselvesȱmightȱnotȱbeȱenoughȱtoȱstudyȱtheȱlegal
consciousnessȱofȱaȱsocietyȱbecauseȱtheyȱareȱnormative,ȱnotȱnecessarilyȱdescriptive.
Afterȱ all,ȱ evenȱ withinȱ theȱ legalȱ fieldȱ weȱ easilyȱ recognizeȱ theȱ degreeȱ toȱ which
discourseȱdominatesȱtheȱrelationshipȱamongȱallȱmembersȱofȱaȱsociety,ȱaȱprocess
whichȱhasȱcontinuedȱuntilȱtoday,ȱwithoutȱshowingȱanyȱsignȱofȱslowingȱdown.43
Toȱprovideȱtheȱreaderȱwithȱanȱoverviewȱofȱwhatȱtheȱindividualȱcontributionsȱare
allȱabout,ȱfollowingȱweȱofferȱbriefȱsummariesȱofȱeachȱarticleȱwhichȱwillȱalsoȱallow
usȱtoȱreflectȱonȱtheȱcriticalȱissuesȱbroughtȱtoȱtheȱtableȱbyȱeachȱauthorȱandȱhenceȱto
developȱ connectionsȱ thatȱ canȱ establishȱ aȱ largerȱ picture.ȱ Bernardȱ Ribémontȱ in
“Punierȱleȱcoupableȱouȱluiȱpardoner:ȱLaȱquestionȱduȱchâtimentȱdansȱlaȱchansonȱde
geste”ȱstudiesȱOldȱFrenchȱchansonȱdeȱgesteȱnot,ȱasȱhasȱoftenȱbeenȱassumed,ȱpurely
formulaicȱtreatmentsȱofȱgoodȱvs.ȱevil,ȱbutȱratherȱasȱnuancedȱworksȱthatȱexamine
crimeȱandȱitsȱpunishmentȱinȱmuchȱmoreȱcomplexȱways.ȱForȱexample,ȱcrimesȱare
evaluatedȱandȱpunishmentȱisȱconditionedȱbyȱmanyȱfactors—bothȱreligiousȱand
feudalȱethicalȱcodes,ȱfluctuatingȱandȱillȬdefinedȱlawsȱfluctuatingȱbetweenȱcustom,
andȱindividualȱpractice.ȱTheȱchansonsȱdeȱgesteȱmanifestȱwhatȱRibémontȱrefersȱtoȱas
aȱ“judicialȱethic”ȱthatȱrestsȱasȱmuchȱonȱliteraryȱprecedentsȱasȱhistoricalȱevents.ȱ
42
Forȱaȱgoodȱsurveyȱofȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱlaw,ȱseeȱScottȱL.ȱTaylor,ȱ“LawȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱHandbook
ofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen.ȱVol.ȱ1ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2010),ȱ771–88.
43
WolfgangȱSchild,ȱ“Recht:ȱMittelalter,”ȱandȱ“Recht:ȱNeuzeit,”ȱEuropäischeȱMentalitätsgeschichte:
HauptthemenȱinȱEinzeldarstellungen,ȱed.ȱPeterȱDinzelbacher.ȱ2ndȱrev.ȱandȱexpandedȱed.ȱKröners
Taschenausgabe,ȱ469ȱ(1993;ȱStuttgart:ȱAlfredȱKröner,ȱ2008),ȱ591–639.
Introduction 13
Hisȱarticleȱchallengesȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱthereȱexistsȱaȱkindȱofȱmonolithicȱperception
ofȱ“law”ȱinȱepicȱpoetryȱbyȱcitingȱexamplesȱfromȱworksȱthatȱdealȱwithȱthemesȱsuch
asȱhomicide,ȱtreason,ȱandȱexecutionȱincludingȱJourdainȱdeȱBlaye,ȱGirartȱdeȱRoussillon,
andȱChansonȱdeȱRoland.ȱAsȱweȱcanȱrecognize,ȱtheȱheroicȱworldȱofȱtheȱchansonsȱde
gesteȱwasȱnotȱonlyȱoneȱinȱwhichȱwarriorsȱoperateȱatȱCharlemagne’sȱcourt,ȱbutȱa
worldȱwhereȱpersonalȱinstincts,ȱdesires,ȱfears,ȱandȱweaknessesȱalsoȱcauseȱsevere
disruptionsȱandȱcreateȱhighlyȱtroublingȱconflicts.
SusannaȱNiiranen,ȱinȱ“Troubadours—poètesȱmaudits?,”ȱstudiesȱtroubadoursȱwho
wereȱaccusedȱofȱlooseȱmoralsȱorȱotherȱantiȬsocialȱbehaviors.ȱEvenȱthoughȱsome
troubadoursȱwereȱjudgedȱharshlyȱbyȱtheȱChurchȱorȱbyȱtheirȱpeers,ȱtheyȱseemedȱto
haveȱbeenȱwelcomedȱintoȱaristocraticȱcirclesȱwhereȱtheirȱpoemsȱwereȱcelebrated.ȱ
Orȱtheseȱpoetsȱsimplyȱbelongedȱtoȱtheȱhighestȱsocialȱclassesȱandȱyetȱdisplayed
criminalȱbehaviorȱorȱperformedȱinȱaȱmorallyȱdubiousȱmanner.ȱNiiranen’sȱstudy
examinesȱtheȱquestionȱofȱwhetherȱtheseȱpoetsȱcouldȱbeȱbothȱfinȱ‘amanȱandȱrascals
orȱscoundrelsȱatȱtheȱsameȱtime.ȱSheȱproposesȱthat,ȱinȱmanyȱways,ȱtheȱillȬbehaved
troubadoursȱcouldȱbeȱseenȱasȱpredecessorsȱtoȱtheȱpoètesȱmauditsȱofȱtheȱnineteenth
andȱ twentiethȱ century.ȱ Sinceȱ manyȱ ofȱ theȱ behaviorsȱ identifiedȱ withȱ theȱ poètes
maudits—abuseȱ ofȱ intoxicants,ȱ insanity,ȱ crime,ȱ violence,ȱ andȱ socialȱ offencesȱ in
general—wereȱalsoȱpartȱofȱtheȱlifestyleȱofȱcertainȱtroubadours,ȱtheȱcomparisonȱis
anȱ aptȱ one.ȱ Sheȱ specificallyȱ studiesȱ Williamȱ IX,ȱ Dukeȱ ofȱ Aquitaineȱ whoȱ was
excommunicatedȱ becauseȱ ofȱ badȱ behaviors,ȱ Gaucelmȱ Faiditȱ whoȱ wasȱ aȱ wellȬ
knownȱgluttonȱandȱdrunkȱaddictedȱtoȱgamblingȱandȱmarriedȱtoȱaȱwomanȱwithȱa
dubiousȱpast,ȱandȱGuilhemȱdeȱFigueiraȱwhoȱfrequentedȱtavernsȱandȱconsorted
withȱprostitutes.ȱSheȱalsoȱincludesȱtheȱlegendaryȱfigure,ȱGuilhemȱdeȱCabestanh,
whoȱwasȱkilledȱbyȱtheȱjealousȱhusbandȱofȱaȱmarriedȱwomanȱwithȱwhomȱheȱwas
havingȱanȱaffair.ȱTheȱhusbandȱthen,ȱsupposedly,ȱcutȱoutȱGuilhem’sȱheartȱandȱgave
itȱtoȱhisȱfaithlessȱwifeȱtoȱeat.ȱNiiranenȱcontrastsȱtheseȱantiȬsocialȱtroubadoursȱwith
theȱwomenȱtroubadours,ȱtheȱtrobairitz,ȱaboutȱwhomȱthereȱisȱnoȱhintȱofȱscandalȱin
theȱmedievalȱsources.44ȱTheseȱ‘evil’ȱorȱtransgressingȱpoetsȱfromȱtheȱOldȱOccitan
areaȱinȱtheȱProvenceȱ(Languedocȱetc.)ȱdidȱnot,ȱhowever,ȱembarkȱonȱnewȱstrategies
toȱ testȱ theȱ limitsȱ whichȱ theirȱ societyȱ hadȱ imposedȱ onȱ them.ȱ Instead,ȱ asȱ a
comparisonȱwithȱtheȱpoetsȱofȱtheȱLatinȱpoetsȱinȱtheȱCarminaȱBuranaȱwouldȱshow,
44
Hereȱweȱgrasp,ȱofȱcourse,ȱtheȱpanȬEuropeanȱmotifȱofȱtheȱeatenȱheart.ȱSee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱMadeleine
Jeay,ȱ“ConsumingȱPassions:ȱVariationsȱonȱtheȱEatenȱHeartȱTheme,”ȱViolenceȱAgainstȱWomenȱin
MedievalȱTexts,ȱed.ȱAnnaȱRobertsȱ(Gainesville,ȱTallahassee,ȱetȱal.:ȱUniversityȱPressȱofȱFlorida,
1998),ȱ75–96.ȱSeeȱalsoȱMariellaȱDiȱMaio,ȱIlȱcuoreȱmangiato:ȱstoriaȱdiȱunȱtemaȱletterarioȱdalȱMedioevoȱall’
Ottocentoȱ (Milan:ȱ Gueriniȱ eȱ Assoc,ȱ 1996).ȱ Helmutȱ BrallȬTuchel,ȱ “Dasȱ Motivȱ desȱ gegessenen
HerzensȱinȱderȱmittelalterlichenȱNovellistik,”ȱLaȱnovellaȱeuropea:ȱorigine,ȱsviluppo,ȱteoria;ȱattiȱdel
convegnoȱinternazionale,ȱUrbino,ȱ30ȱȬȱ31ȱmaggioȱ2007,ȱaȱcuraȱdiȱMichaelȱDallapiazza.ȱAracne,ȱ10,
Scienzeȱdellȇantichità,ȱfilologicoȬletterarieȱeȱstoricoȬartistiche,ȱȱ443ȱ(Rome:ȱAracne,2009),ȱ71–89.
hereȱweȱencounterȱtypicallyȱmisogynist,ȱbawdy,ȱandȱmachoȱpoetsȱwhoȱhaveȱmade
theirȱvoicesȱheardȱthroughoutȱtheȱcenturies.ȱ
ChristopherȱClason’sȱarticle,ȱ“TheȱLaw,ȱLetterȱandȱSpirit:ȱLanguage,ȱTransgression
andȱJusticeȱinȱThreeȱMedievalȱGermanȱEpicȱPoems,”ȱexaminesȱGermanȱmedieval
epicsȱinȱwhichȱtheȱheroȱmustȱeitherȱovercomeȱanȱimbalanceȱinȱtheȱconfiguration
ofȱ personalȱ virtuesȱ orȱ atoneȱ forȱ someȱ offenseȱ againstȱ heavenlyȱ orȱ secularȱ law.
Clasonȱclaimsȱthatȱinȱmanyȱcasesȱtheȱ“spiritȱofȱtheȱlaw”ȱgoverningȱsuchȱoffenses
isȱelusiveȱsinceȱtheȱactualȱlegalȱprescriptionsȱareȱmixedȱandȱvague,ȱconsistingȱof
secularȱandȱecclesiasticalȱcustoms,ȱstatutes,ȱcommandments,ȱorȱotherȱregulations.
Heȱaffirmsȱthatȱwhileȱtheȱnatureȱofȱtheȱoffensesȱandȱtheȱjudicialȱoutcomesȱinȱmany
ofȱtheseȱpoemsȱmayȱappearȱillogicalȱorȱarbitrary,ȱtoȱusȱtodayȱtheyȱmay,ȱinȱfact,
holdȱkeysȱforȱaȱbetterȱunderstandingȱofȱmedievalȱsocialȱandȱspiritualȱattitudes.ȱ
Specifically,ȱ Clasonȱ examinesȱ Hartmannȱ vonȱ Aue’sȱ Derȱ armeȱ Heinrichȱ (ca.
1190/1200),ȱ Wolframȱ vonȱ Eschenbach’sȱ Parzivalȱ (ca.ȱ 1205),ȱ andȱ Gottfriedȱ von
Straßburg’sȱTristanȱundȱIsoldeȱ(ca.ȱ1210).ȱInȱallȱtheseȱthreeȱworks,ȱepistemologyȱand
languageȱ playȱ significantȱ rolesȱ inȱ determiningȱ culpabilityȱ andȱ penalty.ȱ Inȱ the
poemsȱofȱHartmannȱandȱWolfram,ȱtheȱprotagonistsȱoffendȱtheȱ“spiritȱofȱtheȱlaw”
andȱeitherȱmisinterpretȱorȱneglectȱtheȱ“letterȱofȱtheȱlaw.”ȱInȱHartmann’sȱworkȱthe
transgressionȱofȱneglectingȱGodȱisȱaȱspiritualȱoffense,ȱwhereasȱWolfram’sȱParzival
offendsȱbothȱsecularȱlawȱ(stealingȱaȱringȱandȱaȱkissȱfromȱtheȱcourtlyȱladyȱJeschute)
andȱ spiritualȱ lawȱ (failureȱ toȱ showȱ compassion).ȱ Inȱ Gottfried,ȱ theȱ relationship
betweenȱGod’sȱjusticeȱandȱhumanȱinvestigationȱandȱproofȱisȱseenȱinȱIsolde’sȱtrial
byȱhotȱiron.ȱHerȱevasiveȱoathȱfulfillsȱtheȱ“letterȱofȱtheȱlaw”ȱandȱsucceedsȱinȱfooling
membersȱofȱtheȱcourtȱwhileȱstillȱsatisfyingȱGod’sȱwill.
Inȱ“Crime,ȱPunishmentȱandȱtheȱHybridȱinȱMedievalȱFrenchȱRomance,”ȱ Stacey
Hahnȱstudiesȱmythsȱaboutȱtheȱsupernaturalȱorigins,ȱwhetherȱdivineȱofȱdiabolical,
ofȱheroesȱandȱhistoricalȱfigures.ȱTheseȱhybridȱcharacters,ȱasȱportrayedȱinȱromance,
carryȱimmenseȱburdensȱthatȱpotentiallyȱwreckȱhavocȱandȱoftenȱleadȱdownȱaȱpath
ofȱcrimeȱandȱsubsequentȱpunishment.ȱInȱparticular,ȱHahnȱexaminesȱtwoȱmedieval
Frenchȱ romances,ȱRobertȱleȱDiableȱ(earlyȱthirteenthȱcentury)ȱandȱJeanȱd’Arras’s
RomanȱdeȱMélusineȱ(1393)ȱandȱtheirȱhybridȱmaleȱprotagonists.ȱTheseȱprotagonists
actȱinȱremarkablyȱparallelȱways—RobertȱleȱDiableȱsetsȱfireȱtoȱtheȱabbeyȱofȱArques,
killingȱallȱtheȱnunsȱinside,ȱandȱGeoffreyȱBigȱToothȱcommitsȱaȱsimilarȱcrimeȱby
settingȱfireȱtoȱtheȱmonasteryȱofȱMaillezais,ȱkillingȱallȱtheȱmonksȱwithinȱincluding
hisȱ ownȱ brotherȱ Fromont.ȱ Bothȱ ofȱ theseȱ charactersȱ eventuallyȱ repentȱ ofȱ their
actionsȱ andȱ redeemȱ themselvesȱ byȱ battlingȱ againstȱ infidelsȱ andȱ makingȱ a
pilgrimageȱtoȱRomeȱtoȱreceiveȱabsolutionȱfromȱtheȱPope.ȱGeoffreyȱalsoȱseeksȱto
makeȱamendsȱbyȱestablishingȱanȱabbey,ȱandȱRobertȱhasȱanȱabbeyȱconsecratedȱto
himȱafterȱhisȱdeath.ȱNeitherȱmarriesȱnorȱbearsȱoffspringȱandȱ humanityȱisȱthus
Introduction 15
sparedȱfutureȱpotentialȱdangerȱsinceȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱpassȱtheirȱhybridȱnatureȱwithȱits
accompanyingȱpropensityȱforȱcriminalȱviolence.ȱRobert’sȱandȱGeoffrey’sȱactsȱof
evilȱ andȱ contritionȱ areȱ characteristicȱ ofȱ aȱ literaryȱ subȬgenre—theȱ penitential
romance.ȱHahn’sȱdetailedȱstudyȱonȱtheȱcrimesȱandȱpunishmentȱinȱtheseȱtwoȱworks
leadsȱ toȱ aȱ betterȱ understandingȱ ofȱ influenceȱ ofȱ thisȱ distinctȱ subȬcategoryȱ of
medievalȱromance.
Scottȱ Taylor’sȱ article,ȱ “Judiciumȱ Dei,ȱ vulgarisȱ popularisqueȱ sensus:ȱ Survivalȱ of

Customaryȱ Justiceȱ andȱ Resistanceȱ toȱ itsȱ Displacementȱ byȱ theȱ ‘New’ȱ Ordines
iudiciorumȱasȱEvidencedȱbyȱFrancophonicȱLiteratureȱofȱtheȱHighȱMiddleȱAges,”
studiesȱ theȱ phenomenon,ȱ beginningȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ eleventhȱ andȱ earlyȱ twelfth
centuries,ȱwhenȱRomanoȬcanonicalȱjudicialȱproceduresȱbasedȱonȱoralȱandȱwritten
evidenceȱ beganȱ toȱ displaceȱ customaryȱ proceduresȱ forȱ determiningȱ guiltȱ and
punishment.ȱ Theȱ latterȱ includedȱ trialȱ byȱ ordeal,ȱ compurgation,ȱ andȱ trialȱ by
combat.ȱTaylorȱreviewsȱtheȱvariousȱtheoriesȱthatȱhaveȱbeenȱdevelopedȱtoȱexplain
whyȱthisȱtransformationȱtookȱplaceȱandȱfocusesȱonȱtheȱargumentsȱraisedȱagainst
theȱiudiciumȱDeiȱbyȱbothȱtheologiansȱandȱjurists.ȱHeȱexaminesȱpopularȱviewsȱofȱthe
practitionersȱofȱtheȱnewȱlegalȱsciences,ȱandȱtheȱproceduresȱthemselves,ȱoftenȱrife
withȱfraudȱandȱabuse.ȱ
Toȱ illustrateȱ instancesȱ ofȱ ruseȱ andȱ connivery,ȱ Taylorȱ usesȱ examplesȱ from
medievalȱromances,ȱespeciallyȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱTristanȱandȱLeȱChevalierȱdeȱlaȱcharrete,
thatȱ someȱ scholarsȱ maintainȱ manifestȱ society’sȱ recognitionȱ ofȱ theȱ weaknesses
inherentȱinȱtheȱcustomaryȱjudicialȱsystems.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱscholarsȱsuchȱas
RonaldȱGeneȱKossȱargueȱthatȱtheseȱromancesȱshouldȱbeȱreadȱnotȱasȱanȱindictment
ofȱcustomaryȱjusticeȱbutȱasȱaȱvindicationȱofȱit,ȱi.e.,ȱasȱmanifestationsȱofȱ“swindling
justice.”ȱ Taylorȱ proposesȱ aȱ synthesisȱ whichȱ explainsȱ theȱ triumphȱ ofȱ RomanoȬ
canonicalȱprocedureȱbasedȱlargelyȱonȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱnewȱprocedures,ȱmoreȱoften
thanȱnot,ȱyieldedȱaȱresultȱthatȱwasȱconsistentȱwithȱlocalȱpublicȱsentiment.ȱȱ
AlbrechtȱClassenȱdebunksȱsomeȱfantasiesȱaboutȱtheȱmedievalȱworldȱofȱknights,
ladies,ȱandȱclericsȱallȱadheringȱtoȱtheȱidealsȱofȱethics,ȱmorality,ȱjustice,ȱandȱfearȱof
God.ȱHeȱtreatsȱtwoȱtexts,ȱHeinrichȱderȱGlichezare’sȱlateȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱReinhard
Fuchs,ȱandȱWernherȱtheȱGardener’sȱHelmbrecht,ȱwrittenȱaboutȱ1260–1270.ȱInȱthese
works,ȱ violenceȱ andȱ crimeȱ dominateȱ andȱ theȱ greatestȱ liarȱ receivesȱ theȱ greater
reward,ȱ especiallyȱ inȱ Reinhardȱ Fuchs.ȱ Evenȱ thoughȱ someȱ justiceȱ isȱ presentȱ in
Helmbrechtȱtheȱparentsȱofȱtheȱcriminalȱneverȱexperienceȱanyȱconsequencesȱforȱtheir
failuresȱorȱshortcomings.ȱClassenȱclaimsȱthatȱcrimeȱandȱjusticeȱwereȱofȱspecial
interestȱ toȱ theȱ didacticȱ poetsȱ as,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ Heinrichȱ derȱ Teichnerȱ inȱ the
fourteenthȱcentury.ȱ
Thisȱstudyȱanalyzesȱtheȱdominantȱcriticalȱdiscourseȱonȱcriminalityȱandȱexplores
theȱmentalityȱthatȱleadsȱtheseȱcharactersȱtoȱindulgeȱinȱcriminalȱbehaviors.ȱLiterary
worksȱ seemȱ toȱ featureȱ crimesȱ andȱ criminalsȱ withȱ greatȱ frequencyȱ andȱ the
preponderanceȱofȱnefariousȱbehaviorsȱcontrastȱwithȱtheȱviewȱofȱlawȱthatȱweȱfind
inȱmajorȱlawȱcodesȱsuchȱasȱEikeȱvonȱRepgow’sȱSachsenspiegel.
JohnȱGoughȱstudiesȱtheȱFrenchȱfifteenthȬcenturypoet,ȱFrançoisȱVillon.ȱTheȱtrue
identityȱofȱtheȱpersonȱwhoȱsignedȱtheȱnameȱtoȱVillonȱtoȱhisȱworksȱisȱstillȱaȱpuzzle
forȱscholars.ȱButȱGoughȱclaimsȱthatȱtheȱmanȬauthorȱpresentȱinȱhisȱtextsȱallows
readersȱ toȱ constructȱ aȱ portraitȱ ofȱ anȱ individualȱ eitherȱ asȱ fictionalȱ inventionȱ or
actualȱselfȬportraitȱofȱtheȱauthor.ȱEspeciallyȱnoteworthyȱinȱVillon’sȱworksȱareȱthe
instancesȱ ofȱ painȱ andȱ punishmentȱ wovenȱ throughoutȱ theȱ metaphorical
compositionȱ ofȱ hisȱ poemsȱ asȱ partȱ ofȱ hisȱ displaysȱ ofȱ humanȱ emotionȱ and
experience.ȱ
PainȱthroughȱpunishmentȱisȱVillon’sȱplatformȱforȱinvestigatingȱtheȱnatureȱof
man.ȱHeȱviewsȱimprisonmentȱasȱaȱsortȱofȱterrestrialȱpurgatoryȱwhereȱaȱformerȱlife
andȱmanȱareȱshedȱtoȱrevealȱaȱnewȱpersonȱwhoȱseesȱasȱhisȱdutyȱtoȱwarn,ȱdescribe,
andȱbemoanȱtheȱsocietyȱofȱhisȱtimes.ȱParadoxicallyȱwhatȱcomesȱthroughȱinȱVillon’s
texts,ȱhisȱLaisȱandȱTestament,ȱisȱanȱexaminationȱofȱpainȱandȱpunishmentȱwhich
concludesȱthatȱpain,ȱinȱtheȱsenseȱofȱsharedȱsuffering,ȱservesȱtoȱhelpȱmankindȱto
embraceȱlife,ȱandȱinȱthisȱprocessȱevenȱenhancesȱourȱmortalȱexistence.
JeanȱJostȱstudiesȱaȱMiddleȬEnglishȱverseȱromanceȱfromȱca.ȱ1350,ȱtheȱanonymous
Gamelyn,ȱ anȱ exampleȱ ofȱ theȱ “rebelȱ romance.”ȱ Inȱ thisȱ work,ȱ aȱ knight,ȱ onȱ his
deathbed,ȱattemptsȱtoȱdistributeȱequitablyȱhisȱlandsȱtoȱhisȱthreeȱsons.ȱButȱaȱcouncil
ofȱeldersȱgoesȱagainstȱtheȱfather’sȱwishesȱandȱdecidesȱtoȱdenyȱtheȱyoungestȱson,
Gamelyn,ȱ anyȱ rightsȱ ofȱ inheritance,ȱ aȱ decisionȱ thatȱ hasȱ direȱ consequences. 45
Gamelynȱ isȱ deceivedȱ byȱ hisȱ olderȱ brother,ȱ John,ȱ andȱ finallyȱ extractsȱ violent
vengeanceȱonȱJohnȱandȱhisȱhousehold.ȱWhenȱGamelynȱisȱmadeȱtoȱanswerȱforȱhis
crimes,ȱironically,ȱheȱmustȱappearȱbeforeȱtheȱlocalȱmagistrate,ȱhisȱownȱequally
vengefulȱandȱviolentȱbrother,ȱJohn.ȱGamelynȱisȱshutȱawayȱinȱtheȱking’sȱprisonȱuntil
aȱrepresentativeȱofȱtheȱking’sȱjusticeȱarrivesȱtoȱtryȱhim.ȱButȱsinceȱJohnȱhadȱbribed
theȱjury,ȱGamelynȱdeclaresȱtheȱproceedingsȱnullȱandȱvoidȱandȱphysicallyȱoustsȱthe
royalȱjudgeȱfromȱhisȱseat,ȱtakingȱitȱforȱhimselfȱandȱdeclaringȱhimselfȱasȱtheȱarbiter
ofȱ justice.ȱ Atȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ tale,ȱ Gamelyn’sȱ roughȱ andȱ readyȱ formȱ ofȱ justice
prevailsȱandȱheȱisȱexoneratedȱofȱhisȱcrimeȱandȱisȱappointedȱ“chiefȱjusticeȱofȱthe
land.”ȱJostȱshowsȱhowȱthisȱtaleȱfromȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱEnglandȱexploresȱissues
ofȱlawȱandȱviolenceȱandȱconcludesȱwithȱtheȱrestorationȱofȱsomeȱkindȱofȱjustice,ȱas
problematicȱasȱtheȱentireȱnarrativeȱframeworkȱcontinuesȱtoȱbe.
45
AȱsimilarȱissueȱemergesȱinȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbach’sȱParzival(ca.ȱ1205),ȱwithȱParzival’sȱfather
Gahmuretȱbeingȱforcedȱtoȱfindȱhisȱgoodȱfortuneȱonȱhisȱown,ȱwhileȱhisȱolderȱbrotherȱassumesȱthe
inheritanceȱandȱsoȱcontinuesȱtheȱdynasty.
Introduction 17
Inȱ theȱ article,ȱ “Contraȱ Signumȱ Nostrum:ȱ Theȱ Symbolismȱ ofȱ LèseȬmajestéȱ under
PhilipȱVIȱValois,”ȱJolantaȱKomornickaȱdealsȱwithȱtheȱchangesȱtoȱtheȱdefinitionȱof
treasonȱinȱmedievalȱFrance.ȱAfterȱtheȱthirteenthȱcenturyȱwhenȱcrimeȱceasedȱtoȱbe
automaticallyȱequatedȱwithȱsin,ȱcrimeȱbeganȱtoȱbeȱdefinedȱasȱanȱoffenseȱagainstȱthe
publicȱinterest,ȱnotȱsimplyȱagainstȱGodȱorȱagainstȱone’sȱlord.ȱTheȱemergenceȱofȱa
newȱkindȱofȱroyalȱcourt—theȱParlementȱofȱParis—andȱtheȱinquisitionalȱsystemȱof
theȱnovaȱdoctrinaȱbroughtȱadjudicationȱofȱcrime,ȱatȱleastȱinȱtheory,ȱintoȱtheȱpublic
sphere.ȱ LèseȬmajestéȱ wasȱ interpretedȱ inȱ variousȱ traditionsȱ asȱ eitherȱ anȱ offense
againstȱtheȱcommonȱgood,ȱagainstȱroyalȱmajesty,ȱorȱtheȱworstȱkindȱofȱinfidelity.
Theȱroyalȱcourtȱhadȱtoȱnegotiateȱtheseȱcompetingȱdefinitionsȱandȱtheȱevolving
understandingȱofȱcrimeȱitself.ȱPartȱofȱwhatȱdeterminedȱwhetherȱaȱcrimeȱattained
theȱseverityȱofȱlèseȬmajestéȱwasȱtheȱdegreeȱofȱpublicȱnotorietyȱitȱoccasionedȱandȱthe
judgmentȱofȱtheȱParlement.ȱAlso,ȱbeginningȱinȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱlèseȬmajesté
beganȱtoȱdesignateȱaȱbroaderȱclassȱofȱtransgressionsȱthanȱonlyȱthoseȱwhichȱharmed
theȱkingȱinȱeitherȱhisȱperson,ȱpurse,ȱorȱabilityȱtoȱrule.ȱ
Theȱexpandedȱconceptȱincludedȱanyȱactȱthatȱwrongedȱtheȱimperialȱregalia.ȱAlso,
feudalȱlèseȬmajestéȱledȱtoȱtheȱideaȱofȱpublicȱcrimeȱbyȱsuggestingȱthatȱtheȱterritory
orȱtheȱpeopleȱcouldȱsufferȱtheȱsameȱtypeȱofȱinjuryȱasȱtheȱking.ȱThisȱnewȱbrandȱof
treasonȱ cameȱ toȱ beȱ appliedȱ toȱ crimesȱ againstȱ theȱ commonȱ good,ȱ including
infractionsȱ againstȱ theȱ king’sȱ officers,ȱ makingȱ orȱ passingȱ falseȱ coinage,ȱ armed
robbery,ȱandȱanyȱcrimeȱperpetratedȱonȱtheȱking’sȱhighway.ȱKomornickaȱaddresses
threeȱ particularȱ questionsȱ withȱ regardȱ toȱ theȱ notionȱ ofȱ treasonȱ inȱ fourteenthȬ
centuryȱ France:ȱ (1)ȱ howȱ crimesȱ likeȱ armedȱ robberyȱ orȱ kidnappingȱ couldȱ be
equatedȱ withȱ treasonȱ andȱ whetherȱ theȱ punishmentsȱ imposedȱ forȱ suchȱ crimes
demonstratedȱ trueȱ equalityȱ betweenȱ theseȱ crimes;ȱ (2)ȱ theȱ relationshipȱ ofȱ lèseȬ
majestéȱtoȱotherȱhighȱcrimes;ȱandȱ(3)ȱwhatȱconsequencesȱtheȱexpandedȱnotionȱof
treasonȱ hasȱ hadȱ forȱ theȱ Frenchȱ governmentȱ andȱ forȱ socialȱ relationsȱ inȱ French
society.ȱ
Connieȱ Scarboroughȱ studiesȱ howȱ womenȱ wereȱ treatedȱ asȱ bothȱ victimsȱ and
perpetratorsȱ ofȱ crimesȱ inȱ theȱ Spanishȱ thirteenthȬcenturyȱ lawȱ code,ȱ Lasȱ Siete
Partidas.ȱDuringȱhisȱreignȱ(1254–1282)ȱAlfonsoȱXȱcompiledȱanȱencyclopedicȱlaw
code,ȱLasȱSieteȱPartidas.ȱEachȱofȱtheȱsevenȱpartidas,ȱorȱdivisions,ȱtreatsȱaȱdifferent
subject:ȱ ecclesiasticalȱ regulations,ȱ governmentalȱ administration,ȱ theȱ courts,
domesticȱrelationships,ȱbusinessȱactivities,ȱwillsȱandȱinheritance,ȱandȱcrimeȱand
punishment.ȱ“WomenȱasȱVictimsȱandȱCriminalsȱinȱLasȱSieteȱPartidas”ȱfocusesȱon
howȱwomenȱareȱtreatedȱinȱthisȱlegalȱcode,ȱespeciallyȱinȱSeventhȱPartidaȱwhich
dealsȱwithȱcrimeȱandȱpunishment.ȱScarboroughȱalsoȱreferencesȱotherȱlawsȱinȱthe
collectionȱwhenȱtheseȱareȱspecificallyȱdirectedȱatȱwomen.ȱItȱisȱnotȱsurprisingȱthat
womenȱareȱmentionedȱmostȱoftenȱinȱlawsȱconcerningȱsexualȱrelationshipsȱand
marriage.ȱHowever,ȱwomenȱareȱalsoȱspecificallyȱnamedȱbothȱasȱdefendantsȱand
accusersȱ inȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ otherȱ legalȱ matters.ȱ Alfonsoȱ Xȱ andȱ hisȱ legalȱ experts
recognizedȱwomenȱasȱaȱspecialȱcategoryȱunderȱtheȱlaw.ȱJustȱasȱmenȱandȱwomen
areȱ notȱ treatedȱ equallyȱ inȱ theȱ Lasȱ Sieteȱ Partidas,ȱ neitherȱ areȱ allȱ womenȱ treated
equally.ȱFemaleȱslavesȱareȱconsideredȱdifferentlyȱcomparedȱtoȱfreeȱvirgins,ȱfor
instance.ȱAndȱvirginsȱareȱtreatedȱdifferentlyȱfromȱmarriedȱwomenȱorȱwidows.
FemaleȱreligiousȱformedȱanotherȱcategoryȱasȱdidȱwomenȱofȱtheȱJewishȱorȱMuslim
faith.ȱ Toȱ accomplishȱ itsȱ goalȱ ofȱ inclusivityȱ andȱ comprehensiveness,ȱ Lasȱ Siete
Partidasȱdealsȱwithȱwomenȱfromȱallȱsocialȱclassesȱandȱfaithsȱand,ȱinȱmanyȱcases,
differentiatesȱconsequencesȱforȱcrimesȱcommittedȱbyȱorȱagainstȱwomen.ȱAnȱentire
Title,ȱNumberȱ27,ȱisȱsetȱasideȱforȱlawsȱdealingȱwithȱadultery.ȱTheȱstrikingȱfeature
ofȱ thisȱ setȱ ofȱ lawsȱ isȱ thatȱ aȱ wifeȱ cannotȱ accuseȱ herȱ husbandȱ ofȱ adultery,ȱ butȱ a
husbandȱ mayȱ accuseȱ hisȱ wife.ȱ Husbandsȱ alsoȱ haveȱ theȱ optionȱ toȱ pardonȱ a
waywardȱ wifeȱ withinȱ theȱ firstȱ twoȱ yearsȱ ofȱ herȱ confinement.ȱ Inȱ all,ȱ Titleȱ 27
containsȱsixteenȱindividualȱlawsȱaboutȱaccusationsȱofȱadultery,ȱpossibleȱdefenses,
andȱpunishmentȱofȱtheȱguiltyȱparty,ȱalmostȱalwaysȱtheȱwife.
Ceciliaȱ Maríaȱ Ruizȱ treatsȱ anotherȱ workȱ fromȱ medievalȱ Spain,ȱ theȱ fourteenthȬ
centuryȱ collectionȱ ofȱ moralizingȱ shortȱ stories,ȱ Elȱ Condeȱ Lucanorȱ byȱ donȱ Juan
Manuel.ȱInȱ“Liars,ȱCriminals,ȱandȱVictimsȱinȱCountȱLucanor,”ȱRuizȱstudiesȱhow
JuanȱManuelȱtreatsȱsinȱandȱcrimesȱasȱdistinctȱbut,ȱatȱtimes,ȱoverlappingȱcategories
ofȱ reprehensibleȱ behaviors.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ theȱ greedȱ thatȱ motivatesȱ Truhanaȱ in
exampleȱVIIȱtoȱfantasizeȱaboutȱbeingȱrichȱandȱenviedȱbyȱherȱneighbors,ȱwhereby
sheȱlaughsȱandȱtheȱpotȱofȱhoneyȱsheȱisȱcarryingȱonȱherȱheadȱfallsȱtoȱtheȱground,ȱis
differentȱinȱdegreeȱtoȱtheȱgreedȱinȱexampleȱXLV.ȱInȱthisȱexample,ȱaȱmanȱsellsȱhis
soulȱtoȱtheȱdevilȱsoȱthatȱheȱmayȱstealȱwithoutȱbeingȱapprehendedȱandȱpunishedȱby
theȱauthorities.ȱ
Truhanaȱ doesȱ notȱ commitȱ aȱ crime.ȱ Herȱ greedinessȱ leadsȱ toȱ aȱ miscalculation
(distraction)ȱthatȱbringsȱonȱpersonalȱloss.ȱInȱexampleȱXLV,ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱthe
man’sȱgreedȱmotivatesȱhimȱtoȱsteal,ȱwhichȱisȱaȱcrimeȱagainstȱsociety.ȱTheȱcrime
hurtsȱtheȱcriminal,ȱsociety,ȱandȱGod.ȱInȱthisȱcase,ȱsinȱandȱcrimeȱoverlapȱinȱanother
way.ȱ Theȱ manȱ commitsȱ theȱ mostȱ heinousȱ crimeȱ thatȱ oneȱ canȱ commitȱ against
God—heȱsellsȱhisȱsoulȱtoȱtheȱdevil.ȱInȱotherȱexamplesȱwithȱȱstoriesȱaboutȱadultery
andȱmurder,ȱRuizȱemphasizesȱthatȱbothȱsinsȱandȱcrimesȱareȱpunishedȱinȱtheȱstories
inȱthisȱcollection.ȱNoȱsinȱorȱcrimeȱgoesȱunpunishedȱandȱeveryȱwrongdoingȱreceives
itsȱjustȱconsequences.ȱCriminalsȱareȱapprehendedȱandȱpunishedȱandȱsinnersȱare
punishedȱbyȱGod.ȱTheȱgreatestȱpunishment,ȱtheȱdamnationȱofȱone’sȱsoul,ȱcanȱonly
beȱavoidedȱinȱtheseȱtalesȱwhenȱtheȱsinnerȱrepentsȱandȱdoesȱgoodȱdeedsȱinȱthe
serviceȱofȱGod.ȱInȱCountȱLucanor,ȱgoodȱinȱtheȱendȱtriumphsȱoverȱevilȱandȱGod
triumphsȱoverȱtheȱdevil.ȱ
Introduction 19
Inȱ“EntrustedȱwithȱtheȱKey:ȱJailersȱandȱPrisonȱGuardsȱinȱtheȱLaterȱMiddleȱAges,”
PatriciaȱTurningȱdebunksȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱmedievalȱ judicialȱinstitutionsȱalways
punishedȱdeviantsȱandȱcriminalsȱinȱaȱspectacularȱandȱlargelyȱphysicalȱfashion.
Recentȱ scholarshipȱ hasȱ revealedȱ thatȱ byȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ fourteenthȱ century,
municipal,ȱroyal,ȱandȱecclesiasticalȱcourtsȱreliedȱprimarilyȱonȱimprisonmentȱasȱa
meansȱ ofȱ establishingȱ lawȱ andȱ order.ȱ Asȱ aȱ result,ȱ theȱ prisonȱ wardenȱ andȱ his
officialsȱemergedȱasȱnewȱandȱprominentȱfiguresȱinȱtheȱlegalȱsystem.ȱForȱexample,
inȱtheȱcityȱofȱToulouse,ȱtheȱmunicipalȱjailerȱandȱhisȱfamilyȱlivedȱinȱtheȱtownȱhall
andȱheȱwasȱentrustedȱwithȱtheȱkeysȱtoȱtheȱcityȱasȱwellȱasȱtoȱtheȱjail.ȱAlso,ȱtheȱoffice
appearsȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱhereditary,ȱpassedȱdownȱfromȱfatherȱtoȱson.ȱ
Inȱorderȱtoȱbetterȱunderstandȱtheȱconceptsȱandȱrealitiesȱofȱtheȱroleȱinȱtheȱjailer
inȱtheȱlaterȱMiddleȱAges,ȱTurningȱexploresȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱparticularȱresponsibilities
thatȱ prisonȱ officersȱ assumedȱ inȱ secularȱ andȱ ecclesiasticalȱ jails,ȱ butȱ alsoȱ their
portrayalȱ inȱ literature,ȱ prescriptiveȱ legalȱ documents,ȱ andȱ hagiography.ȱ She
concludesȱ thatȱ noȱ singleȱ visionȱ ofȱ theȱ jailerȱ emerges.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ someȱ were
benevolentȱandȱkind,ȱprotectingȱtheȱinmates,ȱwhileȱothersȱabusedȱtheirȱposition
ofȱpowerȱoverȱothers.ȱTheȱjailerȱservedȱasȱanȱimportantȱpointȱofȱcontactȱbetween
criminalsȱ(maleȱandȱfemale),ȱlegalȱrepresentativesȱ(lawyers,ȱjudges,ȱandȱelected
officials),ȱ andȱ theȱ outsideȱ worldȱ (familyȱ andȱ friendsȱ ofȱ theȱ accused).ȱ Turning
arguesȱthatȱtheȱjailerȱwasȱaȱcrucialȱsymbolȱofȱtheȱgrowingȱsophisticationȱofȱthe
Europeanȱlegalȱsystemȱinȱitsȱtransitionȱintoȱtheȱmodernȱworld.
BirgitȱWiedlȱturnsȱherȱattentionȱtoȱaccusationsȱofȱdesecrationȱofȱconsecratedȱhosts
byȱJewsȱinȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱAustria.ȱInȱherȱarticle,ȱ“TheȱHostȱonȱtheȱDoorstep:
Perpetrators,ȱ Victims,ȱ andȱ Bystandersȱ inȱ anȱ Allegedȱ Hostȱ Desecrationȱ in
FourteenthȬCenturyȱAustria,”ȱWiedlȱexaminesȱtheȱChristianȱpreoccupationȱwith
Jewsȱallegedlyȱdesecratingȱtheȱhostȱand,ȱbyȱextension,ȱparticipatingȱinȱtheȱcrime
forȱwhichȱtheyȱhadȱbeenȱaccusedȱforȱcenturies—theȱkillingȱofȱChrist.ȱTheȱnarrative
ofȱhostȬdesecratingȱJewsȱcanȱbeȱtracedȱtoȱaȱtaleȱemergingȱfromȱParisȱinȱ1290ȱin
whichȱtheȱJewsȱareȱpunishedȱandȱtheȱhostȱisȱrescued.ȱAfterwards,ȱsimilarȱtales
spreadȱquicklyȱthroughoutȱEurope,ȱleadingȱtoȱeverȱnewȱwavesȱofȱpersecutions,
expulsionsȱandȱmurderingȱofȱJewsȱinȱAshkenazicȱandȱSephardicȱareas.ȱByȱ1305ȱthe
storyȱhadȱreachedȱtheȱsmallȱLowerȱAustrianȱtownȱofȱKorneuburg.ȱOnȱSeptember
17ȱofȱthatȱyear,ȱaccordingȱtoȱmonasticȱreports,ȱaȱpiercedȱandȱbloodiedȱhostȱwas
foundȱonȱtheȱthresholdȱofȱaȱJew’sȱhouse.ȱByȱtheȱendȱofȱthatȱsameȱday,ȱtheȱhostȱhad
beenȱreturnedȱtoȱtheȱparishȱchurchȱandȱtheȱentireȱJewishȱpopulationȱofȱtheȱtown
hadȱbeenȱputȱtoȱdeath.ȱTheȱrescuedȱhostȱwasȱreportedȱnowȱtoȱhaveȱmiraculous
powersȱandȱtheȱBishopȱsentȱaȱcommissionȱofȱclericsȱtoȱinvestigateȱtheseȱclaimsȱa
fewȱmonthsȱlater.ȱTheȱBishopȱalsoȱsoughtȱtoȱdetermineȱwhetherȱtheȱwaferȱhad
actuallyȱbeenȱconsecratedȱandȱwhetherȱorȱnotȱtheȱJewsȱhadȱbeenȱinnocentȱorȱguilty
ofȱtheȱcrime.ȱ
Inȱ theȱ protocol,ȱ ofȱ theȱ twentyȬoneȱ citizensȱ questionedȱ byȱ theȱ ecclesiastical
commissionȱinȱKorneuburg,ȱopinionȱwasȱdividedȱaboutȱtheȱJews’ȱculpability.ȱSome
thirtyȱyearsȱlaterȱtheȱrealȱperpetratorȱwasȱidentified,ȱinterestinglyȱenoughȱinȱthe
courseȱ ofȱ aȱ papalȱ investigationȱ intoȱ anotherȱ allegedȱ hostȱ desecration.
Unfortunately,ȱbyȱthenȱitȱwasȱtooȱlateȱforȱtheȱvictims,ȱandȱweȱfaceȱhere,ȱmaybe,ȱa
veryȱsimilarȱsituationȱasȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱJoanȱofȱArcȱ(1412–1431),ȱalsoȱfalselyȱaccused
andȱ thenȱ burnedȱ atȱ theȱ stakeȱ asȱ aȱ pawnȱ inȱ theȱ handsȱ ofȱ criminalȱ figuresȱ both
withinȱ theȱ Churchȱ andȱ theȱ Englishȱ government.ȱ Justice,ȱ asȱ weȱ mightȱ haveȱ to
admit,ȱisȱaȱloftyȱgoal,ȱandȱmoreȱoftenȱthanȱnotȱanȱelusiveȱideal,ȱevenȱthoughȱthere
isȱjustifiedȱconfidenceȱthatȱweȱhaveȱbetterȱcourtsȱandȱaȱmoreȱreliable,ȱevenȱfair,
courtȱsystemȱinȱtheȱwesternȱworldȱthanȱinȱtheȱpremodernȱworld.
ConsideringȱChaucer’sȱTheȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱinȱhisȱCanterburyȱTales,ȱhopeȱinȱjustice
duringȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAgesȱcouldȱeasilyȱbeȱcrushed,ȱasȱDanielȱF.ȱPiggȱexamines
inȱhisȱcontribution,ȱalthoughȱatȱtheȱendȱtheȱevilȱjudge,ȱtheȱcauseȱofȱallȱtheȱtragedy
thatȱleadsȱtoȱVirginia’sȱdeathȱatȱherȱownȱfather’sȱhandȱinȱorderȱtoȱprotectȱherȱfrom
dishonorȱ andȱ shame,ȱ isȱ thrownȱ intoȱ prisonȱ byȱ theȱ people.ȱ Thereȱ heȱ commits
suicide,ȱwhichȱcompletesȱtheȱnarrative,ȱasȱunsatisfactoryȱasȱthatȱmayȱbeȱforȱthe
contemporaryȱandȱtheȱmodernȱaudience.ȱEvenȱthoughȱChaucerȱmostlyȱadapted
theȱ basicȱ narrativeȱ materialȱ fromȱ Livyȱ (59ȱ B.C.–17ȱ C.E.),ȱ heȱ alsoȱ madeȱ some
significantȱ adaptions,ȱ suchȱ asȱ movingȱ theȱ killingȱ sceneȱ awayȱ fromȱ theȱ public
sphereȱtoȱVirginius’sȱhouse,ȱthatȱis,ȱintoȱtheȱprivateȱroom,ȱwithȱnoȱwitnesses.ȱ
Asȱ Piggȱ recognizes,ȱ theȱ conflictȱ betweenȱ theȱ lasciviousȱ judgeȱ Appiusȱ and
Virginiusȱalsoȱhingesȱonȱtheȱchargeȱagainstȱtheȱlatterȱofȱbeingȱaȱthiefȱ(havingȱstolen
theȱbabyȱgirlȱVirginia)ȱandȱhenceȱofȱlackingȱinȱtrueȱmanliness,ȱalthoughȱtheȱvery
oppositeȱisȱtheȱcaseȱconcerningȱtheȱfatherȬdaughterȱrelationship.ȱMostȱtroublesome
provesȱ toȱ beȱ Virginius’sȱ quickȱ succumbingȱ toȱ theȱ judge’sȱ decisionȱ andȱ his
subsequentȱkillingȱofȱhisȱdaughter,ȱinsteadȱofȱfightingȱforȱhisȱownȱinnocenceȱand
ofȱ protectingȱ hisȱ daughterȱ fromȱ lustȬdrivenȱ monster,ȱ Appius,ȱ inȱ aȱ reasonable
fashion.46ȱAsȱmuchȱasȱChaucerȱaddressedȱinherentȱproblemsȱinȱtheȱlegalȱsystemȱof
hisȱownȱtime,ȱcertainlyȱimpliedȱbyȱtheȱstorytellingȱitself,ȱtheȱrealȱconcernȱtargeted,
asȱPiggȱunderscores,ȱisȱȱtheȱquestionȱofȱVirginius’sȱmanlinessȱandȱcontrolȱoverȱhis
ownȱlife,ȱsinceȱheȱretiresȱtoȱhisȱownȱhouseȱandȱkillsȱhisȱdaughterȱthereȱwithout
resortingȱ toȱ anyȱ legalȱ meansȱ thatȱ surelyȱ wouldȱ haveȱ beenȱ availableȱ toȱ him.
Moreover,ȱheȱhasȱfailedȱasȱaȱfatherȱtoȱprotectȱhisȱdaughterȱproperly,ȱwhichȱmade
46
TheȱsameȱmotifȱreappearsȱseveralȱhundredȱyearsȱlaterȱinȱtheȱfamousȱtragedyȱEmiliaȱGalottiȱ(1772)
byȱGottholdȱEphraimȱLessingȱ(1729–1781),ȱthoughȱthereȱtheȱcriticismȱtargetsȱtheȱabsolutistȱprince
ofȱGuastalla,ȱwhoȱhadȱinitiatedȱtheȱplotȱtoȱhaveȱEmilia’sȱfiancéȱkilledȱonȱhisȱwayȱtoȱtheȱwedding
andȱtheȱwomanȱ‘kidnapped’ȱtoȱhisȱownȱcastleȱ.ȱEventuallyȱherȱfatherȱstabsȱEmiliaȱtoȱdeathȱto
protectȱherȱhonor,ȱbutȱrefrainsȱfromȱseekingȱrevengeȱfromȱtheȱprinceȱoutȱofȱreligiousȱconcerns.
Introduction 21
itȱpossibleȱforȱtheȱjudgeȱtoȱcastȱaȱgazeȱuponȱherȱandȱtoȱbeȱstruckȱbyȱherȱbeautyȱin
suchȱintensityȱthatȱnowȱheȱisȱwillingȱtoȱcommitȱtheȱcrimeȱofȱrape.ȱ
AsȱflawedȱasȱChaucer’sȱTheȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱmightȱseemȱinȱtheȱeyesȱofȱmany
critics,ȱPigg’sȱanalysisȱdemonstratesȱthatȱdespiteȱitsȱexceptionalȱbrevityȱitȱcarries
heavyȱmessagesȱregardingȱtheȱfailureȱofȱtheȱpublicȱlegalȱsystem,ȱtheȱcollapseȱofȱthe
criminalȱ courts,ȱ theȱ downfallȱ ofȱ parentalȱ supervision,ȱ andȱ theȱ exposureȱ of
feminizedȱmasculinityȱ(Virginius).ȱAccordingȱtoȱPigg,ȱtheȱreader/listenerȱcould
onlyȱrelyȱonȱGod’sȱgraceȱandȱpursueȱtheȱindividualȱquestȱviaȱaȱpilgrimage.
LiaȱRossȱstudiesȱtheȱcriminalȱcareerȱofȱtheȱyoungȱBretonȱnoblemanȱandȱfamous
comradeȱofȱJoanȱofȱArc,ȱGillesȱtheȱRais,ȱinȱherȱarticleȱ“DeviancyȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddle
Ages:ȱ Theȱ Crimesȱ andȱ Punishmentȱ ofȱ Gillesȱ theȱ Rais.”ȱ Raisȱ secretlyȱ practiced
sorceryȱ andȱ serialȱ murderȱ andȱ hisȱ crimesȱ areȱ wellȱ documentedȱ thanksȱ to
preservationȱ ofȱ recordsȱ fromȱ hisȱ doubleȱ trial.ȱ Theȱ exhaustiveȱ testimonyȱ of
witnessesȱandȱaccomplices,ȱwithȱitsȱlitanyȱofȱkidnappings,ȱrapes,ȱmurders,ȱand
mutilationsȱofȱchildrenȱisȱstrikingȱforȱtheȱsimilarityȱbetweenȱthisȱmedievalȱserial
killerȱandȱhisȱmodernȱcounterparts.ȱWhileȱRais’sȱshockingȱdoubleȱlifeȱandȱviolent
deathȱhaveȱinspiredȱnumerousȱmodernȱworksȱ(especiallyȱfiction),ȱcontemporary
imaginationȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱlessȱaffected.ȱHowever,ȱasȱRoss’sȱstudiesȱmakes
abundantlyȱclear,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱreasonȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱcertainȱcriminalȱbehaviorsȱwere
typicalȱofȱtheȱpremodernȱworld.ȱInȱfact,ȱGilles’sȱcontemporariesȱwereȱasȱshocked
andȱdisgustedȱwhenȱtheȱtruthȱwasȱrevealedȱasȱmodernȱpeopleȱareȱwhenȱtheyȱlearn
ofȱ aȱ similarȱ crimeȱ sceneȱ orȱ account.ȱ Theȱ slaughterȱ ofȱ theȱ innocent,ȱ asȱ already
reportedȱ inȱ theȱ Newȱ Testament,ȱ hasȱ alwaysȱ beenȱ regardedȱ asȱ aȱ crimeȱ against
mankind.ȱTheȱtrueȱshockȱresultingȱfromȱRoss’sȱpaperȱmightȱbeȱthatȱmassȱmurder
canȱhappenȱatȱanyȱtime,ȱatȱanyȱperiod,ȱandȱinȱanyȱsociety,ȱsinceȱmanȱisȱalwaysȱin
dangerȱofȱturningȱintoȱaȱberserk,ȱunleashingȱindiscriminateȱviolenceȱagainstȱhis
fellowȬbeings.ȱGillesȱwasȱcertainlyȱmotivatedȱbyȱsexualȱinstincts,ȱbutȱultimatelyȱhe
wasȱaȱmassȱmurderer,ȱandȱhence,ȱtragically,ȱoneȱofȱmanyȱallȱoverȱtheȱworldȱand
throughoutȱtime.47
Theȱreactionȱofȱtheȱauthorities,ȱinȱparticular,ȱrevealsȱtheȱmalaiseȱofȱaȱsocietyȱthat
wasȱonlyȱbeginningȱtoȱreturnȱtoȱaȱruleȱofȱlawȱafterȱdecadesȱofȱviolence.ȱDespite
obviousȱ cluesȱ toȱ Rais’sȱ criminalȱ activity,ȱ investigationȱ ofȱ theȱ caseȱ wasȱ lateȱ in
coming,ȱ hisȱ interrogationȱ conductedȱ inȱ anȱ unusuallyȱ mildȱ manner,ȱ andȱ the
inevitableȱdeathȱsentenceȱcarriedȱoutȱalmostȱreluctantlyȱandȱmercifully.ȱEvenȱmore
surprising,ȱcommentsȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱtheȱofficialȱchroniclerȱAlainȱChartierȱwere
47
Thereȱ areȱ soȱ manyȱ examplesȱ ofȱ massȱ murderȱ inȱ humanȱ history,ȱ bothȱ theȱ countlessȱ pogroms
againstȱ theȱ Jewsȱ andȱ theȱ Holocaustȱ including,ȱ thatȱ Dinahȱ L.ȱ Sheltonȱ wasȱ justifiedȱ toȱ editȱ a
EncyclopediaȱofȱGenocideȱandȱCrimesȱAgainstȱHumanity.ȱGaleȱVirtualȱReferenceȱLibraryȱ(Detroit:
ThomsonȱGale,ȱ2005).
unexpectedlyȱlenient,ȱgivenȱtheȱnatureȱofȱtheȱcrimes.ȱRossȱusesȱtheȱcaseȱofȱRaisȱto
illustrateȱbothȱtheȱextensivenessȱandȱlimitsȱofȱlateȬmedievalȱtoleranceȱforȱdeviant
behavior,ȱevenȱwhenȱtheȱperpetratorȱwasȱnobleȱandȱenjoyedȱanȱotherwiseȱgood
reputation.ȱThisȱcaseȱalsoȱcallsȱintoȱquestionȱtwoȱcompetingȱsetsȱofȱbeliefsȱabout
thatȱ era.ȱ Onȱ theȱ oneȱ handȱ thereȱ isȱ whatȱ Rossȱ callsȱ “medievalȱ emotionality,”
triggeredȱbyȱtheȱculprit’sȱtheatricalȱrepentance,ȱandȱonȱtheȱotherȱtheȱbeliefȱthat
noblemenȱcynicallyȱdisregardȱtheȱvalueȱofȱtheȱlivesȱofȱtheirȱhumbleȱvictims.
JohnȱBeusterienȱstudiesȱtheȱuseȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱandȱpublicȱspectacleȱasȱformsȱof
punishmentȱinȱtheȱearlyȱsixteenthȬcenturyȱSpanishȱmasterpiece,ȱLaȱCelestina.ȱInȱhis
article,ȱ“TheȱSpectacleȱofȱtheȱHumanȱHead:ȱPunishmentȱinȱLaȱCelestina,”ȱBeusterien
arguesȱthatȱFernandoȱdeȱRojas,ȱthroughȱimagesȱofȱtheȱheadȱandȱtheȱaccoutrement
ofȱ theȱ conicalȱ hat,ȱ createsȱ aȱ literaryȱ worldȱ intoȱ whichȱ justiceȱ basedȱ onȱ public
shamingȱisȱnoȱlongerȱoperable.ȱTheȱgoȬbetween,ȱCelestina,ȱisȱnotȱpunishedȱbyȱthe
justiceȱsystem,ȱbutȱratherȱisȱstabbedȱbyȱgreedyȱservantsȱwhenȱsheȱdoesȱnotȱshare
herȱearningsȱwithȱthem.ȱSheȱhadȱearlierȱreflectedȱonȱtheȱpublicȱshamingȱofȱherȱold
friend,ȱClaudina,ȱandȱhadȱfearedȱthatȱshe,ȱtoo,ȱmightȱbeȱpunishedȱinȱthisȱway,ȱbut
sheȱmeetsȱaȱmoreȱviolentȱend.ȱTheȱservantsȱwhoȱmurderȱCelestinaȱfleeȱtheȱjustice
systemȱbyȱjumpingȱoutȱtheȱwindow,ȱcrackingȱtheirȱskullsȱwhenȱtheyȱlandȱonȱthe
pavementȱ below.ȱ Theyȱ areȱ almostȱ immediatelyȱ executedȱ forȱ theȱ murderȱ of
Celestinaȱbutȱweȱonlyȱlearnȱofȱtheirȱpunishmentsȱsecondȱhandȱsinceȱnoneȱofȱthe
mainȱcharactersȱwitnessȱtheȱexecutions.ȱTheȱservants’ȱmaster,ȱCalisto,ȱonlyȱworries
aboutȱdamageȱtoȱhisȱownȱreputationȱandȱdoesȱnotȱlongȱreflectȱeitherȱonȱtheȱcrime
committedȱbyȱhisȱmenȱorȱtheirȱpunishment.ȱ
RojasȱusesȱtheȱexecutionȱtoȱcriticizeȱaȱfailedȱjusticeȱsystemȱsinceȱCalistoȱopenly
statesȱthatȱtheȱjudge’sȱcondemnationȱofȱtheȱservantsȱisȱaȱterribleȱshockȱsinceȱthe
judgeȱwasȱaȱpoliticalȱcronyȱofȱhisȱfamilyȱandȱheȱwasȱsureȱthatȱheȱandȱhisȱhousehold
thusȱenjoyedȱimmunityȱfromȱpunishment.ȱCalistoȱhimselfȱwillȱshatterȱhisȱheadȱand
literallyȱspillȱhisȱbrainsȱontoȱtheȱpavementȱwhenȱheȱlaterȱdies,ȱfallingȱfromȱtheȱhigh
gardenȱ wallȱ ofȱ hisȱ lover’sȱ house.ȱ Beusterienȱ examinesȱ howȱ theseȱ imagesȱ of
shatteredȱheadsȱandȱtheȱconicalȱhatsȱareȱusedȱtoȱcommentȱonȱaȱjusticeȱsystemȱthat
isȱdysfunctional.ȱHeȱalsoȱstudiesȱtheȱcomplexȱsymbolismȱofȱtheȱconicalȱheadgear
asȱbothȱpowerȬenablerȱ(forȱexampleȱasȱaȱmiter)ȱandȱasȱaȱformȱofȱsocialȱrepression
thatȱdebasesȱitsȱwearerȱ(suchȱasȱheadgearȱwornȱbyȱthoseȱtriedȱbyȱtheȱInquisition).
Kathleenȱ Llewellynȱ treatsȱ anotherȱ importantȱ sixteenthȬcenturyȱ work,ȱ the

Heptaméron,ȱinȱherȱarticle,ȱ“EqualȱOpportunityȱVengeanceȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱof
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre.”ȱOftenȱconsideredȱprimarilyȱaȱcollectionȱofȱloveȱstories,
LlewellynȱconsidersȱmanyȱofȱtheȱnovellasȱthatȱmakeȱupȱtheȱHeptaméronȱtoȱbeȱ“war”
storiesȱinȱtheȱsenseȱthatȱmanyȱdealȱwithȱtimeȬhonoredȱthemeȱofȱtheȱbattleȱofȱthe
sexes.ȱTheȱ“crimes”ȱinȱtheȱworkȱareȱaȱseriesȱofȱillȱdeedsȱdoneȱbyȱwomenȱtoȱmen
Introduction 23
andȱ byȱ menȱ toȱ women.ȱ Margueriteȱ usesȱ tenȱ storytellers—fiveȱ menȱ andȱ five
women—andȱoneȱwouldȱassumeȱthatȱtheȱpunishmentsȱmetedȱoutȱbyȱtheȱwomen
wouldȱbeȱagainstȱtheȱmenȱandȱviceȱversa.ȱButȱthisȱisȱnotȱtheȱcase.ȱPunishmentsȱin
theȱHeptaméronȱareȱgenerallyȱmetedȱoutȱbyȱmen,ȱonlyȱrarelyȱbyȱwomen,ȱreflecting
theȱpatriarchalȱsocietyȱinȱwhichȱtheȱtextȱwasȱcomposed.ȱButȱtheȱreaderȱofȱtheȱwork
discoversȱthatȱtheȱreasonsȱforȱwhichȱwomenȱwereȱpunished,ȱandȱevenȱtheȱwaysȱin
whichȱtheyȱwereȱpunished,ȱparadoxicallyȱempoweredȱtheȱwomenȱinȱtheȱnovellas.
Forȱwhile,ȱhistorically,ȱwomen’sȱpunishmentȱoftenȱdifferedȱfromȱmen’s,ȱinȱthe
Heptaméron,ȱ Margueriteȱ deȱ Navarreȱ establishesȱ aȱ parallelȱ betweenȱ menȱ and
women,ȱevenȱinȱtheirȱpunishmentȱforȱwrongȬdoing.
NicolasȱLombart’sȱarticleȱconcernsȱcrimeȱinȱtheȱtimeȱofȱcivilȱwar,ȱpreciselyȱthe
religiousȱ warsȱ takingȱ placeȱ inȱ Franceȱ fromȱ 1561Ȭ1570.ȱ “Crimesȱ etȱ châtiments
d’exceptionȱ enȱ Franceȱ auȱ tempsȱ desȱ Guerresȱ deȱ Religion:ȱ Laȱ notionȱ deȱ justice
expéditiveȱdansȱlesȱCommentairesȱdeȱMonluc”ȱexaminesȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonluc’sȱ(ca.
1502Ȭ1577)ȱextensiveȱworkȱbasedȱonȱhisȱexperiencesȱasȱaȱsoldier.ȱTheȱCommentaires
giveȱdetailedȱaccountsȱofȱwarȱtechniques,ȱtactics,ȱandȱpoliticsȱbutȱtheyȱareȱalso
repleteȱwithȱpersonalȱreflections.ȱForȱexample,ȱinȱbookȱsix,ȱthereȱisȱlongȱdigression
onȱ theȱ needȱ toȱ reformȱ theȱ justiceȱ ofȱ theȱ realmȱ thatȱ Monlucȱ describesȱ asȱ slow,
inefficient,ȱandȱdrowningȱinȱlawyers’ȱrhetoric.ȱMonluc,ȱinȱhisȱroleȱasȱcommander
ofȱtheȱking,ȱfoundȱhimselfȱinȱtheȱpositionȱofȱmetingȱoutȱjusticeȱinȱanȱexpedient
mannerȱ andȱ renderingȱ sentencesȱ onȱ crimesȱ committedȱ byȱ theȱ Huguenots.
Accompaniedȱ byȱ twoȱ executioners,ȱ heȱ handedȱ downȱ swiftȱ judgmentsȱ and
summaryȱexecutions,ȱclearlyȱcognizantȱofȱhisȱresponsibilityȱasȱtheȱ“armȱofȱjustice”
forȱtheȱking.ȱInȱhisȱmemoirs,ȱMonlucȱreflectsȱonȱtheseȱcrimesȱandȱpunishmentsȱ“of
exception”ȱinȱcontextȱofȱtheȱupheavalȱofȱaȱreligiousȱcivilȱwar.ȱHisȱcommentsȱare
strikinglyȱsimilarȱtoȱmodernȱevaluationsȱofȱwhatȱweȱnowȱcallȱ“warȱcrimes.”
MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacockȱdescribesȱtheȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱconditionsȱinȱtheȱfirst
allȬwomen’sȱ prisonȱ inȱ theȱ Netherlands,ȱ theȱ Spinhuis.ȱ Inȱ herȱ article,ȱ “The
AmsterdamȱSpinhuisȱandȱtheȱ‘Art’ȱofȱCorrection,”ȱsheȱnotesȱthatȱprisonsȱofȱthe
periodȱusuallyȱhousedȱbothȱmaleȱandȱfemaleȱinmatesȱandȱfemaleȱprisonersȱwere
routinelyȱ abusedȱ byȱ theirȱ maleȱ jailersȱ andȱ maleȱ prisoners.48ȱ Inȱ contrast,ȱ the
SpinhuisȱinȱAmsterdamȱwasȱcreatedȱasȱanȱallȬfemaleȱprisonȱwithȱbothȱmenȱand
womenȱinȱauthorityȱoverȱtheȱinmatesȱwhoȱwereȱtaughtȱvaluableȱskillsȱinȱtextile
productionȱ whileȱ theyȱ wereȱ confined.ȱ Throughȱ aȱ studyȱ ofȱ theȱ prison,ȱ and
especiallyȱofȱtheȱportraitsȱofȱtheȱregentsȱandȱregentessesȱwhoȱgovernedȱtheȱprison,
48
TheȱtopicȱofȱfemaleȱprisonersȱisȱnowȱcoveredȱbyȱGwenȱSeabourne,ȱImprisoningȱMedievalȱWomen:
TheȱNonȬJudicialȱConfinementȱandȱAbductionȱofȱWomenȱinȱEngland,ȱc.1170Ȭ1509ȱ(Farnham,ȱSurrey,ȱand
Burlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2011).
Peacockȱseesȱthisȱinstitutionȱasȱaȱuniqueȱmanifestationȱofȱwomen’sȱpowerȱand
agency.ȱTheȱSpinhuisȱwasȱcreatedȱbasedȱonȱtheȱideaȱthatȱwomenȱcouldȱbeȱreformed
throughȱ engagingȱ inȱ honorableȱ andȱ profitableȱ workȱ inȱ theȱ fieldsȱ ofȱ spinning,
weaving,ȱsewingȱandȱlaceȬmaking.ȱEstablishedȱinitiallyȱforȱpoorȱwomenȱbeggars
itȱhadȱaȱcharitableȱmissionȱasȱanȱinstitutionȱwhereȱwomenȱwereȱbroughtȱbackȱto
God,ȱbroughtȱbackȱtoȱhonor,ȱandȱbroughtȱbackȱtoȱchastityȱasȱtheyȱlearnedȱtoȱwork
diligentlyȱinȱaȱsoberȱandȱvirtuousȱenvironment.ȱ
PortraitsȱofȱtheȱregentessesȱofȱtheȱSpinhuisȱrevealȱthatȱtheseȱwomenȱexercised
equalȱauthorityȱwithȱmaleȱsupervisorsȱandȱalsoȱhelpedȱtoȱinsureȱthatȱtheȱwomen
confinedȱthereȱwereȱnotȱabusedȱbyȱmen.ȱTheyȱformedȱimportantȱoversightȱforȱthe
prisonȱandȱcommunicatedȱwithȱmagistratesȱtoȱdiscussȱsentencesȱandȱpunishments
forȱtheȱprisoners.ȱPeacockȱassertsȱthatȱtheȱfoundingȱofȱtheȱSpinhuisȱnecessitatedȱa
culturalȱcircumstanceȱinȱwhichȱwomen,ȱtheirȱskills,ȱandȱtheirȱpower,ȱwereȱgiven
voiceȱinȱtheȱconstructionȱofȱaȱsocialȱinstitution.ȱAsȱaȱconsequence,ȱwhenȱwomen
prisonersȱwalkedȱthroughȱtheȱportalȱofȱtheȱSpinhuisȱtheyȱrealizedȱthatȱtheyȱwere
nowȱunderȱfemaleȱcontrol.ȱAndȱwhileȱthatȱdisciplineȱwasȱstrict,ȱitȱwasȱcertainly
moreȱcharitableȱforȱtheȱlongȬtermȱbenefitȱofȱwomenȱprisonersȱthanȱtheȱpatriarchal
brothel/prisonsȱfoundȱinȱotherȱareasȱofȱearlyȱmodernȱEurope.
TomȱWillardȱstudiesȱcasesȱofȱdeceitȱandȱfraudȱinȱEnglandȱduringȱtheȱseventeenth
centuryȱinȱ“PimpingȱforȱtheȱFairyȱQueen:ȱSomeȱEnglishȱScammersȱandȱTheirȱJust
Desserts.”ȱUsingȱBenȱJonson’sȱgreatȱcityȱdrama,ȱTheȱAlchemistȱ(1610)ȱasȱaȱpointȱof
departure,ȱ Willardȱ catalogsȱ aȱ hostȱ ofȱ cheatingȱ scamsȱ associatedȱ notȱ onlyȱ with
alchemy,ȱ butȱ withȱ millenarianȱ religion,ȱ fortuneȱ telling,ȱ andȱ muchȱ more.ȱ One
schemeȱincludesȱintroducingȱaȱgullibleȱpersonȱtoȱtheȱQueenȱofȱtheȱFairiesȱand
helpingȱ toȱ secureȱ herȱ assistanceȱ inȱ suchȱ mattersȱ asȱ winningȱ atȱ cards.ȱ Jonson’s
handlingȱofȱthisȱruseȱnotȱonlyȱmakesȱforȱgreatȱstageȱdramaȱbutȱwouldȱalsoȱhave
remindedȱhisȱoriginalȱaudienceȱofȱsimilarȱcasesȱinȱrecentȱyears.
Sixȱyearsȱearlier,ȱforȱexample,ȱoneȱJaneȱPhillipsȱhadȱbeenȱ“whippedȱthroughȱthe
Citie”ȱofȱLondonȱforȱherȱpartȱinȱfleecingȱaȱcountryȱgentlemanȱwhoȱwantedȱan
introductionȱtoȱtheȱFairyȱQueen.ȱAndȱthisȱwasȱnotȱanȱisolatedȱcase,ȱforȱthreeȱyears
afterȱJonson’sȱplayȱwasȱperformedȱbyȱShakespeare’sȱcompany,ȱaȱwoman,ȱAlice
West,ȱ wasȱ broughtȱ toȱ trialȱ withȱ herȱ husbandȱ forȱ “theȱ impoverishingȱ ofȱ many
simpleȱpeople”ȱofȱLondonȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱledȱtoȱbelieveȱthatȱsheȱwasȱtheȱFairy
Queen.ȱTheȱreportageȱfromȱtheseȱtrialsȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheȱpeopleȱwhoȱflockedȱto
Jonson’sȱ playȱ wereȱ amusedȱ equallyȱ byȱ theȱ gullibilityȱ ofȱ thoseȱ connedȱ andȱ the
outrageousnessȱofȱtheȱcunningȱwomen’sȱartistry.ȱJonson’sȱprefatoryȱcommentsȱon
theȱplayȱshowȱthatȱheȱdidȱnotȱconfineȱhisȱsatireȱtoȱanyȱoneȱcharacterȱorȱsocialȱrole.
DenisȱBjaïȱstudiesȱMontaigne’sȱcommentsȱonȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱcriminalsȱinȱhis
article,ȱ“Enȱlaȱjusticeȱmême,ȱtoutȱceȱquiȱestȱauȬdelàȱdeȱlaȱmortȱsimpleȱmeȱsemble
Introduction 25
pureȱ cruautéȱ (Essais,ȱ II,ȱ 11):ȱ Réflexionsȱ deȱ Montaigneȱ surȱ leȱ châtimentȱ des
criminels.”ȱBjaïȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱMontaigne’sȱreflectionsȱaboutȱtheȱpunishmentȱof
criminalsȱwereȱinspiredȱbyȱtheȱjuridical,ȱhistorical,ȱandȱphilosophicalȱworksȱheȱhad
readȱandȱalsoȱbyȱhisȱownȱpersonalȱexperienceȱasȱaȱmagistrateȱandȱwitnessȱtoȱthe
tragicȱ errorsȱ committedȱ byȱ theȱ justiceȱ systemȱ ofȱ hisȱ time.ȱ Theȱ possibilityȱ of
punishingȱanȱinnocentȱpersonȱmadeȱhimȱveryȱreticentȱtoȱcondemn.ȱ
Montaigneȱposesȱmanyȱquestionsȱinȱthisȱregardȱincludingȱwhetherȱaȱpunishment
canȱbeȱconsideredȱjustȱorȱnot.ȱHeȱtakesȱintoȱaccountȱtheȱpartȱthatȱemotionsȱ(such
asȱangerȱandȱvengeance),ȱchanceȱ(theȱgoodȱnature,ȱorȱnot,ȱofȱtheȱjudge),ȱandȱeven
overȬconfidenceȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱtheȱjudgeȱplayȱinȱdecidingȱaȱpunishment.ȱHeȱalso
asksȱifȱpunishmentȱshouldȱbeȱproportionalȱtoȱtheȱseverityȱofȱtheȱcrimeȱcommitted
andȱconcludesȱthatȱanythingȱbeyondȱsimpleȱdeathȱconstitutesȱcruelty.ȱ
ButȱthenȱMontageȱgoesȱonȱtoȱquestionȱwhatȱconstitutesȱ“simpleȱdeath.”ȱHeȱalso
addressesȱpunishmentsȱinflictedȱonȱaȱlivingȱbeingȱandȱonȱaȱcorpse,ȱandȱheȱdebates
theȱ worthȱ ofȱ purelyȱ symbolicȱ punishments.ȱ Heȱ nextȱ questionsȱ whetherȱ penal
punishmentȱcanȱbeȱusefulȱforȱaȱsociety,ȱi.e.,ȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱtoȱcorrectȱtheȱactionsȱof
theȱcriminalȱbutȱratherȱthatȱotherȱmembersȱofȱsocietyȱlearnȱfromȱtheȱcriminal’sȱfate.
Heȱalsoȱassertsȱthatȱtheȱfirstȱpunishmentȱsufferedȱbyȱaȱguiltyȱpersonȱisȱtheȱtorment
ofȱhisȱownȱconscience.ȱMontaigneȱalsoȱobservedȱthatȱtheȱworstȱandȱmostȱsadistic
crimesȱareȱthoseȱcommittedȱduringȱaȱtimeȱofȱcivilȱwar.ȱBjaïȱconcludesȱhisȱarticle
withȱMontaigne’sȱfamousȱobservationȱthatȱweȱareȱallȱguilty,ȱatȱoneȱtimeȱorȱanother
inȱourȱlives,ȱofȱsomeȱmisdeedȱand,ȱthus,ȱanyoneȱatȱsomeȱpointȱinȱhisȱlifeȱcouldȱfind
himselfȱunderȱtheȱcontrolȱofȱtheȱjusticeȱsystem.
AllisonȱP.ȱCoudertȱinvestigatesȱtheȱthemeȱofȱcannibalismȱinȱearlyȬmodernȱEurope
inȱ herȱ article,ȱ “Theȱ Ultimateȱ Crime:ȱ Cannibalismȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Mindsȱ and
Imaginations.”ȱSheȱbeginsȱbyȱpointingȱoutȱthatȱaccountsȱandȱstoriesȱofȱcannibalism
haveȱobsessedȱtheȱwesternȱimaginationȱbothȱinȱfantasyȱandȱreality.ȱButȱwithȱthe
changesȱbroughtȱaboutȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱEuropeȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱtheȱdiscoveryȱofȱthe
“new”ȱworld,ȱtheȱreligiousȱconflictsȱgeneratedȱbyȱtheȱReformationȱandȱCounterȬ
Reformation,ȱandȱtheȱriseȱofȱaȱprotoȬcapitalistȱconsumerȱsocietyȱaȱnewȱtypeȱof
cannibalȱemerged.ȱTheȱnewȱcannibal,ȱonȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱrepresentedȱtheȱprimitive
“other,”ȱaȱdespicableȱandȱcriminalȱmemberȱofȱaȱregressiveȱsocietyȱthatȱstoodȱin
starkȱoppositionȱtoȱtheȱprogressiveȱsocietyȱofȱtheȱEuropeans.ȱBut,ȱonȱtheȱother
hand,ȱ theȱ imageȱ ofȱ theȱ cannibalȱ cameȱ toȱ symbolizeȱ theȱ veryȱ rapaciousnessȱ of
Europeanȱcolonialism,ȱimperialism,ȱandȱcapitalismȱasȱallȱthreeȱliterallyȱdevoured
theȱ peoplesȱ andȱ institutionsȱ thatȱ stoodȱ inȱ theirȱ way.ȱ Christianȱ conflictȱ further
complicatedȱtheȱcomplexȱmeaningȱofȱcapitalismȱinȱtheȱearlyȬmodernȱperiod.ȱThe
parallelȱbetweenȱChristianȱcommunionȱandȱcannibalȱfeastsȱwasȱreadilyȱapparent,
especiallyȱ toȱ Protestants,ȱ whoȱ usedȱ itȱ toȱ ridiculeȱ Catholicȱ doctrine.ȱ Coudert
concludesȱthatȱcannibalismȱinȱearlyȬmodernȱEuropeȱwasȱaȱrecurring,ȱmultiȬfaceted
themeȱinȱpublicȱdiscourseȱpittingȱtheȱtwoȱsidesȱinȱtheȱuniversalȱreligiousȱwarsȱof
thatȱtime,ȱhighlightingȱtheȱcontradictionsȱandȱconflictsȱgeneratedȱbyȱtheȱtransition
fromȱtheȱpreȬmodernȱtoȱtheȱmodernȱworld.
Evelynȱ Luefȱ alsoȱ addressesȱ issuesȱ ofȱ earlyȬmodernȱ Europeȱ inȱ herȱ article,
“PunishmentȱPostȱMortem:ȱSuicideȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱAustriaȱandȱSweden.”ȱLuef
examinesȱtheȱquestionȱofȱhowȱtoȱpunishȱsomeoneȱwhoȱisȱbothȱtheȱperpetratorȱand
victimȱofȱaȱcrime,ȱi.e.,ȱaȱsuicide.ȱInȱearlyȬmodernȱEurope,ȱsuicideȱwasȱperceivedȱas
aȱfelony,ȱaȱsinfulȱdeed,ȱandȱaȱcrimeȱagainstȱGod,ȱnature,ȱandȱsociety,ȱandȱthisȱin
closeȱparallelȱtoȱtheȱperceptionsȱofȱsuicideȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱBothȱsuicideȱand
suicideȱattemptȱwereȱcriminallyȱprosecuted.ȱCommittingȱsuicideȱnotȱonlyȱresulted
inȱlegalȱconsequencesȱbutȱitȱalsoȱcarriedȱsocialȱstigmaȱandȱimplicationsȱforȱthe
societyȱ asȱ aȱ whole.ȱ Luefȱ focusesȱ onȱ howȱ theȱ bodiesȱ ofȱ peopleȱ whoȱ committed
suicideȱ wereȱ “punished.”ȱ Usingȱ judicialȱ recordsȱ fromȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ and
eighteenthȱ centuriesȱ inȱ Austriaȱ andȱ Swedenȱ sheȱ examinesȱ issuesȱ suchȱ asȱ who
inspectedȱtheȱbodiesȱofȱsuicides,ȱwhereȱtheseȱbodiesȱwereȱkeptȱuntilȱjudgmentȱwas
rendered,ȱandȱwhenȱtheȱfamilyȱreceivedȱtheȱbodyȱandȱwhenȱwasȱitȱhandedȱover
toȱtheȱexecutioner.ȱFromȱthisȱevidence,ȱLuefȱcontrastsȱtheȱpracticalȱhandlingȱof
individualȱsuicideȱcasesȱagainstȱnormativeȱjuridicalȱtexts.ȱHerȱstudyȱdocuments
theȱbroadȱvarietyȱofȱpracticalȱreactionsȱtowardȱsuicideȱbyȱauthorities,ȱfamilies,ȱand
theȱsocietyȱatȱlargeȱandȱinvestigatesȱdecisiveȱcriteriaȱforȱhowȱandȱbyȱwhomȱthe
suicide’sȱbodyȱwasȱhandled.
Theȱarticlesȱinȱthisȱvolumeȱfindȱmanyȱintersectingȱpointsȱofȱinterest.ȱClassen,ȱLuef,
Jost,ȱandȱRibémontȱdealȱwithȱcrimesȱandȱpunishmentȱinȱliteraryȱtextsȱandȱhowȱthe
portrayalȱofȱtheseȱsubjectsȱdiffersȱfromȱwhatȱweȱfindȱinȱproscriptiveȱlegalȱtreatises.
Asȱtheseȱauthorsȱnote,ȱlegalȱtextsȱdoȱnotȱalwaysȱreflectȱorȱcorroborateȱwaysȱin
whichȱ criminalsȱ areȱ broughtȱ toȱ justiceȱ orȱ prevailingȱ juridicalȱ processes.
Furthermore,ȱlawȱcodesȱdidȱnotȱalwaysȱinsureȱthatȱtheirȱpreceptsȱwereȱfollowed
inȱ legalȱ practice,ȱ i.e.,ȱ withoutȱ actualȱ courtȱ recordsȱ orȱ otherȱ documentationȱ we
cannotȱbeȱsureȱthatȱtheseȱcodesȱwereȱenforcedȱor,ȱifȱenforced,ȱwhetherȱtheyȱwere
doneȱ systematicallyȱ inȱ allȱ casesȱ orȱ whetherȱ thereȱ wereȱ mitigatingȱ factorsȱ that
allowedȱsomeȱcriminalȱactsȱtoȱgoȱunpunished.ȱKomornicka,ȱLuef,ȱRoss,ȱandȱWiedl
directlyȱexamineȱcourtȱproceedingsȱandȱotherȱlegalȱdocumentsȱwithȱtheȱintentȱto
studyȱissuesȱsuchȱtreason,ȱ suicide,ȱserialȱmurder,ȱandȱpogromsȱagainstȱJewish
communities.ȱCompetingȱsystemsȱofȱlaw—customaryȱlawsȱandȱtrialsȱbyȱordealȱor
combatȱ andȱ RomanoȬcanonicalȱ proceduresȱ basedȱ onȱ oralȱ andȱ written
evidence—areȱinvestigatedȱbyȱTaylorȱthroughȱliteraryȱtexts.ȱ
Women,ȱ asȱ victimsȱ andȱ perpetratorsȱ ofȱ crimesȱ areȱ theȱ subjectȱ ofȱ severalȱ other
articles.ȱScarboroughȱstudiesȱhowȱwomenȱwereȱtreatedȱinȱaȱthirteenthȬcentury
Introduction 27
legalȱ code,ȱ whileȱ Llewellynȱ examinesȱ punishmentsȱ metedȱ outȱ toȱ womenȱ inȱ a
sixteenthȬcenturyȱcollectionȱofȱnovellas.ȱScarboroughȱnotesȱthatȱfemaleȱcriminals
wereȱtreatedȱdifferentlyȱand,ȱwhenȱaȱwomanȱwasȱaȱvictim,ȱtheȱpunishmentȱmeted
outȱtoȱtheȱabusersȱwasȱoftenȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱwoman’sȱsocial,ȱmarital,ȱorȱracial
standing.ȱPigg,ȱinȱturn,ȱshowsȱhowȱaȱflawedȱjusticeȱsystemȱcanȱoperateȱandȱan
innocentȱwomanȱbeȱkilledȱsimplyȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱfearedȱthreatȱthatȱsheȱmightȱlose
herȱhonorȱthroughȱherȱvictimizationȱbyȱaȱcorruptȱjudge.ȱȱHisȱanalysisȱunderscores
thatȱaȱjudicialȱsystemȱcanȱbeȱpervertedȱtoȱtheȱextentȱthatȱaȱvictimȱactuallyȱsuffers
theȱpunishment
Llewellynȱfindsȱinȱstoriesȱaboutȱ“theȱbattleȱofȱtheȱsexes”ȱthatȱwomenȱareȱmore
likelyȱtoȱbeȱpunishedȱthanȱtoȱmeteȱoutȱpunishmentȱtoȱtheirȱmaleȱcounterparts.
Beusterienȱ alsoȱ treatsȱ women,ȱ especiallyȱ theȱ actȱ ofȱ publicȱ shaming,ȱ asȱ a
punishmentȱforȱwomenȱaccusedȱofȱsorceryȱorȱpandering.ȱPeacockȱrevealsȱaȱunique
allȬfemaleȱ prisonȱ foundedȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ sixteenthȬcenturyȱ inȱ Amsterdam—the
Spinhuis.ȱWomenȱservedȱasȱoperatorsȱandȱoverseersȱofȱthisȱinstitutionȱandȱitȱwas
aȱplaceȱofȱreformȱforȱwomenȱinȱsharpȱcontrastȱtoȱotherȱprisonsȱinȱearlyȱmodern
Europeȱinȱwhichȱmaleȱandȱfemaleȱprisonersȱwereȱhousedȱtogetherȱandȱwomen
wereȱroutinelyȱsexuallyȱabusedȱorȱprostitutedȱbyȱmaleȱjailersȱandȱmaleȱinmates
alike.ȱTurningȱalsoȱstudiesȱjailsȱandȱjailersȱandȱconcludesȱthatȱnoȱsingleȱnotion
emergesȱ aboutȱ eitherȱ theseȱ institutionsȱ orȱ theirȱ wardensȱ duringȱ theȱ medieval
period.ȱJailersȱwereȱimportantȱplayersȱinȱtheȱjudicialȱsystemȱfromȱtheȱendȱofȱthe
fourteenthȱcentury.
Aȱpairȱofȱarticles—thoseȱbyȱBjaïȱandȱGough—approachȱlegalȱmattersȱfromȱa
philosophicȱviewpoint.ȱBjaïȱspecificallyȱaddressesȱtheȱfundamentalȱnotionȱofȱwhat
constitutesȱcrueltyȱandȱGough’sȱpieceȱisȱconcernedȱwithȱeffortsȱtoȱfindȱaȱpurpose
forȱpainȱandȱsuffering.ȱInȱthisȱsameȱvein,ȱClasonȱandȱRuizȱtreatȱtheȱideasȱofȱGod’s
justiceȱandȱsinȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱcrimeȱasȱdefinedȱbyȱsecularȱorȱecclesiasticalȱcustoms
andȱstatutes.ȱ
Aȱnumberȱofȱtheȱarticlesȱdealȱwithȱissuesȱthatȱhaveȱdecidedlyȱcontemporary
applicationsȱandȱinsights.ȱForȱexample,ȱRossȱdealsȱwithȱaȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱserial
killerȱwhoseȱbehaviorȱisȱstrikinglyȱsimilarȱtoȱtheȱmodernȱpsychologicalȱprofilesȱof
thisȱ typeȱ ofȱ criminal.ȱ Lombartȱ dealsȱ withȱ whatȱ actionsȱ andȱ underȱ what
circumstancesȱcanȱbeȱdeclaredȱtheȱpremodernȱequivalentsȱofȱwarȱcrimes.ȱNiiranen
investigatesȱbehaviorȱthatȱweȱnowȱlabelȱasȱantiȬsocialȱorȱdeviant.ȱAndȱWillard
takesȱupȱtheȱideaȱofȱconȱmenȱandȱconȱwomenȱthatȱpreyȱonȱtheȱgullible.ȱHahnȱand
CoudertȱtreatȱissuesȱthatȱcontinueȱtoȱfascinateȱtheȱWesternȱimagination—creatures
ofȱsupernaturalȱoriginsȱandȱcannibalismȱrespectively.
Thisȱvolumeȱexploresȱhowȱdifferentȱcommunities,ȱauthors,ȱandȱjudicialȱauthorities
inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ periodȱ dealtȱ withȱ theȱ notionȱ ofȱ what
constitutesȱaȱcriminalȱactȱandȱhowȱtheyȱchooseȱtoȱpunishȱthoseȱfoundȱguiltyȱof
suchȱ behaviors.ȱ Theȱ articlesȱ relyȱ onȱ aȱ wideȬrangeȱ ofȱ differentȱ sortsȱ of
materials—literaryȱ works,ȱ philosophicȱ texts,ȱ memoirs,ȱ lawȱ codes,ȱ court
proceedings,ȱotherȱhistoricalȱdocumentation,ȱandȱvisualȱimages—toȱshedȱlightȱon
theseȱ keyȱ concepts.ȱ Whileȱ noȱ collectionȱ onȱ soȱ vastȱ aȱ topicȱ canȱ claimȱ toȱ be
exhaustive,ȱtheȱstudiesȱincludedȱinȱtheȱpresentȱvolumeȱprovideȱvaluableȱinsights
thatȱ helpȱ usȱ toȱ betterȱ understandȱ howȱ medievalȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ societies
perceivedȱandȱdealtȱwithȱthoseȱwhoȱcommittedȱreprehensibleȱacts.ȱWeȱhopeȱto
haveȱbroughtȱtogetherȱaȱsolidȱgroupȱofȱrelevantȱstudiesȱthatȱcreateȱaȱkaleidoscopic
imageȱ ofȱ whatȱ crimeȱ andȱ punishmentȱ meantȱ inȱ theȱ premodernȱ world.
Surprisingly,ȱifȱnotȱtragically,ȱtheȱdifferencesȱbetweenȱcriminalȱbehaviorȱinȱtheȱpast
andȱinȱtheȱpresentȱseemȱtoȱbeȱratherȱlimited,ȱsinceȱpeopleȱhaveȱalwaysȱfeltȱthe
tendencyȱtoȱtransgress,ȱtoȱtakeȱwhatȱdoesȱnotȱbelongȱtoȱthem,ȱtoȱoverpowerȱothers
illegally,ȱtoȱabuseȱtheȱsystemȱtoȱtheirȱadvantage,ȱandȱtoȱdisregardȱallȱethical,ȱmoral,
andȱreligiousȱnormsȱandȱideals.ȱTheȱTenȱCommandmentsȱhave,ȱunfortunately,ȱnot
lostȱinȱrelevance,ȱandȱtheȱcommentsȱaboutȱtheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSins,ȱpreachedȱabout
throughoutȱtheȱentireȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱworld,ȱifȱnotȱuntilȱtoday,
haveȱconsistentlyȱpinpointedȱtheȱfundamentalȱhumanȱfrailty,ȱignorance,ȱgreed,
hatred,ȱpassion,ȱandȱhenceȱlackȱofȱrationality.49ȱTheȱmasterfulȱallegoricalȱnarrative
PiersȱPlowmanȱbyȱWilliamȱLanglandȱ(lateȱfourteenthȱcentury)ȱprovidesȱtheȱperhaps
bestȱexampleȱinȱthisȱregard.50ȱConsideringȱtheȱvirtuallyȱuninterruptedȱhistoryȱof
crimeȱandȱpunishmentȱfromȱtheȱantiquityȱuntilȱtoday,ȱitȱmakesȱperfectȱsenseȱto
revisitȱtheseȱissues,ȱtoȱlayȱtheȱfoundationȱforȱfutureȱresearchȱonceȱagain,ȱandȱto
allowȱindividualȱcasesȱfromȱtheȱworldȱofȱliterature,ȱartȱhistory,ȱhistoricalȱandȱlegal
documents,ȱetc.,ȱtoȱspeakȱup.ȱCrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱareȱhereȱforȱgoodȱandȱwillȱbe
partȱofȱallȱhumanȱsocietiesȱsinceȱweȱdoȱnotȱliveȱinȱaȱutopia.ȱIronically,ȱevenȱtheȱbest
utopianȱsocietiesȱasȱprojectedȱbyȱmanyȱdifferentȱwritersȱthroughoutȱtimeȱhave
alwaysȱ knownȱ ofȱ rulesȱ andȱ lawsȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ punishȱ thoseȱ whoȱ threatenȱ to
transgressȱorȱhaveȱtakenȱmeasuresȱthatȱundermineȱtheȱutopianȱworld.ȱAfterȱall,ȱin
theȱmedievalȱworldȱpeopleȱalreadyȱhadȱaȱclearȱsenseȱofȱutopias,ȱandȱtheȱdangers
thatȱcouldȱdestroyȱthem51;ȱthisȱalsoȱpertainingȱtoȱtheȱlegalȱsystem.
49
Seeȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Theȱ Sevenȱ Deadlyȱ Sins:ȱ Fromȱ Communitiesȱ toȱ Individuals,ȱ ed.ȱ Richard
Newhauser.ȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱandȱReformationȱTraditions,ȱ123ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2007).
50
WilliamȱLanglandȇsȱPiersȱPlowman:ȱAȱBookȱofȱEssays,ȱed.ȱKathleenȱM.ȱHewettȬSmitȱ(ȱNewȱYork:
Routledge,ȱ2001);ȱWilliamȱLangland,ȱPiersȱPlowman,ȱaȱnewȱannotatedȱeditionȱofȱtheȱCȬtextȱby
DerekȱPearsall.ȱExeterȱMedievalȱTextsȱandȱStudiesȱ(1978;ȱExeter,ȱUK:ȱUniversityȱofȱExeterȱPress,
2007).ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Williamȱ Langland,ȱ Piersȱ Plowman:ȱ Aȱ ParallelȬTextȱ Editionȱ ofȱ theȱ A,ȱ B,ȱ Cȱ andȱ Z
Versions,ȱed.ȱA.ȱV.ȱC.ȱSchmidtȱ(vol.ȱ1:ȱLondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱLongman,ȱ1995;ȱvol.ȱ2:ȱKalamazoo,
MI:ȱMedievalȱInstituteȱPublications,ȱ2008).
51
HeikoȱHartmann,ȱ“Utopias/UtopianȱThought,”ȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen.
Vol.ȱ2ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2010),ȱ1400–08.
Chapterȱ1
BernardȱRibémont
(CESFiMAȱ—ȱUniversitéȱd’Orléansȱ—ȱANRȱJuslittera)
Leȱ‘crimeȱépique’ȱetȱsaȱpunition:ȱquelquesȱexemples
(XIIe–XIIIeȱsiècles)
Laȱchansonȱdeȱgesteȱoffreȱunȱterrainȱparticulièrementȱricheȱpourȱquiȱveutȱs’intéresser
auxȱ relationsȱ entreȱ leȱ droitȱ etȱ laȱ littérature.ȱ Enȱ effet,ȱ deȱ nombreusesȱ questions
relevantȱduȱjuridiqueȱouȱduȱjudiciaireȱtramentȱlesȱtextesȱépiquesȱduȱMoyenȱÂge:
distributionȱ deȱ fiefs,ȱ héritage,ȱ ambassades,ȱ légitimitéȱ deȱ laȱ guerre,ȱ traîtrisesȱ et
crimesȱdiversȱsontȱlaȱbaseȱdeȱbienȱdesȱmotifsȱépiquesȱet,ȱauȬdelà,ȱstructurentȱen
profondeurȱlaȱplupartȱdeȱnosȱchansons.ȱ
Partantȱdeȱceȱconstatȱimmédiat,ȱilȱparaîtȱalorsȱlégitimeȱdeȱs’interrogerȱsurȱles
relationsȱqueȱl’écritureȱépiqueȱmédiévaleȱentretientȱavecȱlesȱquestionsȱdeȱdroit,ȱde
justice,ȱdeȱprocédure.ȱDeuxȱdirectionsȱprincipalesȱdeȱrechercheȱseȱdégagentȱalors:
selonȱlaȱpremière,ȱonȱproposeraȱuneȱlectureȱàȱcaractèreȱhistoriciste,ȱenȱcherchant
àȱrepérerȱcommentȱnosȱchansonsȱreflètentȱuneȱréalitéȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱdesȱXIIeȱetȱXIIIe
siècle,ȱavecȱéventuellementȱunȱsouvenir,ȱplusȱouȱmoinsȱnostalgique,ȱplusȱouȱmoins
fantasmé,ȱ desȱ pratiquesȱ carolingiennes.1ȱ Laȱ deuxièmeȱ voieȱ d’investigationȱ est
littéraireȱetȱs’intéresseȱàȱceȱquiȱrelèveȱdeȱceȱqueȱjeȱnommeraiȱuneȱ‘esthétiqueȱdu
juridique/judiciaire’ȱetȱconsisteȱàȱmesurerȱlesȱfonctionsȱlittéraires,ȱàȱanalyserȱles
constructionsȱdeȱmotifsȱreposantȱsurȱceȱquiȱs’apparenteȱàȱdesȱproblèmesȱdeȱjustice.
J’adopteraiȱuneȱdémarcheȱquiȱconsisteȱàȱcroiserȱcesȱdeuxȱtypesȱd’approche,ȱen
considérantȱiciȱd’uneȱpartȱleȱmotifȱduȱcrimeȱetȱcertainesȱdeȱsesȱdéclinaisonsȱdans
laȱchansonȱdeȱgesteȱetȱd’autreȱpartȱenȱtentantȱdeȱmesurerȱceȱqueȱceȱmotifȱdoitȱ–ȱou
neȱdoitȱpasȱ–ȱauȱdroitȱetȱàȱlaȱprocédureȱduȱtemps.ȱIlȱconviendraȱdeȱprendreȱgarde
1
C’estȱdansȱunȱcadreȱplusȱgénéral,ȱselonȱsurtoutȱuneȱméthodologieȱdeȱlaȱcomparaison,ȱceȱqueȱfait
R.ȱHowardȱBlochȱdansȱsonȱouvrage,ȱMedievalȱFrenchȱLiteratureȱandȱLawȱ(Berkeley,ȱLosȱAngeles,ȱand
London:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1977).
30 BernardȱRibémont
iciȱàȱneȱpasȱtomberȱdansȱleȱpiège,ȱtenduȱauxȱraresȱcritiquesȱs’intéressantȱouȱs’étant
intéressésȱàȱcesȱquestions,ȱd’uneȱvisionȱtropȱnaïveȱouȱtropȱsystématiqueȱduȱ‘droit
féodal’.ȱÀȱyȱregarderȱdeȱfaçonȱattentive,ȱs’ilȱestȱprobablementȱlégitimeȱdeȱparler
deȱ ‘préȬdroit’2ȱ etȱ surtoutȱ deȱ codeȱ d’honneur,ȱ ilȱ estȱ abusifȱ deȱ faireȱ reposerȱ une
analyseȱsurȱunȱdroitȱféodalȱquiȱauraitȱunȱcaractèreȱétabli,ȱsavantȱenȱquelqueȱsorte,
etȱquiȱn’existeȱpasȱenȱtantȱqueȱtel;ȱqui,ȱjustement,ȱapparaîtȱsouventȱàȱtraversȱune
fictionnalisationȱduȱdroit,ȱfictionalisationȱàȱlaquelleȱlesȱchansonsȱdeȱgesteȱneȱsont
pasȱétrangères.3ȱIlȱestȱcependantȱintéressantȱdeȱmettreȱenȱparallèleȱcertainsȱpropos
desȱjongleursȱavecȱceȱqueȱpeuventȱdireȱdesȱcoutumiers,ȱenȱneȱperdantȱpasȱdeȱvue
queȱ cesȱ derniersȱ ontȱ étéȱ écritsȱ aprèsȱ laȱ plupartȱ deȱ nosȱ chansons,ȱ qu’ilsȱ sont
influencésȱ parȱ leȱ droitȱ savantȱ etȱ neȱ correspondentȱ doncȱ pasȱ étroitementȱ àȱ une
réalitéȱantérieureȱessentiellementȱfluctuanteȱetȱgéographiquementȱinstable.4ȱSiȱla
chansonȱdeȱgesteȱestȱleȱrefletȱdeȱcertainesȱpratiques,ȱelleȱn’enȱestȱqueȱleȱreflet,ȱparfois
trèsȱdéformé.ȱLesȱtextesȱépiquesȱoffrentȱsurtoutȱleȱtémoignageȱdeȱlaȱplaceȱqueȱle
juridiqueȱetȱleȱjudiciaireȱpeuventȱavoirȱdansȱlaȱconstructionȱd’unȱuniversȱdeȱfiction
quiȱ seȱ veut,ȱ parceȱ qu’épique,ȱ laȱ miseȱ enȱ exergueȱ deȱ valeursȱ essentielles,ȱ mais
exacerbées,ȱd’uneȱsociétéȱetȱsurtoutȱd’unȱgroupeȱsocial.ȱC’estȱàȱlaȱlumièreȱdeȱces
motifsȱlittérairesȱépiques,ȱdontȱenȱtermesȱdeȱreprésentation,ȱqueȱlaȱchansonȱdeȱgeste
peutȱ offrirȱ àȱ l’historienȱ d’intéressantesȱ donnéesȱ surȱ laȱ justiceȱ duȱ Moyenȱ Âge
central.
Unȱdesȱmoteursȱdeȱlaȱchansonȱdeȱgesteȱestȱbienȱconstitué,ȱselonȱunȱschémaȱdeȱtype
rupture/réparation,ȱparȱleȱmanquementȱd’unȱpersonnageȱouȱd’unȱgroupeȱàȱun
ensembleȱdeȱrèglesȱconsidéréesȱcommeȱétablies,ȱrelevantȱdoncȱdeȱlaȱcoutumeȱou
d’unȱcode,ȱprincipalementȱcodeȱd’honneur,ȱmanquementȱimpliquantȱconflit,ȱpuis,
2
VoirȱPhilippeȱHaugeard,ȱ“UnȱbaronȱrévoltéȱestȬilȱunȱhorsȱlaȱloi?ȱDroitȱetȱviolenceȱdansȱGirartȱde
Roussillon,”ȱCahiersȱdeȱRecherchesȱMédiévalesȱ18ȱ(2009):ȱ279–91.
3
VoirȱGérardȱGiordanengo,ȱ“CoutumeȱetȱdroitȱféodalȱenȱFranceȱ(XIIe–XIVeȱsiècle),”ȱFéodalitésȱet
droitsȱsavantsȱdansȱleȱMidiȱMédiéval.ȱCollectedȱStudiesȱSeries,ȱ373ȱ(Aldershot,ȱHampshire,ȱUK,ȱand
Brookfield,ȱVT:ȱVariorum,ȱ1992)ȱchap.XV.ȱVoirȱégalement,ȱduȱmêmeȱauteur,ȱ“LeȱRomanȱdeȱThèbes,
unȱromanȱféodal,”ȱQuiȱdesȱseptȱarzȱsetȱbienȱentendre…ȱÉtudesȱsurȱleȱRomanȱdeȱThèbes,ȱed.ȱBernard
Ribémontȱ(Orléans:ȱParadigme,ȱ2002),ȱ193–99;ȱ“Féodalitéȱetȱdroitȱféodal.ȱQuelquesȱobservations”,
HistoireȱetȱImagesȱmédiévalesȱ15ȱ(Nov./Déc.ȱ2008,ȱJanvierȱ2009):ȱ4–11.ȱPhilippeȱHaugeard,ȱ“Unȱbaron
révoltéȱ estȬilȱ unȱ horsȱ laȱ loi?ȱ Droitȱ etȱ violenceȱ dansȱ Girartȱ deȱ Roussillon,”ȱ Cahiersȱ deȱ Recherches
Médiévalesȱ 18(2009):ȱ 279–91.ȱ Bernardȱ Ribémont,ȱ “Droitȱ duȱ seigneur,ȱ droitȱ duȱ vassalȱ dansȱ la
chansonȱdeȱgeste,”ȱMédiévalesȱ11/12ȱ(2010):ȱ199–210.ȱOnȱrappelleraȱàȱceȱsujetȱqueȱlesȱLibriȱfeudorum
sontȱ uneȱ compilationȱ lombardeȱ tardiveȱ ajoutéeȱ auȱ Corpusȱ jurisȱ civilisȱ etȱ queȱ laȱ rédactionȱ des
Coutumesȱestȱtardive;ȱparȱex.ȱleȱTrèsȱancienȱcoutumierȱetȱlaȱSummaȱdeȱlegibusȱNormanniaeȱinȱcuria
laïcaliȱdatentȱduȱmilieuȱduȱXIIIeȱs.
4
Laȱrédactionȱdesȱcoutumiersȱn’estȱofficielleȱqu’àȱpartirȱduȱmilieuȱdeȱXVeȱsiècle;ȱilsȱsontȱauparavant
rédigésȱàȱpartirȱduȱXIIIeȱsiècle,ȱsurtoutȱenȱFranceȱduȱNord,ȱàȱpartirȱd’initiativesȱprivées,ȱcomme
cellesȱ desȱ Établissementsȱ deȱ Saintȱ Louis,ȱ recueilȱ deȱ différentesȱ coutumes,ȱ deȱ Philippeȱ de
Beaumanoir,ȱbailliȱdeȱPhilippeȱIII,ȱdeȱJeanȱBouteiller,ȱlieutenantȱduȱbailliȱdeȱTournaisisȱouȱde
Jacquesȱd’Ableiges,ȱbailliȱd’ȱÉvreux.
Leȱ‘crimeȱépique’ȱetȱsaȱpunition 31
parȱunȱretourȱnécessaireȱàȱl’équilibre,ȱrèglementȱdeȱceȱconflit.ȱUnȱtelȱschémaȱrepose
surȱuneȱstructureȱqui,ȱauxȱvariationsȱetȱhabillagesȱdiversȱprès,ȱseȱdéclineȱenȱcinq
étapes:ȱ1)ȱconstat,ȱimpliciteȱetȱallantȱdeȱsoiȱouȱbienȱsouligné,ȱd’unȱordre;ȱ2)ȱrupture
deȱcetȱordre;ȱ3)ȱidentificationȱdesȱcoupablesȱdeȱlaȱrupture;ȱ4)ȱévaluation/jugement
deȱlaȱculpabilitéȱdesȱcoupables;ȱ5)ȱrésolutionȱouȱtentativeȱdeȱrésolutionȱduȱconflit.
CelleȬciȱpeutȱneȱpasȱseȱproduireȱouȱêtreȱsansȱarrêtȱremiseȱ(gesteȱdesȱLorrainsȱpar
exemple);ȱsinon,ȱelleȱseȱréaliseȱenȱgénéralȱselonȱdeuxȱdirections:ȱlaȱpremièreȱest
interneȱetȱapparaîtȱcommeȱleȱrésultatȱd’uneȱprocédureȱjudiciaire.ȱLaȱsecondeȱest
externeȱ etȱ relèveȱ soitȱ deȱ l’interventionȱ divineȱ parȱ leȱ miracleȱ (Pèlerinageȱ de
Charlemagne)ȱouȱparȱlaȱpriseȱdeȱconscienceȱetȱl’élévationȱspirituelleȱduȱhérosȱ(Girart
deȱRoussillon),ȱsoitȱd’unȱdépartȱenȱguerreȱcontreȱlesȱsarrasinsȱ(CharroiȱdeȱNîmes),
cetteȱdernièreȱsurplombantȱleȱconflitȱetȱleȱréduisantȱàȱnéant;ȱonȱauraȱd’ailleurs
souventȱlaȱconjonctionȱdesȱdeuxȱsituationsȱ(ChevalerieȱOgier,ȱGirartȱdeȱVienne).ȱ
Jeȱm’intéresseraiȱiciȱauȱpremierȱcas,ȱenȱm’interrogeantȱsurȱleȱtraitementȱduȱcrime
dansȱlesȱchansonsȱdeȱgesteȱduȱMoyenȱÂgeȱcentral.ȱCetteȱrechercheȱconduitȱdonc
àȱconsidérerȱd’uneȱpartȱceȱqueȱl’épopéeȱinterprèteȱcommeȱcrimeȱetȱd’autreȱpartȱde
quelleȱfaçonȱelleȱévalueȱlaȱpeineȱquiȱs’yȱrapporte.ȱLeȱcontexteȱépiqueȱfavoriseȱla
miseȱenȱplaceȱdeȱsituationsȱcriminellesȱparticulières,ȱquiȱressortissentȱàȱl’esthétique
deȱlaȱviolenceȱetȱàȱlaȱmiseȱenȱlumièreȱdeȱvaleursȱguerrièresȱetȱviriles,ȱceȱquiȱconduit
lesȱjongleursȱàȱmettreȱsouventȱenȱscèneȱdesȱhomicides.ȱCesȱderniersȱrelèventȱde
deuxȱ catégories:ȱ selonȱ laȱ première,ȱ l’homicide,ȱ quiȱ peutȱ avoirȱ deȱ trèsȱ graves
conséquences,ȱ estȱ factuel;ȱ ilȱ estȱ leȱ fruitȱ d’unȱ hasard,ȱ d’unȱ funesteȱ concoursȱ de
circonstances:ȱtelȱestȱleȱcasȱparȱexempleȱlorsque,ȱdansȱJourdainȱdeȱBlaye,ȱLothaire,
leȱfilsȱdeȱCharlemagne,ȱs’enȱrevenantȱdeȱSaintȬJacquesȱavecȱsonȱpère,ȱetȱavisant
uneȱ batailleȱ sousȱ Blaye,ȱ seȱ précipiteȱ deȱ façonȱ inconsidéréeȱ dansȱ laȱ mêlée,ȱ ne
sachantȱ quiȱaȱdroitȱouȱtort,ȱetȱseȱfaitȱmalencontreusementȱoccireȱparȱJourdain.
Charlemagneȱseȱlaissantȱdominerȱparȱleȱsentimentȱdeȱlaȱ vengeanceȱlignagière,
voueȱsaȱhaineȱàȱJourdainȱetȱseȱrallieȱainsiȱauȱtraîtreȱFromont,ȱsansȱprendreȱlaȱpeine
deȱjugerȱduȱcas.ȱIlȱreviendraȱsurȱsesȱdispositionsȱàȱlaȱfin,ȱlorsque,ȱsousȱuneȱforme
étonnanteȱquiȱressembleȱquelqueȱpeuȱavantȱl’heureȱàȱuneȱdemandeȱofficielleȱde
rémission,ȱpriéȱparȱRénier,ȱilȱpardonneraȱàȱJourdain.ȱ
LeȱcasȱdeȱHuonȱdeȱBordeauxȱestȱproche,ȱtoutȱenȱétantȱplusȱcomplexe.ȱHuonȱetȱson
frèreȱGirard,ȱsurȱlaȱdemandeȱdeȱCharles,ȱquittentȱBordeauxȱpourȱallerȱfaireȱleur
hommage.ȱMaisȱleȱtraîtreȱAmauryȱmonteȱlaȱtêteȱduȱjeuneȱCharlot,ȱfilsȱpeuȱmalin
deȱ Charles,ȱ etȱ leȱ convaincȱ deȱ l’accompagnerȱ dansȱ unȱ guetȬapensȱ tenduȱ aux
Bordelais.ȱCharlotȱseȱprécipiteȱàȱlaȱrencontreȱdeȱHuonȱetȱdeȱGirardȱet,ȱsourdȱaux
explicationsȱpacificatricesȱdesȱBordelais,ȱilȱblesseȱGirard;ȱceȱquiȱprovoqueȱlaȱcolère
deȱ Huon,ȱ quiȱ tueȱ Charlotȱ enȱ combat.ȱ Arrivéȱ àȱ laȱ courȱ deȱ Charlemagne,ȱ Huon
l’accuseȱdeȱtrahison;ȱl’empereur,ȱquiȱneȱcomprendȱguèreȱlaȱsituation,ȱprometȱde
vengerȱleȱcrime,ȱmaisȱHuonȱaffirmeȱneȱpasȱconnaîtreȱlesȱagresseurs,ȱceȱquiȱestȱla
véritéȱabsolue.ȱArriveȱalorsȱAmauryȱavecȱleȱcadavreȱdeȱCharlotȱetȱilȱdésigneȱHuon
commeȱmeurtrier.ȱCharlemagneȱentreȱenȱrageȱetȱveutȱimmédiatementȱtuerȱHuon,
ceȱdontȱl’empêcheȱleȱsageȱNaimes.ȱUneȱprocédureȱjudiciaireȱestȱalorsȱengagée,ȱsous
formeȱ deȱ duelȱ judiciaire.ȱ Onȱ remarqueraȱ auȱ passageȱ leȱ rôleȱ deȱ Naimes,ȱ au
demeurantȱtraditionnel,ȱquiȱreprésenteȱleȱgarantȱdeȱlaȱjustice,ȱceluiȱquiȱconnaîtȱla
coutumeȱetȱtenteȱdeȱlaȱfaireȱtoujoursȱappliquer.ȱ
Avantȱleȱduel,ȱCharlemagneȱimposeȱuneȱconditionȱparticulière,ȱàȱsavoirȱqueȱle
coupableȱdoitȱavouer.ȱMaisȱleȱdéroulementȱduȱcombat,ȱdurantȱlequelȱAmaury
montreȱencoreȱsonȱcaractèreȱdeȱtraître,ȱfaitȱqueȱHuonȱluiȱcoupeȱlaȱtêteȱavantȱqu’il
aitȱpuȱavouerȱsaȱforfaiture.ȱToutesȱlesȱaventuresȱdeȱHuonȱsontȱengendréesȱpar
cetteȱ clauseȱ inhabituelleȱ qui,ȱ siȱ elleȱ n’apparaîtȱ pasȱ dansȱ laȱ chansonȱ deȱ gesteȱ en
général,ȱtémoigneȱcependantȱd’uneȱvisionȱplusȱclaireȱduȱduelȱjudiciaire;ȱceȱdernier
enȱeffet,ȱd’aprèsȱlesȱdocumentsȱd’archives,ȱarriveȱrarementȱàȱtermeȱetȱencoreȱplus
rarementȱàȱlaȱmortȱd’unȱdesȱdeuxȱchampions5;ȱl’aveuȱouȱlaȱconciliationȱétantȱavant
toutȱleȱbutȱrecherché,ȱsouventȱatteintȱdèsȱleȱserment.ȱOnȱpeutȱégalementȱvoirȱici,
leȱreflet,ȱdéforméȱetȱréinvestiȱdansȱl’économieȱépique,ȱd’unȱélémentȱessentielȱde
laȱcondamnationȱàȱmort,ȱtelȱqueȱleȱpréciseȱparȱexempleȱleȱCoutumierȱd’Artois:ȱ“nus
leȱpuetȱiestreȱmisȱamortȱparȱnulȱjugement,ȱs’ilȱneȱconnoistȱdeȱsaȱpropreȱvolonté,
sansȱcontrainteȱdeȱprisonȱetȱsansȱautreȱforceȱfaite.”6ȱ
Cesȱremarquesȱfaites,ȱvenonsȬenȱàȱlaȱdeuxièmeȱcatégorieȱdeȱcrimeȱdeȱsang.ȱCelleȬ
ciȱ peutȱ àȱ sonȱ tourȱ êtreȱ décomposéeȱ enȱ deuxȱ parties.ȱ Laȱ premièreȱ ressortitȱ au
meurtreȱouȱàȱl’assassinat7ȱetȱs’inscritȱaisémentȱdansȱunȱcontexteȱqu’ilȱestȱfréquent
deȱconsidérerȱcommeȱrelevantȱduȱmanichéismeȱépique.ȱLeȱsecondȱcasȱestȱplus
complexeȱetȱn’impliqueȱpasȱuneȱvisionȱlinéaire,ȱvoireȱstéréotypée,ȱcarȱl’homicide
estȱ leȱ résultatȱ d’uneȱ suiteȱ d’événementsȱ pouvantȱ leȱ justifier,ȱ ouȱ duȱ moins
impliquantȱ unȱ débatȱ (Chansonȱ deȱ Roland,ȱ Ogier,ȱ Renautȱ deȱ Montauban,ȱ Raoulȱ de
Cambrai).ȱ
Onȱpeutȱconsidérerȱqueȱlaȱpremièreȱdeȱcesȱdeuxȱsituationsȱestȱlaȱplusȱconforme
àȱ ceȱ qu’ilȱ estȱ courantȱ deȱ considérerȱ commeȱ relevantȱ duȱ manichéismeȱ etȱ de
l’hyperboleȱépiques.ȱDansȱceȱcasȱenȱeffet,ȱleȱmeurtrierȱetȱleȱtraîtreȱseȱvoientȱdotés
d’unȱportraitȱsoulignéȱauȱtraitȱnoir,ȱleurȱchâtimentȱneȱpeutȱêtreȱqu’exemplaireȱet
leurȱmortȱinéluctableȱetȱinfamante.ȱ
5
Voir,ȱparȱexemple,ȱBrunoȱLemesle,ȱConflitsȱetȱjusticeȱauȱMoyenȱÂgeȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitaires
deȱFrance,ȱ2008),ȱ186–87ȱetȱbibliographie.
6
Coutumierȱd’Artois,ȱéd.ȱAdolpheȱTardifȱ(Paris:ȱPicard,ȱ1883),ȱ109.
7
Rappelonsȱqueȱlaȱnotionȱd’assassinatȱn’existeȱpasȱenȱdroitȱromainȱniȱenȱdroitȱpénalȱauȱMoyenȱÂge.
Ilȱ fautȱ attendreȱ laȱ loiȱ duȱ 25ȱ septembreȱ 1791ȱ pourȱ queȱ soitȱ préciséȱ queȱ l’homicideȱ avec
préméditationȱestȱqualifiéȱd’assassinat.
Remarquonsȱàȱceȱproposȱqueȱlaȱmiseȱàȱmortȱinfamanteȱetȱcruelleȱ–ȱpendaison8,
écartèlement,ȱ écorchageȱ –ȱ poseȱ quandȱ mêmeȱ problèmeȱ dansȱ unȱ universȱ de
protagonistesȱappartenantȱàȱlaȱclasseȱchevaleresqueȱetȱparticulièrementȱfiersȱde
leurȱpositionȱsociale.ȱIlȱn’estȱdoncȱpasȱforcémentȱsimpleȱd’appliquerȱdesȱpeines
infamantesȱautrementȱqueȱsousȱforme,ȱauȱdemeurantȱrécurrente,ȱdeȱmenace.9ȱLe
jugementȱ d’unȱ seigneur,ȱ mêmeȱ traître,ȱ n’estȱ pasȱ toujoursȱ immédiat,ȱ commeȱ le
prouveȱleȱcasȱdeȱGanelon.ȱLesȱpeinesȱinfamantesȱserontȱdoncȱappliquéesȱleȱplus
aisémentȱduȱmondeȱauxȱnonȬchevaliers,ȱauxȱbrigandsȱenȱparticulier,ȱcommeȱdans
leȱMoniageȱGuillaumeȱoù,ȱparȱdeuxȱfois,ȱGuillaumeȱpendȱàȱunȱarbreȱlesȱcorpsȱdes
brigandsȱ qu’ilȱ aȱ défaits.10ȱ Lorsqu’ilȱ s’agiraȱ d’unȱ miles,ȱ l’exécutionȱ seraȱ partie
prenanteȱd’unȱsystèmeȱdeȱfortȱcontraste,ȱsoulignantȱleȱcaractèreȱparticulièrement
odieuxȱetȱsurtoutȱunȱcomportementȱradicalementȱopposéȱàȱceluiȱqueȱl’onȱattend
d’unȱchevalier.ȱIlȱfautȱqueȱleȱcondamnéȱn’aitȱauxȱyeuxȱdeȱl’auditeurȱouȱduȱlecteur
aucuneȱexcuseȱàȱsonȱcomportement.ȱ
Dansȱunȱregistreȱanalogue,ȱmaisȱexȱnegativo,ȱlaȱpunitionȱinfamanteȱ–ȱquiȱneȱpeut
êtreȱenȱceȱcasȱmiseȱenȱœuvreȱ–ȱestȱédictéeȱparȱleȱouȱlesȱtraîtresȱcontreȱunȱinnocent,
ceȱquiȱsouligneȱleurȱfélonieȱetȱprépareȱenȱquelqueȱsorteȱleurȱpropreȱchâtimentȱà
venir.ȱ Uneȱ telleȱ situationȱ seȱ rencontreȱ dansȱ Gaydonȱ oùȱ toutȱ leȱ préparatifȱ deȱ la
pendaisonȱdeȱFerraut,ȱordonnéeȱparȱleȱtraîtreȱHertaut,ȱestȱdécritȱparȱleȱjongleur.
MaisȱinȱextremisȱGaydonȱvientȱsauverȱFerraut11ȱqui,ȱenȱtouteȱlogiqueȱseraȱpendu
sansȱ leȱ moindreȱ procès,ȱ Savariȱ indiquantȱ clairementȱ “Ainsizȱ vaȱ d’ommeȱ qui
mainneȱtraïson”ȱ(v.ȱ4684),ȱformuleȱlapidaireȱquiȱparaîtȱenȱéchoȱdeȱcertainsȱpropos
queȱl’onȱtrouveȱdansȱlesȱcoutumiers.ȱGaydonȱoffreȱuneȱautreȱscèneȱdeȱpendaison
ratéeȱ richeȱ d’enseignements.ȱ Lesȱ traîtresȱ quiȱ entourentȱ Charles,ȱ décidément
aveugleȱetȱsourdeȱauxȱinjonctionsȱduȱhérosȱdeȱlaȱchanson,ȱcomplotentȱleȱmeurtre
deȱGautier,ȱafinȱdeȱsemerȱleȱdésordreȱdansȱleȱroyaume.ȱIlsȱvontȱdoncȱorganiserȱun
guetȬapensȱpourȱseȱsaisirȱdeȱlui.ȱOnȱestȱdoncȱdansȱuneȱcirconstance,ȱrelevéeȱparȱles
coutumiers,ȱd’organisationȱdeȱmeurtreȱavecȱpréméditation.ȱ
Mais,ȱauȱlieuȱd’unȱassassinatȱpurȱetȱsimple,ȱlesȱtraîtresȱdécidentȱd’uneȱpendaison
quiȱpermettraitȱunȱmaximumȱdeȱpublicitéȱauȱforfait.ȱÉvidemment,ȱleȱforfaitȱne
réussiraȱpas,ȱlesȱincidentsȱ–ȱsansȱaucunȱdouteȱvouluȱparȱDieuȱ–ȱseȱmultipliant,ȱde
façonȱ mêmeȱ cocasseȱ (l’échelleȱ casse)ȱ –ȱ etȱ Gautierȱ réussissantȱ àȱ seȱ libérerȱ etȱ à
8
Surȱlaȱpendaisonȱdansȱlaȱchansonȱdeȱgeste,ȱjeȱrenvoieȱauȱbelȱarticleȱdeȱValérieȱNaudet,ȱ“‘Avalȱleȱvent
laȱpoudreȱesparse’.ȱLaȱpendaisonȱdansȱlaȱchansonȱdeȱgeste,”ȱCrimesȱetȱchâtimentsȱdansȱlaȱchanson
deȱgeste,ȱed.ȱBernardȱRibémont.ȱCircare,ȱ2ȱȱ(Paris:ȱKlincksieck,ȱ2008),ȱ203–33.
9
Telȱestȱleȱcas,ȱentreȱautres,ȱdansȱleȱCouronnementȱdeȱLouis,ȱenversȱlesȱprélatsȱquiȱontȱtrahiȱleȱroi
Louis.ȱGuillaumeȱdemandeȱàȱsesȱbaronsȱquelleȱpeineȱilsȱdoiventȱencourirȱetȱc’estȱlaȱpendaisonȱqui
estȱprononcée.ȱMaisȱlaȱpeineȱneȱseraȱpasȱappliquée,ȱGuillaumeȱseȱcontentantȱd’arracherȱlesȱcrosses
desȱévêquesȱetȱdeȱbattreȱcesȱderniers.
10
LeȱMoniageȱGuillaume,ȱéd.ȱNellyȱAndrieuxȬReixȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ2003),ȱv.ȱ1626–33ȱetȱv.ȱ2440–45.
11
Gaydon,ȱéd.ȱetȱtrad.ȱJeanȱSubrenatȱ(LouvainȱandȱParis:ȱPeeters,ȱ2007),ȱ302–05.
assommerȱsesȱadversaires.ȱOnȱestȱiciȱdansȱleȱcadreȱd’unȱvéritableȱmondeȱàȱl’envers
oùȱuneȱparodieȱd’exécutionȱvientȱsoulignerȱlaȱnoirceurȱdesȱtraîtres.ȱDesȱrealiaȱsont
iciȱàȱl’œuvreȱdansȱleȱchampȱépique,ȱl’économieȱdeȱlaȱnarrationȱlesȱdétournantȱde
leurȱfonction:ȱexpositionȱduȱcorpsȱauȱvuȱetȱsuȱdeȱtousȱmaisȱcetteȱfoisȬciȱnonȱàȱtitre
d’exemple,ȱ maisȱ deȱ moteurȱ deȱ crise;ȱ Providenceȱ intervenantȱ parȱ unȱ accident
empêchantȱ l’exécutionȱ deȱ laȱ peine,ȱ incidentȱ dirimantȱ auȱ yeuxȱ deȱ laȱ justice
médiévale.12
Quantȱauȱmeurtrierȱdeȱnosȱchansons,ȱilȱressortitȱleȱplusȱsouventȱàȱlaȱcatégorieȱdu
traître,ȱceȱquiȱcorrespondȱbienȱàȱuneȱconceptionȱcouranteȱduȱmeurtre,ȱsiȱl’onȱen
croitȱPhilippeȱdeȱBeaumanoirȱquiȱexpliqueȱqueȱ“Nusȱmurtresȱn’estȱsansȱtraïson.”13
Uneȱ telleȱ situationȱ apparaîtȱ dansȱ Jourdainȱ deȱ Blaye,ȱ autourȱ duȱ personnageȱ de
Fromont.ȱ CeluiȬciȱ estȱ unȱ traîtreȱ patenté:ȱ duȱ lignageȱ deȱ Hardré,ȱ ilȱ estȱ marqué
génétiquement,ȱunȱtoposȱdeȱlaȱchansonȱdeȱgeste14;ȱsaȱtrahisonȱestȱsurtoutȱmotivée
parȱl’envie,ȱlaȱcupiditéȱ–ȱleȱdésirȱdeȱposséderȱBlayeȱetȱdeȱdevenirȱricheȱetȱpuissant–,
quiȱ l’entraînentȱ auȱ meurtreȱ etȱ àȱ laȱ spoliationȱ deȱ Jourdain,ȱ héritierȱ légitimeȱ de
Blaye.ȱIlȱfaitȱexécuterȱGirartȱetȱsaȱfemme,ȱdeȱnuit,ȱdansȱleurȱlit,ȱmarqueȱsuprême
deȱtrahison.ȱIlȱdécapiteȱensuiteȱluiȬmêmeȱunȱpetitȱenfant,ȱleȱfilsȱd’Erembourcȱetȱde
Renier,ȱcroyantȱqu’ilȱs’agitȱdeȱJourdain.ȱPreuveȱdeȱsonȱabsenceȱtotaleȱdeȱscrupule
etȱdeȱloyauté,ȱilȱvaȱjusqu’àȱfaireȱcouperȱleȱnezȱàȱsesȱdeuxȱplusȱfidèlesȱcomplices,
sousȱ leȱ seulȱ prétexteȱ qu’ilȱ aȱ perduȱ leȱ sien,ȱ tranchéȱ parȱ leȱ jeuneȱ Jourdain.ȱ Le
jongleurȱaȱdoncȱvouluȱmarquerȱleȱpersonnageȱdeȱFromontȱdesȱattributsȱlesȱplus
sombres;ȱ pourȱ ceȱ faire,ȱ ilȱ entoureȱ leȱ crimeȱ duȱ maximumȱ deȱ circonstances
aggravantes.ȱ
CellesȬciȱsontȱdeȱdeuxȱordres:ȱordreȱmoral,ȱleȱmeurtreȱétantȱlargementȱmotivé
parȱlaȱcupidité,ȱmêmeȱsiȱFromontȱprétendȱs’inscrireȱdansȱunȱcycleȱdeȱfaide,ȱvoulant
vengerȱHardré,ȱtuéȱloyalementȱparȱleȱpèreȱdeȱJourdainȱdansȱlaȱchansonȱAmiȱet
Amile.15ȱEnȱfait,ȱplusȱqueȱdeȱvengeanceȱlégitime,ȱilȱs’agit,ȱauréoléȱd’envie,ȱdeȱhaine,
deȱ celleȱ queȱ Philippeȱ deȱ Beaumanoirȱ dénonceȱ commeȱ synonymeȱ deȱ trahison:
“Traïsonsȱ siȱ estȱ quantȱ l’enȱ neȱ moustreȱ pasȱ semblantȱ deȱ haineȱ etȱ l’enȱ het
mortelmentȱsiȱque,ȱparȱlȱahaine,ȱl’enȱtueȱouȱfetȱtuer.”16ȱIlȱs’agitȱdeȱhaineȱcontenue,
12
Voirȱàȱceȱsujet,ȱClaudeȱGauvard,ȱ‘Deȱgraceȱespecial’:ȱCrime,ȱÉtatȱetȱSociétéȱenȱFranceȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱMoyen
Âge,ȱ2ȱvol.ȱ(Paris:ȱPublicationsȱdeȱlaȱSorbonne,ȱ1991),ȱ179–82;ȱid.,ȱȱViolenceȱetȱordreȱpublicȱauȱMoyen
Âge.ȱ Lesȱmédiévistesȱfrançais,ȱ5ȱ(Paris:ȱPicard,ȱ2005),ȱ68.
13
PhilippeȱdeȱBeaumanoir,ȱCoutumesȱduȱBeauvaisis,ȱt.ȱ1,ȱéd.ȱAmédéeȱSalmonȱ(Paris:ȱPicard,ȱ1899),
430.
14
Voir,ȱentreȱautres,ȱlesȱtraîtresȱd’Ayeȱd’AvignonȱouȱdeȱGaydon.
15
Auȱ sujetȱ desȱ questionȱ juridiquesȱ unissantȱ Amiȱ etȱ Amileȱ etȱ Jourdainȱ deȱ Blaye,ȱ voirȱ monȱ article
“Épopéeȱmédiévaleȱetȱquestionsȱdeȱdroit.ȱRèglementȱdesȱconflits,ȱrésolutionȱdesȱtensions:ȱleȱcas
d’AmiȱetȱAmileȱetȱdeȱJourdainȱdeȱBlaye,”ȱRomanistischeȱZeitschriftȱfürȱLiteraturgeschichteȱ31ȱ(2007):
249–61.
16
PhilippeȱdeȱBeaumanoir,ȱCoutumesȱ(voirȱnoteȱ13),ȱ430.
doncȱ masquéeȱ parȱ hypocrisie,ȱ ceȱ queȱ leȱ jongleurȱ montreȱ bienȱ enȱ dessinantȱ un
FromontȱseȱprésentantȱcommeȱunȱbonȱvassalȱàȱGirart,ȱavantȱdeȱl’assassiner.ȱLe
personnageȱapparaîtȱégalementȱcommeȱlâche,ȱprétentieux,ȱtyrannique.ȱD’autre
part,ȱs’ilȱressortitȱàȱl’hyperboleȱépique,ȱcetȱexempleȱconcentreȱaussiȱdansȱlaȱfiction
desȱélémentsȱrenvoyantȱàȱlaȱconceptionȱjuridiqueȱmédiévaleȱduȱmeurtre.ȱSelonȱla
coutumeȱdeȱTouraineȱetȱd’Anjouȱparȱexemple,ȱlaȱpremièreȱdéfinitionȱduȱmeurtre
reposeȱsurȱlesȱcirconstances:ȱ“Murtresȱsiȱestȱd’omeȱouȱdeȱfameȱquantȱl’enȱlaȱtueȱen
sonȱlit,ȱouȱenȱaucuneȱmeniereȱporȱcoiȱceȱneȱsoitȱenȱmellée.”17ȱEstȱdoncȱcoupableȱde
meurtreȱceluiȱquiȱtueȱhorsȱd’unȱcontexteȱdeȱguerre;ȱlaȱmiseȱenȱavantȱdeȱl’homicide
perpétréȱsurȱuneȱpersonneȱenȱsonȱlitȱmontreȱqueȱcetteȱcirconstanceȱestȱconsidérée
commeȱaggravante.ȱ
DansȱsesȱCoutumesȱduȱBeauvaisis,ȱPhilippeȱdeȱBeaumanoir,ȱenȱdonnantȱluiȱaussi
saȱ définitionȱ duȱ meurtre,ȱ abondeȱ dansȱ leȱ mêmeȱ sens,ȱ enȱ mentionnantȱ laȱ nuit
commeȱcirconstanceȱdeȱl’homicide:ȱ“murtresȱsiȱestȱquantȱaucunsȱtueȱouȱfetȱtuer
autruiȱenȱaguetȱapenséȱpuisȱsoleilȱesconsantȱdusquesȱaȱsoleilȱlevant.”18ȱDansȱla
Sommeȱrural,ȱJeanȱBouteillerȱexpliqueȱqueȱlaȱprocédureȱextraordinaireȱpeutȱêtre
appliquéeȱpourȱlesȱcoupablesȱdeȱ“grandsȱcrimesȱetȱenormesȱ[]ȱfaitsȱrepostement.”19
Fromontȱaȱégalementȱtrèsȱbienȱorganiséȱsonȱcrime,ȱavecȱl’aideȱdeȱdeuxȱcomplices
lesȱ“serfs”ȱàȱsesȱordres:ȱlaȱpréméditationȱestȱdoncȱpatente,ȱcirconstanceȱaggravante
parȱexcellence.20ȱUneȱcharteȱd’Arrasȱdatantȱdeȱ1194ȱsanctionneȱainsiȱdeȱlaȱpeineȱde
mortȱ(capudȱproȱcapite)ȱtoutȱcrimeȱdeȱsangȱpréméditéȱ(scienter).21
Laȱpunitionȱseraȱdoncȱàȱlaȱmesureȱetȱduȱcrimeȱetȱdeȱlaȱnoirceurȱduȱpersonnage.
C’estȱpourquoi,ȱàȱlaȱfinȱdeȱlaȱchanson,ȱlaȱdescriptionȱduȱprocèsȱestȱréduiteȱàȱsaȱplus
simpleȱexpressionȱetȱl’accentȱmisȱsurȱlaȱpunition,ȱquiȱs’étendȱauȬdelàȱdeȱlaȱjustice
humaine,ȱl’âmeȱduȱmeurtrierȱimmédiatementȱconduiteȱenȱEnfer:
Pourȱleȱjugement,ȱtousȱfurentȱassemblés,ȱprinces,ȱcomtes,ȱseigneursȱetȱvassauxȱtenant
fief.ȱIlsȱontȱsuffisammentȱparléȱetȱdélibéré,ȱsiȱbienȱqueȱtousȱseȱsontȱàȱlaȱfinȱmisȱd’accord
pourȱ queȱ leȱ fiefféȱ traîtreȱ soitȱ écorchéȱ vif.ȱ Ceȱ quiȱ futȱ faitȱ sansȱ attendre.ȱ Ilsȱ ontȱ lié
Fromontȱàȱunȱchevalȱdeȱbâtȱetȱl’ontȱtraînéȱparmiȱlaȱcité,ȱenȱcontrebas.ȱ[…]ȱIlsȱtirent
Fromontȱjusqu’àȱunȱfosséȱexistantȱdepuisȱlongtemps;ȱilsȱl’ontȱécorchéȱcommeȱunȱbœuf
17
ÉtablissementsȱdeȱSaintȱLouis,ȱéd.ȱPaulȱViollet,ȱt.ȱ2ȱ(Paris:ȱRenouard,ȱ1881),ȱ37–38.
18
Philippeȱ deȱ Beaumanoir,ȱ Coutumesȱ (voirȱ noteȱ 13),ȱ 429.ȱ Voirȱ aussi,ȱ dansȱ lesȱ coutumesȱ de
l’Orléanais,ȱlaȱrubriqueȱDeȱapelerȱhomeȱdeȱmurtreȱteȱdeȱtraïson,ȱoùȱlaȱcirconstanceȱ“nuitantre”ȱest
soulignéeȱ(ÉtablissementsȱdeȱSaintȱLouisȱ(voirȱnoteȱ17),ȱt.2,ȱ358
19
Sommeȱrural,ȱouȱleȱgrandȱcoustumierȱgénéralȱdeȱpractiqueȱcivilȱetȱcanon.ȱRevue,ȱcorrigéȱsurȱlȇexemplaire
manuscript,ȱillustréȱdeȱcommentairesȱ&ȱannotations,ȱl.1,ȱtit.13,ȱéd.ȱLouisȱCharondasȱleȱCaronȱ(Paris:
Mace,ȱ1603).
20
NicoleȱGonthier,ȱLeȱChâtimentȱduȱcrimeȱauȱMoyenȱÂgeȱ(Rennes:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱRennes,
1998)ȱ20sq.
21
NicoleȱGonthier,ȱLeȱChâtimentȱ(voirsȱnoteȱ20),ȱ94.
cornu.ȱIlȱaȱfiniȱsaȱvieȱdansȱuneȱcruelleȱsouffrance.ȱLesȱdiables,ȱlesȱcréaturesȱdeȱl’Enfer
ontȱemportéȱsonȱâme.22
LeȱnarrateurȱsousȬentendȱqueȱleȱdébatȱaȱportéȱsurȱlaȱnatureȱchâtiment,ȱplusȱqueȱsur
l’évaluationȱdeȱlaȱfauteȱetȱdeȱsaȱpunition.ȱLeȱproposȱduȱjongleurȱimpliqueȱqueȱla
punitionȱestȱsurtoutȱmotivéeȱparȱunȱsentimentȱprégnantȱdansȱleȱgenreȱépique,ȱla
vengeanceȱqui,ȱinȱfine,ȱocculteȱl’exemplaritéȱduȱsupplice.ȱMaisȱcelleȬciȱn’estȱpas
pourȱautantȱeffacéeȱetȱelleȱcorrespondȱàȱcertainesȱpratiquesȱd’infamieȱmisesȱen
œuvreȱauȱMoyenȱÂge.ȱFromont,ȱavantȱd’atteindreȱleȱlieuȱdeȱsonȱsupplice,ȱestȱainsi
traînéȱàȱtraversȱlaȱcité,ȱceȱqueȱpréconisentȱunȱgrandȱnombreȱdeȱcoutumiers,ȱcomme
celuiȱ d’Artoisȱ quiȱ indiqueȱ qu’“homȱ atteintȱ deȱ murdreȱ [ȱ ]ȱ doitȱ iestreȱ trainésȱ et
pendus”23;ȱpourȱPhilippeȱdeȱBeaumanoir,ȱilȱenȱvaȱdeȱmême:ȱ“Quiconqueȱestȱpris
enȱcasȱdeȱcrimeȱetȱatainsȱduȱcas,ȱsiȱcommeȱdeȱmurtre,ȱouȱdeȱtraïson,ȱouȱd’homicide,
ouȱdeȱfameȱesforcier,ȱilȱdoitȱestreȱtrainésȱetȱpendus.”24ȱ
DansȱJourdainȱdeȱBlaye,ȱleȱcondamnéȱestȱcertesȱtraîné,ȱmaisȱnulleȱmentionȱn’est
faiteȱdeȱspectateursȱdeȱlaȱcité;ȱFromontȱestȱécorchéȱdansȱunȱfosséȱetȱrienȱn’estȱdit
d’uneȱéventuelleȱexpositionȱdeȱsonȱcorps.ȱLeȱjongleurȱmentionneȱseulementȱque
laȱ compagnieȱ deȱ Jourdainȱ aȱ assistéȱ auȱ supplice,ȱ ceȱ quiȱ estȱ conformeȱ auȱ droit
coutumierȱquiȱspécifieȱqu’aucuneȱpénalitéȱneȱdoitȱs’accomplirȱsansȱtémoin.ȱIci,ȱles
spectateursȱsontȱlimitésȱàȱl’entourageȱdeȱJourdain:ȱlaȱvengeanceȱaȱétéȱaccomplie,
deȱfaçonȱcruelle,ȱceȱquiȱrétablitȱl’équilibreȱselonȱuneȱjusticeȱquiȱseȱrévèleȱdonc,ȱin
fine,ȱsurtoutȱd’ordreȱprivéȱetȱrelevantȱdeȱlaȱfaide.
Girartȱ deȱ Roussillonȱ offreȱ égalementȱ uneȱ scèneȱ deȱ punitionȱ infamante,ȱ par
pendaison.ȱLeȱtraîtreȱRichierȱavaitȱpermisȱlaȱconquêteȱduȱchâteauȱdeȱRoussillon
parȱCharles;ȱlaȱreconquêteȱdeȱlaȱplaceȱforteȱvaȱpermettreȱlaȱvengeance.ȱIciȱencore,
lesȱ circonstancesȱ deȱ laȱ trahisonȱ sontȱ nocturnes:ȱ Richierȱ quitteȱ leȱ campȱ de
Roussillonȱdeȱnuit,ȱvaȱtrouverȱCharlesȱetȱluiȱproposeȱdeȱtrahir,ȱuniquementȱpas
cupidité:ȱ “Queu[s]ȱ rendraȱ Rossillon,ȱ feraȱ ouȱ gent?/S’ilȱ enȱ auraȱ enȱ Franceȱ nul
chasement?”ȱdemandeȱleȱtraîtreȱdèsȱleȱseuilȱdeȱlaȱtenteȱduȱroi.25ȱLorsȱdeȱlaȱvictoire
deȱ Girartȱ deȱ Roussillon,ȱ Fouqueȱ poursuitȱ leȱ traîtreȱ quiȱ tenteȱ deȱ s’échapperȱ et,
l’ayantȱsaisiȱparȱlesȱcheveux,ȱilȱleȱpendȱaussitôtȱsurȱunȱgibetȱsituéȱenȱhautȱd’une
colline,ȱleȱjongleurȱprécisantȱqueȱleȱcorpsȱduȱpenduȱseȱbalanceraȱlàȱàȱtoutȱjamais,
ceȱ quiȱcorrespondȱàȱlaȱréalitéȱetȱàȱuneȱvisionȱexemplaireȱduȱsupplice,ȱ leȱ corps
22
JourdainȱdeȱBlaye,ȱtrad.ȱBernardȱRibémontȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ2007),ȱ149.
23
Coutumierȱd’Artois,ȱéd.ȱAdolpheȱTardifȱ(Paris:ȱPicard,ȱ1883),ȱ111.ȱDansȱlesȱimagesȱdeȱsupplice
qu’elleȱétudie,ȱChristianeȱRaynaudȱindiqueȱuneȱfréquenceȱdeȱ1/5ȱdeȱscènesȱoùȱleȱcondamnéȱest
traîné;ȱChristianeȱRaynaud,ȱLaȱviolenceȱauȱMoyenȱÂgeȱ(Paris:ȱLeȱLéopardȱd’or,ȱ1990),ȱ45.ȱVoirȱles
exemplesȱdonnésȱparȱNicoleȱGonthier,ȱLeȱChâtimentȱ(voirȱnoteȱ20),ȱ128–29.
24
PhilippeȱdeȱBeaumanoir,ȱCoutumesȱ(voirȱnoteȱ13),ȱt.ȱ1,ȱ429.ȱOnȱtrouveȱégalementȱdeȱnombreux
exemples,ȱpourȱlaȱfinȱduȱMoyenȱÂge,ȱdansȱleȱRegistreȱcriminelȱduȱChâtelet.
25
Girartȱ deȱ Roussilon,ȱ éd.ȱ Michelineȱ Deȱ Combarieu,ȱ Jeanȱ Subrenatȱ (Paris:ȱ Librairieȱ Généraleȱ de
Franceȱ(Lettresȱgothiques),ȱ1993),ȱv.ȱ959–60.
exposéȱdevantȱmontrerȱàȱceuxȱquiȱleȱvoientȱlesȱrisquesȱencourusȱenȱcasȱdeȱcrime
grave.
Dansȱ uneȱ chansonȱ tardive,ȱ composéȱ auȱ tournantȱ duȱ XIVeȱ siècle,ȱ Baudoinȱ de
Sebourc,ȱonȱrencontreȱuneȱsituationȬtypeȱanalogueȱàȱcelleȱduȱJourdainȱdeȱBlayeȱdu
XIIIeȱ siècle.ȱ Iciȱ leȱ traîtreȱ odieuxȱ et,ȱ telȱ Fromont,ȱ paréȱ deȱ tousȱ lesȱ défautsȱ –ȱ
convoitise,ȱenvie,ȱcupidité,ȱlâcheté,ȱdéloyauté,ȱorgueilȱ–ȱGaufroiȱdeȱFriseȱ–ȱquiȱa
mêmeȱ unȱ chevalȱ significativementȱ nomméȱ Fauvainȱ ȱ –ȱ ,ȱ estȱ leȱ sénéchalȱ duȱ roi
Ernoul;ȱilȱs’éprendȱdeȱRose,ȱlaȱfemmeȱdeȱceȱdernierȱet,ȱàȱlaȱsuiteȱd’uneȱtrahison
sanctionnéeȱparȱuneȱallianceȱlucrativeȱavecȱlesȱsarrasinsȱ(unȱnavireȱchargéeȱd’or),
Gaufroiȱréussitȱàȱéliminerȱsesȱconcurrents,ȱlesȱchrétiensȱétantȱquasimentȱtousȱtués
lorsȱd’uneȱbatailleȱnavaleȱetȱErnoulȱfaitȱprisonnier.ȱFaisantȱcroireȱàȱlaȱmortȱdeȱceluiȬ
ci,ȱGaufroiȱépouseȱRose,ȱpuisȱintrigueȱàȱlaȱcourȱdeȱFrance,ȱenfermeȱRoseȱdansȱune
tourȱetȱépouseȱsaȱpropreȱsœur,ȱempoisonneȱleȱroiȱPhilippeȱetȱseȱfaitȱproclamer
régent,ȱavecȱl’espoirȱdeȱseȱdébarrasserȱduȱdauphin.ȱ
MaisȱtoutȱaȱuneȱfinȱetȱGaufroi,ȱvaincu,ȱfiniraȱtraînéȱetȱpendu,26ȱconformémentȱà
ceȱ queȱ disentȱ laȱ plupartȱ desȱ coutumiersȱ qui,ȱ lorsqu’ilȱ s’agitȱ deȱ meurtreȱ etȱ de
trahison,ȱpréconisentȱlaȱpeineȱdeȱmortȱparȱpendaison,ȱprécédéeȱdeȱl’exposition
infamanteȱduȱcondamné,ȱtraînéȱsurȱuneȱclaie,ȱouȱattachéȱàȱunȱcheval,ȱjusqu’auȱlieu
duȱ supplice.ȱ L’auteurȱ deȱ Baudoinȱ donneȱ unȱ certainȱ nombreȱ deȱ détailsȱ qui
soulignentȱ laȱ vengeanceȱ contreȱ unȱ traîtreȱ fieffé:ȱ Gaufroiȱ estȱ traîné,ȱ puisȱ ilȱ est
attachéȱlesȱmembresȱécartelésȱavecȱuneȱlourdeȱpierreȱsurȱleȱventre;ȱonȱleȱcouronne
d’unȱoignon,ȱonȱdanseȱautourȱdeȱlui;ȱlesȱmarmitonsȱluiȱcoupentȱmaintesȱphalanges,
puisȱilȱestȱenfinȱtraînéȱetȱpenduȱàȱMontfaucon.ȱLeȱjongleurȱsouligneȱqueȱl’exécution
estȱ publique,ȱ “Parȱ devantȱ toutȱ leȱ poeple.”27ȱ Maisȱ iciȱ aucuneȱ formeȱ deȱ procès
n’apparaîtȱpourȱjugerȱdeȱlaȱnatureȱdeȱlaȱpeine:ȱGaufroiȱaȱétéȱvaincuȱparȱBaudoin
enȱcombatȱsingulierȱet,ȱauȱvuȱdeȱl’ensembleȱdeȱsesȱdiversesȱinfamies,ȱlaȱpunition
sembleȱallerȱdeȱsoi:ȱhumiliation,ȱtorture,ȱpendaison.
Nosȱchansonsȱcependantȱneȱseȱcantonnentȱpasȱàȱuneȱcriminalitéȱaussiȱimmédiate
et,ȱ souvent,ȱ lesȱ casȱ sontȱ plusȱ complexesȱ etȱ permettentȱ ainsiȱ d’offrirȱ des
développementsȱplusȱsophistiquésȱsurȱl’appréciationȱduȱcrimeȱetȱdeȱsaȱpunition.
LeȱcasȱdeȱGanelon,ȱquiȱfaitȱdate,ȱestȱàȱceȱtitreȱfortȱintéressant.ȱ Siȱl’onȱprendȱla
chronologieȱdesȱévénementsȱàȱrebours,ȱonȱpartȱeffectivementȱd’unȱmotifȱdeȱpeine
infamante:ȱGanelonȱestȱécartelé,ȱavecȱquelquesȱdétailsȱduȱsupplice,ȱceȱquiȱassez
rareȱdansȱlesȱpremièresȱchansonsȱdeȱgeste:ȱ
Quatreȱdestrersȱfuntȱamenerȱavant,
Puisȱsiȱliȱlientȱeȱlesȱpiezȱeȱlesȱmains.
Liȱchevalȱsuntȱorgoillusȱeȱcurant;
26
Surȱcetȱépisode,ȱvoirȱClaudeȱRoussel,ȱ“CrimesȱetȱchâtimentsȱdansȱBaudoinȱdeȱSebourc,”ȱCrimesȱet
châtimentsȱdansȱlaȱchansonȱdeȱgesteȱ(voirȱnoteȱ8),ȱ155–78.
27
BaudoinȱdeȱSebourc,ȱed.ȱLarryȱS.ȱCristȱ(Paris:ȱSociétéȱdesȱAnciensȱTextesȱFrançais,ȱ2001),ȱv.ȱ24070.
Quatreȱserjanzȱlesȱacoeillentȱdevant,
Deversȱunȱeweȱkiȱestȱenȱmiȱunȱcamp.
Guenesȱestȱturnetȱaȱperdiciunȱgrant;
Trestuitȱsiȱnerfȱmultȱliȱsuntȱestendant
Eȱtuitȱliȱmembreȱdeȱsunȱcorsȱderumpant:
Surȱl’erbeȱverteȱenȱespantȱliȱclercȱsanc.28
Cependant,ȱavantȱd’enȱarriverȱlàȱ–ȱc’estȬàȬdireȱàȱuneȱvengeanceȱ–ȱCharlesȱaȱdû
défendreȱceȱqu’ilȱconsidéraitȱcommeȱsonȱdroit.ȱEnȱeffet,ȱlaȱChansonȱdeȱRolandȱpose
unȱproblèmeȱcomplexeȱenȱtermeȱdeȱdroit,ȱdansȱleȱsensȱdeȱsavoirȱquiȱaȱraisonȱouȱqui
aȱtort.ȱLaȱcomplexitéȱdeȱlaȱquestionȱapparaîtȱdèsȱleȱdébutȱdeȱlaȱchanson,ȱlisibleȱà
traversȱunȱtopos,ȱceluiȱduȱportrait.ȱContrairementȱàȱceuxȱquiȱluiȱsuccèderont,ȱtels
HardréȱouȱFromont,ȱGanelonȱestȱdotéȱd’unȱportraitȱfortȱlouangé:ȱilȱestȱbeau,ȱfier,
noble,ȱaltier.ȱIlȱestȱcourageux,ȱcommeȱleȱprouveȱsonȱattitudeȱpremièreȱlorsȱdeȱson
ambassadeȱauprèsȱdeȱMarsile.ȱIlȱestȱsignificatifȱque,ȱdécrivantȱleȱprocès,ȱleȱjongleur
fasseȱuneȱremarqueȱrelevantȱceȱcaractèreȱcomplexeȱduȱparâtreȱdeȱRoland:ȱ“S’ilȱfust
leials,ȱbenȱresemblastȱbarun”ȱ(v.3764).ȱLeȱnœudȱdeȱlaȱquestionȱestȱdeȱsavoirȱsi
Ganelonȱ estȱ véritablementȱ unȱ traître.ȱ Carȱ n’avaitȬilȱ pas,ȱ aprèsȱ leȱ débatȱ contre
Roland,ȱleȱdroit,ȱpeutȬêtreȱmêmeȱleȱdevoirȱd’exercerȱlaȱfaide?ȱRoland,ȱenȱenvoyant
sonȱ parâtreȱ àȱ uneȱ mortȱ quasiȱ certaine,ȱ trahitȱ unȱ membreȱ deȱ sonȱ lignage.ȱ Le
problèmeȱestȱque,ȱpourȱexercerȱsaȱvengeance,ȱGanelonȱs’allieȱavecȱlesȱennemis,
militairesȱetȱreligieux,ȱdeȱsonȱsuzerain.ȱ
Quantȱàȱlaȱ“fleurȱdeȱFrance”ȱtuéeȱàȱRoncevauxȱàȱcauseȱdeȱGanelon,ȱfautȬilȱla
considérerȱcommeȱcomposéeȱdesȱalliésȱdeȱRoland,ȱcontreȱlesquelsȱGanelonȱpeut
exercerȱuneȱlégitimeȱvengeance,ȱouȱbienȱcommeȱlesȱbaronsȱdeȱCharlemagneȱque
Ganelonȱ trahit?ȱ Dansȱ unȱ telȱ contexte,ȱ nulleȱ justiceȱ expéditiveȱ n’estȱ possibleȱ et
Ganelonȱneȱpeutȱqu’avoirȱdroitȱàȱunȱprocès.ȱIlȱmeȱparaîtȱd’ailleursȱtrèsȱsignificatif
queȱleȱjongleurȱaitȱjugéȱnécessaireȱdeȱpréciser,ȱjusteȱàȱceȱmoment,ȱqueȱc’estȱdans
l’“ancieneȱgeste”ȱ(v.3742)ȱqu’ilȱaȱtrouvéȱqueȱCharlemagneȱaȱconvoquéȱsesȱvassaux.
Laȱcoutume,ȱsanctionnéeȱparȱleȱtemps,ȱfaitȱautoritéȱetȱleȱprocèsȱestȱbienȱleȱrésultat
deȱ l’applicationȱ rigoureuseȱ deȱ laȱ procédure.ȱ Charlemagneȱ ouvreȱ leȱ plaidȱ en
demandantȱàȱsesȱbaronsȱdeȱ“jugerȱselonȱleȱdroit”ȱ(v.ȱ3751),ȱformuleȱsoulignantȱla
nécessitéȱdeȱtraiterȱleȱcasȱenȱtermeȱdeȱjustice,ȱavecȱplaidȱdeȱl’accusationȱetȱdeȱla
défense.ȱCharlemagneȱjoueȱiciȱleȱrôleȱdeȱceluiȱquiȱprononceȱdevantȱl’assembléeȱde
justiceȱ–ȱcomposéeȱdeȱsesȱbaronsȱ–ȱlaȱcalumpnia,ȱselonȱuneȱprocédureȱaccusatoire,
effectivementȱ enȱ vigueurȱ àȱ laȱ finȱ duȱ XIeȱ siècle.ȱ Ilȱ énonceȱ ainsiȱ lesȱ crimesȱ de
Ganelonȱ (laisseȱ 272).ȱ Ceȱ dernierȱ répondȱ vivement,ȱ enȱ récusantȱ l’accusationȱ de
traîtrise:
28
ChansonȱdeȱRoland,ȱéditionȱetȱtraductionȱJeanȱDufournetȱ(Paris:ȱGarnierȱFlammarion,ȱ1993)ȱv.
3964–72.
DistȱGuenelon:ȱ“Felȱseieȱseȱjolȱceil!
Rollantȱmeȱforfistȱenȱorȱetȱenȱaveir,
Purȱqueȱjeȱquisȱsaȱmortȱeȱsunȱdestreit;
Maisȱtraïsunȱnuleȱn’enȱiȱotrei.”ȱ (v.ȱ3757–60)
Àȱcesȱparoles,ȱlesȱbaronsȱrépondentȱqu’ilsȱvontȱdélibérer.ȱLeȱjongleur,ȱcependant,
tientȱquandȱmêmeȱàȱmarquerȱleȱcaractèreȱnégatifȱdeȱGanelon:ȱenȱeffet,ȱRolandȱlui
aȱbienȱfaitȱtort,ȱmaisȱpasȱsurȱleȱplanȱmatérielȱdeȱsonȱorȱetȱdeȱsesȱpossessions.ȱLe
codeȱd’honneurȱestȱiciȱdétournéȱpourȱfaireȱplaceȱàȱuneȱqualificationȱdeȱcupidité.
Enȱfait,ȱceȱbiais,ȱqueȱl’onȱpeutȱconsidérerȱcommeȱunȱeffetȱd’annonceȱparȱrapport
àȱlaȱmortȱinfamanteȱquiȱattendȱGanelon,ȱajouteȱàȱlaȱcomplexitéȱdeȱlaȱsituationȱet
duȱpersonnage.ȱ
LaȱlaisseȱsuivanteȱenȱeffetȱdéveloppeȱleȱplaidoyerȱdeȱGanelonȱqui,ȱici,ȱrelateȱles
événementsȱselonȱleȱcodeȱd’honneurȱduȱlignage:ȱRolandȱaȱfaitȱtortȱàȱGanelonȱqui
aȱ leȱ droitȱ deȱ seȱ venger.ȱ Etȱ pourȱ parerȱ l’accusationȱ deȱ trahisonȱ desȱ baronsȱ de
Charles,ȱilȱenglobeȱOlivierȱetȱtousȱlesȱcompagnonsȱdeȱRoland.ȱUneȱfoisȱencore,ȱeffet
formulaireȱsoulignantȱbienȱlaȱcomplexitéȱduȱfaitȱdeȱdroit,ȱlesȱFrancsȱrépondent
qu’ilsȱvontȱdélibérer.ȱDansȱlaȱlaisseȱsuivanteȱestȱévoquéeȱlaȱpendaison,ȱpeineȱdont
parleȱ Pinabelȱ enȱ rassurantȱ Ganelonȱ etȱ queȱ reprendȱ Thierry,ȱ lorsqu’ilȱ offreȱ ses
servicesȱàȱCharles,ȱenȱconsidérantȱqueȱGanelonȱestȱunȱtraître.ȱMaisȱl’assembléeȱde
justiceȱn’enȱjugeȱpasȱainsiȱetȱpréfèreȱmanifesterȱleȱdésirȱdeȱrèglementȱduȱconflit:
Rolandȱestȱmort,ȱrienȱneȱleȱferaȱrevenir.ȱL’ensembleȱdesȱFrancsȱconsidèreȱqu’ilȱfaut
enȱ resterȱ là,ȱ arrêterȱ leȱ procèsȱ etȱ demanderȱ seulementȱ àȱ Ganelonȱ deȱ servirȱ son
empereurȱ avecȱ amourȱ etȱ fidélité.ȱ Ilȱ s’agitȱ doncȱ deȱ renouerȱ avecȱ l’”amor”ȱ ou
l’amicitia,ȱ doncȱ deȱ rétablirȱ leȱ fonctionnementȱ normalȱ deȱ relationsȱ féodoȬ
vassaliques.ȱLeȱduelȱjudiciaireȱestȱfinalementȱdécidé,ȱceȱqui,ȱdansȱlaȱréalitéȱdeȱla
procédureȱdesȱXIe–XIIIeȱsiècles,ȱpériodeȱoùȱcetteȱpratiqueȱestȱattestéeȱavecȱune
certaineȱrégularité,ȱcorrespondȱàȱuneȱimpasseȱjuridique.29ȱGanelonȱseraȱfinalement
condamnéȱàȱcauseȱdeȱlaȱvictoireȱdeȱThierryȱsurȱPinabelȱet,ȱcurieusement,ȱilȱn’est
plusȱquestionȱdeȱpendaisonȱpourȱGanelon.ȱEnȱrevanche,ȱleȱduelȱayantȱdécidé,ȱtous
lesȱFrancsȱsontȱalorsȱunanimesȱpourȱpendreȱtousȱlesȱotages,ȱsansȱqueȱcelaȱsemble
poserȱleȱmoindreȱproblème.ȱ
Dansȱunȱregistreȱanalogue,ȱbienȱqu’assezȱdifférentȱquantȱauxȱdonnées,ȱjeȱciterai
unȱdeuxièmeȱetȱdernierȱexemple,ȱfourniȱparȱlaȱchansonȱAspremont.ȱNousȱsommes
cetteȱfoisȱenȱdomaineȱsarrasinȱoùȱvaȱseȱdéroulerȱàȱlaȱcourȱd’Agoulantȱunȱfortȱlong
29
Paulȱ Ourliac,ȱ “Leȱ duelȱ judiciaireȱ dansȱ leȱ sudȬouest,”ȱ Étudesȱ d’histoireȱ duȱ droitȱ médiévalȱ (Paris:
Picard,ȱ1979),ȱ253–58.ȱJeanȬMarieȱCarbasse,ȱ“Leȱduelȱjudiciaireȱdansȱlesȱcoutumesȱméridionales”,
Annalesȱ duȱ Midiȱ (1975):ȱ 385–403.ȱ Hélèneȱ CoudercȬBarraud,ȱ “Leȱ duelȱ judiciaireȱ enȱ Gascogne
d’aprèsȱlesȱcartulaires,”ȱLeȱRèglementȱdesȱconflitsȱauȱMoyenȱÂge,ȱActesȱduȱXXXIeȱcongrèsȱdeȱla
Sociétéȱ desȱ Historiensȱ Médiévistesȱ deȱ l’Enseignementȱ Supérieur,ȱ éd.ȱ Sociétéȱ desȱ Historiens
Médiévistesȱdeȱl’EnseignementȱSupérieurȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱdeȱlaȱSorbonne,ȱ2001),ȱ97–115.ȱBruno
Lemesle,ȱConflitsȱ(voirȱnoteȱ5).ȱ
procès,ȱdestinéȱàȱjugerȱlesȱroisȱMaragonȱetȱAprohant,ȱaccusésȱdeȱtrahison.ȱCes
derniersȱétaientȱauxȱcôtésȱd’Eaumont,ȱfilsȱd’Agoulantȱlorsȱd’uneȱbatailleȱcontreȱles
Francs.ȱCesȱderniersȱontȱréussiȱȱàȱsubmergerȱlesȱarméesȱsarrasinesȱ–ȱEaumontȱsera
d’ailleursȱtuéȱ–ȱetȱMarangonȱetȱAprohant,ȱjugeantȱlaȱsituationȱdésespérée,ȱmais
ignorantȱleȱsortȱ d’Eaumont,ȱsontȱrepartisȱbrideȱabattueȱpourȱavertirȱAgoulant.
L’orgueilleuxȱémir,ȱapprenantȱlaȱdéfaiteȱdeȱsonȱfils,ȱsansȱpourȱautantȱconnaîtreȱson
sort,ȱconsidèreȱimmédiatementȱqueȱlesȱdeuxȱmessagersȱsontȱdesȱtraîtresȱetȱpropose
deȱlesȱpendreȱcommeȱlarrons.ȱCependant,ȱilȱsembleȱqueȱcetteȱjusticeȱpersonnelle
etȱimmédiateȱneȱpuisseȱfonctionner,ȱmêmeȱenȱcontexteȱépique,ȱcar,ȱjustement,ȱles
deuxȱaccusésȱneȱsontȱpasȱdesȱbrigandsȱmaisȱdesȱnobles.ȱAgoulantȱconvoqueȱdonc
tousȱsesȱbarons,ȱafinȱdeȱjugerȱceuxȱqu’ilȱconsidèreȱcommeȱtraîtresȱetȱresponsables
deȱlaȱmortȱdeȱsesȱhommesȱsurȱleȱchampȱdeȱbataille.ȱ
S’enȱsuitȱunȱlongȱplaidȱquiȱs’étaleȱsurȱplusȱdeȱ600ȱvers,ȱpreuveȱdeȱlaȱcomplexité
deȱl’affaire.ȱEffectivement,ȱleȱplaidȱseȱprolongeȱcarȱalternentȱlesȱinterventionsȱde
laȱdéfenseȱetȱduȱsoutienȱàȱAgoulant;ȱici,ȱtoutȱestȱquestionȱd’appréciation,ȱcarȱilȱn’y
aȱ aucuneȱ preuveȱ deȱ laȱ trahison.ȱ Laȱ défenseȱ reposeȱ surȱ laȱ noblesseȱ desȱ deux
hommes,ȱenȱquiȱEaumontȱavaitȱmisȱsaȱconfiance:ȱc’estȱdoncȱunȱargumentȱdeȱfama
quiȱentreȱenȱjeuȱetȱl’onȱsaitȱcombienȱceluiȬciȱestȱimportantȱenȱmatièreȱdeȱjustice
médiévale.ȱLaȱvoixȱdeȱlaȱsagesseȱseȱfaitȱentendreȱparȱl’entremiseȱduȱroiȱAchartȱqui
proposeȱdeȱfaitȱuneȱprocédureȱinquisitoireȱenȱdemandantȱqueȱleȱprocèsȱsoitȱremis
jusqu’àȱplusȱampleȱinformationȱsurȱceȱquiȱestȱréellementȱarrivéȱàȱl’avantȬgarde
d’Eaumont.ȱÀȱl’extrême,ȱSinagonȱconsidèreȱqueȱlaȱfuiteȱetȱl’arrivéeȱdeȱMaragonȱet
Aprohantȱ sainsȱ etȱ saufsȱ signeȱ leurȱ trahison,ȱ trahisonȱ quiȱ aȱ entraînéȱ laȱ mort
supposéeȱdeȱsesȱfilsȱetȱqu’enȱconséquenceȱilsȱdoiventȱêtreȱpendus,ȱpuisȱleurȱcorps
brûléȱ etȱ lesȱ cendresȱ dispersées.ȱ Ilȱ préciseȱ queȱ ceȱ traitementȱ montreraȱ àȱ toute
l’arméeȱlaȱréalisationȱdeȱleurȱ“vengoisson,”30ȱdeȱleurȱvengeanceȱdonc.ȱOnȱvoitȱici
laȱrencontreȱentreȱunȱchâtimentȱexemplaire,ȱconformeȱàȱunȱjugementȱdeȱcrime
odieuxȱetȱlaȱvengeanceȱprivée.ȱL’interventionȱdeȱMatusalonȱrévèleȱencoreȱunȱautre
aspectȱdeȱlaȱquestion:ȱluiȱaussiȱsuggèreȱlaȱprocédureȱinquisitoireȱenȱrappelantȱque
lesȱfaitsȱneȱsontȱpasȱencoreȱconnusȱetȱilȱinsisteȱsurȱleȱdangerȱd’infligerȱuneȱmort
honteuseȱ àȱ deȱ puissantsȱ noblesȱ entourésȱ d’unȱ importantȱ lignage.ȱ Ceȱ que
Matusalonȱ indiqueȱ estȱ bienȱ leȱ dangerȱ duȱ déclenchementȱ d’uneȱ faide,ȱ ceȱ que,
justement,ȱl’exerciceȱdeȱlaȱjustice,ȱseigneurialeȱouȱroyale,ȱaȱtentéȱdeȱjuguler.ȱ
Laȱconclusionȱduȱprocèsȱestȱassezȱinattendue;ȱenȱeffet,ȱlaȱsuccessionȱdesȱplaids
révèleȱuneȱimpasseȱquiȱdevraitȱseȱconclureȱparȱuneȱordalieȱouȱunȱduelȱjudiciaire.
Maisȱleȱjongleurȱaȱchoisiȱuneȱautreȱvoieȱquiȱallieȱdeuxȱenjeuxȱesthétiques,ȱceluiȱde
laȱ violenceȱ etȱ celuiȱ duȱ judiciaire.ȱ Ilȱ joueȱ pourȱ ceȱ faireȱ surȱ ceȱ queȱ l’onȱ peut
30
Chansonȱd’Aspremont,ȱprésentation,ȱéditionȱetȱtraductionȱparȱFrançoisȱSuardȱd’aprèsȱleȱmanuscrit
25529ȱ deȱ laȱ BNF.ȱ Championȱ classiques:ȱ Sérieȱ “Moyenȱ Âge”,ȱ Éditionsȱ bilingues,ȱ 23ȱ (Paris:
Champion,ȱ2008),ȱv.ȱ5798.
considérerȱcommeȱuneȱamorceȱdeȱduel,ȱc’estȬàȬdireȱsurȱleȱsuccèsȱdeȱl’intimidation,
ceȱ qui,ȱ commeȱ leȱ prouventȱ lesȱ documentsȱ d’archives,ȱ intervientȱ assez
régulièrement,ȱauȱseuilȱd’unȱduelȱqui,ȱalors,ȱn’aȱpasȱlieu.ȱDansȱAspremont,ȱleȱroi
Ulienȱmenaceȱl’assemblée,ȱl’amustantȱenȱparticulier,ȱd’uneȱdoubleȱviolence.ȱLa
premièreȱémanantȱdeȱlui,ȱenȱtermeȱdeȱdéfiȱquiȱévoqueȱleȱduelȱjudiciaire:ȱquiconque
veuilleȱleȱcombattre,ȱqu’ilȱs’arme!ȱLaȱdeuxièmeȱressortitȱàȱl’exerciceȱd’unȱpouvoir
absolu,ȱ voireȱ tyrannique:ȱ siȱ l’assembléeȱ décideȱ dansȱ unȱ sensȱ différentȱ des
sentimentsȱ d’Agoulant,ȱ ceȱ dernierȱ lesȱ feraȱ tousȱ tuerȱ dansȱ laȱ nuitȱ quiȱ suit.ȱ Ces
affirmationsȱintimidantesȱconcluentȱl’affaireȱdeȱfaçonȱradicale,ȱleȱjongleurȱnotant
queȱcesȱparolesȱfirentȱ“estuper”ȱlesȱbarons,ȱsoit,ȱpourȱreprendreȱlaȱbelleȱtraduction
deȱ Françoisȱ Suard,ȱ leurȱ aȱ “clouéȱ leȱ bec.”ȱ Ulien,ȱ quiȱ devientȱ leȱ porteȬparoleȱ de
l’assembléeȱdeȱjusticeȱsansȱautreȱformeȱdeȱdélibération,ȱs’adresseȱàȱAgoulantȱpour
proposerȱlaȱpireȱdesȱpunitions,ȱqueȱjeȱdonneȱdansȱlaȱtraductionȱdeȱFrançoisȱȱSuard:
LivrezȬlesȱauȱsuppliceȱàȱl’instant,sȱansȱhésiter;ȱfaitesȬlesȱtraînerȱàȱtraversȱl’arméeȱetȱà
traversȱlaȱvilleȱdevantȱtoutȱleȱmonde.ȱFaitesȬenȱrecueillirȱlesȱrestes,ȱsansȱenȱperdre
aucun,ȱ puisȱ jetezȬlesȱ dansȱ unȱ bourbierȱ puant.ȱ Queȱ quatreȬvingtȱ ouȱ centsȱ femmes
légères,ȱquiȱvendentȱleurȱcorpsȱpourȱdeȱl’argent,ȱsoientȱgratifiéesȱchacuneȱd’unȱbesant:
ellesȱviendrontȱtoutesȱavecȱjoie;ȱqueȱchacuneȱfasseȱàȱcetȱégardȱceȱquiȱconvient,ȱetȱqu’on
voieȱparfaitementȱceȱspectacle;ȱensuiteȱjetezȱsurȱlesȱrestesȱleȱfeuȱgrégeois.ȱCeluiȱquiȱse
vengeȱautrementȱd’unȱtraîtreȱluiȱfaitȱtropȱd’honneurȱs’ilȱleȱpendȱauȱgibet.31
C’estȱeffectivementȱceȱsuppliceȱquiȱestȱretenu;ȱleȱjongleurȱpréciseȱqueȱl’onȱrecueille
chaqueȱlambeauȱdeȱchair,ȱaussitôtȱjetéȱdansȱunȱcloaque,ȱdevantȱuneȱlargeȱfoule,ȱen
partieȱ composéeȱ deȱ prostituées.ȱ L’hyperboleȱ épiqueȱ estȱ miseȱ auȱ serviceȱ du
soulignementȱ deȱ l’infamieȱ deȱ laȱ peine.ȱ Unȱ paroxysmeȱ estȱ iciȱ atteint,ȱ quiȱ règle
définitivementȱl’affaire,ȱparȱuneȱformeȱdeȱterreurȱenȱquelqueȱsorte,ȱqui,ȱdansȱle
contexteȱdeȱlaȱguerreȱcontreȱlesȱchrétiens,ȱeffaceȱtouteȱvelléitéȱdeȱvengeanceȱdu
lignageȱdesȱsuppliciés.
Queȱ conclureȱ (provisoirement)ȱ desȱ élémentsȱ précédemmentȱ évoqués?ȱ Ilȱ me
sembleȱqueȱcesȱexemplesȱsontȱrévélateursȱdeȱlaȱrichesseȱduȱchampȱjudiciaireȱdans
laȱchansonȱdeȱgeste,ȱquiȱprendȱàȱsonȱcompteȱunȱensembleȱdeȱdonnéesȱressortissant
àȱlaȱpratiqueȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱetȱauȱdroitȱcoutumier:ȱpriseȱenȱcompteȱdeȱlaȱfama,ȱrejet
appuyéȱ deȱ l’homicideȱ associéȱ àȱ laȱ traîtriseȱ –ȱ quiȱ montreȱ l’importanceȱ duȱ code
d’honneurȱ–ȱ,ȱapplicationsȱdeȱpeinesȱinfamantesȱselonȱdesȱprocéduresȱproposées
dansȱlesȱcoutumiers.ȱMaisȱcesȱrealiaȱs’inscriventȱdansȱunȱchampȱlittéraireȱoùȱils
entrentȱauȱserviceȱd’uneȱesthétiqueȱpropreȱàȱlaȱchansonȱdeȱgeste.ȱSiȱleȱcrimeȱetȱla
trahisonȱoffrentȱunȱsupportȱprivilégiéȱàȱl’exerciceȱdeȱl’hyperbole,ȱs’ilsȱparticipent
d’uneȱ esthétiqueȱ deȱ laȱ violenceȱ caractéristiqueȱ deȱ laȱ chansonȱ deȱ geste,ȱ ilsȱ sont
égalementȱlesȱvecteursȱd’uneȱexploitationȱcomplexeȱdeȱquestionsȱjuridiques.ȱEntre
31
Suard,ȱed.,ȱChansonȱd’Aspremontȱ(voirȱnoteȱ30),ȱ414–15.
codeȱ d’honneurȱ etȱ droitȱ coutumier,ȱ laȱ chansonȱ deȱ gesteȱ poseȱ laȱ questionȱ de
l’identificationȱdeȱlaȱculpabilité,ȱenȱrapportȱàȱlaȱfauteȱetȱàȱlaȱplaceȱoccupéeȱparȱle
suspectȱdansȱlaȱhiérarchieȱsociale,ȱàȱlaȱpuissanceȱdeȱsonȱlignage.ȱ
Elleȱposeȱégalementȱlaȱquestionȱduȱrapportȱentreȱlaȱfauteȱetȱlaȱpeineȱetȱdoncȱàȱla
façonȱdeȱréglerȱunȱconflit.ȱLesȱsolutionsȱoffertesȱressortissentȱdansȱlaȱmajoritéȱdes
casȱauȱtraitementȱviolent,ȱconformeȱàȱl’espritȱdeȱl’épopéeȱmédiévale.ȱEnȱcela,ȱla
chansonȱdeȱgesteȱpréfigure,ȱdansȱlaȱfiction,ȱuneȱconceptionȱexemplaire,ȱdoncȱcruelle,
deȱlaȱpeine,ȱtelleȱqu’onȱlaȱretrouveȱchezȱdiversȱchroniqueursȱdeȱlaȱfinȱduȱMoyen
Âge,ȱtelsȱunȱPhilippeȱdeȱVigneulles.ȱMais,ȱsiȱl’issueȱseȱcondenseȱsurȱlaȱviolence,ȱle
déroulementȱ desȱ plaids,ȱ laȱ miseȱ enȱ placeȱ deȱ situationsȱ aboutissantȱ àȱ une
procédure,ȱ sontȱ surtoutȱ révélateursȱ d’uneȱ conscienceȱ duȱ complexeȱ chezȱ les
jongleurs.ȱOnȱrevientȱdoncȱici,ȱplusȱqu’àȱuneȱnotionȱdeȱdroit,ȱàȱcelleȱd’unȱ‘préȬ
droit’,ȱnotionȱessentiellementȱmouvante,ȱfaiteȱdeȱcoutumeȱetȱdeȱcodeȱd’honneur,
àȱl’auneȱdeȱlaȱpuissanceȱd’uneȱpart,ȱdeȱlaȱparoleȱetȱdeȱl’expérience,ȱd’uneȱforme
d’auctoritasȱd’autreȱpart.ȱÀȱl’abriȱduȱdroitȱsavantȱquiȱcommenceȱàȱseȱrépandre,ȱla
chansonȱdeȱgesteȱreflèteȱcesȱfluctuationsȱtoutȱenȱjouantȱavec,ȱconstruisantȱainsiȱune
véritableȱesthétiqueȱduȱjuridique/judiciaire.
Chapterȱ2
SusannaȱNiiranen
(TheȱUniversityȱofȱJyväskylä,ȱFinland)
“Iȱknowȱhowȱtoȱbeȱaȱwhoreȱandȱthief”
Theȱpoet’sȱReputation:ȱTroubadours—
Ancestorsȱofȱpoètesȱmaudits?1
SinceȱmedievalȱtroubadoursȱareȱbestȱknownȱforȱtheirȱloveȬsongsȱandȱinventionȱof
courtlyȱloveȱasȱwellȱasȱtheirȱcloseȱconnectionsȱtoȱtheȱrulingȱpower,ȱtheyȱareȱnot
easilyȱconnectedȱinȱourȱmindȱwithȱtheȱlowȱlifeȱ(e.g.,ȱwhores,ȱthieves,ȱdrinking,
gambling)ȱandȱwithȱoffencesȱviewedȱasȱinjuriousȱtoȱpublicȱmoralsȱ(e.g.,ȱlewdness,
adultery,ȱandȱviolence),ȱnotȱtoȱmentionȱwithȱcrimesȱsuchȱasȱmurder.ȱHowever,
thereȱareȱseveralȱreferencesȱtoȱaȱcriminalȱorȱatȱleastȱtransgressiveȱwayȱofȱlifeȱboth
inȱtroubadours’ȱlifeȱandȱworks.ȱTheȱquestionȱarisesȱhowȱtheȱrolesȱofȱcourtȱpoetȱand
loveȱpoetȱcouldȱembraceȱtheȱantisocialȱbehaviorȱandȱimageȱofȱcertainȱtroubadours
orȱ whetherȱ thereȱ wasȱ alreadyȱ anȱ emergentȱ traditionȱ ofȱ theȱ cultureȱ ofȱ poètes
maudits?ȱAndȱinȱgeneral,ȱwhatȱwereȱtheȱdeterminingȱcharacteristicsȱinȱmedieval
poet’sȱreputationȱandȱremembrance?ȱ
Inȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱcontext,ȱtheȱmodernȱuseȱofȱtheȱtermȱpoèteȱmaudit
(“accursedȱ poet”)ȱ isȱ restrictedȱ toȱ associationȱ withȱ theȱ fifteenthȱ centuryȱ poet
FrançoisȱVillonȱbutȱnotȱusedȱforȱotherȱmedievalȱpoetsȱwhoȱseemȱtoȱhaveȱtheȱsame
characteristicsȱ andȱ combinationȱ ofȱ genialȱ artist,ȱ lawȬbreaker,ȱ andȱ tragicȱ lover.
FromȱVillon,ȱthereȱareȱonlyȱsomeȱtwoȱhundredȱyearsȱtoȱtheȱpoeticȱfloweringȱofȱthe
troubadoursȱandȱevenȱlessȱtoȱtheȱtrouvères,ȱwhoseȱinfluenceȱwasȱfeltȱinȱnorthern
1
ThisȱarticleȱhasȱbeenȱwrittenȱwithinȱtheȱprojectsȱTheȱPhilosophicalȱPsychology,ȱMoralityȱandȱPolitics
ResearchȱUnit,ȱFinnishȱCentreȱofȱExcellence,ȱandȱMedievalȱStatesȱofȱWelfare,ȱbothȱfundedȱbyȱthe
AcademyȱofȱFinland.
44 SusannaȱNiiranen
FranceȱlikeȱthatȱofȱVillon’s.ȱIfȱtheyȱshareȱcommonȱcharacteristicsȱwithȱtheȱimage
thatȱtheȱpoetȱVillonȱrepresents,ȱwhyȱisȱVillonȱ(orȱhisȱlegend)ȱtheȱfirstȱtoȱmanifest
theȱroleȱofȱtheȱpoetȱatȱtheȱmarginsȱofȱsociety?ȱWhileȱresearchingȱforȱmyȱdoctoral
dissertation,2ȱ Iȱ beganȱ toȱ thinkȱ aboutȱ thisȱ aspect:ȱ troubadoursȱ whoȱ cameȱ from
variousȱsocialȱbackgroundsȱandȱwhoȱrepresentȱvariousȱformsȱofȱartisticȱexpression
asȱwellȱasȱtheȱwomenȱtroubadoursȱwhoȱunanimouslyȱrepresentȱtheȱaristocratic
genreȱandȱwhoseȱreputationȱwas—ȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱtroubadours—ȱunstained.ȱ
Theȱaimȱofȱthisȱarticleȱisȱtoȱobserveȱcontinuitiesȱ(orȱdiscrepancies)ȱinȱtheȱpoet’s
roleȱandȱcommemorationȱinȱmedievalȱandȱlaterȱperiodsȱasȱwellȱasȱtheirȱgendered
usesȱthroughȱtheȱmodernȱconceptȱofȱpoètesȱmaudits.ȱTheȱtermȱmightȱappearȱtoȱsome
asȱanachronisticȱbut,ȱinȱtheȱstrictȱsense,ȱtheȱtermsȱandȱcategoriesȱsuchȱasȱcrime,
gender,ȱgenre,ȱorȱtrobairitz,ȱareȱconceptionsȱofȱlaterȱgenerationsȱwhichȱshould,ȱof
course,ȱbeȱredefinedȱeachȱtimeȱinȱrelationȱtoȱtheirȱownȱhistoricalȱcontext.ȱHowever,
itȱ hasȱ recentlyȱbeenȱarguedȱthatȱhistoriansȱhaveȱtheȱrightȱtoȱmakeȱuseȱofȱtheir
knowledgeȱ ofȱ theȱ remoteȱ consequencesȱ orȱ interpretationsȱ ofȱ pastȱ actionsȱ and
discussȱ pastȱ activitiesȱ asȱ ancestralȱ toȱ modernȱ phenomena.3ȱ Evenȱ thoughȱ the
retrogressiveȱorȱretrospectiveȱapproachȱisȱnotȱwidelyȱappliedȱinȱthisȱstudy,ȱitȱhas
broughtȱtogetherȱnewȱscholarshipȱalsoȱinȱtheȱfieldȱofȱmedievalȱstudies.4ȱ
TheȱFrenchȱexpressionȱpoètesȱmauditsȱmeansȱliterallyȱ“accursedȱpoets.”ȱTheȱterm
cameȱ intoȱ widerȱ usageȱ afterȱ Paulȱ Verlaine’sȱ seriesȱ ofȱ essaysȱ calledȱ Lesȱ poètes
mauditsȱpublishedȱinȱ1884.ȱInȱthisȱbook,ȱtheȱtermȱwasȱusedȱuniquelyȱforȱtheȱthen
littleȱ knownȱ symbolistȱ poets.5ȱ Sinceȱ Verlaine,ȱ theȱ termȱ hasȱ includedȱ the
misunderstoodȱ geniusȱ ofȱ theȱ poetsȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ tragedyȱ ofȱ theirȱ lives,ȱ often
markedȱ byȱ selfȬdestructiveȱ tendencies.ȱ Abuseȱ ofȱ drugsȱ andȱ alcohol,ȱ insanity,
crime,ȱviolence,ȱandȱanyȱsocialȱoffence,ȱoftenȱresultingȱinȱanȱearlyȱdeath,ȱareȱtypical
2
SusannaȱNiiranen,ȱ“`Miroirȱduȱmérite´:ȱLesȱvaleursȱsociales,ȱrôlesȱetȱimageȱdeȱlaȱfemmeȱdansȱlesȱtextes
médiévauxȱdesȱtrobairitz,”ȱJyväskyläȱStudiesȱinȱHumanitiesȱ115ȱ(Jyväskylä:ȱUniversityȱofȱJyväskylä,
2009).ȱElectronicȱversionȱatȱhttps://jyx.jyu.fi/dspace/handle/123456789/19676ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.
1,ȱ2010).
3
InterestȱinȱtheȱretrogressiveȱorȱretrospectiveȱapproachȱinȱhistoryȱisȱrootedȱinȱtheȱAnnalesȱSchool,
see,ȱe.g.,ȱMarcȱBloch,ȱLesȱcaractèresȱoriginauxȱdeȱl’histoireȱruraleȱfrancaiseȱ(Oslo:ȱH.ȱAschehoug,ȱ1931);
Seeȱ also,ȱ Nickȱ Tosh,ȱ “Anachronismȱ andȱ Retrospectiveȱ Explanation:ȱ Inȱ Defenceȱ ofȱ aȱ PresentȬ
CentredȱHistoryȱofȱScience,”ȱStudiesȱinȱHistoryȱandȱPhilosophyȱofȱScienceȱPartȱAȱ34.3ȱ(2003):ȱ647Ȭ59.
4
E.g.,ȱTheȱRetrospectiveȱMethodsȱNetworkȱ(RMN)ȱisȱconcernedȱwithȱstrategiesȱandȱapproachesȱforȱthe
diachronicȱ studyȱ ofȱ culturalȱ phenomena,ȱ usingȱ laterȱ evidenceȱ toȱ offerȱ insightsȱ intoȱ earlier
periods.ȱTheȱfirstȱconferenceȱofȱtheȱnetworkȱwasȱonȱSept.ȱ13ȱandȱ14,ȱ2010ȱinȱBergen,ȱNorway,
whereȱ theȱ RMNȱ Newsletter,ȱ aȱ biȬannualȱ electronicȱ publication,ȱ wasȱ formulated.
http://www.uib.no/cms/en/konferanse/2010/04/internationalȬconferenceȬnewȬfocusȬonȬ
retrospectiveȬmethodsȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.ȱ1,ȱ2010)ȱ
5
TristanȱCorbière,ȱArthurȱRimbaud,ȱStéphaneȱMallarmé,ȱMarcelineȱDesbordesȬValmoreȱ(theȱonly
femaleȱwriterȱincludedȱinȱVerlaine’sȱlist),ȱVilliersȱdeȱl’Isleȱd’Adam,ȱandȱPauvreȱLelian,ȱ“Poor
Lelian,”ȱanȱanagramȱofȱPaulȱVerlaine’sȱownȱname,ȱPaulȱVerlaine,ȱLesȱPoètesȱMauditsȱ(Paris:ȱLéon
Vanier,ȱ1888),ȱ1.
“Iȱknowȱhowȱtoȱbeȱaȱwhoreȱandȱthief” 45
elementsȱ ofȱ theȱ lifeȱ ofȱ aȱ poèteȱ maudit.ȱ Inȱ consequence,ȱ thisȱ groupȱ isȱ frequently
relatedȱ toȱ decadenceȱ andȱ toȱ theȱ Decadentȱ movement.ȱ Itsȱ poeticȱ symbolism
developedȱtheȱthemesȱofȱmysticismȱandȱotherworldliness,ȱinevitabilityȱofȱdeath,
andȱmalignityȱofȱsexuality.6
WeȱareȱindebtedȱtoȱThéophileȱGautierȱwhoȱrediscoveredȱVillonȱasȱanȱancestor
ofȱtheȱpoétesȱmaudits.ȱWithȱGautier’sȱinterpretation,ȱVillonȱasȱaȱpoorȱandȱradical
youngster,ȱwasȱrefashionedȱintoȱaȱromanticȱpoetȱwhoȱservedȱasȱaȱmodelȱforȱseveral
Parisianȱpoetsȱofȱtheȱnineteenthȱcentury.7ȱThereȱwereȱsimilarȱtendenciesȱinȱhis
imageȱalreadyȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury,ȱforȱinȱaȱbookletȱcalledȱ“Theȱfreeȱmealsȱof
MasterȱVillonȱandȱhisȱcompanions,”ȱVillon’sȱreputationȱwasȱdeterminedȱasȱthatȱof
anȱerrantȱtrickster,ȱvagrantȱthief,ȱandȱsympatheticȱvoiceȱofȱtheȱpoorȱonlyȱsome
fifteenȱyearsȱafterȱhisȱdisappearance.ȱThisȱcollectionȱofȱtalesȱfromȱtheȱendȱofȱthe
fifteenthȱcenturyȱisȱcrucialȱinȱtheȱformationȱofȱtheȱimageȱofȱVillonȱasȱweȱknowȱit
today.8ȱHisȱassumedȱwayȱofȱlifeȱandȱhisȱcloseȱrelationshipȱtoȱcriminalȱmarginality
andȱ unhappyȱ loveȱ affairsȱ allȱ combineȱ toȱ createȱ aȱ cultȬlikeȱ imageȱ ofȱ thisȱ poetic
genius.9ȱAsȱforȱtheȱearlierȱperiod,ȱmainlyȱtheȱtwelfthȱandȱearlyȱthirteenthȱcentury,
weȱ knowȱ thatȱ Occitanȱ troubadoursȱ demonstratedȱ theirȱ greatȱ concernȱ forȱ their
artisticȱ reputationȱ andȱ forȱ theȱ wayȱ inȱ whichȱ theirȱ behaviorȱ ennoblesȱ them,ȱ or
makesȱtheirȱreputationȱfall.10ȱThisȱpersistenceȱofȱrhetoricȱexpressesȱnotȱonlyȱlimits
ofȱ selfȬsatisfaction,ȱ publicȱ praise,ȱ orȱ fameȱ butȱ values,ȱ behavior,ȱ andȱ attitudes
consideredȱappropriateȱinȱsociety.ȱ
6
PoetȱAlbertȱSamainȱcalledȱsexualityȱ“fruitȱdeȱmortȱàȱl’arbreȱdeȱlaȱvie”ȱ(fruitȱofȱdeathȱuponȱtheȱtree
ofȱlife)ȱandȱ“finȱduȱmonde”ȱ(endȱofȱtheȱworld),ȱAlbertȱSamain,ȱ“Luxure,”ȱAuȱjardinȱdeȱl’infante
(1889;ȱParis:ȱMercure,ȱ1920),ȱ179,ȱ188.ȱ
7
ThéophileȱGautier,ȱLesȱgrotesquesȱ(Paris:ȱMichelȱLévyȱFrères,ȱ1859),ȱ1–39.
8
JelleȱKoopmans,ȱ“FrançoisȱVillon:ȱCharacterȱWithinȱorȱWithoutȱHisȱOwnȱPoetry?,”TheȱAuthorȱas
Character:ȱ Representingȱ Historicalȱ Writersȱ inȱ Westernȱ Literature,ȱ ed.ȱ Paulȱ Franssenȱ andȱ Ton
Hoenselaarsȱ (Madison,ȱ NJ:ȱ Fairleighȱ Dickinsonȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ andȱ London:ȱ Associate
UniversityȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ68–79;ȱhereȱ71.ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱJohnȱGough.
9
See,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ Marcȱ Martín,ȱ Villon,ȱ ceȱ hongrois,ȱ ou,ȱ l’eыdificationȱ duȱ culteȱ deȱ Françoisȱ Villonȱ en
Hongrie.ȱOfficinaȱHungaricaȱ(Budapest:ȱNemzetköziȱHungaroloыgiaiȱKözpont,ȱ1995);ȱJeanȱFavier,
Françoisȱ Villonȱ (Paris:ȱ Fayard,ȱ 1982),ȱ especiallyȱ 143–45,ȱ 193–98,ȱ andȱ 334–42;ȱ seeȱ alsoȱ the
contributionȱ toȱ thisȱ volumeȱ byȱ Johnȱ Gough,ȱ ”Theȱ Functionȱ ofȱ Projectedȱ Pain:ȱ Theȱ Poetryȱ of
FrançoisȱVillonȱandȱtheȱGiftȱofȱSelf.”
10
NicoleȱM.ȱSchulman,ȱWhereȱTroubadoursȱwereȱBishops:ȱTheȱOccitaniaȱofȱFolcȱofȱMarseilleȱ(1150Ȭ1231).
StudiesȱinȱMedievalȱHistoryȱandȱCultureȱ(NewȱYork,ȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2001),ȱ11;ȱDeborahȱH.
Nelson,ȱ“NorthernȱFrance,”ȱAȱHandbookȱofȱtheȱTroubadours,ȱ255–261;ȱhereȱ257ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
Troubadours
AsȱSimonȱGauntȱandȱSarahȱKayȱhaveȱbeautifullyȱstated,ȱtroubadoursȱ“areȱpartȱof
theȱ furnitureȱ ofȱ ourȱ culturalȱ knowledge,ȱ anȱ unforgettableȱ heirloomȱ inȱ the
Europeanȱheritage.”11ȱThisȱtraditionȱofȱpoetsȬcomposersȬperformersȱ(460ȱofȱwhose
namesȱ weȱ know)ȱ flourishedȱ inȱ southernȱ partsȱ ofȱ France,ȱ Occitaniaȱ and
neighboringȱEuropeanȱcourtsȱwithȱtheirȱsongs,ȱsomeȱ2500ȱofȱwhichȱsurvive.ȱThis
considerableȱamountȱofȱtextsȱcontainsȱvariousȱgenresȱandȱstylesȱbutȱwhatȱposterity
knows,ȱapartȱfromȱsomeȱpoliticoȬsatiricalȱorȱreligiousȱsirventes,ȱisȱtheirȱloveȱsongs,
cansos.ȱTheȱmostȱfamousȱtroubadours,ȱsuchȱasȱJaufreȱRudelȱ(theȱmotifȱofȱfaraway
love)ȱandȱRaimbautȱd’Aurengaȱ(“archetypeȱofȱtheȱcourtlyȱtroubadour”),12ȱareȱalso
rememberedȱforȱtheirȱlegendaryȱlivesȱwithȱanȱauraȱofȱromanticȱorȱtragicȱlove.ȱIn
addition,ȱthereȱisȱaȱgroupȱofȱtroubadours,ȱwhoȱareȱfamousȱonlyȱbyȱvirtueȱofȱtheir
livesȱandȱnotȱforȱtheirȱsongs.ȱThisȱgroupȱconsistsȱofȱsuchȱnamesȱasȱGuilhemȱde
Cabestanhȱ(theȱmotifȱofȱtheȱeatenȱheart)13ȱandȱGuilhemȱdeȱlaȱTorȱ(extremeȱpassion
towardsȱhisȱdeadȱwife).ȱTheseȱlastȱexamplesȱdemonstrateȱparticularlyȱtheȱclose
relationshipȱofȱloveȱandȱdeath,ȱtheȱmodelȱofȱfatalȱloveȱandȱ“love’sȱmartyrdom”ȱin
troubadouresqueȱdiscourse.14
11
Simonȱ Gauntȱ andȱ Sarahȱ Kay,ȱ “Introduction,”ȱ Theȱ Troubadours:ȱ Anȱ Introductionȱ (Cambridge:
CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ1–7;ȱhereȱ1.
12
LeslieȱThomasȱTopsfield,ȱTroubadoursȱandȱLoveȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1978),
111.
13
Theȱjealousȱhusbandȱkilledȱtheȱtroubadourȱandȱgaveȱhisȱheartȱtoȱtheȱunfaithfulȱwifeȱtoȱeat.ȱWhen
sheȱhadȱeatenȱit,ȱherȱhusbandȱtoldȱherȱwhatȱitȱwasȱandȱsheȱthrewȱherselfȱfromȱtheȱwindowȱand
wasȱ killed.ȱ Theȱ storyȱ isȱ knownȱ outsideȱ theȱ Occitanȱ regionȱ inȱ differentȱ versions:ȱ e.g.,ȱ a
contemporaryȱversionȱbyȱaȱFrenchȱtrouvère,ȱChâtelainȱdeȱCoucy,ȱwhichȱbelongsȱtoȱtheȱendȱofȱthe
twelfthȱ orȱ toȱ theȱ beginningȱ ofȱ theȱ thirteenthȱ centuryȱ andȱ aȱ laterȱ versionȱ ofȱ Boccaccio’sȱ in
Decameronȱ (taleȱ IV.9.).ȱ Questionsȱ ofȱ intertextualityȱ amongȱ theseȱ worksȱ remainȱ obscure,ȱ but
Boccaccioȱcitesȱaȱ“Provencal”ȱsourceȱatȱtheȱstory’sȱopening.ȱTheȱsourceȱwithȱwhichȱBoccaccioȱwas
familiarȱisȱinȱallȱlikelihoodȱtheȱmedievalȱbiographyȱ(vida)ȱofȱGuilhemȱdeȱCabestanh,ȱSeeȱSusanna
Niiranen’sȱpaper,ȱ“Troubadours,ȱObsessiveȱLoveȱandȱtheȱMotifȱofȱEatenȱHeart,”ȱSessionȱ617,ȱThe
UseȱofȱEmotionsȱandȱGestures,ȱInternationalȱMedievalȱCongress,ȱLeeds,ȱ11ȱJulyȱ2006;ȱaȱMiddle
HighȱGermanȱpoet,ȱKonradȱvonȱWürzburg,ȱalsoȱwroteȱaȱversionȱinȱoneȱofȱhisȱverseȱnarratives,
“DasȱHerzmäre,”ȱinȱtheȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱsee,ȱRüdigerȱBrandt,ȱKonradȱvon
Würzburg:ȱKleinereȱepischeȱWerke.ȱSecondȱeditionȱ(1999;ȱBerlin:ȱErichȱSchmidt,ȱ2009),ȱ79–90;ȱsee,ȱalso
MiladȱDoueihi,ȱȈCorȱneȱEdito,ȈȱModernȱLanguageȱNotesȱ108.4ȱ(1993):ȱ696–709;ȱJacquesȱLeȱGoff,
ȈHeadȱorȱHeart?ȱTheȱPoliticalȱUseȱofȱBodyȱMetaphorsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȈȱFragmentsȱForȱaȱHistory
ofȱtheȱHumanȱBody,ȱ3ȱvols,ȱed.ȱMichelȱFeherȱwithȱRamonaȱNaddaffȱandȱNadiaȱTazi,ȱtrans.ȱAnna
Cancogniȱetȱal.ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱZone,ȱ1989),ȱIII,ȱ12–27.ȱ
14
Aboutȱtheȱbondȱofȱloveȱandȱdeathȱinȱtroubadourȱpoetry,ȱsee,ȱSimonȱGaunt,ȱLoveȱandȱDeathȱin
MedievalȱFrenchȱandȱOccitanȱCourtlyȱLiterature:ȱMartyrsȱtoȱLoveȱ(Oxford,ȱNewȱYork,ȱetȱal.:ȱOxford
UniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ1–72.ȱ
However,ȱwhenȱweȱreadȱaȱsirventesȱofȱRaimonȱd’Avinho,15ȱinȱwhichȱheȱsaysȱthat
“Eȱ saiȱ farȱ putasȱ eȱ lairons”,ȱ (Iȱ knowȱ howȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ whoreȱ andȱ thief)ȱ orȱ aȱ vidaȱ of
Guilhemȱ Magret,16ȱ inȱ whichȱ itȱ isȱ saidȱ thatȱ heȱ wasȱ aȱ gamblerȱ andȱ aȱ tavernȬ
frequenter,ȱitȱisȱabsolutelyȱaȱquestionȱofȱtheȱsameȱtroubadourȱcultureȱevenȱthough
theyȱ areȱ notȱ immediatelyȱ connectedȱ withȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ culturalȱ trappingsȱ and
traditionsȱinȱtheȱEuropeanȱheritage.ȱInȱwhatȱwayȱandȱtoȱwhatȱextentȱthenȱwere
troubadoursȱpoètesȱmauditsȱofȱtheirȱtimeȱorȱassociatedȱwithȱtheȱlowȱlifeȱandȱbyȱwhat
criteriaȱwasȱtheirȱreputationȱdefined?ȱ
Asȱfarȱasȱweȱknow,ȱveryȱfewȱtroubadoursȱbrokeȱtheȱlawȱtoȱsuchȱaȱdegreeȱthat
theyȱwereȱtakenȱtoȱcourtȱandȱofficiallyȱpunished.ȱSomeȱofȱthemȱwereȱimprisoned
butȱsuchȱcasesȱ(e.g.,ȱBartolomeoȱZorzi,17ȱRichardȱCoeurȱdeȱLion18)ȱwereȱrelatedȱto
warfare.ȱNonetheless,ȱseveralȱofȱthemȱwereȱaccusedȱofȱhavingȱlooseȱmoralsȱasȱwell
asȱofȱbehaviorsȱthatȱwereȱconsideredȱ“deviant”ȱinȱtheirȱsociety.ȱInȱtheȱfollowing,
Iȱ willȱ examineȱ variousȱ casesȱ ofȱ transgressionsȱ andȱ crimesȱ committedȱ byȱ the
troubadoursȱ andȱ theȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ thoseȱ actionsȱ inȱ theȱ formȱ ofȱ regular
punishments,ȱ suchȱ asȱ excommunicationȱ andȱ exile,ȱ butȱ particularlyȱ the
consequencesȱtoȱtheirȱreputationȱasȱpoets.ȱTheȱvidasȱandȱrazos,ȱusuallyȱreferredȱto
togetherȱ asȱ biographiesȱ ofȱ theȱ troubadours,ȱ areȱ vitalȱ inȱ theȱ developmentȱ and
diffusionȱofȱfameȱandȱillȬfame,ȱfirstȱinȱtheirȱinitialȱoralȱorȱwrittenȱformȱandȱ50–100
yearsȱlaterȱinȱaȱstructurallyȱandȱstylisticallyȱuniformȱwrittenȱstyle.ȱStillȱtoday,ȱthe
reputationȱofȱanȱindividualȱtroubadourȱisȱcommonlyȱbasedȱonȱbiographiesȱsimply
forȱ theȱ reasonȱ thatȱ theyȱ constituteȱ theȱ mostȱ abundantȱ survivingȱ sourceȱ of
informationȱaboutȱtheȱOldȱOccitanȱpoets.ȱ
15
Raimonȱd’Avinho,ȱSirvensȱsuiȱavutzȱetȱarlotz,ȱChrestomathieȱProvençaleȱaccompagnéeȱd’uneȱgrammaire
etȱd’unȱglossaire,ȱed.ȱKarlȱBartsch.ȱ5thȱeditionȱ(1866;ȱBerlin:ȱWiegandtȱ&ȱSchotteȱ1892),ȱcol.ȱ210,ȱline
20.
16
JeanȱBoutièreȱandȱAlexanderȬHermanȱSchutz,ȱBiographiesȱdesȱtroubadours.ȱTextesȱProvençauxȱdes
XIIIeȱetȱXIVeȱsièclesȱ(Paris:ȱNizet,ȱ1964),ȱvidaȱofȱGuilhemȱMagret,ȱ493.ȱ
17
BartolomeoȱZorziȱwasȱanȱItalianȱtroubadourȱandȱaȱmerchant,ȱwhoȱtravelledȱtoȱConstantinopleȱin
1266ȱandȱwasȱtakenȱcaptiveȱinȱaȱwarȱwithȱVenice,ȱandȱwasȱaȱprisonerȱinȱGenoaȱuntilȱ1273.ȱDuring
thisȱtimeȱheȱcontinuedȱtoȱcompose,ȱseeȱtheȱvidaȱofȱBartolomeoȱZorzi,ȱBoutièreȬSchutz,ȱBiographies
desȱtroubadours,ȱ576–77ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).ȱAccordingȱtoȱHansȬErichȱKeller,ȱbothȱvidasȱforȱZorziȱseemȱto
beȱreliable,ȱHansȬErichȱKeller,ȱ“ItalianȱTroubadours,”ȱAȱHandbookȱofȱtheȱTroubadours,ȱ295–305;ȱhere
301ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
18
MedievalȱbiographersȱtellȱusȱthatȱreisȱRichartzȱ(RichardȱCoeurȱdeȱLion)ȱwroteȱaȱsirventesȱcalled
Dalfins,ȱ jeusȱ voillȱ deraisner,ȱ BoutièreȬSchutz,ȱ Biographiesȱ desȱ troubadoursȱ 1964,ȱ razoȱ Eȱ ofȱ Dalfi
d’Alvergne,ȱ294–95ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16)ȱandȱwhoseȱrelationsȱwithȱtheȱworldȱofȱtheȱtroubadoursȱareȱwellȬ
known,ȱe.g.,ȱtwoȱtroubadoursȱtreatedȱinȱthisȱarticle,ȱGaucelmȱFaiditȱandȱGuilhemȱdeȱBergueda
dedicatedȱtheirȱplanhs,ȱlamentationsȱonȱhisȱdeath,ȱtoȱhim,ȱAnthologieȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱed.ȱPierreȱBec,
GérardȱGonfroy,ȱandȱGérardȱLeȱVot.ȱBibliothèqueȱmédiévaleȱ(Paris:ȱUnionȱGénéraleȱd’Éditions
1979),ȱ227;ȱsee,ȱalsoȱBezzola’sȱdiscussionȱofȱ“Richardȱetȱlesȱtroubadours,”ȱRetoȱR.ȱBezzola,ȱLes
OriginesȱetȱlaȱformationȱdeȱlaȱlittératureȱcourtoiseȱenȱOccidentȱ(500Ȭȱ1200),ȱ3ȱvols.ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,
1944Ȭ63),ȱIII,ȱ220–27.
GuilhemȱdeȱBergueda—ȱaȱMurderer
GuilhemȱdeȱBerguedaȱwasȱaȱCatalanȱtroubadourȱandȱviscountȱofȱBerguedaȱwhose
nameȱ appearsȱ inȱ variousȱ documentsȱ betweenȱ 1138ȱ andȱ 1192.ȱ Withȱ hisȱ thirty
survivingȱpoemsȱheȱisȱamongȱtheȱmostȱprolificȱCatalanȱtroubadoursȱofȱtheȱtwelfth
century.ȱMostȱofȱhisȱsongsȱareȱsirventes,ȱmarkedȱbyȱviolenceȱandȱobscenity,ȱfrom
whichȱitȱhasȱbeenȱeasyȱtoȱdrawȱconclusionsȱaboutȱhisȱlaterȱlifeȱasȱaȱmurdererȱand
asȱaȱmurderȱvictim.19ȱInȱhisȱsirventes,ȱheȱinsultedȱRaimonȱFolc,ȱ theȱ viscountȱof
Cardona,ȱ whomȱ heȱ consideredȱ aȱ politicalȱ rival.ȱ Onȱ severalȱ occasionsȱ he
participatedȱardentlyȱinȱfeudalȱstrugglesȱinȱtheȱdistrict.ȱTheȱinfluentialȱviscountȱof
CardonaȱsoughtȱtoȱallyȱhimselfȱwithȱAlfonsoȱIIȱ(anotherȱenemyȱofȱtheȱtroubadour)
butȱinȱ1175ȱGuilhemȱdeȱBerguedaȱtreachrouslyȱassassinatedȱRaimonȱFolc.ȱHeȱwas
exiledȱfromȱCataloniaȱandȱwasȱnotȱheardȱofȱforȱseveralȱyears.ȱWhenȱhisȱtracks
reappearȱinȱsourcesȱagain,ȱitȱseemsȱthatȱtheȱtroubadourȱandȱtheȱkingȱwereȱonȱthe
roadȱ toȱ reconciliation,ȱ forȱ inȱ 1185ȱ heȱ figuredȱ amongȱ Alfonso’sȱ supportersȱ atȱ a
meetingȱwithȱRichardȱCoeurȱdeȱLionȱatȱtheȱcastleȱofȱNajacȱinȱRouergue,ȱtoȱconfirm
theirȱallianceȱagainstȱRaimonȱVIȱofȱToulouse.ȱTheȱtroubadourȱdidȱnotȱlackȱenemies
butȱ theȱ onlyȱ informationȱ weȱ haveȱ aboutȱ hisȱ deathȱ isȱ thatȱ heȱ wasȱ assassinated
aroundȱ1195ȱbyȱanȱordinaryȱfootȬȱsoldierȱ(peon).20
Inȱhisȱlife,ȱGuilhemȱdeȱBerguedaȱwasȱassociatedȱwithȱhisȱfellowȱtroubadours
PonsȱdeȱCapduelh,ȱPeireȱVidal,ȱandȱAimericȱdeȱPeguilhanȱbutȱhisȱclosestȱcolleague
wasȱundoubtedlyȱBertranȱdeȱBorn,ȱwithȱwhomȱheȱshared,ȱamongȱotherȱthings,ȱa
likingȱforȱconflict.ȱInȱtheirȱpoemsȱtheyȱcalledȱthemselvesȱbyȱsenhals,ȱcertainȱkind
ofȱpseudonyms,ȱlikeȱ“Tristan,”ȱunderliningȱmaleȱfriendshipȱbutȱtheyȱusedȱalsoȱthe
attributeȱ“fraire,”ȱbrother,ȱinȱaddressingȱtoȱeachȱother.ȱIfȱBertran’sȱpoemsȱwereȱin
praiseȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ aȱ warrior’sȱ virtuesȱ spicedȱ upȱ withȱ theȱ horrorsȱ ofȱ battle,ȱ his
fellowȱGuilhemȱwentȱmuchȱ furtherȱinȱhisȱbrutalityȱandȱenmity.ȱHisȱvirulence,
whichȱ hasȱ noȱ equalȱ inȱ theȱ troubadourȱ repertoire,ȱ appearsȱ alsoȱ inȱ theȱ levelȱ of
language,ȱforȱinstanceȱinȱtheȱuseȱofȱvocabulary.21ȱHisȱpoeticȱcrudityȱisȱaddressed
inȱ particularȱ towardsȱ hisȱ adversaries,ȱ whomȱ heȱ accusesȱ ofȱ multipleȱ murders,
rapes,ȱ andȱ sodomy.22ȱ Martínȱ deȱ Riquer,ȱ whoȱ wroteȱ anȱ exhaustiveȱ studyȱ of
19
MartínȱdeȱRiquer,ȱ“L’ancienneȱ`vida´ȱprovençaleȱduȱtroubadourȱGuilhemȱdeȱBerguedan,”ȱActes
deȱmémoiresȱduȱ1erȱCongrèsȱInternationalȱdeȱlangueȱetȱlittératureȱduȱMidiȱdeȱlaȱFrance.ȱ(Collection
Publicationsȱdeȱl’InstitutȱméditerranéenȱduȱPalaisȱduȱRoureȱȬȱAvignon,ȱFondationȱFlandreysyȬ
Espérandiau,ȱ3ȱ(Avignon:ȱPalaisȱduȱRoure,ȱ1957),ȱ56–67,ȱ64–65.ȱ
20
Anthologieȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱed.ȱPierreȱBecȱetȱal.,ȱ180ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
21
FrankȱM.ȱChambers,ȱAnȱIntroductionȱtoȱOldȱProvençalȱVersification.ȱMemoirs,ȱ167ȱ(Philadelphia:
AmericanȱPhilosophicalȱSociety,ȱ1985),ȱ164;ȱAnthologieȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱed.ȱPierreȱBecȱetȱal.,ȱ180–81
(seeȱnoteȱ18).
22
See,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ Benȱ aiȱ auzitȱ perȱ calsȱ rasos,ȱ Martínȱ deȱ Riquer,ȱ Guillemȱ deȱ Berguedà,ȱ 2ȱ vols.
ScriptoriumȱPopuleti,ȱ5ȱandȱ6ȱ(EsplugaȱdeȱFrancoli,ȱSpain:ȱAbadíaȱdeȱPoblet,ȱ1971),ȱII,ȱ123.ȱ
GuilhemȱdeȱBergueda’sȱlifeȱandȱwork,ȱhighlightsȱGuilhem’sȱtasteȱforȱobscenity
statingȱthatȱ“noȱtroubadourȱisȱsuperiorȱtoȱhimȱinȱthatȱaspect.”23ȱToȱsomeȱextent,ȱhis
uninhibitedȱ(andȱmaleȬcentered)ȱattitudeȱtowardsȱlustȱandȱsexȱresemblesȱthatȱof
WilliamȱIXȱofȱPoitiers,ȱasȱDeȱRiquerȱpointsȱout.ȱSimilarlyȱtoȱWilliamȱofȱPoitiers’s,
Guilhemȱ deȱ Bergueda’sȱ workȱ didȱ notȱ merelyȱ consistȱ ofȱ politicalȱ actualitiesȱ or
obscenitiesȱsinceȱheȱalsoȱknewȱperfectlyȱwellȱhowȱtoȱcomposeȱgracefulȱloveȱsongs
inȱaȱ“conventional”ȱway,ȱsuchȱasȱQuanȱveiȱloȱtemps.24ȱWhatȱWilliamȱofȱAquitaine
andȱGuilhemȱdeȱBerguedaȱshareȱmoreȱisȱaȱreputationȱasȱwomanizersȱtoȱsuchȱa
degreeȱ thatȱ inȱ theȱ Catalanȱ troubadour’sȱ caseȱ Boutièreȱ andȱ Schutzȱ callsȱ it
“donjuanisme.”25
Itȱwouldȱbeȱimprudentȱtoȱdrawȱsweepingȱconclusionsȱaboutȱhisȱpsychologyȱbut
sufficeȱ itȱ toȱ sayȱ thatȱ heȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ spentȱ mostȱ ofȱ lifeȱ inȱ aȱ maleȬdominated
(homo)ȱsocialȱenvironmentȱmarkedȱbyȱaȱstrongȱwarriorȱethosȱtoȱwhichȱheȱhimself
contributedȱ asȱ bestȱ heȱ could.ȱ Onȱ theȱ basisȱ ofȱ documents,ȱ suchȱ asȱ willsȱ and
testaments,ȱandȱotherȱsourcesȱrelatedȱtoȱhim,ȱheȱdidȱnotȱhaveȱaȱwifeȱorȱofficial
descendants.26
Accordingȱtoȱhisȱvida,ȱGuilhemȱdeȱBerguedaȱkilledȱRaimonȱFolcȱofȱCardonaȱand
theȱincidentȱisȱsupportedȱbyȱotherȱcontemporaryȱrecords,27ȱwhichȱisȱoneȱexample
ofȱmanyȱofȱtheȱeventsȱandȱplacesȱvidasȱreportȱwhichȱareȱauthentic.ȱTheȱvidaȱfor
Guilhemȱactuallyȱcontainsȱaȱseriesȱofȱverifiableȱincidentsȱandȱhasȱprovenȱtoȱbeȱone
ofȱtheȱmostȱfaithfulȱreconstructionsȱofȱhistoricalȱeventsȱamongȱallȱtheȱsurviving
vidas.ȱ Similarly,ȱ asȱ Elizabethȱ W.ȱ Poeȱ pointsȱ out,ȱ theȱ shortȱ synopsisȱ ofȱ the
AlbigensianȱCrusadeȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱoneȱofȱtheȱrazosȱforȱRaimonȱdeȱMiraval
isȱreliableȱinȱeveryȱdetail.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱsameȱrazoȱisȱfarȱaway
fromȱtheȱtruth,ȱsomethingȱwhichȱanȱenlightenedȱreaderȱmightȱeasilyȱobserve.ȱIn
general,ȱ theȱ mostȱ accurateȱ areaȱ ofȱ biographicalȱ informationȱ isȱ notȱ necessarily
relatedȱtoȱtheȱdeedsȱorȱvicissitudesȱofȱanȱindividualȱtroubadourȱorȱtoȱtheȱhistorical
context,ȱ butȱ toȱ theȱ geographicalȱ informationȱ aboutȱ hisȱ homeȱ districtȱ andȱ his
travels,ȱwhichȱare,ȱofȱcourse,ȱinterconnected.ȱNevertheless,ȱitȱisȱusefulȱtoȱbearȱin
mindȱthatȱtheȱvalueȱofȱvidasȱandȱrazosȱdoesȱnotȱlieȱwithȱtheirȱrealisticȱreportingȱof
theȱpastȱbutȱmoreȱinȱtheirȱownȱfunctionȱdescribingȱandȱintroducingȱaȱpoetȱandȱhis
orȱherȱworkȱinȱproseȱformȱasȱanȱessentialȱpartȱofȱthisȱlyricȬdominatedȱtradition.28ȱ
23
DeȱRiquer,ȱGuillemȱdeȱBerguedà,ȱvol.ȱI,ȱ182ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22).
24
DeȱRiquer,ȱGuillemȱdeȱBerguedà,ȱvol.ȱII,ȱ219ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22).
25
BoutièreȱandȱSchutz,ȱBiographiesȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱ529,ȱn.ȱ4ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).
26
27
28
ElizabethȱW.ȱPoe,ȱ“TheȱVidasȱandȱRazos,”ȱAȱHandbookȱofȱtheȱTroubadours,ȱ185–97;ȱhereȱ190ȱ(seeȱnote
10).
ClashesȱwithȱtheȱChurch
Alreadyȱtheȱfirstȱknownȱtroubadour,ȱWilliamȱIX,ȱDukeȱofȱAquitaine,ȱtransgressed
insomuchȱ asȱ heȱ wasȱ excommunicatedȱ byȱ theȱ Church.ȱ Thisȱ procedureȱ was
generallyȱ usedȱ forȱ actionsȱ suchȱ asȱ heresy,ȱ schism,ȱ apostasy,ȱ issuesȱ ofȱ internal
governance,ȱmurder,ȱandȱsexualȱ(mis)conduct.ȱFromȱtheȱlateȱeleventhȱcentury,ȱthe
Gregorianȱreformȱgaveȱanȱimpetusȱtoȱthisȱsanction,ȱwhichȱbecameȱanȱimportant
expedientȱforȱtheȱChurchȱagainstȱdisobedientȱlayȱpowers.29ȱ
Thereȱisȱdisputeȱaboutȱtheȱchiefȱcauseȱofȱtheȱexcommunicationȱofȱtheȱfirstȱknown
troubadourȱwhichȱbeganȱinȱ1114ȱandȱlastedȱuntilȱ1117ȱbut,ȱapparently,ȱhisȱextraȬ
maritalȱliaisonsȱ(sexualȱmisconduct)ȱcausedȱclashesȱwithȱtheȱChurchȱtogetherȱwith
theȱ ducalȱ andȱ ecclesiasticalȱ powerȱ struggleȱ forȱ layȱ andȱ clericalȱ controlȱ inȱ the
region.30ȱDueȱtoȱWilliam’sȱsocialȱposition,ȱcontemporaryȱLatinȱwritingsȱprovideȱan
ampleȱ supplyȱ ofȱ materialȱ onȱ theseȱ eventsȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ onȱ theȱ duke’sȱ lifeȱ and
personality.ȱ Theseȱ sourcesȱ includeȱ AngloȬNormanȱ chroniclers’ȱ accountsȱ ofȱ his
controversiesȱwithȱtheȱChurchȱandȱsomeȱLatinȱpoemsȱinȱpraiseȱofȱtheȱbishopȱwho
excommunicatedȱ Williamȱ andȱ whomȱ theȱ dukeȱ persecuted.ȱ Asȱ theyȱ sketchȱ a
portraitȱofȱanȱeminentȱdukeȬtroubadourȱandȱparticularlyȱdescribeȱcontemporary
attitudesȱtowardsȱhisȱdeviantȱbehavior,ȱIȱwillȱfocusȱmyȱstudyȱmainlyȱonȱWilliam
ofȱMalmesbury’sȱandȱOrdericȱVitalis’sȱchronicles.ȱBearingȱinȱmindȱthat,ȱinȱmost
cases,ȱmedievalȱchroniclersȱreportedȱeventsȱandȱprocessesȱwithȱwhichȱtheyȱhadȱno
directȱ connection,ȱ theyȱ oftenȱ provideȱ “aȱ preciousȱ storeȱ ofȱ informationȱ onȱ the
expectationsȱandȱfears,ȱemotionsȱinȱgeneralȱandȱprejudicesȱinȱparticular,ȱatȱaȱgiven
timeȱandȱinȱaȱgivenȱspace.”31
WilliamȱofȱMalmesbury,ȱwhoȱisȱtheȱprincipalȱsourceȱofȱtheseȱincidents,ȱrelates
inȱhisȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱEnglishȱKings,ȱthatȱinȱ1114ȱfirstȱtheȱpapalȱlegateȱGirard,ȱBishop
ofȱAngoulême,ȱandȱthenȱPeter,ȱBishopȱofȱPoitiers,ȱexcommunicatedȱtheȱdukeȱfor
abandoningȱhisȱlegitimateȱwifeȱandȱforȱrefusingȱtoȱendȱanȱadulterousȱliaison.32
29
AccordingȱtoȱtheȱChurch,ȱexcommunication,ȱinȱtheȱsenseȱofȱaȱformalȱproceeding,ȱisȱnotȱaȱpenalty,
butȱratherȱaȱformalȱproclamationȱofȱtemporaryȱreligiousȱandȱsocialȱexclusion.ȱTheȱFirstȱCouncil
ofȱLyons,ȱ1245,ȱstatedȱthatȱ“theȱaimȱofȱexcommunicationȱisȱhealingȱandȱnotȱdeath,ȱcorrectionȱand
notȱdestruction”ȱ(canonȱ19),ȱElisabethȱVodola,ȱExcommunicationȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(Berkeley,ȱLos
Angeles,ȱandȱLondon:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1986),ȱ7.
30
See,ȱRuthȱE.ȱHarvey,ȱ“TheȱWivesȱofȱtheȱ`FirstȱTroubadour,’ȱDukeȱWilliamȱIXȱofȱAquitaine,”ȱJournal
ofȱMedievalȱHistoryȱ19.4ȱ(1993):ȱ307–25.
31
SophiaȱMenache,ȱ“ChroniclesȱandȱHistoriography:ȱTheȱInterrelationshipȱofȱFactȱandȱFiction,”
JournalȱofȱMedievalȱHistoryȱ32.4ȱ(2006):ȱ333–45;ȱhereȱ345.ȱ
32
WilliamȱofȱMalmesbury,ȱGestaȱRegumȱAnglorum:ȱTheȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱEnglishȱKingsȱIȬII,ȱed.ȱR.ȱA.ȱB.
Mynors,ȱR.ȱM.ȱThomsonȱandȱM.ȱWinterbottom.ȱOxfordȱMedievalȱTextsȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress
1998–99),ȱvol.ȱ1,ȱv.ȱ437.2,ȱ782.ȱ
OrdericȱVitalisȱinȱturnȱtellsȱusȱthatȱWilliam’sȱwife,ȱ“countessȱofȱPoitou,”ȱherself
raisedȱtheȱissueȱduringȱtheȱproceedingsȱofȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱReimsȱtellingȱtheȱPope
andȱtheȱwholeȱcouncilȱthatȱsheȱhadȱbeenȱdesertedȱbyȱherȱhusbandȱandȱtheȱwoman
namedȱMalberge,ȱtheȱwifeȱofȱtheȱviscountȱofȱChâtellerault,ȱhadȱreplacedȱherȱinȱhis
bed.33ȱSinceȱWilliamȱofȱMalmesburyȱdoesȱnotȱnameȱtheȱduke’sȱconcubine,ȱweȱdo
notȱknowȱwhetherȱsheȱisȱtheȱsameȱ“Malberge”ȱmentionedȱbyȱOrdericȱorȱpossibly
anotherȱperson.ȱSeveralȱscholarsȱshareȱtheȱopinionȱthatȱsheȱcanȱbeȱidentifiedȱasȱthe
sameȱ lady.34ȱ Theȱ otherȱ nameȱ identifiedȱ withȱ theȱ Viscountessȱ Châtelleraultȱ is
“Dangeirosa,”ȱTheȱDifficult.35ȱAnotherȱinterpretationȱisȱthatȱWilliamȱrequestedȱan
annulmentȱ ofȱ hisȱ marriageȱ butȱ wasȱ notȱ successful.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ hisȱ second
legitimateȱson,ȱRaimon,ȱwithȱhisȱwife,ȱPhilippa,ȱwasȱbornȱca.ȱ1115ȱ(theȱexactȱdate
isȱnotȱknown)ȱwhichȱhasȱledȱtoȱtheȱconclusionȱthatȱaȱbriefȱreconciliationȱhadȱtaken
placeȱbetweenȱtheȱspousesȱafterȱtheȱfirstȱexcommunication.36ȱ
WilliamȱofȱMalmesburyȱpresentsȱtwoȱaccountsȱofȱtheȱexcommunicationȱofȱthe
troubadourȬduke.ȱIfȱweȱareȱtoȱbelieveȱtheȱchronicler,ȱWilliamȱofȱAquitaineȱreplied
withȱjestsȱtoȱtheȱprelates,ȱwhoȱexhortedȱhimȱtoȱchangeȱhisȱwayȱofȱlife.ȱInȱtheȱfirst
account,ȱ heȱ isȱ saidȱ toȱ haveȱ quippedȱ thatȱ theȱ baldȱ legateȱ Girard,ȱ bishopȱ of
Angoulême,ȱwouldȱrequireȱaȱcombȱforȱhisȱforelockȱbeforeȱheȱwouldȱrepudiateȱhis
viceȬcountess.ȱInȱtheȱsecondȱone,ȱtheȱdukeȱisȱsaidȱtoȱhaveȱthreatenedȱPeter,ȱbishop
ofȱPoitiers,ȱwithȱaȱsword,ȱswearingȱtoȱkillȱhimȱifȱheȱdidȱnotȱpronounceȱabsolution.
TheȱbishopȱcalmlyȱofferedȱupȱhisȱneckȱandȱinvitedȱWilliamȱIXȱtoȱstrikeȱbutȱthe
dukeȱputȱawayȱhisȱsword.ȱThisȱscene,ȱalongȱwithȱtheȱduke’sȱdramaticȱandȱwitty
wordsȱwhileȱsheathingȱhisȱsword:ȱȈIfȱyouȱareȱboundȱforȱheaven,ȱexpectȱnoȱhelp
fromȱ meȈȱ mightȱ beȱ aȱ literaryȱ contaminationȱ ofȱ otherȱ contemporaryȱ accounts.
Chroniclers’ȱ liking,ȱ andȱ especiallyȱ theȱ tasteȱ ofȱ theȱ monkȱ ofȱ Malmesbury,ȱ for
entertainingȱstoriesȱisȱwellȱknown.ȱStill,ȱitȱisȱmoreȱthanȱprobableȱthatȱheȱwouldȱnot
haveȱappliedȱtheseȱanecdotesȱtoȱjustȱanyone.ȱ
First,ȱtheȱuseȱofȱcolorfulȱnarrationȱregardingȱhisȱbehaviorȱmightȱbeȱtakenȱasȱa
signalȱ ofȱ hisȱ ostentatiousȱ personalityȱ orȱ second,ȱ ofȱ volatileȱ tensionsȱ between
ecclesiasticalȱ andȱ ducalȱ powerȱ inȱ theȱ region.ȱ Theȱ thirdȱ possibilityȱ isȱ thatȱ the
combinationȱofȱhisȱpersonalȱcharacteristicsȱalongȱwithȱhisȱpoliticalȱpositionȱinvited
theȱuseȱofȱcolorfulȱnarration.ȱYetȱitȱisȱdifficultȱtoȱmaintainȱthatȱallȱconspicuous
accountsȱrelatedȱtoȱWilliamȱIXȱwereȱtheȱresultȱofȱpureȱimaginationȱorȱliteraryȱtaste
33
TheȱEcclesiasticalȱHistoryȱofȱOrdericȱVitalis,ȱed.ȱMarjorieȱChibnall,ȱ6ȱvols.ȱOxfordȱMedievalȱTexts
(Oxford:ȱ Clarendonȱ Press,ȱ 1969Ȭ1980),ȱ vol.ȱ 6,ȱ 258–60;ȱ Harveyȱ scrutinizesȱ theȱ problemȱ ofȱ the
identificationȱ ofȱ theȱ assumedȱ wifeȱ ofȱ theȱ dukeȱ whomȱ Ordericȱ Vitalisȱ namesȱ “Hildegarde,”
Harvey,ȱ“TheȱWivesȱofȱtheȱ‘FirstȱTroubadour,’”ȱ309–15ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ30).
34
Harvey,ȱ“TheȱWivesȱofȱtheȱ`FirstȱTroubadour,´”ȱ316ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ30).
35
PierreȱBec,ȱLeȱcomteȱdeȱPoitiers,ȱpremierȱtroubadour:ȱÀȱl’aubeȱd’unȱverbeȱetȱd’uneȱérotiqueȱ(Montpellier:
UniversitéȱdeȱMontpellier,ȱ2004),ȱ12.
36
Harvey,ȱ“TheȱWivesȱofȱtheȱ`FirstȱTroubadour,’”ȱ321–22ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ30).
ofȱtheȱcompilers.ȱHowever,ȱitȱseemsȱthatȱhisȱextraȬmaritalȱrelationshipsȱbrought
himȱintoȱopenȱconflictȱwithȱtheȱChurch,ȱbutȱcloserȱinvestigationȱshowsȱthatȱhis
territorialȱ ambitionsȱ certainlyȱ playedȱ aȱ partȱ inȱ theȱ matter.ȱ Namely,ȱ theȱ duke’s
promptȱreconciliationȱwithȱhisȱwifeȱPhilippaȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱlinkedȱtoȱtheȱPoitevin
attemptsȱtoȱassertȱauthorityȱinȱtheȱToulousain.ȱThus,ȱtheȱbirthȱofȱtheȱsecondȱsonȱin
Toulouseȱaroundȱtheȱyearȱ1115ȱcanȱbeȱexplainedȱbyȱtheȱprojectȱofȱsecuringȱthe
Poitevinȱpresenceȱinȱtheȱsouth,ȱPhilippa’sȱcounty,ȱwhichȱfinallyȱleadȱWilliamȱto
warȱinȱ1123.37
Asȱforȱhisȱotherȱmentionedȱcharacteristics,ȱOrdericȱVitalisȱdepictsȱWilliamȱIX
primarilyȱasȱaȱcourageousȱknightȱandȱfighter.ȱIncidentally,ȱseveralȱchroniclers,
bothȱinȱEnglandȱandȱinȱFranceȱ(OrdericȱVitalis,ȱWilliamȱofȱMalmesbury,ȱEtienne
deȱBourbon),ȱmentionȱhisȱaptitudeȱforȱfooleryȱandȱentertainments,ȱwhichȱwasȱseen
asȱ perfectlyȱ appropriateȱ forȱ anȱ aristocraticȱ andȱ aȱ troubadour.ȱ Inȱ contrast,ȱ his
proclivityȱforȱaffairsȱwithȱwomenȱwasȱseenȱinȱmoreȱpejorativeȱterms,ȱatȱleastȱinȱthe
eyesȱofȱchurchmenȱsuchȱasȱGeoffroiȱdeȱVigeois,ȱGuibertȱdeȱNogent,ȱGeoffroiȱle
Gros,ȱGérardȱdeȱGalles,ȱandȱHildebertȱdeȱLavardin.38ȱParticularly,ȱhisȱpresumed
uncontrolledȱ sexuality,ȱ asȱ weȱ haveȱ seen,ȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ theȱ targetȱ of
resentment.39ȱAsȱifȱtoȱconfirmȱhisȱbehavior,ȱsomeȱofȱhisȱsurvivingȱpoemsȱtreat
(beyondȱmoreȱconventionalȱloveȱandȱpoliticalȱthemes)ȱadulterousȱadventuresȱin
aȱveryȱdaringȱway,ȱusingȱvulgarȱtermsȱwhichȱareȱvirtuallyȱpornographic,ȱinȱthe
modernȱsenseȱofȱtheȱword.
ȱ
Theȱ powerȱ ofȱ theȱ vidasȱ andȱ razos,ȱ commonlyȱ referredȱ toȱ asȱ biographiesȱ ofȱ the
troubadours,ȱwasȱcrucialȱinȱdeterminingȱaȱtroubadour’sȱreputation.ȱTheȱessential
sourceȱforȱtheȱaccountsȱgivenȱinȱvidasȱandȱrazosȱisȱtheȱtroubadourȱpoems.ȱThatȱvidas
andȱ razosȱ drawȱ widelyȱ onȱ lyricȱ textsȱ isȱ nothingȱ new.40ȱ However,ȱ theȱ vidaȱ of
William,ȱaȱshortȱandȱanonymousȱbiography41ȱofȱtheȱfirstȱknownȱtroubadour,ȱdoes
notȱrelyȱonȱpoemsȱasȱitsȱsourceȱofȱinformationȱor,ȱifȱitȱdoes,ȱtheȱcompilerȱdoesȱnot
showȱhisȱpossibleȱresentmentȱofȱtheȱdirectȱsexualȱimageryȱofȱsomeȱofȱWilliam’s
poemsȱknownȱbyȱtheȱnamesȱLoȱgatȱros42ȱ(Theȱredȱcat)ȱorȱLaȱleiȱdelȱcon43ȱ(Theȱlawȱof
37
Harvey,ȱ“TheȱWivesȱofȱtheȱ`FirstȱTroubadour,´”ȱ321–22ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ30).
38
LatinȱreferencesȱtoȱWilliamȱIXȱareȱcollectedȱinȱtheȱappendixȱofȱGeraldȱA.ȱBond’sȱedition,ȱGerald
A.ȱBond,ȱTheȱPoetryȱofȱWilliamȱVII,ȱCountȱofȱPoitiers,ȱIXȱDukeȱofȱAquitaineȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:
GarlandȱPublishingȱ1982),ȱandȱmostȱofȱthemȱareȱalsoȱcitedȱinȱBec’sȱeditionȱLeȱcomteȱdeȱPoitiersȱ(see
noteȱ35).
39
See,ȱalsoȱBec,ȱLeȱcomteȱdeȱPoitiers,ȱ18–19ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ35).
40
Poe,ȱ“TheȱVidasȱandȱRazos,”ȱ185–90ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).ȱ
41
Theȱshortnessȱofȱaȱbiographyȱdoesȱnotȱcorrelateȱwithȱimportanceȱofȱtheȱpoet,ȱPierreȱBec,ȱChant
d’amourȱdesȱfemmesȬtroubadours.ȱMoyenȱAgeȱ(Paris:ȱStock,ȱ1995),ȱ25.
42
Companho,ȱtanȱtaiȱagutzȱd’avolsȱconres,ȱBec,ȱLeȱcomteȱdeȱPoitiers,ȱ166ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ35).
43
Faraiȱunȱvers,ȱposȱmiȱsonelh,ȱBec,ȱLeȱcomteȱdeȱPoitiers,ȱ190–95ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ35).
theȱcunt).ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱtheȱbiographerȱdoesȱnotȱseemȱtoȱbeȱinterestedȱinȱhis
maritalȱaffairsȱorȱamorousȱactivitiesȱmoreȱthanȱisȱtheȱaverageȱcaseȱinȱtroubadour
vidas.ȱAllȱknownȱcircumstancesȱconsidered,ȱtheȱvidaȱmakesȱonlyȱmoderateȱ(but
apparent)ȱreferenceȱtoȱhimȱasȱaȱwomanizer:ȱ
LoȱcomsȱdeȱPeitieusȱsiȱfoȱunsȱdelsȱmajorsȱcortesȱdelȱmonȱeȱdelsȱmajorsȱtrichadors
deȱ domnasȱ eȱ bonȱ cavaliersȱ d’armasȱ eȱ larcsȱ deȱ domnejar,ȱ eȱ saupȱ benȱ trobarȱ e
cantar.ȱetȱanetȱloncȱtempsȱperȱloȱmonȱperȱenganarȱlasȱdomnas.44
[TheȱCountȱofȱPoitiersȱwasȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱcourtlyȱmenȱinȱtheȱworldȱandȱoneȱof
theȱ greatestȱ deceiversȱ ofȱ women.ȱ Heȱ wasȱ aȱ fineȱ knightȱ atȱ arms,ȱ liberalȱ inȱ his
womanizing,ȱandȱaȱfineȱcomposerȱandȱsinger.ȱHeȱtravelledȱforȱaȱlongȱtimeȱthrough
theȱworld,ȱdeceivingȱwomen.]ȱ
Theȱdispassionateȱattitudeȱofȱtheȱbiographerȱmightȱalsoȱbeȱattributedȱtoȱtheȱtime
gapȱbetweenȱeventsȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱfirstȱknownȱtroubadourȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthe
twelfthȱcenturyȱandȱtheȱwritingȱofȱtheȱvidaȱinȱtheȱfirstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury.
Theȱtimeȱscaleȱofȱoneȱhundredȱyearsȱisȱenoughȱtoȱallowȱindividualȱscandalous
episodesȱtoȱfadeȱinȱtheȱcollectiveȱmemoryȱofȱaȱcommunity.ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱcompiler
orȱcompilersȱcomeȱfromȱtheȱintermostȱcircleȱofȱtheȱtroubadoursȱsinceȱtheyȱareȱnot
clericsȱbutȱtroubadoursȱthemselves.ȱItȱhasȱbeenȱsuggestedȱwithȱgoodȱreasonȱthat
theȱ compilers,ȱ atȱ leastȱ twoȱ knownȱ troubadoursȱ mentionedȱ byȱ nameȱ inȱ the
survivingȱ repertoryȱ ofȱ vidasȱ andȱ razos,ȱ collectedȱ theȱ informationȱ alreadyȱ in
circulationȱinȱoralȱorȱwrittenȱformȱfromȱamongȱtheirȱcolleagues.ȱTheyȱdoubtlessly
addedȱsomeȱofȱtheirȱownȱmaterialȱbutȱneverthelessȱturnedȱvidasȱandȱrazosȱinto
literatureȱinȱaȱmoreȱorȱlessȱsystematicȱway.45ȱ
IfȱweȱreturnȱtoȱWilliamȱIXȱandȱhisȱremembranceȱduringȱtheȱtroubadourȱperiod
fromȱtheȱtwelfthȱtoȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱitȱisȱgoodȱtoȱbearȱinȱmind,ȱthatȱhisȱapparent
tendencyȱtoȱvariousȱkindsȱofȱexcessȱdescribedȱinȱseveralȱsourcesȱrepresentsȱnot
onlyȱhisȱpersonalȱcharacterȱbutȱalsoȱhisȱsocialȱstanding.ȱEarlyȱOccitanȱcourtsȱ(inȱthe
eleventhȱ andȱ twelfthȱ century)ȱ actuallyȱ seekȱ toȱ reinforceȱ theirȱ positionȱ and
demonstrateȱtheirȱsuperiorȱsophisticationȱthroughȱactivitiesȱwhichȱappearȱtoȱusȱas
arrogantȱ andȱ ostentatiouslyȱ prodigalȱ butȱ whoseȱ fundamentalȱ purposeȱ wasȱ to
displayȱwealthȱandȱpower,ȱandȱtheȱaristocraticȱwayȱofȱlivingȱasȱdistinctiveȱfromȱthe
otherȱsocialȱgroups.46ȱWhatȱmakesȱhisȱcaseȱambiguousȱisȱtheȱfactȱthatȱhisȱwork
includesȱsongsȱcontainingȱallȱtheȱconventionsȱofȱtheȱtroubadourȱlyricȱinȱformȱand
44
VidaȱofȱGuilhem,ȱ”LoȱcomsȱdeȱPeiteus,”ȱBoutièreȱandȱSchutz,ȱBiographiesȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱ7ȱ(see
noteȱ16).
45
Poe,ȱ“TheȱVidasȱandȱRazos,”ȱ188–89ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).
46
See,ȱLindaȱM.ȱPaterson,ȱTheȱWorldȱofȱtheȱTroubadoursȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,
1995),ȱ100–01.
contentȱas,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱdescriptionsȱ ofȱ spring,ȱtheȱbeautyȱofȱtheȱlady,ȱthe

desireȱtoȱbeȱwithȱher,ȱandȱaȱlongingȱintensifiedȱbyȱvariousȱobstaclesȱsuchȱasȱsocial
disparity,ȱphysicalȱdistance,ȱorȱguards.ȱAsȱfarȱasȱaȱ“firstȱknownȱtroubadour”ȱis
concerned,ȱitȱhasȱalsoȱbeenȱclaimedȱthatȱoneȱcauseȱforȱtheȱclergy’sȱreprehension
wasȱhisȱuseȱofȱtheȱvernacularȱlanguageȱinȱhisȱpoetryȱwhichȱmayȱhaveȱirritated
theseȱteachersȱofȱLatinȱandȱmayȱhaveȱcausedȱtensionȱbetweenȱtheȱlayȱandȱclerical
elite.47ȱ
IfȱWilliamȱofȱAquitaineȱwasȱatȱtheȱtopȱofȱtheȱsocialȱscale,ȱtroubadourȱGuilhem
Figueiraȱcomesȱfromȱtheȱlowerȱscale;ȱheȱactuallyȱbelongsȱtoȱtheȱlowerȱbourgeoisie,
aȱgroupȱwhichȱisȱwellȱrepresentedȱamongȱtheȱtroubadours.ȱHeȱwasȱtheȱsonȱofȱa
tailorȱandȱhimselfȱaȱtailorȱbyȱtradeȱinȱToulouse,ȱactiveȱinȱtheȱlateȱperiodȱofȱthe
troubadoursȱ aroundȱ theȱ 1230ȇs.ȱ Thisȱ periodȱ wasȱ markedȱ byȱ theȱ Albigensian
Crusade—ȱandȱasȱweȱshallȱsee—ȱtheȱwarȱwasȱnotȱwithoutȱimpactȱonȱtheȱfateȱand
reputationȱofȱtheȱtroubadour.ȱ
Guilhemȱpossessedȱaȱcriticalȱmindȱandȱhisȱcriticismȱwasȱmainlyȱdirectedȱagainst
theȱ papacyȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ assumedȱ immoralityȱ ofȱ theȱ clergy.ȱ Heȱ attackedȱ the
crusades,ȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱAlbigensianȱCrusadeȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱfailuresȱofȱtheȱcrusadesȱto
theȱHolyȱLand,ȱwhichȱheȱsawȱasȱmanifestationsȱofȱpapalȱimperialism.ȱTwelveȱof
hisȱ poemsȱ areȱ extantȱ butȱ hisȱ mostȱ renownedȱ work,ȱ theȱ sirventesȱ contraȱ Roma,
actuallyȱentitledȱD’unȱsirventesȱfar,ȱwasȱaȱstrongȱreprimandȱofȱtheȱpapacyȱandȱof
theȱAlbigensianȱCrusadeȱandȱalsoȱofȱtheȱfailureȱofȱtheȱfourthȱandȱtheȱfifthȱcrusades,
imperialȱ policy,ȱ andȱ theȱ moralȱ failingsȱ ofȱ theȱ clergy.ȱ Theȱ poemȱ wasȱ probably
writtenȱ betweenȱ 1227ȱ andȱ 1229ȱ whileȱ Guilhemȱ wasȱ stillȱ inȱ Toulouseȱ and
presumablyȱinȱaȱpositionȱtoȱwitnessȱfirsthandȱcircumstancesȱandȱeventsȱinȱthe
besiegedȱcity.ȱAnȱemblematicȱpassageȱstates:ȱ
RomaȱalsȱSarrazis
faitzȱvosȱpaucȱdeȱdampnatge,
Masȱgrecsȱeȱlatisȱliuratzȱaȱcarnalatge.
Insȱelȱfocȱd’abis,ȱ
Roma,ȱfaitzȱvostreȱestatge
Enȱperdicion.48
[Rome,ȱtoȱtheȱSaracens
youȱdoȱlittleȱdamage
47
GeorgeȱT.ȱBeech,ȱ“ContemporaryȱViewsȱofȱWilliam,ȱIXthȱDukeȱofȱAquitaine,ȱ1086–1126,”ȱMedieval
LivesȱandȱtheȱHistorian:ȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱProsopography,ȱed.ȱNeithardȱBulstȱandȱJeanȬPhilippe
Genêtȱ(Kalamazoo:ȱWesternȱMichiganȱUniversityȱ1986),ȱ73–87;ȱhereȱ83.
48
Katharinaȱ Städtler,ȱ “Theȱ Sirventesȱ byȱ Gormondaȱ deȱ Monpeslier,”ȱ Theȱ Voiceȱ ofȱ theȱ Trobairitz:
PerspectivesȱonȱtheȱWomenȱTroubadours,ȱed.ȱWilliamȱD.ȱPaden.ȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:
UniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1989),ȱ129–56;ȱhereȱstanzaȱVI,ȱlinesȱ43–46,ȱ132.
ButȱtoȱtheȱGreeksȱandȱLatinsȱmassacreȱandȱcarnage;
Inȱtheȱfireȱofȱhell,ȱ
Romeȱyouȱhaveȱyourȱseat
Inȱperdition.]ȱ
HeȱusesȱderogatoryȱexpressionsȱaccusingȱtheȱChurchȱandȱtheȱpopeȱofȱgreediness,
treachery,ȱ simony,ȱ andȱ killingȱ theȱ innocent.ȱ Consequently,ȱ theȱ singingȱ of
Figueira’sȱsirventesȱwasȱoutlawedȱbyȱtheȱInquisitionȱinȱToulouse.49ȱTheȱtroubadour
isȱreportedȱtoȱbeȱlivingȱasȱanȱexileȱinȱLombardyȱ(asȱmanyȱtroubadoursȱdidȱwhile
continuingȱtoȱemployȱtheȱOccitanȱlanguageȱinȱpoems)ȱwhereȱheȱeventuallyȱmade
hisȱwayȱtoȱEmperorȱFrederickȱII’sȱcourt.ȱUnderȱthisȱeminentȱprotector,ȱheȱwas
certainlyȱencouragedȱtoȱcontinueȱhisȱcriticismȱofȱtheȱpapacy.ȱInȱhisȱsirventes,ȱhe
alsoȱpromotesȱpeaceȱinȱChristendom,ȱwhichȱdidȱnotȱrestrainȱhimȱfromȱagitatingȱfor
Fredrickȱtoȱgoȱonȱaȱcrusade.ȱ
Theȱpowerȱofȱhisȱsirventesȱderivesȱfromȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱaȱbroadȱpoliticalȱconflict
heavilyȱloadedȱwithȱideologicalȱviewsȱandȱalsoȱespeciallyȱfromȱhisȱliteraryȱskill.
Forȱexample,ȱtheȱfirstȱstanzaȱintroducesȱtheȱwordȱ“Roma,”ȱwhichȱlaterȱappears
onceȱorȱtwiceȱinȱeveryȱstanzaȱofȱtheȱpoem,ȱrepeatingȱtheȱmessageȱthatȱRomeȱisȱthe
mainȱobjectȱofȱGuilhem’sȱcritiqueȱandȱtheȱcauseȱofȱallȱtheȱevilȱthingsȱheȱenumerates
inȱhisȱlongȱpoem.ȱHeȱisȱalsoȱaȱmasterȱofȱalliteration,ȱrepeatingȱkeyȱsoundsȱinȱeach
stanza.ȱ Regardlessȱ ofȱ hisȱ easilyȱ recognizableȱ poeticȱ techniqueȱ andȱ power,ȱ his
medievalȱbiographyȱportraysȱhimȱasȱaȱcertainȱkindȱofȱlooserȱpoetȱwhoȱfrequented
wretches,ȱ prostitutes,ȱ andȱ tavernȬkeepersȱ andȱ wasȱ notȱ welcomedȱ amongȱ the
nobles. 50ȱ Theȱ vidaȱ makesȱ noȱ referenceȱ toȱ theȱ famousȱ sirventesȱ butȱ expresses
negativeȱattitudesȱtowardsȱGuilhem’sȱharshȱcriticismȱofȱtheȱChurch.ȱAccordingȱto
BoutièreȱandȱSchutz,ȱtheȱbiographerȱwas,ȱifȱnotȱanȱecclesiastic,ȱatȱleastȱaȱpartisan
ofȱRomeȱwhoȱfeelsȱitȱhisȱdutyȱtoȱdenigrateȱtheȱreputationȱofȱGuilhemȱinȱtheȱeyes
ofȱposterity.51
AȱwomanȱcalledȱGormondaȱdeȱMonpeslierȱwroteȱaȱresponse,ȱGreuȱm’esȱaȱdurar,
toȱtheȱantiȬpapalȱsirventesȱofȱGuilhemȱFigueiraȱfollowingȱFigueira´sȱpoemȱinȱmeter
andȱ rhymeȱ forȱ someȱ twentyȱ stanzas.ȱ Sheȱ defendsȱ theȱ Churchȱ andȱ attacksȱ the
heretics.ȱHerȱstyleȱisȱasȱardentȱasȱGuilhem’s,ȱe.g.,ȱsheȱexpressesȱaȱdesireȱtoȱsee
Figueiraȱtorturedȱtoȱdeath.ȱThoughȱnothingȱisȱknownȱofȱGormondaȱexceptȱforȱher
nameȱrecordedȱinȱoneȱofȱtheȱmanuscriptsȱthatȱpreservesȱherȱsirventesȱandȱwhatȱcan
beȱdeducedȱfromȱherȱpoem,ȱitȱseemsȱplausibleȱthatȱsheȱwasȱassociatedȱcloselyȱwith
theȱorthodoxȱclergy,ȱprobablyȱwithȱtheȱDominicansȱofȱtheȱregionȱofȱMontpellier.
49
Elaineȱ GrahamȬLeigh,ȱ Theȱ Southernȱ Frenchȱ Nobilityȱ andȱ theȱ Albigensianȱ Crusadeȱ (Woodbridge,
Suffolk:ȱTheȱBoydellȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ36.
50
VidaȱofȱGuilhemȱFigueira,ȱBoutièreȱandȱSchutz,ȱBiographiesȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱ434ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).
51
VidaȱofȱGuilhemȱFigueira,ȱBoutièreȱandȱSchutz,ȱBiographiesȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱ435,ȱn.ȱ3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).
Nowadays,ȱsheȱisȱconsideredȱoneȱofȱtheȱOccitanȱwomenȱtroubadours,ȱtheȱtrobairitz,
evenȱifȱherȱpoemȱisȱnotȱofȱthatȱaristocraticȱloveȬpoemȱgenreȱtheyȱmainlyȱrepresent.
Actually,ȱGormonda’sȱpoemȱisȱaȱrareȱexampleȱofȱtheȱgenreȱofȱsirventesȱattributed
toȱaȱwoman.52ȱSinceȱsheȱhasȱnoȱvidaȱorȱrazoȱandȱnoȱotherȱreferencesȱsurviveȱofȱher,
itȱisȱaȱchallengingȱtaskȱtoȱmakeȱanyȱhypothesisȱaboutȱherȱreputation.ȱIsȱitȱaȱsignal
thatȱthereȱisȱnotȱaȱsingleȱmentionȱofȱherȱinȱanyȱcontemporaryȱwritings?ȱWasȱshe
suchȱaȱdissidentȱinȱlayȱtroubadourȱcirclesȱthatȱordinaryȱtroubadourȱpromotersȱfell
silentȱaboutȱherȱandȱherȱwork?ȱInȱmodernȱtimes,ȱGormondaȱlikeȱotherȱwomen
troubadours,ȱhasȱbeenȱanȱobjectȱofȱaȱkindȱofȱrehabilitationȱinȱwhichȱsheȱisȱcredited
withȱwritingȱȈtheȱfirstȱFrenchȱpoliticalȱpoemȱbyȱaȱwoman.”53
Gamblers,ȱTavernȬGoers,ȱandȱaȱFool
InȱadditionȱtoȱtheseȱconflictsȱwithȱtheȱChurchȱandȱaccusationsȱofȱlooseȱmorals,
anotherȱgroupȱofȱmoreȱorȱlessȱrenownedȱtroubadoursȱwereȱsimilarlyȱaccusedȱof
leadingȱ immoralȱ livesȱ butȱ withoutȱ anyȱ visibleȱ politicalȱ orȱ otherȱ ideological
purposes.ȱThisȱgroupȱconsistsȱofȱgamblersȱandȱtavernȬgoers.ȱGaucelmȱFaiditȱ(ca.
1170–ca.ȱ1202),ȱforȱexample,ȱinȱhisȱvida,ȱwasȱsaidȱtoȱbeȱaȱfatȱmanȱandȱaȱpoorȱsinger
whoȱonlyȱbecameȱaȱmusicianȱfromȱnecessityȱwhenȱheȱlostȱallȱhisȱpropertyȱthrough
gambling.ȱ Inȱ addition,ȱ hisȱ wife,ȱ namedȱ Guilhelmaȱ Monja,ȱ wasȱ anȱ illȬreputed
soldadeira,ȱaȱfemaleȱentertainer,ȱsometimesȱlinkedȱwithȱprostitution.ȱAccordingȱto
theȱvida,ȱGuilhelmaȱwasȱalsoȱoverweight.ȱTheyȱhadȱaȱsonȱofȱwhomȱweȱonlyȱknow
thatȱhisȱcharacterȱwasȱunsympathetic.ȱDespiteȱhisȱbadȱreputation,ȱGaucelmȱFaidit
wasȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ prolificȱ troubadoursȱ ofȱ majorȱ importanceȱ andȱ whose
protectorsȱwereȱtheȱmostȱeminentȱpeopleȱofȱtheȱtimeȱ(e.g.,ȱRichardȱIȱofȱEngland,
Bonifaceȱ ofȱ Monteferrat,ȱ andȱ Geoffreyȱ II,ȱ Dukeȱ ofȱ Brittany).ȱ Aboutȱ seventyȱ of
Gaucelm’sȱ songsȱ survive.ȱ Heȱ dedicatedȱ atȱ leastȱ thirteenȱ songsȱ toȱ Maria,
viscountessȱofȱVentadorn,ȱaȱwomanȱtroubadourȱherself,ȱaȱperfectlyȱrespectable
lady,ȱasȱareȱallȱtheȱOccitanȱwomenȱtroubadoursȱdepictedȱinȱmedievalȱsources.
InȱGaucelmȱFaidit’sȱcase,ȱtheȱbiographerȱisȱinȱallȱlikelihoodȱmakingȱaȱparodyȱofȱthe
genre.ȱTheȱnameȱofȱtheȱtroubadourȱisȱalreadyȱleadingȱtheȱreaderȱorȱtheȱlistenerȱinto
52
SeeȱAngelicaȱRieger,ȱTrobairitz:ȱderȱBeitragȱderȱFrauȱinȱderȱaltokzitanischenȱhöfischenȱLyrik.
Editionȱ desȱ Gesamtkorpus.ȱ Beihefteȱ zurȱ Zeitschriftȱ fürȱ romanischeȱ Philologie,ȱ 233ȱ (Tübingen:
Niemeyer,ȱ 1991),ȱ 44–45;ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Catherineȱ Léglu,ȱ “Didȱ Womenȱ Performȱ Satiricalȱ Poetry?
TrobairitzȱandȱSoldadeirasȱinȱMedievalȱOccitanȱPoetry,”ȱForumȱforȱModernȱLanguageȱStudiesȱ37.1
(2001):ȱ15–25.
53
InȱherȱarticleȱonȱGormonda,ȱStädtlerȱpresentsȱtheȱeditionsȱofȱbothȱGormonda’sȱandȱGuilhem’s
songs,ȱStädtler,ȱ“TheȱSirventesȱbyȱGormondaȱdeȱMonpeslier,”ȱ129ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ48).ȱ
theȱworldȱofȱdeliberateȱmockeryȱofȱtheȱusual,ȱsophisticatedȱconventionalȱimagery
ofȱvidasȱsinceȱtheȱwordȱfaiditȱmeansȱ“outlaw”ȱorȱ“worthlessȱone.”ȱTheȱbiographer
certainlyȱknowsȱthatȱGaucelmȱwasȱaȱnoblemanȱandȱenjoyedȱtheȱpatronageȱofȱmany
eminentȱpersonsȱwhoseȱtasteȱbecomesȱatȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱtheȱobjectȱofȱcriticismȱinȱthe
vida.ȱHumorousȱstatements,ȱsurprisingȱjuxtapositionsȱandȱequationsȱasȱwellȱas
variousȱ punsȱ followȱ oneȱ afterȱ another.ȱ Itȱ isȱ legitimateȱ toȱ askȱ whetherȱ the
biographerȱisȱlaughingȱatȱtroubadours,ȱatȱrulers,ȱorȱperhapsȱatȱsomeȱemptyȱliterary
conventionsȱheȱconsidersȱcorny?54ȱ
TroubadourȱGuilhemȱMagretȱwasȱalsoȱsaidȱtoȱbeȱaȱgambler.ȱAccordingȱtoȱhisȱvida
heȱ couldȱ notȱ keepȱ theȱ moneyȱ heȱ earnedȱ butȱ fritteredȱ itȱ awayȱ gamblingȱ and
frequentingȱtaverns.ȱAsȱaȱresult,ȱheȱcouldȱnotȱaffordȱtoȱbuyȱarmorȱandȱwasȱillȬ
equippedȱasȱaȱknight.ȱForȱaȱknight,ȱitȱwasȱshamefulȱandȱuncourtlyȱtoȱhaveȱtoȱbeg
orȱ borrowȱ piecesȱ ofȱ equipment.55ȱ Inȱ aȱ tensoȱ withȱ Guilhemȱ Rainolȱ d’Atȱ heȱ is
despisedȱbyȱhisȱdebateȱpartnerȱasȱaȱ“joglarȱvielh,ȱnesci,ȱbadoc”ȱ(anȱold,ȱsilly,ȱstupid
joglar).56ȱItȱisȱnoteworthyȱthatȱinȱthisȱcontext,ȱheȱisȱnotȱcalledȱtrobador,ȱbutȱjoglar,
generallyȱaȱlowerȱentertainerȱneverȱassociatedȱwithȱaristocraticȱtroubadours.ȱThis
entertainerȱisȱsaidȱtoȱbeȱinȱloveȱwithȱwine,ȱ whichȱhasȱcausedȱhisȱthinnessȱand
poverty.ȱDespiteȱthis,ȱthereȱwasȱnothingȱwrongȱwithȱhisȱsongs;ȱhisȱbiographer
notesȱthatȱheȱwasȱwellȬlikedȱandȱhonoredȱandȱhisȱsongsȱwereȱgood.57ȱ
Inȱthisȱcontext,ȱitȱisȱpossibleȱtoȱmakeȱaȱcautiousȱgenreȱidentification.ȱTheȱtenso
betweenȱGuilhemȱRainolȱd’AtȱandȱGuilhemȱMagretȱisȱanȱexchangeȱofȱcounterparts
whereȱ “rivals”ȱ presentȱ oneȱ another’sȱ vicesȱ inȱ anȱ ironicalȱ fashion.ȱ Theȱ themes,
languageȱ andȱ humoristicȱ toneȱ areȱ reminiscentȱ ofȱ someȱ coblasȱ producedȱ some
decadesȱlaterȱamongȱtheȱdispersedȱtroubadoursȱinȱtheȱcourtsȱofȱItalyȱandȱSpain
afterȱ theȱ Albigensianȱ Crusade.ȱ Colloquialism,ȱ evenȱ obscenity,ȱ togetherȱ withȱ a
genuineȱattemptȱtoȱentertainȱareȱdistinctiveȱmarksȱofȱthisȱgenre,ȱwhichȱcultivates
themesȱsuchȱasȱprostitution,ȱtaverns,ȱgamblingȱandȱaȱcaricaturizedȱdescriptionȱof
theȱadversaryȱinȱaȱpoem.58ȱ
54
Poe,ȱ“TheȱVidasȱandȱRazos,”ȱ191–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).
55
Paterson,ȱTheȱWorldȱofȱtheȱTroubadours,ȱ72ȱ(seeȱtheȱnoteȱ46).
56
GuilhemȱRainolȱd’AtȱandȱGuilhemȱMagret,ȱMaigret,ȱpujatȱm’esȱelȱcap,ȱlineȱ37,ȱBonaugurio,ȱRialto
7.vi.2003.ȱSeeȱat:ȱhttp://www.rialto.unina.it/GlRain/231.3(Bonaugurio).htmȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.
1,ȱ2010).
57
VidaȱofȱGuilhemȱMagret,ȱBoutièreȱandȱSchutz,ȱBiographiesȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱ493ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).
58
GuilhemȱRainolȱd’AtȱandȱGuilhemȱMagret,ȱMaigret,ȱpujatȱm’esȱelȱcap,ȱnoteȱofȱtheȱeditor.ȱSeeȱalso
Simonȱ Gaunt,ȱ Troubadoursȱ andȱ Irony.ȱ Cambridgeȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Literatureȱ (Cambridge:
CambridgeȱUniversityȱPressȱ1989),ȱesp.ȱ5–38;ȱȱBonaugurio,ȱRialtoȱ7.vi.2003ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ56).
Theȱ aboveȬmentionedȱ sirventes59ȱ ofȱ Raimonȱ d’Avinho,ȱ ca.1230,ȱ inȱ whichȱ he

claimsȱthatȱheȱknowsȱhowȱtoȱbeȱaȱwhoreȱandȱaȱthief,ȱdoesȱnotȱbelongȱtoȱtheȱsame
genreȱ(itȱisȱnotȱaȱtensoȱorȱanȱexchangeȱofȱcoblasȱandȱtheȱstyleȱisȱnotȱcaricaturizedȱor
obsceneȱevenȱthoughȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱeverydayȱlife)ȱasȱtheȱ“diaspora”ȱpoems,ȱwhich
containȱaȱsimilarȱhumoristicȱtoneȱandȱtheme.ȱTheȱmainȱfocusȱofȱtheȱpoemȱisȱnotȱon
tavernsȱorȱbrothelsȱbutȱonȱprofessions.ȱTheȱtroubadourȱenumeratesȱaȱlongȱand
humorousȱlistȱofȱoccupationsȱheȱclaimsȱtoȱhaveȱhad.ȱInȱthisȱlist,ȱvariousȱcraftsmen
andȱmerchantsȱrepresentȱtheȱmajority,ȱbutȱalsoȱmultifariousȱlaborers,ȱaȱpriest,ȱand
aȱphysicianȱareȱmentioned.ȱInȱmyȱopinion,ȱthisȱvarietyȱreflectsȱtheȱprofessionalism
ofȱ theȱ troubadoursȱ andȱ thoseȱ manifoldȱ skillsȱ theyȱ wereȱ expectedȱ toȱ master
includingȱtheȱoccupationȱofȱaȱthiefȱ(“stealing”ȱorȱborrowingȱcomponentsȱofȱsongs
fromȱotherȱtroubadours)ȱandȱthatȱofȱaȱprostituteȱ(entertainingȱforȱmoney).ȱThe
practiceȱ ofȱ “borrowing”ȱ fromȱ otherȱ textsȱ wasȱ inȱ generalȱ notȱ condemnedȱ in
medievalȱ literature.ȱ Onȱ theȱ contrary,ȱ borrowingȱ lentȱ prestigeȱ andȱ authority,
indicatingȱbothȱtheȱpoet’sȱrespectȱforȱandȱknowledgeȱofȱtheȱtraditionȱinȱwhichȱhe
orȱsheȱoperates.60ȱAsȱforȱtheȱroleȱofȱmoneyȱinȱtheȱtroubadour’sȱoccupation,ȱseeȱthe
footnotesȱ71ȱandȱ72.
Theȱphenomenonȱofȱdescribingȱgambling,ȱofȱfrequentingȱtavernsȱandȱprostitutes
inȱvariousȱsourcesȱandȱliteraryȱgenresȱisȱratherȱinterestingȱfromȱtheȱpointȱofȱview
ofȱ personalȱ reputation,ȱ whichȱ wasȱ essentialȱ inȱ medievalȱ society.ȱ Accordingȱ to
DanielȱLordȱSmail’sȱstudiesȱonȱmedievalȱMarseilles,ȱaȱwastefulȱlifeȱwithȱmoney
spentȱonȱdrinksȱorȱgamblingȱwasȱconsideredȱinȱtheȱlawȱcourtsȱasȱaȱmarkerȱofȱa
dishonestȱlifeȱandȱtavernsȱwereȱregardedȱasȱvileȱandȱdishonorableȱplaces.ȱCertain
witnessesȱwereȱchallengedȱonȱtheȱgroundsȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱ“menȱofȱlowȱstatus,ȱdiceȬ
players,ȱgreatȱdeniersȱofȱGod,ȱandȱfrequentȱtavernȬgoers.”61ȱEatingȱorȱdrinkingȱin
aȱtavernȱwasȱnotȱnecessarilyȱincriminatingȱbutȱdrinkingȱinȱillȬfamedȱ“hopeless”ȱ(as
itȱwasȱsaid)ȱtavernsȱwasȱaȱcommonȱattributeȱofȱdefamedȱmen.ȱNearlyȱasȱcommon
wereȱtwoȱotherȱaccusations,ȱthatȱofȱfornicatingȱ(orȱpimping)ȱandȱgambling.ȱThese
accusationsȱwereȱassociatedȱwithȱaȱman’sȱeconomicȱfailuresȱimplyingȱtheȱideaȱthat
heȱisȱmanagingȱhisȱassetsȱbadlyȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱbeenȱwastingȱthemȱallȱonȱalcohol,
prostitutesȱandȱgambling.ȱMoralȱfailureȱwasȱnotȱtheȱexcessȱofȱconsumptionȱbutȱthe
wastingȱofȱone’sȱwealthȱorȱassociatingȱwithȱlowȬlives.ȱOtherȱaccusationsȱinclude
59
Raimonȱ d’Avinho,ȱ Sirvensȱ suiȱ avutzȱ etȱ arlotz,ȱ Chrestomathieȱ Provençaleȱ accompagnéeȱ d’une
grammaireȱetȱd’unȱglossaire,ȱed.ȱKarlȱBartschȱ5thȱeditionȱ(1866;ȱBerlin:ȱWiegandtȱ&ȱSchotteȱ1892),
“Eȱsaiȱfarȱputasȱeȱlairons”ȱ(Iȱknowȱhowȱtoȱbeȱaȱwhoreȱandȱthief),ȱcol.ȱ210,ȱlineȱ20.
60
SeeȱPaulȱZumthor,ȱ“Leȱcarrefourȱdesȱrhétoriqueurs:ȱintertextualitéȱetȱrhétorique,”ȱPoétiqueȱ7.27
(1976):ȱ317–37;ȱhereȱ320.
61
DanielȱLordȱSmail,ȱTheȱConsumptionȱofȱJustice:ȱEmotions,ȱPublicity,ȱandȱLegalȱCultureȱinȱMarseille,
1264–1423.ȱConjunctionsȱofȱReligionȱ&ȱPowerȱinȱtheȱMedievalȱPastȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY:ȱCornellȱUniversity
Press,ȱ2003),ȱ124–32.ȱ
quarrelsomeness,ȱblasphemy,ȱmendacityȱandȱbegging,ȱbutȱtheseȱcharacteristicsȱare
rarelyȱassociatedȱwithȱtheȱtroubadoursȱevenȱthoughȱsomeȱofȱtheȱtroubadoursȱwere
trulyȱsharpȬtonguedȱandȱblasphemous,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱseen.62
IfȱGuilhemȱMagretȱreallyȱwasȱaȱspendthriftȱandȱaȱdrunkȱtoȱsuchȱaȱdegreeȱthatȱhe
couldȱnotȱfurnishȱhimselfȱwithȱtheȱequipmentȱofȱknightȱasȱhisȱvidaȱstates,ȱhisȱonly
hopeȱlayȱwithȱcompensatingȱforȱtheseȱdefectsȱwithȱhisȱsongsȱandȱhisȱsinging.ȱThe
compensationȱpatternȱalsoȱsuitsȱtheȱcaseȱofȱPeireȱVidalȱbecause,ȱevenȱifȱheȱwas
neitherȱ aȱ gamblerȱ norȱ aȱ tavernȬgoer,ȱ heȱ isȱ theȱ onlyȱ troubadourȱ describedȱ asȱ a
“fool.”ȱHeȱisȱcontinuouslyȱcalledȱ“fol”ȱinȱhisȱvidas,ȱinȱtheȱtextsȱofȱhisȱfellowȱpoets
andȱevenȱinȱhisȱownȱsongs.ȱOfȱcourse,ȱthereȱisȱanȱinterconnectednessȱbetweenȱall
theseȱthreeȱsourcesȱbutȱforȱsomeȱreason,ȱtheȱthemeȱofȱfoolishnessȱrunsȱparticularly
throughȱhisȱbiographyȱasȱaȱleitmotif.ȱHisȱfoolishnessȱwasȱoftenȱassociatedȱwith
(mis)adventuresȱwithȱwomen.63
Inȱtheȱcourtlyȱdictionȱofȱtroubadours,ȱfolliaȱoftenȱsignifiesȱtransgressionȱbecause
itȱreducesȱtheȱlover’sȱcapacityȱforȱreasoningȱandȱmakesȱhimȱforgotȱtheȱvirtueȱof
moderation.ȱInȱthisȱsense,ȱfolliaȱisȱoftenȱrelatedȱtoȱdaringȱbehaviour.64ȱThereȱmight
beȱ aȱ correlationȱ betweenȱ theȱ notionȱ ofȱ folliaȱ andȱ theȱ statusȱ ofȱ joglarȱ orȱ thatȱ of
cantaireȱ(singer)ȱwhoȱreallyȱdoȱnotȱrepresentȱgoodȱsenseȱbutȱwhoȱknowȱhowȱto
blendȱcommonȱsenseȱandȱfollyȱinȱtheirȱpoetryȱand,ȱespeciallyȱinȱtheirȱcase,ȱduring
theȱactȱofȱperformance.65ȱThereȱareȱsimilarȱtraitsȱinȱWilliamȱofȱAquitaine’sȱbehavior
orȱwhatȱweȱknowȱofȱit.
ReputationȱofȱtheȱTrobairitz
Whatȱaboutȱtheȱwomenȱtroubadours?ȱItȱisȱnotȱeasyȱtoȱcompareȱanȱindeterminate
butȱneverthelessȱsmallȱgroupȱofȱwomenȱtroubadours66ȱtoȱtheȱlargeȱnumberȱofȱmen,
butȱ inȱ theȱ vidasȱ ofȱ femaleȱ troubadours,ȱ thereȱ areȱ noȱ mentionȱ ofȱ lowȱ lifeȱ or
62
Vidaȱ ofȱ Guilhemȱ deȱ Bergueda,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ mentionsȱ brieflyȱ thatȱ theȱ troubadourȱ madeȱ good
sirventesȱinȱwhichȱheȱspokeȱbadȱofȱsomeȱpeopleȱandȱgoodȱofȱsomeȱothers,ȱBoutièreȱandȱSchutz,
Biographiesȱdesȱtroubadours,ȱ527ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).
63
SusannaȱNiiranen,ȱ“AȱFoolȱandȱaȱTroubadour:ȱFollyȱinȱtheȱLegendȱofȱPeireȱVidal,”ȱBehavingȱlike
Fools:ȱVoice,ȱGesture,ȱandȱLaughterȱinȱTexts,ȱManuscripts,ȱandȱEarlyȱBooksȱ1200–1600,ȱed.ȱLucyȱPerry
andȱAlexanderȱSchwartz.ȱInternationalȱMedievalȱResearch,ȱ17ȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2011),ȱ47–64.
64
GlynnisȱM.ȱCropp,ȱLeȱvocabulaireȱcourtoisȱdesȱtroubadoursȱdeȱl’époqueȱclassiqueȱ(Geneva:ȱLibrairie
Droz,ȱ1975),ȱ133–38.
65
Bec,ȱLeȱcomteȱdeȱPoitiers,ȱ55ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ35).
66
Byȱmodernȱscholars,ȱOccitanȱwomenȱtroubadoursȱareȱcommonlyȱcalledȱtrobairitzȱaccordingȱtoȱthe
termȱfirstȱusedȱinȱtheȱthirteenthȱcenturyȱtext,ȱRomanȱdeȱFlamenca.ȱTheȱwordȱtrobairitzȱisȱusedȱvery
rarelyȱinȱOldȱOccitanȱtexts,ȱasȱitȱdoesȱnotȱoccurȱinȱlyricalȱpoetry,ȱgrammaticalȱtreatises,ȱorȱinȱthe
biographiesȱofȱtheȱtrobairitzȱorȱtroubadours.ȱ
dishonestȱbehavior.ȱWomenȱtroubadoursȱwereȱneverȱaccusedȱofȱhangingȱaround
inȱtaverns,ȱgambling,ȱphysicalȱassaults,ȱorȱassociatingȱwithȱlowȬlives.ȱNorȱwere
theyȱvilifiedȱasȱincapableȱofȱmanagingȱtheirȱassets.ȱThisȱisȱofȱcourseȱdueȱtoȱtheir
highȱsocialȱstandingȱbutȱsocialȱstatusȱdoesȱnotȱentirelyȱexplainȱtheȱdecency,ȱatȱleast
asȱfarȱasȱmenȱareȱconcerned,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱseenȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱWilliamȱofȱPoitiers,
Gaucelmȱ Faidit,ȱ andȱ Guilhemȱ deȱ Bergueda,ȱ whoȱ wereȱ nobles.ȱ Forȱ aȱ poet’s
reputation,ȱ gender67ȱ appearsȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ moreȱ importantȱ factorȱ thanȱ his/herȱ social
group.ȱ Accordingȱ toȱ vidas,ȱ trobairitzȱ frequentedȱ decentȱ placesȱ likeȱ castlesȱ and
abbeysȱwithȱtheirȱpeers.ȱInȱtheirȱpoems,ȱweȱmeetȱotherȱdomnasȱlikeȱtheȱtrobairitz
themselvesȱandȱamics,ȱmaleȱfriends,ȱasȱwellȱasȱsomeȱfemaleȱfriendsȱandȱhusbands.
Negativeȱcharactersȱareȱrepresentedȱbyȱcollectiveȱfiguresȱofȱlauzengiers,ȱgelos,ȱand
envejosȱ andȱ negativeȱ emotionsȱ byȱ expressionsȱ ofȱ lackingȱ andȱ frustration.
Altogether,ȱ theȱ choiceȱ ofȱ vocabularyȱ (lacking)ȱ andȱ syntaxȱ (abundantȱ useȱ of
negations)ȱhasȱbeenȱconsideredȱsignificantȱandȱhasȱbeenȱpreciselyȱinterpretedȱas
reflectingȱwomen’sȱfeelingsȱofȱfrustration.ȱSexualȱorȱpoliticalȱimageryȱ(exceptȱfor
Gormonda’sȱ sirventes)ȱ wasȱ notȱ theirȱ fieldȱ andȱ theirȱ channelȱ ofȱ expressionȱ was
restrictedȱtoȱtheȱspheresȱofȱemotionsȱandȱmorality.68ȱ
Anȱexampleȱofȱhighȱmoralityȱassociatedȱwithȱsocialȱvaluesȱisȱmanifestedȱinȱthe
termsȱ pretzȱ (merit,ȱ esteem,ȱ reputation)ȱ andȱ onorȱ (honour,ȱ reputation),ȱ which
correspondȱwidelyȱtoȱtheȱmedievalȱconceptionȱofȱfama.69ȱNoneȱofȱtheȱtrobairitzȱ(23
inȱmyȱcorpus)ȱenjoyedȱmalaȱfamaȱuntilȱinȱtheȱseventeenthȱorȱpossiblyȱeighteenth
centuryȱwhenȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱBéziersȱmanuscriptȱwasȱcompiled.70ȱItȱseemsȱthatȱtheir
statusȱwasȱestablishedȱandȱesteemedȱduringȱtheȱtwelfthȱandȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱthe
goldenȱperiodȱofȱtheȱtroubadours,ȱandȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱdistinguishedȱfromȱother
femaleȱmusiciansȱsuchȱasȱcantairitzȱ(singers),ȱjoglaressasȱ(femaleȱjoglars,ȱplausably
musicians),ȱ orȱ soldadeiras,71ȱ performers,ȱ whoseȱ nameȱ derivesȱ fromȱ theȱ word
67
Aboutȱtheȱproblemȱofȱgenderȱandȱauthorshipȱinȱtheȱtrobairitzȱcanon,ȱseeȱBec,ȱLeȱchantȱd’amourȱdes
femmesȬtroubadours,ȱ17–29ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41);ȱRieger,ȱTrobairitz,ȱ29–47ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ52);ȱMathildaȱTomaryn
Bruckner,ȱ“TheȱTrobairitz,”ȱAȱHandbookȱofȱtheȱTroubadours,ȱ214–20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10);ȱSimonȱGaunt,
Genderȱ andȱ Genreȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Frenchȱ Literature.ȱ Cambridgeȱ Studiesȱ inȱ French,ȱ 53ȱ (Cambridge:
CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱl995),ȱ158–65;ȱNiiranen,ȱ‘Miroirȱdeȱmérite,´ȱ28–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
68
Niiranen,ȱ`Miroirȱdeȱmérite,´ȱ200–05ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).ȱ
69
Malaȱfamaȱisȱrelatedȱhereȱmoreȱwithȱsocialȱinfamyȱ(infamiaȱfacti)ȱbornȱfromȱscandalsȱandȱidleȱtalk
thanȱ withȱ legalȱ infamyȱ (infamiaȱ iuris),ȱ originatingȱ fromȱ Romanȱ law,ȱ Winfriedȱ Trusen,ȱ “Der
Inquisitionsprozeß:ȱSeineȱhistorischenȱGrundlagenȱundȱfrühenȱFormen,“ȱZeitschriftȱderȱSavignyȬ
StiftungȱfürȱRechtsgeschichte,ȱKanonistischeȱAbteilungȱ74ȱ(1988):ȱ168–230;ȱhereȱ180.
70
InȱtheȱmanuscriptȱofȱBéziers,ȱsomeȱofȱtheȱtrobairitzȱareȱdepictedȱasȱcheapȱentertainers,ȱraisingȱtheir
skirtsȱandȱshowingȱtheirȱlegs,ȱBec,ȱChantȱd’amourȱdesȱfemmesȬtroubadours,ȱ60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).
71
Singers,ȱ jongleuresses,ȱ andȱ femaleȱ entertainersȱ whoseȱ functionsȱ remainȱ obscure.ȱ Itȱ hasȱ been
suggestedȱthatȱsoldadeirasȱworkedȱinȱareasȱfromȱmusicȱtoȱprostitution,ȱcf.ȱIberianȱpanaderas,ȱserranas
andȱsoldadeiras,ȱDeniseȱK.ȱFilios,ȱPerformingȱWomenȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱSex,ȱGender,ȱandȱtheȱIberian
soldada72ȱ(money),ȱandȱwhoseȱsuspiciousȱreputationȱwasȱinheritedȱfromȱtheȱtimes
ofȱmimae,ȱscurraeȱandȱhistriones,ȱcondemnedȱbyȱChurchȱmoralists.ȱForȱexample,ȱthe
portraitȱ ofȱ theȱ wifeȱ ofȱ Gaucelmȱ Faidit,ȱ aȱ soldadeiraȱ calledȱ Guillelmaȱ Monja,ȱ is
heavilyȱparodiedȱinȱtheȱvida73ȱofȱtheȱtroubadour,ȱwhichȱleadsȱusȱtoȱsuggestȱthatȱher
positionȱ couldȱ notȱ haveȱ beenȱ veryȱ highlyȱ esteemedȱ or,ȱ alternatively,ȱ thatȱ her
professionȱ wasȱ relatedȱ toȱ burlesqueȱ andȱ openȱ toȱ humoristicȱ comments.ȱ One
distinguishingȱfeatureȱinȱcomparingȱfemaleȱtoȱmaleȱpoetsȱisȱthatȱtheȱtrobairitzȱand
otherȱhighȬbornȱdomnasȱ(andȱnotȱordinaryȱfemnas,ȱmolhers,ȱcantairitz,ȱorȱsoldadeiras)
figuringȱinȱvidasȱareȱneverȱridiculed,ȱorȱtheirȱironyȱisȱfarȱtooȱsophisticatedȱforȱus
toȱbeȱobserved.ȱ
DoubleȱroleȱofȱdomnaȱandȱPatroness
Strikingly,ȱwhileȱtheȱtroubadoursȱareȱparodiedȱandȱcriticizedȱinȱtheirȱownȱworks,
whereȱ theyȱ commentȱ onȱ theȱ worksȱ andȱ stylesȱ ofȱ eachȱ other,ȱ andȱ inȱ the
biographicalȱ texts,ȱ theȱ trobairitzȱ treatȱ themselvesȱ andȱ areȱ treatedȱ byȱ other
troubadoursȱwithȱgreatȱesteem.ȱTheirȱsocialȱpositionȱleadsȱtoȱtheȱdoubleȱroleȱof
domnaȱ(sourceȱofȱinspiration)ȱandȱpatronessȱ(sourceȱofȱmaterialȱresources),ȱ the
latterȱ ofȱ whichȱ certainlyȱ softenedȱ theȱ sharpȱ tonguesȱ ofȱ theȱ troubadoursȱ who
dependedȱonȱthem.ȱConcerningȱtheȱinformationȱfromȱbiographies,ȱitȱisȱpossible,
thatȱafterȱ50–100ȱyearsȱwhenȱtheȱ“lives”ȱwereȱcompiled,ȱtheȱauthorsȱofȱvidasȱand
razosȱ didȱ notȱ knowȱ theȱ trobairitzȱ anymoreȱ and,ȱ withoutȱ anyȱ specificȱ reasonȱ to
criticize,ȱtheyȱchoseȱtheȱpositiveȱlanguageȱregisterȱtoȱpromoteȱunknownȱbutȱdecent
poemsȱofȱtheȱtrobairitz.ȱTheȱfewȱmanuscriptsȱandȱabundantȱunicasȱinȱthemȱprove
thatȱtheȱpopularityȱandȱdiffusionȱofȱtheirȱworksȱfellȱfarȱshortȱofȱthatȱofȱtheȱmost
illustriousȱ troubadours,ȱ toȱ whomȱ dozensȱ ofȱ songsȱ areȱ attributedȱ oftenȱ with
numerousȱmanuscriptȱvariations.ȱNevertheless,ȱtheȱtrobairitzs’ȱskillȱinȱcomposing
isȱneverȱquestionedȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱthatȱofȱmanyȱtroubadours.ȱ
Inȱ Occitanȱ lawȱ courts,ȱ womenȱ wereȱ mostȱ commonlyȱ discreditedȱ forȱ their
inabilityȱtoȱgoverningȱtheirȱmouths,ȱmostȱgenerallyȱforȱquarrelsȱandȱgossiping
whileȱ“goodȱconversation”ȱwasȱessentialȱinȱtheȱarrayȱofȱfavorableȱcharacterȱtraits.74
Thisȱ appropriationȱ ofȱ “goodȱ conversation”ȱ isȱ alsoȱ foundȱ amongȱ theȱ court
Lyric.ȱTheȱNewȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2005),ȱ179–89.
72
Cf.ȱ theȱ wordȱ soldadierȱ (mercenaryȱ soldier),ȱ Emilȱ Levy,ȱ Petitȱ dictionnaireȱ ProvençalȬFrançais,
(Heidelberg:ȱCarlȱWinter,ȱ1961),ȱ349–50.
73
Asȱtoȱvidasȱasȱsources:ȱevenȱifȱtheirȱvalueȱliesȱnotȱinȱtheirȱtruthfulȱreconstructionȱofȱrealȱevents,
thoughȱoccasionallyȱtheyȱprovideȱthatȱasȱwell,ȱtheyȱcanȱessentiallyȱrevealȱhabits,ȱattitudesȱand
modesȱofȱconductȱandȱthoughtȱattachedȱtoȱtheȱtroubadours’ȱworldȱ(seeȱnotesȱ28ȱandȱ31).
74
LordȱSmail,ȱTheȱConsumptionȱofȱJustice,ȱ128ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ61).
accomplishmentsȱand,ȱforȱtheȱwomenȱtroubadours,ȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱ“gentȱparlar,”
whichȱmeansȱlenient,ȱbenevolent,ȱandȱwittyȱparlance.ȱTheȱtermȱalsoȱimpliesȱthat
one’sȱvoiceȱisȱneitherȱtooȱloudȱnorȱtooȱquietȱasȱwellȱasȱaȱmoderateȱspeakingȱspeed
andȱwasȱconsideredȱpartȱofȱcourtlyȱbehaviorȱinȱwhichȱaȱpersonȱhadȱaȱcontrolȱover
hisȱorȱherȱspeechȱandȱgesturesȱandȱhadȱagreeableȱappearance.75ȱ
Choosingȱ theȱ pretzȱ (prestige,ȱ whichȱ couldȱ alsoȱ beȱ translatedȱ asȱ `selfȬesteem´)76
moreȱ orȱ lessȱ consciously,ȱ trobairitzȱ themselvesȱ tookȱ careȱ ofȱ theirȱ reputation
betweenȱ theȱ rolesȱ ofȱ domnasȱ (marriedȱ womenȱ whoseȱ principalȱ functionȱ inȱ the
troubadourȱcultureȱwasȱinspiringȱandȱrewardingȱmenȱotherȱthanȱtheirȱhusbands)
andȱwomenȬtroubadours,ȱevadingȱtheȱbadȱlabelȱofȱmanyȱmedievalȱ(female)ȱartists
andȱperformers.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱidealȱofȱpretzȱdidȱnotȱpreventȱoneȱofȱtheȱtrobairitz,
Claraȱd’Anduza,ȱfromȱfeelingȱaȱ”greatȱdesireȱforȱcelebrity.”77ȱInȱtheȱsameȱtext,ȱshe
isȱ characterizedȱ stereotypicallyȱ asȱ skilled,ȱ agreeable,ȱ learnedȱ andȱ beautiful.
”Strategyȱofȱpretz”ȱwasȱthusȱadoptedȱbyȱtheȱbiographers,ȱtoo,ȱevenȱifȱtheȱtrobairitz
songsȱ doȱ notȱ seemȱ toȱ haveȱ enjoyedȱ greatȱ popularity.ȱ Similarly,ȱ compilersȱ of
chansonniersȱ(troubadourȱmanuscripts)ȱesteemedȱtheȱartȱofȱwomenȱtroubadoursȱto
theȱ extentȱ thatȱ theyȱ oftenȱ groupedȱ themȱ togetherȱ inȱ theirȱ ownȱ sectionsȱ of
manuscripts.ȱMoreover,ȱoneȱItalianȱmanuscriptȱcontainsȱaȱremarkableȱamountȱof
illustrations,ȱminiaturesȱofȱtheȱtrobairitz,ȱbutȱnoneȱofȱtheȱtroubadours.ȱInȱthisȱway,
originalȱmanuscriptȱbuyers,ȱcopyists,ȱandȱscribesȱparticipatedȱinȱcontributing—
consciouslyȱorȱnot—toȱtheȱreputationȱofȱtheȱtrobairitz.ȱTheȱsameȱremarkȱisȱnaturally
validȱinȱtheȱtermsȱofȱtheȱtroubadours.
SomeȱFinalȱRemarksȱ
Itȱseemsȱthatȱamongȱtheȱtroubadours,ȱanyȱreputationȱwasȱbetterȱthanȱnoȱreputation
atȱallȱwhileȱforȱtheȱtrobairitzȱitȱwasȱaȱmoreȱdelicateȱquestion.ȱThisȱstudyȱconfirms
whatȱweȱknowȱaboutȱtheȱgenderedȱidealsȱandȱpracticesȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱMen
hadȱ greaterȱ leewayȱ thanȱ women,ȱ oneȱ indicationȱ ofȱ whichȱ isȱ theȱ physicalȱ and
materialȱspaceȱtroubadoursȱoccupiedȱonȱtheirȱjourneysȱandȱatȱtaverns.ȱTheyȱalso
75
Niiranen,ȱ‘Miroirȱdeȱmérite,´ȱ174–75ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
76
See,ȱe.g.,ȱtheȱsongȱofȱComtessaȱdeȱDia,ȱwhereȱsheȱlistsȱallȱofȱherȱgoodȱqualitiesȱ(alsoȱpretz)ȱalthough
herȱfriendȱhasȱleftȱher:ȱ“Valerȱmiȱdeuȱmosȱpretzȱeȱmosȱparatgesȱ/ȱeȱmaȱbeutatzȱeȱplusȱmosȱfis
coratgesȱ/ȱperȱqu’ieuȱvosȱmandȱlaiȱontȱesȱvostrȱestatgesȱ/ȱestaȱchansonȱqueȱmeȱsiaȱmessatges”ȱ(My
reputationȱandȱlineageȱshouldȱbeȱofȱhelpȱtoȱme,ȱandȱmyȱbeautyȱand,ȱstillȱmore,ȱmyȱtrueȱheart;ȱfor
thatȱIȱsendȱtoȱyouȱoutȱinȱyourȱestateȱthisȱsong,ȱwhichȱwillȱbeȱmyȱmessenger),ȱComtessaȱdeȱDia,ȱA
chantarȱm’er,ȱlinesȱ29–32,ȱBec,ȱLeȱchantȱd’amourȱdesȱfemmesȬtroubadours,ȱ102ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).ȱ
77
Etȱ acȱ granȱ volontatȱ deȱ pretz,ȱ Razoȱ ofȱ Ucȱ deȱ SaintȬCirc,ȱ Boutièreȱ andȱ Schutz,ȱ Biographiesȱ des
troubadours,ȱ244:3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).
hadȱaȱmonopolyȱonȱvariousȱkindȱofȱexcessȱinȱtheirȱbehaviorȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱpresence
ofȱhumorȱinȱtheirȱverses.78ȱInȱaddition,ȱwhatȱunifiesȱtheseȱmaleȱpoetsȱisȱtheirȱantiȬ
clericalism,ȱwhichȱreflectsȱtheȱtensionȱbetweenȱtheȱlayȱandȱecclesiasticalȱpolitical
andȱeconomicalȱcontrolȱinȱtheȱOccitanȱregionȱfromȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱeleventhȱuntilȱthe
midȬthirteenthȱcentury.ȱSomeȱofȱthemȱsubstantiatedȱtheȱspectrumȱofȱmaleȱfantasies
aboutȱwomenȱwhereasȱtrobairitzȱdaringlyȱexpressedȱloveȱandȱlongingȱbutȱmoreȱin
sensualȱ thanȱ inȱ sexualȱ terms.ȱ Womenȱ troubadoursȱ shareȱ moreȱ common
characteristicsȱasȱaȱgroup:ȱtheyȱareȱallȱaristocratsȱandȱtreatedȱalwaysȱwithȱdecency
andȱesteemȱinȱdifferentȱsources,ȱAlreadyȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱtheyȱwereȱtreatedȱas
aȱ collectiveȱ and,ȱ consequently,ȱ theirȱ poemsȱ andȱ biographiesȱ wereȱ collected
togetherȱinȱmanuscripts.ȱ
ExaminationȱofȱtheȱconstructionȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱOccitanȱpoet’sȱreputationȱreveals
thatȱitȱisȱnotȱquestionȱofȱaȱsubgroup,ȱgenre,ȱnorȱofȱhisȱsocioȬeconomicȱsituation.ȱIt
isȱasȱmultifacetedȱasȱisȱtheȱbodyȱofȱOccitanȱ(Limousin,ȱCatalan,ȱToulousain,ȱetc.)
troubadoursȱfromȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱeleventhȱcenturyȱuntilȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱAlbigensian
warsȱ inȱ theȱ firstȱ decadesȱ ofȱ theȱ thirteenthȱ centuryȱ andȱ evenȱ beyond.ȱ The
troubadoursȱcameȱfromȱdiverseȱsocialȱgroups,ȱfromȱprincesȱtoȱnoblesȱandȱknights,
fromȱ merchantsȱ andȱ craftsmenȱ toȱ lowerȱ classes,ȱ andȱ adoptedȱ andȱ developed
distinctiveȱstylesȱofȱpoetry.ȱConsideringȱthisȱheterogeneity,ȱtheȱtroubadoursȱcannot
beȱviewedȱasȱaȱmonolith.ȱInȱtheirȱreputationȱandȱinȱtheirȱlaterȱremembrance,ȱthere
areȱ someȱ similaritiesȱ toȱ laterȱ poètesȱ mauditsȱ startingȱ fromȱ theȱ abundant
consumptionȱofȱalcoholȱandȱamorousȱmisadventuresȱrejectingȱorȱaccentuatingȱthe
roleȱ ofȱ sexuality,ȱ andȱ extendingȱ toȱ medievalȱ symbolismȱ (useȱ ofȱ allusions,
metaphors,ȱsenhals,ȱetc.),ȱandȱtoȱpersonalȱtragediesȱincludingȱprematureȱdeath.ȱ
TheirȱmostȱdistinctiveȱfeatureȱcomparedȱwithȱnineteenthȬcenturyȱpoetsȱisȱthat
theȱtroubadoursȱwereȱnotȱinsecureȱaboutȱtheirȱpoeticȱskills;ȱonȱtheȱcontrary,ȱthey
wereȱextremelyȱconsciousȱofȱtheirȱpoeticȱtalentȱwhichȱtheyȱpromoteȱalsoȱinȱtheir
colleagues,ȱ praisingȱ theirȱ fellowsȱ andȱ theirȱ sophisticatedȱ technique,ȱ and
encouragingȱpoeticȱjoustsȱbetweenȱtwoȱorȱmoreȱcounterparts,ȱforȱinstance.ȱThe
compilersȱofȱvidasȱandȱrazosȱorganicallyȱparticipatedȱinȱthisȱpoeticȱpromotionȱand
theirȱpowerȱisȱundeniableȱinȱtheȱprocessȱofȱdevelopingȱaȱreputation.ȱAȱreputation
wasȱdefinedȱnotȱmerelyȱbyȱbiographies,ȱbutȱbyȱtheȱtroubadoursȱthemselves,ȱtheir
patrons,ȱaudience,ȱcopyists,ȱnotȱforgettingȱtheȱliteraryȱtasteȱofȱtheȱtime.ȱEvenȱif
medievalȱtroubadoursȱandȱtheirȱreputationȱdoȱnotȱentirelyȱfitȱtheȱcategoryȱofȱpoètes
maudits,ȱ excludingȱ someȱ individualȱ poeticȱ talesȱ becauseȱ theyȱ wereȱ notȱ tragic,
78
Theȱexceptionȱmayȱproveȱtheȱrule,ȱseeȱtheȱtenso,ȱNaȱCarenzaȱabȱbelȱcorsȱavinen,ȱbetweenȱAlaisina
IseldaȱandȱCarenzaȱwhichȱcanȱbeȱinterpretedȱasȱanȱironicȱparodyȱaboutȱtraditionalȱloveȱdiscourse.
Inȱtheȱtenso,ȱtwoȱwomenȱareȱdiscussingȱwhetherȱitȱisȱworthwhileȱtoȱacquireȱaȱhusbandȱorȱaȱchild,
Bec,ȱLeȱchantȱd’amourȱdesȱfemmesȬtroubadours,ȱ131–35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).
mysticȱ orȱ selfȬdestructiveȱ enough,ȱ theirȱ transgressionsȱ andȱ fooleryȱ were

consideredȱaȱpartȱofȱtheirȱprofessionȱasȱentertainers,ȱandȱinȱsomeȱsense,ȱasȱteachers
ofȱmoralsȱandȱmorality,ȱasȱtheyȱoftenȱcallȱthemselves.ȱTheȱreversibleȱrolesȱofȱthe
“courtlyȱ lovers”ȱ amused,ȱ educatedȱ andȱ seemedȱ toȱ appealȱ toȱ someȱ eternal
sympathyȱforȱtheȱsuccessfulȱrascalȱlatentȱinȱhumanȱnature.ȱ
Oneȱaimȱofȱthisȱarticleȱhasȱbeenȱtoȱshowȱtoȱwhatȱextentȱrascalȱcharactersȱhaveȱbeen
usedȱ inȱ formingȱ aȱ poet’sȱ reputation,ȱ andȱ byȱ whatȱ kindsȱ ofȱ contemporary
projectionsȱthatȱuseȱwasȱjustified.ȱParticularȱattentionȱhasȱbeenȱdevotedȱtoȱtheȱfirst
legendaryȱusesȱinȱmedievalȱbiographies.ȱIfȱitȱisȱevidentȱthatȱlegendsȱaffectȱour
reading,ȱthenȱoneȱcanȱaskȱwhetherȱaȱreaderȱcanȱapproachȱtheȱtextsȱofȱWilliamȱXI
orȱGuilhemȱdeȱBerguedaȱ(orȱVillonȱorȱRimbaud)ȱwithoutȱknowingȱtheirȱ“lives”ȱor
“characters,”ȱorȱwhetherȱitȱwouldȱbeȱbetterȱtoȱopenȱtheȱanthologiesȱwithoutȱany
knowledgeȱofȱtheȱcontext.ȱ
Moreover,ȱtheȱtimeȱscaleȱposesȱmoreȱchallengesȱtoȱmodernȱinterpreters.ȱBeyond
Villonȱandȱknownȱtroubadoursȱthereȱisȱanȱabundanceȱofȱanonymousȱworksȱfrom
theȱMiddleȱAges.ȱTheȱtendencyȱtoȱattributeȱthemȱtoȱwellȬknownȱpoetsȱ(asȱinȱthe
caseȱofȱsomeȱsupposedȱwomenȱtroubadours)ȱprovesȱthatȱtheȱ“characters”ȱoften
formedȱ byȱ “lives”ȱ areȱ moreȱ easilyȱ adoptedȱ thanȱ authorsȱ andȱ textsȱ by
contemporaryȱasȱwellȱasȱsubsequentȱaudiences.79ȱ
79
Koopmans,ȱ“FrançoisȱVillon:ȱCharacterȱWithinȱorȱWithoutȱhisȱOwnȱPoetry?,”ȱ77–78ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).
Chapterȱ3
ChristopherȱR.ȱClason
(OaklandȱUniversity,ȱRochester,ȱMI)
TheȱLaw—LetterȱandȱSpirit:ȱLanguage,ȱTransgression
andȱJusticeȱinȱThreeȱMedievalȱGermanȱEpicȱPoems
“Whoȱalsoȱhathȱmadeȱusȱableȱministers
ofȱtheȱNewȱTestament;ȱnotȱofȱtheȱletter,
butȱofȱtheȱspirit:ȱforȱtheȱletterȱkilleth,ȱbut
theȱspiritȱgivethȱlife.”ȱ
(2ȱCorinthiansȱ3:6)
OftenȱinȱGermanȱmedievalȱepicsȱtheȱheroȱmustȱeitherȱovercomeȱanȱimbalanceȱin
theȱconfigurationȱofȱpersonalȱvirtuesȱorȱ(s)heȱmustȱatoneȱforȱsomeȱoffenseȱagainst
heavenlyȱ orȱ secularȱ law.ȱ Commonlyȱ theseȱ imbalancesȱ orȱ offensesȱ are,ȱ atȱ first,
unknownȱorȱunwittinglyȱcommitted,ȱandȱtheȱinitialȱchallengeȱtoȱtheȱheroȱisȱto
discoverȱtheȱnatureȱofȱtheȱoffensesȱbeforeȱsheȱorȱheȱcanȱgainȱknowledgeȱofȱhumane
andȱspiritualȱvalues,ȱandȱfinallyȱsetȱoutȱonȱtheȱpathȱthatȱreturnsȱherȱorȱhimȱtoȱthe
goodȱgracesȱofȱtheȱsocialȱordo.ȱTheȱultimateȱarbiterȱofȱwhatȱconstitutesȱoffense,
whatȱoneȱmightȱtermȱtheȱ“spiritȱofȱtheȱlaw,”ȱisȱtypicallyȱelusive,ȱconcealedȱwithin,
behindȱorȱseparateȱfromȱverbalȱdirectivesȱthatȱIȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱgroupȱtogetherȱasȱthe
“letterȱofȱtheȱlaw”:ȱformulations,ȱexpressedȱverballyȱorȱinȱwriting,ȱofȱsecularȱand
ecclesiasticalȱcustoms,ȱstatutes,ȱcommandmentsȱandȱotherȱregulations.ȱ
WhileȱtheȱletterȬofȬtheȬlawȱisȱimportantȱforȱtheȱcodificationȱofȱwhatȱisȱrequired
ofȱ everyoneȱ inȱ theȱ courtlyȱ socialȱ network,ȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ theȱ spiritȬofȬtheȬlaw
elevatesȱtheȱheroȱtoȱaȱhigherȱlevelȱofȱexistence.ȱTheȱletterȱisȱconsistentȱwithȱan
immature,ȱunderdevelopedȱstateȱofȱconsciousnessȱthatȱisȱboundȱtoȱtheȱliteralȱword,
whileȱtheȱspiritȱcorrespondsȱtoȱmature,ȱsophisticatedȱunderstandingȱofȱwhatȱlies
behindȱ theȱ writtenȱ word.ȱ Theȱ letterȱ mayȱ beȱ associatedȱ withȱ whatȱ isȱ explicit,
simple,ȱ generallyȱ applicableȱ and,ȱ inȱ aȱ legalȱ sense,ȱ superficial,ȱ whileȱ theȱ spirit
66 ChristopherȱR.ȱClason
reflectsȱ thatȱ whichȱ isȱ obscure,ȱ complex,ȱ individualȱ andȱ profound.ȱ Theȱ former
toleratesȱnoȱinterpretation,ȱwhileȱtheȱlatterȱdemandsȱit.ȱFinally,ȱtheȱletterȱofȱtheȱlaw
holdsȱaȱsocietyȱtogether,ȱwhileȱtheȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlawȱelevatesȱtheȱindividualȱtoȱthe
highestȱlevelsȱofȱheroism,ȱaltruismȱandȱselfȬfulfillment.1ȱ
Thus,ȱtheȱquestionȱofȱletterȱvs.ȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlawȱisȱpartlyȱaȱmatterȱofȱsemanticsȱ(in
thisȱ case,ȱ howȱ anȱ expressionȱ transmitsȱ multipleȱ meanings)ȱ andȱ partlyȱ of
psychologyȱ andȱ epistemologyȱ (howȱ oneȱ developsȱ theȱ abilityȱ toȱ perceiveȱ and
understandȱtheȱmultipleȱlayersȱofȱmeaningȱlanguageȱcanȱcontain).ȱObviously,ȱa
thoroughȱtreatmentȱofȱtheseȱmattersȱisȱanȱimmenseȱundertaking,ȱfarȱbeyondȱthe
scopeȱofȱthisȱessay.ȱHowever,ȱthereȱmayȱbeȱsomeȱbenefitsȱtoȱaȱjudiciouslyȱbriefȱand
selectiveȱdiscussionȱofȱsomeȱaspectsȱofȱthisȱquestion,ȱwhichȱseemsȱtoȱariseȱinȱa
surprisingȱnumberȱandȱvarietyȱofȱworks.
Theȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱknowledge,ȱjusticeȱandȱlanguageȱcomesȱstrikinglyȱinto
theȱforegroundȱinȱthreeȱGermanȱepicȱpoemsȱofȱtheȱHighȱMiddleȱAges:ȱHartmann
vonȱAue’sȱDerȱarmeȱHeinrich,ȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbach’sȱParzival,ȱandȱGottfried
vonȱStraßburg’sȱTristanȱundȱIsolde.ȱInȱallȱthree,ȱepistemologyȱandȱlanguageȱplay
significantȱrolesȱinȱdeterminingȱculpabilityȱandȱpenalty,ȱwhileȱworldlyȱexperiences
andȱstrugglesȱprovideȱbackdropsȱandȱtestingȱgroundsȱforȱpersonalȱdevelopment
andȱsuccessȱ(orȱfailure),ȱwithȱprofoundȱimplicationsȱforȱtheȱcharacters’ȱspiritual
growthȱandȱwelfare.ȱTheȱletterȱofȱtheȱlawȱprovidesȱsocialȱcohesion.ȱHowever,ȱthe
charactersȱinȱeachȱofȱtheȱliteraryȱworksȱunderȱdiscussionȱmustȱmoveȱbeyondȱthe
mereȱletterȱtoȱanȱunderstandingȱofȱtheȱlaw’sȱspirit—andȱasȱaȱresult,ȱtheyȱoftenȱact
inȱtheirȱownȱselfȬinterestȱandȱcontraryȱtoȱtheȱobvious,ȱnormativeȱ“letter.”ȱHence,
theȱ literaryȱ worksȱ presentȱ manyȱ idealsȱ thatȱ runȱ inȱ oppositionȱ toȱ theȱ social
structure,ȱ andȱ perhapsȱ threatenȱ theȱ socialȱ statusȱ quoȱ withȱ erosionȱ andȱ even
disintegration.2
1
Thus,ȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱ“letter”ȱandȱ“spirit”ȱasȱIȱdefineȱitȱincorporatesȱtheȱessentialȱaspects
ofȱtheȱtraditionalȱsemantic/semioticȱproblemȱofȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱsignifierȱandȱsignified;
inȱ thisȱ regard,ȱ severalȱ seminalȱ biblicalȱ texts,ȱ undoubtedlyȱ wellȬknownȱ byȱ medievalȱ authors,
presentȱthisȱissueȱinȱaȱsimilarȱlight,ȱsuchȱas,ȱ“Woeȱuntoȱyou,ȱscribesȱandȱPharisees,ȱhypocrites!ȱfor
yeȱpayȱtitheȱofȱmintȱandȱaniseȱandȱcummin,ȱandȱhaveȱomittedȱtheȱweightierȱ[matters]ȱofȱtheȱlaw,
judgment,ȱmercy,ȱandȱfaith:ȱtheseȱoughtȱyeȱtoȱhaveȱdone,ȱandȱnotȱtoȱleaveȱtheȱotherȱundone”ȱ(King
JamesȱBibleȱ[1769],ȱMatt.ȱ23:23).ȱ
2
See,ȱforȱexample,ȱAlbrechtȱClassen’sȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolume,ȱ“CriminalȱMinds,ȱLackȱofȱJustice,
Perpetration,ȱ andȱ Transgression:ȱ theȱ Casesȱ ofȱ Heinrichȱ derȱ Glichezare’sȱ Reinhardȱ Fuchsȱ and
WernherȱtheȱGardener’sȱHelmbrecht.”
TheȱLaw—LetterȱandȱSpirit 67
Theȱ firstȱ ofȱ theȱ threeȱ works,ȱ Hartmann’sȱ Derȱ armeȱ Heinrichȱ (Poorȱ Henry),3
introducesȱtheȱaudienceȱtoȱaȱsocialȱenvironmentȱinȱwhichȱitȱseemsȱatȱfirstȱthatȱmen
andȱwomenȱareȱleadingȱethicalȱcourtlyȱlives,ȱfulfillingȱtheȱ“letterȱofȱtheȱlaw”ȱand
preservingȱ theȱ courtlyȱ ordo.ȱ Theȱ openingȱ linesȱ ofȱ theȱ poemȱ describeȱ theȱ poet
himself,ȱ andȱ offerȱ aȱ listȱ ofȱ hisȱ skillsȱ andȱ intellectualȱ capabilitiesȱ heȱ claimsȱ to
possess,ȱsubstantialȱindeedȱforȱaȱmemberȱofȱtheȱknightlyȱclass.ȱInȱtheȱfirstȱthree,ȱfor
example,ȱheȱestablishesȱhisȱcredentialsȱasȱaȱcapableȱnarratorȱforȱthisȱstory:ȱ“Ein
ritterȱsoȱgeleretȱwas,ȱ/ȱdazȱerȱanȱdenȱbuochenȱlas,ȱ/ȱswazȱerȱdarȱanȱgeschribenȱvant”
(1–3;ȱ“Thereȱwasȱonceȱaȱknightȱsoȱwellȱeducatedȱthatȱheȱwasȱableȱtoȱreadȱwhatever
heȱ foundȱ writtenȱ inȱ books”).4ȱ Sinceȱ heȱ isȱ ableȱ toȱ read,ȱ heȱ surelyȱ possessesȱ the
abilityȱtoȱacquireȱallȱtheȱinformationȱheȱneedsȱtoȱperformȱhisȱofficeȱinȱanȱexemplary
manner,ȱ andȱ thusȱ Hartmannȱ firmlyȱ establishesȱ hisȱ claimȱ toȱ authority.ȱ Butȱ his
personalȱliteraryȱabilitiesȱpaleȱinȱcomparisonȱtoȱtheȱrealȬlife,ȱknightlyȱattributesȱof
theȱmanȱheȱisȱaboutȱtoȱdescribe.ȱHartmannȱimmediatelyȱcommencesȱhisȱhymnȱof
praiseȱtoȱtheȱvirtuesȱandȱabilitiesȱpossessedȱbyȱHeinrich,ȱaȱfictitiousȱSwabianȱlord,
whoȱ isȱ theȱ subjectȱ ofȱ theȱ tale.ȱ Itȱ wouldȱ appearȱ that,ȱ inȱ regardȱ toȱ theȱ social
embellishmentsȱhighlyȱrespectedȱbyȱmedievalȱcourtlyȱsociety,ȱHeinrichȱhasȱbeen
bornȱwithȱaȱsilverȱspoonȱinȱhisȱmouth,ȱandȱtheȱnarratorȱfindsȱthat,ȱ
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱanȱdemȱenwasȱvergezzenȱ
deheinerȱderȱtugentȱ
dieȱeinȱritterȱinȱsinerȱjugentȱ
zeȱvollemȱlobeȱhabenȱsolȱ.ȱ.ȱ.
sinȱgeburtȱunwandelbaereȱ
undȱwolȱdenȱvürstenȱgelich,ȱ
dochȱwasȱerȱunnachȱalsoȱrichȱ
3
TheȱcriticalȱliteratureȱonȱHartmann’sȱDerȱarmeȱHeinrichȱisȱconsiderable;ȱtheȱolderȱbibliographies
byȱWapnewskiȱ(PeterȱWapnewski,ȱHartmannȱvonȱAueȱ[Stuttgart:ȱMetzler,ȱ1962;ȱ7thȱed.ȱ1979])ȱand
Niehbuhrȱ(ElfriedeȱNiebuhr,ȱBibliographieȱzuȱHartmannȱvonȱAue.ȱBibliographienȱzurȱdeutschen
Literaturȱ desȱ Mittelalters,ȱ 6ȱ [Berlin:ȱ E.ȱ Schmidt,ȱ 1977])ȱ canȱ beȱ supplementedȱ byȱ worksȱ from
ChristophȱCormeauȱandȱWilhelmȱStörmer,ȱHartmannȱvonȱAue:ȱEpoche,ȱWerk,ȱWirkung.ȱBeck’sche
Elementarbücherȱ(Munich:ȱBeck,ȱ1985),ȱandȱFrancisȱG.ȱGentry,ȱed.ȱȱAȱCompanionȱtoȱtheȱWorksȱof
HartmannȱvonȱAue.ȱStudiesȱinȱGermanȱLiterature,ȱLinguisticsȱandȱCultureȱ(Rochester,ȱNY:ȱCamden
House,ȱ 2005),ȱ andȱ includesȱ severalȱ worksȱ thatȱ dealȱ withȱ epistemologyȱ andȱ punishment;ȱ for
example,ȱSusanȱL.ȱClarkȱ(HartmannȱvonȱAue:ȱLandscapesȱofȱMindȱ[Houston:ȱRiceȱUniversityȱPress,
1989])ȱexaminesȱtheȱtextȱasȱaȱprocessȱofȱlearningȱ(theȱlessonȱisȱthoroughlyȱreligious),ȱnotȱonlyȱfor
Heinrichȱ andȱ hisȱ childȱ bride,ȱ butȱ alsoȱ forȱ theȱ reader;ȱ andȱ Melittaȱ Weissȱ Adamson’sȱ analysis
(“IllnessȱandȱCureȱinȱHartmannȱvonȱAue’sȱDerȱarmeȱHeinrichȱandȱIwein,”ȱinȱGentry,ȱed.,ȱ125–40).ȱ
4
MiddleȱHighȱGermanȱtextȱtakenȱfromȱHartmannȱvonȱAue,ȱDerȱarmeȱHeinrich:ȱMittelhochdeutschȱ/
Neuhochdeutsch.ȱEd.ȱUrsulaȱRautenberg,ȱtrans.ȱSiegfriedȱGrosseȱ(Stuttgart:ȱReclam,ȱ2003);ȱEnglish
translationȱtextȱtakenȱfromȱHartmannȱvonȱAue,ȱArthurianȱRomances,ȱTalesȱandȱLyricȱPoetry:ȱthe
CompleteȱWorksȱofȱHartmannȱvonȱAue.ȱTranslatedȱandȱcommentaryȱbyȱFrankȱTobin,ȱKimȱVivianȱand
RichardȱH.ȱLawsonȱ(UniversityȱPark:ȱPennsylvaniaȱStateȱUniversity,ȱ2001),ȱ217–34;ȱlineȱreferences
toȱtheȱoriginalȱareȱgivenȱinȱparentheses,ȱfollowedȱbyȱtranslationȱtextȱwithȱpageȱreferences.
derȱgeburtȱundȱdesȱguotesȱ
soȱderȱêrenȱundȱdesȱmuotes.5ȱ
[inȱ[him]ȱnoȱqualityȱhadȱbeenȱforgottenȱthatȱaȱknightȱinȱhisȱprimeȱshouldȱhaveȱtoȱwin
fullȱesteemȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱheȱwasȱstillȱnotȱnearlyȱsoȱendowedȱinȱbirthȱandȱpossessionsȱasȱheȱwas
inȱreputationȱ[êre]ȱandȱnobleȱattitude.6]ȱ
ȱ
HartmannȱgoesȱonȱtoȱdescribeȱHeinrich’sȱletterȬperfectȱstæteȱ(62),ȱtriuweȱ(62),ȱzuht
(63),ȱerbermdeȱ(65),ȱmilteȱ(66),ȱêreȱ(69),ȱand,ȱinȱsummary,ȱlabelsȱhimȱ“courtlyȱand
wise”ȱ(höveschȱundeȱwîs,ȱ74).7ȱHowever,ȱwhatȱisȱexpressedȱhereȱasȱwisdomȱ(wîs),ȱin
combinationȱ withȱ (andȱ following)ȱ theȱ adjectiveȱ thatȱ linksȱ himȱ toȱ theȱ court
(hövesch),ȱappliesȱtoȱworldlyȱandȱsocialȱmatters,ȱtheȱkindsȱofȱthingsȱoneȱlearnsȱfrom
theȱwordsȱofȱmasters.ȱHisȱmettleȱhasȱneverȱbeenȱtested,ȱsinceȱheȱhasȱneverȱknown
want,ȱ norȱ apparentlyȱ hasȱ heȱ everȱ encounteredȱ aȱ significantȱ setback.ȱ Thus,
Hartmann’sȱpronouncementȱofȱtheseȱvirtuesȱechoesȱaȱbitȱhollowly,ȱforȱifȱtheȱtotal
ofȱhisȱhero’sȱqualitiesȱisȱmerelyȱtheȱsumȱofȱallȱhisȱabundant,ȱbutȱsociallyȱtypical,
“refinements,”ȱweȱhaveȱaȱgoodȱbureaucrat,ȱbutȱweȱdon’tȱhaveȱwhatȱamountsȱtoȱa
hero,ȱorȱatȱleastȱnotȱyet.ȱ
Heinrich’sȱknowledgeȱofȱsocialȱvirtueȱcorrespondsȱtoȱaȱspirituallyȱjuvenileȱstate,
inȱwhichȱoneȱactsȱasȱoneȱhasȱbeenȱtoldȱtoȱact,ȱaccordingȱtoȱaȱ“oneȬsizeȬfitsȬall,”
letterȬofȬtheȬlawȱ listȱ ofȱ dicta.ȱ Unlessȱ theȱ characterȱ encountersȱ difficultiesȱ and
challenges,ȱ(s)heȱwillȱnotȱdevelopȱandȱmature.ȱByȱexperiencingȱandȱconfronting
problems,ȱoneȱdiscoversȱandȱdevelopsȱtheȱstrengthsȱoneȱpossesses;ȱinȱthisȱwayȱthe
individualȱ gainsȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ goodȱ andȱ evil,ȱ andȱ insightȱ intoȱ howȱ virtues
integrateȱpsychologicallyȱintoȱtheȱadultȱpersonality.ȱByȱenduringȱhardshipȱand
prevailingȱinȱconflict,ȱtheȱknightȱmovesȱfromȱobedienceȱtoȱtheȱlaw’sȱletterȱtoȱthe
knowledgeȱandȱinsightȱrequiredȱforȱtheȱfulfillmentȱofȱitsȱspirit.ȱ
ForȱHeinrich,ȱasȱwellȱasȱmanyȱotherȱmedievalȱliteraryȱcharacters,ȱthisȱbecomes
anȱepistemologicalȱprocess—oneȱmustȱperceive,ȱrecognizeȱandȱunderstandȱthat
whatȱoneȱsometimesȱdoesȱisȱeitherȱwrongȱorȱthatȱthereȱisȱaȱhigherȱpurposeȱtoward
whichȱ oneȱ mustȱ activelyȱ strive.ȱ Heinrichȱ isȱ astonishedȱ andȱ crushedȱ whenȱ he
5
HartmannȱvonȱAue,ȱDerȱarmeȱHeinrich,ȱ32–46ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
6
HartmannȱvonȱAue,ȱArthurianȱRomances,ȱTalesȱandȱLyricȱPoetry,ȱ217ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
7
“Courtlyȱandȱwise”ȱisȱmyȱtranslation.ȱFrankȱTobinȱrendersȱthisȱlineȱasȱ“courtlyȱandȱhadȱtheȱgood
senseȱbornȱofȱexperience,”ȱconcerningȱwhichȱTobinȱexplainsȱinȱaȱfootnoteȱthatȱMHGȱwîsȱ“denotes
beingȱintelligent,ȱsensible,ȱreasonable,ȱcircumspect,ȱprudent—qualitiesȱgainedȱthroughȱexperience.
Renderingȱitȱsimplyȱasȱ“wise”ȱwouldȱbeȱmisleading,ȱbecauseȱwisdomȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱaȱvirtueȱofȱa
higherȱ orderȱ and,ȱ asȱ weȱ shallȱ seeȱ throughȱ Heinrich’sȱ subsequentȱ actions,ȱ notȱ aȱ qualityȱ he
possessesȱatȱthisȱpointȱinȱhisȱlife”ȱ(218,ȱseeȱnoteȱ4).ȱIȱdisagreeȱwithȱTobin’sȱtranslationȱforȱprecisely
theȱreasonȱheȱgivesȱhere:ȱHeinrich’sȱbehaviorȱisȱnotȱtheȱresultȱofȱwisdomȱ“ofȱaȱhigherȱorder,”
becauseȱitȱisȱnotȱachievedȱthroughȱexperience.ȱTheȱmodifierȱwîsȱmightȱbeȱliterallyȱtranslatedȱhere
asȱ“ableȱtoȱruleȱbasedȱonȱtheȱrulesȱoneȱhasȱlearned.”ȱTheȱhigherȱorderȱofȱwisdomȱarrivesȱonlyȱafter
Heinrichȱhasȱfacedȱenormousȱdifficultyȱandȱisȱableȱtoȱactȱcompassionately.ȱ
contractsȱ leprosy,ȱaȱdiseaseȱwhichȱtoȱtheȱmedievalȱmindȱindicatesȱasȱmuchȱan
internal,ȱspiritualȱandȱmoralȱdegenerationȱasȱanȱexternal,ȱphysicalȱcorruption.8ȱBut,
asȱheȱlaterȱisȱableȱtoȱadmitȱtoȱtheȱpeasantȱfamilyȱthatȱgenerouslyȱtakesȱcareȱofȱhim
afterȱheȱhasȱbecomeȱill,ȱheȱbecomesȱconvincedȱthatȱhisȱdiseaseȱisȱaȱpunishmentȱfor
theȱcrimeȱofȱforgettingȱaboutȱGod:ȱ
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱwanȱichȱinȱlützelȱaneȱsach,ȱ
vonȱdesȱgnadenȱmirȱgeschachȱ
vilȱêrenȱundeȱguotes.ȱ
dôȱdesȱhôchmuotesȱ
denȱhôhenȱportenæreȱverdrôz,ȱ
dieȱsældenȱporteȱerȱmirȱbeslôz.ȱ
dâȱkumȱichȱleiderȱniemerȱin:ȱ
dazȱverworhteȱmirȱmînȱtumberȱsin.ȱ
gotȱhâtȱdurchȱrâcheȱanȱmichȱgeleitȱ
einȱsusȱgewanteȱsiecheit,ȱ
dieȱniemanȱmacȱerloesen.”9ȱ
[“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱlittleȱdidȱIȱlookȱtoȱHimȱfromȱwhoseȱfavorȱIȱhadȱmanyȱhonorsȱandȱpossessions.
WhenȱthisȱarroganceȱangeredȱtheȱexaltedȱGatekeeper,ȱheȱshutȱtheȱgatesȱofȱhappiness
inȱmyȱface.ȱAlas,ȱI’llȱneverȱgetȱin.ȱMyȱfoolishnessȱruinedȱthatȱforȱme.ȱAsȱvengeance,
Godȱhasȱinflictedȱonȱmeȱaȱsicknessȱfromȱwhichȱnoȱoneȱcanȱfreeȱme.”10]ȱ
Heinrichȱ hasȱ madeȱ progressȱ towardȱ aȱ resolution,ȱ sinceȱ heȱ admitsȱ hisȱ offense;
however,ȱheȱstillȱremainsȱignorantȱofȱtheȱdeeper,ȱmetaphoricalȱsignificanceȱofȱhis
diseaseȱasȱaȱchallengeȱandȱopportunityȱforȱgrowth,ȱandȱofȱitsȱspiritualȱvalue,ȱkeys
toȱhisȱprogressȱbeyondȱtheȱsuperficialityȱofȱcourtlyȱsocialȱvirtuesȱwhichȱhaveȱthus
farȱconstitutedȱtheȱsoleȱfocusȱofȱhisȱlife.ȱ
Thus,ȱHeinrich’sȱoffenseȱagainstȱGodȱisȱaȱviolationȱofȱtheȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlawȱ(heȱhas
forgottenȱ God).ȱ Andȱ so,ȱ whenȱ heȱ visitsȱ doctorsȱ inȱ Monpellierȱ andȱ Salernoȱ to
discoverȱhowȱheȱmightȱbeȱhealed,ȱtheȱphysiciansȱpresentȱhimȱwithȱveryȱbadȱnews:ȱ
“dâȱvonȱmuozȱiuȱdiuȱhelfeȱminȱ
durchȱalleȱnotȱsinȱversaget.ȱ
irȱmüesetȱhabenȱeineȱmaget,ȱ
diuȱvollenȱmanbæreȱ
undȱdesȱwillenȱwære,ȱ
8
PeterȱWapnewskiȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3,ȱ95)ȱgivesȱperhapsȱtheȱbestȱknownȱanalysis,ȱlinkingȱHeinrich’sȱguilt
toȱsuperbia;ȱLeslieȱBadanesȱ(“Heinrich’sȱLeprosy:ȱPunishmentȱorȱTest?”ȱModernȱLanguageȱStudies
10ȱ[1980]:ȱ88–92)ȱconsidersȱtheȱdiseaseȱasȱaȱtest,ȱsimilarȱtoȱtheȱtrialsȱofȱtheȱOldȱTestamentȱfigure,
Job;ȱhowever,ȱtheȱtextȱindicatesȱclearlyȱthatȱHeinrichȱhasȱalreadyȱ“failed”ȱaȱtest,ȱandȱmyȱanalysis
attemptsȱtoȱshowȱthatȱhisȱexperientialȱpathȱpointsȱtowardȱinnerȱchangeȱthroughȱlearning,ȱmaking
anotherȱtestȱunnecessaryȱuntilȱsomeȱdevelopmentȱhasȱoccurred.
9
10
dazȱsîȱdenȱtôtȱdurchȱiuchȱlite.ȱ
nuȱenistȱezȱnihtȱderȱliuteȱsite,ȱ
dazȱezȱiemanȱgerneȱtuo.ȱ
soȱenhoertȱouchȱandersȱnihtȱdarȱzuoȱ
niuwanȱderȱmagetȱherzebluot:ȱ
dazȱwæreȱvürȱiuwerȱsuhtȱguot.”11
[“Andȱsoȱmyȱhelpȱmustȱbeȱdeniedȱyouȱthroughoutȱallȱyourȱtrials.ȱYouȱwouldȱhaveȱto
haveȱaȱvirginȱofȱclearlyȱmarriageableȱageȱwillingȱtoȱsufferȱdeathȱforȱyourȱsake.ȱNow,
it’sȱnotȱtheȱusualȱbehaviorȱofȱpeopleȱtoȱdoȱthisȱeagerly.ȱNothingȱelseȱisȱrequiredȱforȱa
cureȱ thanȱ theȱ bloodȱ fromȱ theȱ heartȱ ofȱ aȱ virgin.ȱ Thatȱ wouldȱ beȱ theȱ cureȱ forȱ your
disease.”12]
Theȱformulaȱisȱexpressedȱinȱlanguageȱthat,ȱwhenȱtakenȱatȱfaceȱvalueȱ(theȱ“letterȱof
theȱformula”ȱofȱtheȱcure),ȱisȱvirtuallyȱimpossibleȱtoȱsatisfy.ȱTheȱideaȱthatȱsomeone
wouldȱactuallyȱapplyȱtheȱheart’sȱbloodȱofȱaȱvirginȱgirl,ȱextractedȱwhileȱtheȱheart
isȱ stillȱ beating,ȱ toȱ aȱ leper’sȱ woundsȱ toȱ effectȱ aȱ cureȱ strikesȱ usȱ asȱ soȱ blatantly
barbaricȱandȱunjustȱthatȱoneȱcannotȱimagineȱsuchȱaȱprocedureȱbeingȱperformedȱin
anyȱcivilizedȱculture.ȱButȱonlyȱ onȱ faceȱ value;ȱonȱtheȱmetaphoricalȱlevel,ȱblood
possessesȱmanyȱcomplexȱandȱsophisticatedȱsignificancesȱthatȱlieȱatȱtheȱveryȱcore
ofȱmedievalȱspiritualȱlife.13ȱForȱexample,ȱbloodȱhasȱaȱstrongȱsemanticȱassociation
withȱ love.14ȱ Asȱ aȱ metaphor,ȱ theȱ imageȱ ofȱ blood,ȱ inȱ thisȱ instance,ȱ drawsȱ its
significanceȱfromȱtheȱlevelȱofȱtheȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlaw—gainingȱanȱunderstandingȱof
this,ȱ anȱ epistemologicalȱ process,ȱ willȱ eventuallyȱ guideȱ Heinrichȱ toȱ maturity,
happinessȱandȱsalvation.
Firstȱthingsȱfirst,ȱhowever.ȱTheȱdaughterȱofȱtheȱkindȱliegemanȱtakingȱcareȱofȱthe
leprousȱHeinrichȱoffersȱherselfȱasȱsacrifice,ȱarguingȱconvincinglyȱthat,ȱinȱsoȱdoing,
sheȱhopesȱtoȱachieveȱquickȱsalvationȱforȱherȱsoul.ȱOneȱmightȱobjectȱhereȱthatȱher
offer,ȱwhileȱostensiblyȱkind,ȱevenȱheroic,ȱlacksȱaȱcompletelyȱproperȱintentio,ȱsince
selfȬinterestȱclearlyȱplaysȱaȱrole,ȱbutȱherȱprofoundȱloveȱforȱHeinrichȱcannotȱ be
denied.ȱTheȱ“immature”ȱ(withȱrespectȱtoȱhisȱabilityȱtoȱcomprehendȱtheȱ“spiritȱof
theȱlaw”),ȱsickȱnoblemanȱfinallyȱacquiescesȱtoȱherȱpersistentȱdemands,ȱandȱthey
11
12
13
Seeȱ Carolineȱ Walkerȱ Bynum,ȱ Wonderfulȱ Blood:ȱ Theologyȱ andȱ Practiceȱ inȱ Lateȱ Medievalȱ Northern
GermanyȱandȱBeyondȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱinȱwhichȱsheȱdiscusses
manyȱofȱtheȱimportantȱmedievalȱconnectionsȱbetweenȱbloodȱandȱtheology,ȱasȱwellȱasȱmedicine,
e.g.:ȱ“Inȱmedicalȱrecipes,ȱasȱinȱtheȱstoryȱofȱLonginusȱthatȱcirculatedȱinȱlaterȱmedievalȱEurope,
bloodȱvivifiesȱandȱrestores;ȱitȱcuresȱleprosy,ȱblindness,ȱandȱepilepsyȱasȱwellȱasȱsin”ȱ(156).
14
Thisȱsenseȱofȱbloodȱasȱaȱmetaphorȱisȱvalidȱinȱnumerousȱtraditions,ȱfromȱtheȱrealmȱofȱChristian
symbolism,ȱwhereȱtheȱbloodȱofȱChristȱwasȱshedȱforȱtheȱloveȱofȱhumanity,ȱtoȱinterpersonalȱlove,
asȱinȱParzivalȱwhereȱtheȱsightȱofȱgooseȱbloodȱonȱtheȱwhiteȱsnowȱremindsȱlonelyȱParzivalȱofȱhis
wife,ȱCondwiramurs,ȱandȱsendsȱhimȱintoȱaȱloveȬtranceȱ(seeȱbelow).
makeȱtheirȱwayȱtoȱtheȱSalernoȱphysicianȱwhoȱwouldȱperformȱforȱthemȱthisȱbloody
service.ȱHowever,ȱasȱsheȱisȱaboutȱtoȱundergoȱtheȱordeal,ȱHeinrichȱviewsȱherȱnaked
bodyȱthroughȱaȱsmallȱapertureȱinȱtheȱdoorȱtoȱtheȱoperatingȱroom.ȱSuddenly,ȱhe
feelsȱstronglyȱmovedȱtoȱtrueȱcompassionȱandȱhaltsȱtheȱ“virginȱsacrifice”—heȱstops
theȱdoctorȱjustȱinȱtime,ȱsecondsȱbeforeȱheȱslicesȱintoȱtheȱyoungȱgirl’sȱthorax.ȱThe
decisiveȱmomentȱbecomesȱtransformativeȱforȱtheȱsickȱnobleman.ȱForȱtheȱfirstȱtime
Heinrich’sȱvoiceȱrisesȱtoȱaȱdeclarationȱofȱhisȱwill,ȱunequivocallyȱandȱwithȱforce:
“gotesȱwilleȱmueszeȱanȱmirȱgeschehen!”ȱ(1276;ȱ“MayȱGod’sȱwillȱwithȱregardȱtoȱme
beȱdone”)15ȱLikeȱGretchenȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱFaustȱPartȱ1,16ȱHeinrichȱactivelyȱremoves
himselfȱ fromȱ theȱ plansȱ andȱ designsȱ ofȱ othersȱ andȱ givesȱ himselfȱ overȱ toȱ the
judgmentȱofȱGod,ȱemergingȱfromȱtheȱpassivityȱthatȱhasȱplaguedȱhimȱsinceȱthe
onsetȱofȱhisȱillness.ȱHeȱbecomesȱaȱspiritualȱloverȱratherȱthanȱaȱsubmissiveȱpatient,
andȱcarriesȱoutȱaȱcompassionateȱaction,ȱratherȱthanȱmerelyȱreceivingȱtheȱbenefit
ofȱ others’ȱ kindness—becauseȱ whatȱ heȱ doesȱ involvesȱ sacrificeȱ andȱ selfȬdenial
purelyȱforȱtheȱbenefitȱofȱanotherȱhumanȱbeing,ȱitȱisȱaȱtrueȱactȱofȱlove,ȱsomething
heȱhasȱnotȱyetȱperformed.ȱ
Hisȱ newfoundȱ abilityȱ toȱ understandȱ whatȱ itȱ meansȱ toȱ loveȱ reflectsȱ a
psychologicalȱ andȱ epistemologicalȱ evolution,ȱ signalingȱ aȱ freshȱ capacityȱ for
Heinrichȱ toȱ understandȱ metaphoricalȱ language,ȱ andȱ hisȱ passageȱ toȱ aȱ new
appreciationȱofȱtheȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlaw.ȱTheȱphysician’sȱoriginalȱrecommendationȱfor
treatment,ȱ“theȱheart’sȱbloodȱofȱaȱmaiden”ȱisȱpreciselyȱtheȱcorrectȱsubstanceȱto
batheȱhisȱdermalȱlesions,ȱbutȱcertainlyȱnotȱasȱaȱsimpleȱphysicalȱliquidȱthatȱanȱactual
surgeonȱhasȱinȱfactȱcutȱoutȱofȱaȱyoung,ȱsexuallyȱinexperiencedȱgirl.ȱRather,ȱthe
formulaȱofȱtheȱtreatmentȱmustȱbeȱunderstoodȱasȱaȱfigureȱofȱspeechȱwithȱaȱsemantic
complication,ȱ whichȱ oneȱ mustȱ perceiveȱ correctlyȱ andȱ contemplateȱ withȱ an
awarenessȱofȱitsȱmetaphoricalȱqualityȱbeforeȱoneȱcanȱclaimȱtrueȱknowledgeȱofȱits
fullȱmeaning.ȱ
Ifȱbloodȱisȱaȱmetaphorȱforȱlove,ȱandȱthisȱbloodȬloveȱspringsȱfromȱtheȱheartȱof
someoneȱasȱpureȱandȱasȱwillingȱasȱtheȱpeasant’sȱmagnificent,ȱlovingȱdaughter,ȱthen
certainlyȱtheȱconditionsȱofȱtheȱcureȱhaveȱbeenȱmetȱonȱtheȱmetaphoricalȱlevel.ȱThus,
onȱhisȱreturnȱhomeȱHeinrichȱdiscoversȱthatȱheȱhasȱbeenȱcured,ȱandȱfurthermore
thatȱheȱisȱdeeplyȱinȱloveȱwithȱtheȱyoungȱgirl,ȱandȱsheȱwithȱhim.ȱFurthermore,ȱit
mustȱbeȱnotedȱthatȱHeinrichȱisȱfarȱfromȱhisȱcourtlyȱenvironmentȱwhenȱheȱcomes
toȱ hisȱ realizationȱ andȱ isȱ cured.ȱ Aȱ bothersomeȱ questionȱ arisesȱ thatȱ oneȱ cannot
15
16
SeeȱtheȱfinalȱsceneȱinȱJohannȱWolfgangȱvonȱGoethe,ȱFaust:ȱderȱTragödieȱersterȱTeilȱ(GoethesȱWerke,
HamburgerȱAusgabe,ȱvol.ȱ3,ȱed.ȱErichȱTrunzȱ[Hamburg:ȱChristianȱWegner,ȱ1949],ȱ145),ȱwhere
Gretchen,ȱsoonȱtoȱbeȱexecutedȱforȱhavingȱmurderedȱherȱillegitimateȱbaby,ȱrespondsȱtoȱFaust’s
pleadingsȱthatȱsheȱescapeȱwithȱhim,ȱexclaimingȱbeforeȱherȱformerȱlover,ȱ“GerichtȱGottes!ȱdirȱhab’
ichȱmichȱübergeben”(4605;ȱ“JudgmentȱofȱGod!ȱIȱdeliverȱmyselfȱtoȱyou”—myȱtranslation).ȱ
evade:ȱisȱitȱpossibleȱtoȱachieveȱsuchȱvaluableȱaccomplishmentsȱatȱcourt?ȱHartmann
seemsȱtoȱbeȱcastingȱaȱdarkȱshadowȱofȱdoubtȱonȱtheȱvalueȱofȱaȱcourtlyȱeducationȱin
theȱvirtuesȱofȱknighthood.ȱ
LikeȱHartmann’sȱHeinrich,ȱWolfram’sȱParzivalȱfacesȱaȱconflictȱbroughtȱonȱbyȱhis
earlyȱ lackȱ ofȱ knowledgeȱ andȱ understanding:ȱ he,ȱ too,ȱ unwittinglyȱ offendsȱ the
“spiritȱofȱtheȱlaw,”ȱwhileȱinterpretingȱtheȱ“letterȱofȱtheȱlaw”ȱtooȱliterally.ȱInȱthe
earlyȱpartsȱofȱtheȱepicȱpoemȱParzival’sȱimmatureȱsensibilityȱcannotȱpenetrateȱthe
veneerȱofȱexternalȱappearances.ȱWhenȱexperiencingȱphenomenaȱthatȱrequireȱsome
responseȱonȱhisȱpart,ȱheȱslavishlyȱappliesȱrulesȱorȱadvice,ȱacquiredȱfromȱhisȱmother
orȱotherȱ“masters,”ȱthatȱmayȱorȱmayȱnotȱhaveȱrelevanceȱtoȱtheȱsituation.ȱWhereas
inȱ Hartmann’sȱ workȱ theȱ transgressionȱ ofȱ neglectingȱ Godȱ isȱ patentlyȱ spiritual,
Wolfram’sȱ Parzivalȱ managesȱ toȱ offendȱ bothȱ secularȱ customȱ (forȱ example,ȱ by
stealingȱaȱringȱandȱaȱkissȱfromȱJeschute)ȱandȱGod’sȱwillȱ(hisȱgreatȱerror:ȱfailingȱto
showȱcompassionȱforȱhisȱuncle,ȱtheȱwoundedȱFisherȱKingȱAnfortas).ȱTheȱpathȱback
toȱ rectitudeȱ bringsȱ Parzivalȱ throughȱ greatȱ difficultyȱ andȱ suffering,ȱ butȱ his
persistenceȱandȱloyaltyȱatoneȱforȱhisȱpreviousȱwrongdoing.ȱ
Becauseȱ Parzival’sȱ mother,ȱ Herzeloyde,ȱ receivesȱ newsȱ thatȱ herȱ husband,
Gahmuret,ȱhasȱdiedȱinȱknightlyȱcombat,ȱtheȱdisconsolateȱwidowȱdecidesȱtoȱraise
herȱinfantȱsonȱinȱtheȱremoteȱforestsȱofȱSoltane,ȱfarȱfromȱtheȱcourtlyȱenvironment
thatȱ sheȱ considersȱ dangerous.ȱ Whileȱ herȱ intentionȱ inȱ keepingȱ himȱ ignorantȱ of
courtlyȱwaysȱisȱobviouslyȱtoȱprotectȱParzivalȱfromȱharm,ȱinȱfact,ȱsheȱdoesȱhimȱa
greatȱdisservice.ȱTheȱboyȱisȱdestinedȱtoȱbecomeȱtheȱsuccessorȱtoȱtheȱFisherȱKing,
theȱkeeperȱandȱguardianȱofȱtheȱHolyȱGrail,ȱaȱpositionȱthatȱrequiresȱtheȱhighest
levelsȱofȱinsight,ȱsophisticationȱandȱgoodȱjudgment.ȱMostȱimportantly,ȱheȱneeds
toȱfeelȱandȱexpressȱcompassion,ȱperhapsȱtheȱsupremeȱvirtueȱofȱChristianityȱandȱan
essentialȱskillȱforȱaȱspirituallyȱenlightenedȱruler.ȱ
However,ȱ becauseȱ youngȱ Parzivalȱ knowsȱ onlyȱ theȱ naturalȱ environmentȱ of
Soltane,ȱheȱremainsȱinnocentȱandȱnaiveȱwithȱrespectȱtoȱmostȱaspectsȱofȱlifeȱthatȱan
educationȱinȱcourtlyȱsurroundingsȱwouldȱhaveȱtaughtȱhim.ȱHeȱhasȱlittleȱunderȬ
standing,ȱforȱexample,ȱofȱcauseȱandȱeffect,ȱsoȱthatȱhisȱhuntingȱinstinctsȱcompelȱhim
toȱshootȱarrowsȱatȱtheȱforestȱsongbirdsȱheȱloves,ȱandȱwhenȱtheyȱfallȱdeadȱtoȱhisȱfeet
heȱcriesȱbitterlyȱbecauseȱtheyȱnoȱlongerȱsing.ȱHisȱschoolingȱinȱethicsȱandȱproper
behaviorȱconsistsȱofȱdeȬcontextualizedȱbitsȱofȱadviceȱfromȱhisȱmother,ȱsuchȱas:ȱ
Obȱdichȱeinȱgrâȱwîseȱmanȱȱ
zuhtȱwilȱlêrenȱalsȱerȱwolȱkan,ȱȱ
demȱsoltuȱgerneȱvolgen,ȱȱ
undȱwisȱimȱnihtȱerbolgen.ȱȱ
sun,ȱlâȱdirȱbevolhenȱsîn,ȱȱ
swaȱduȱguotesȱwîbesȱvingerlînȱȱ
mügestȱerwerbenȱuntȱirȱgruoz,ȱȱ
dazȱnim:ȱezȱtuotȱdirȱkumbersȱbuoz.ȱȱ
duȱsoltȱzeȱirȱkusseȱgâhenȱȱ
undȱirȱlîpȱvastȱumbevâhen:ȱȱ
dazȱgîtȱgelückeȱundȱhôhenȱmuot,ȱ
obȱsiȱkiuscheȱistȱundeȱguot.17
[Ifȱaȱwise,ȱgreyȬhairedȱmanȱoffersȱtoȱteachȱyouȱgoodȱmannersȱasȱheȱwouldȱwellȱknow
how,ȱdoȱasȱheȱsaysȱwithȱaȱwill,ȱdoȱnotȱflyȱintoȱaȱpassion.ȱLetȱmeȱgiveȱyouȱthisȱadvice,
myȱson.ȱWhereverȱyouȱcanȱwinȱaȱlady’sȱringȱandȱgreeting,ȱtakeȱit—itȱwillȱridȱyouȱofȱthe
dumps.ȱWasteȱnoȱtime,ȱbutȱkissȱandȱembraceȱher.ȱItȱwillȱbringȱyouȱgoodȱfortuneȱand
raiseȱyourȱspirits,ȱgrantedȱsheȱbeȱchasteȱandȱgood.18]
Ofȱcourse,ȱHerzeloydeȱcannotȱsuppressȱallȱtracesȱofȱcourtlyȱsophisticationȱinȱher
discourse—sheȱofȱcourseȱmeansȱthatȱtheȱboyȱshouldȱtakeȱaȱwoman’sȱringȱwhenȱit
isȱ offered,ȱ andȱ notȱ robȱ itȱ fromȱ her.ȱ Butȱ becauseȱ ofȱ hisȱ uniquelyȱ deficient
upbringing,ȱ solelyȱ inȱ nature,ȱ withoutȱ theȱ benefitsȱ ofȱ atȱ leastȱ someȱ courtly
instruction,ȱ Parzivalȱ cannotȱ interpretȱ theȱ “spirit”ȱ informingȱ suchȱ wisdom,ȱ but
ratherȱfollowsȱHerzeloyde’sȱcounselȱnaivelyȱandȱwithoutȱrestraint.ȱThus,ȱtheȱ“child
ofȱnature’s”ȱfirstȱsignificantȱencounterȱwithȱtheȱcivilizedȱworldȱafterȱleavingȱthe
supervisionȱ ofȱ hisȱ motherȱ provesȱ disastrous.19ȱ Forȱ whenȱ theȱ youngȱ man
encountersȱJeschute,ȱtheȱbeautifulȱandȱdevotedȱwifeȱofȱtheȱgreatȱknightȱOrilus,ȱhe
recallsȱtheȱ“letter”ȱofȱhisȱmother’sȱadviceȱandȱforcesȱhimselfȱuponȱtheȱunwilling
woman.ȱHeȱstealsȱfromȱherȱbothȱaȱringȱandȱaȱkiss,ȱandȱthenȱleavesȱherȱshocked,
upsetȱ andȱ disheveled.ȱ Asȱ heȱ departsȱ fromȱ theȱ sceneȱ ofȱ hisȱ assault,ȱ Jeschute’s
jealousȱhusbandȱspotsȱhim.ȱTheȱensuingȱchainȱofȱeventsȱthusȱsetȱintoȱmotionȱbears
aȱgoodȱdealȱofȱsignificanceȱforȱtheȱletterȱandȱtheȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlaw;ȱlaterȱweȱwill
returnȱtoȱtheȱsceneȱinȱaȱmoreȱdetailedȱdiscussion.ȱ
Mattersȱgrowȱmoreȱserious,ȱhowever,ȱwhenȱParzivalȱreceivesȱinstructionȱinȱthe
basicsȱofȱknighthoodȱfromȱhisȱmentorȱ Gurnemanz.20ȱTheȱold,ȱwizenedȱmanȱof
experience,ȱ Gurnemanzȱ presentsȱ Parzivalȱ withȱ aȱ listȱ ofȱ rulesȱ andȱ dictaȱ thatȱ a
knightȱoughtȱtoȱfollow;ȱnestledȱamongȱthemȱisȱaȱwarningȱagainstȱbeingȱoverly
curious:ȱ“‘irnȱsultȱnihtȱvilȱgevrâgen”ȱ(171,17;ȱ“‘Doȱnotȱaskȱmanyȱquestions’”)21
17
Middleȱ Highȱ Germanȱ textȱ takenȱ fromȱ Wolframȱ vonȱ Eschenbach,ȱ Parzival:ȱ Mittlehochdeutschȱ /
Neuhochdeutsch,ȱ2ȱvols.,ȱtrans.ȱwithȱanȱafterwordȱbyȱWolfgangȱSpiewokȱ(Stuttgart:ȱReclam,ȱ1981);
hereȱ127,21—128,2.
18
EnglishȱtranslationȱtextȱtakenȱfromȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱtrans.ȱA.ȱT.ȱHattoȱ(London,
NewȱYork,ȱetȱal.:ȱPenguin,ȱ1980).
19
SeeȱOtfridȱEhrismann,ȱ“Jeschute,ȱor,ȱHowȱtoȱArrangeȱtheȱTamingȱofȱaȱHero:ȱTheȱMythȱofȱParzival
fromȱ Chrétienȱ toȱ Adolfȱ Muschg,ȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Medievalismȱ 8ȱ (1996):ȱ 46–71,ȱ whoȱ examinesȱ this
encounterȱasȱaȱfunctionȱofȱtheȱantithesisȱ“nature”ȱvs.ȱ“civilization.”ȱ
20
AlbrechtȱClassenȱfindsȱfaultȱwithȱGurnemanzȱforȱhavingȱgivenȱaȱyoungȱpersonȱsoȱcursoryȱan
“education”ȱinȱwhatȱoneȱneedsȱtoȱdoȱtoȱbeȱaȱknight;ȱseeȱVerzweiflungȱundȱHoffnung:ȱdieȱSucheȱnach
derȱkommunikativenȱGemeinschaftȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters.ȱBeihefteȱzurȱMediaevistik
1ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2002),ȱ248.ȱ
21
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17);ȱtrans.ȱHatto,ȱ96ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
—goodȱadviceȱforȱmostȱsocialȱsituations,ȱbutȱwhenȱParzivalȱfollowsȱtheȱ“letter”ȱof
thisȱruleȱandȱfailsȱtoȱposeȱtheȱquestionȱtoȱtheȱwoundedȱAnfortas,ȱ“‘oeheim,ȱwaz
wirretȱdir?’”ȱ(795,ȱ29;ȱ“‘Dearȱuncle,ȱwhatȱailsȱyou?’”),22ȱheȱthrowsȱhisȱentireȱworld
intoȱaȱconditionȱofȱgreatȱsorrowȱandȱsuffering.ȱWereȱheȱtoȱfollowȱhisȱinstinctsȱat
theȱGrailȱCastleȱandȱdemonstrateȱtheȱ“spirit”ȱofȱcompassion,ȱheȱwouldȱsucceedȱin
hisȱadventure;ȱbutȱhisȱnaiveȱinclinationȱtoȱfollowȱslavishlyȱtheȱletterȱofȱhisȱteacher’s
ruleȱcondemnsȱhimȱtoȱyearsȱofȱatonementȱandȱdesperateȱwandering,ȱinȱsearchȱof
theȱGrailȱCastleȱandȱanotherȱchanceȱtoȱmakeȱamendsȱforȱhisȱerror.ȱParzivalȱmust
growȱandȱdevelopȱintoȱaȱmature,ȱcompassionateȱhumanȱbeingȱbeforeȱheȱcanȱtake
hisȱproperȱpositionȱasȱAnfortas’ȱheir.
Parzivalȱ ultimatelyȱ succeedsȱ inȱ hisȱ endeavor,ȱ largelyȱ dueȱ toȱ theȱ growthȱ he
experiencesȱ throughȱ painȱ andȱ sufferingȱ (especiallyȱ asȱ aȱ resultȱ ofȱ theȱ Grail
Messengerȱ Cundrie’sȱ devastatingȱ revelationȱ ofȱ hisȱ wrongdoing),ȱ andȱ later,
throughȱtheȱinformationȱandȱinstructionȱheȱreceivesȱfromȱhisȱcousin,ȱSigune,ȱand
theȱhermit,ȱTrevrizent.ȱHowever,ȱindicationsȱofȱhisȱdevelopmentȱbeginȱtoȱappear
alreadyȱjustȱafterȱheȱdepartsȱfromȱtheȱGrailȱCastle.ȱAȱparticularlyȱstrikingȱsignȱof
growthȱisȱrevealedȱwhenȱParzival,ȱridingȱalongȱaȱwildernessȱpathȱcoveredȱinȱsnow,
discoversȱaȱplaceȱwhereȱaȱfalconȱhasȱswoopedȱdownȱuponȱaȱflockȱofȱgeese,ȱinjuring
oneȱofȱthem,ȱsuchȱthatȱthreeȱdropsȱofȱbloodȱhaveȱfallenȱonȱtheȱground’sȱwhite
shroud.ȱSpontaneously,ȱParzivalȱ“reads”ȱtheȱimageȱasȱaȱmetaphorȱforȱhisȱbeloved
wife,ȱCondwiramurs,ȱwhomȱatȱthisȱpointȱheȱmissesȱtremendously:
ȱ
vonȱsînenȱtriuwenȱdazȱgeschach.
doȱerȱdieȱbluotesȱzäherȱsach
ûfȱdemȱsnêȱ(derȱwasȱalȱwîz),
dôȱdâhteȱerȱ“werȱhâtȱsînenȱvlîz
gewantȱanȱdiseȱvarweȱclâr?
Cundwîerȱâmûrs,ȱsichȱmacȱvürȱwâr
disiuȱvarweȱdirȱgelîchenȱ.ȱ.ȱ.
Condwîrȱâmûrs,ȱhieȱlîtȱdînȱschîn.
sîtȱderȱsnêȱdemȱbluoteȱwîzeȱbôt,
undȱezȱdenȱsnêȱsusȱmachetȱrôt,
Cundwîrȱâmûrs,
demȱglîchetȱsichȱdînȱbêâȱcurs:
desȱenbistuȱnihtȱerlâzen.”23ȱ
[Thisȱcameȱfromȱhisȱloyalȱattachment.ȱForȱwhenȱheȱsawȱtheȱdropsȱofȱbloodȱonȱthe
white,ȱwhiteȱsnowȱheȱaskedȱhimself,ȱ“whoȱhasȱsetȱhisȱhandȱtoȱtheseȱfreshȱcolours?
Condwiramurs,ȱ theseȱ tintsȱ mayȱ trulyȱ beȱ likenedȱ toȱ yourȱ complexion!.ȱ .ȱ .
Condwiramurs,ȱhereȱliesȱyourȱbrightȱimage!ȱTheȱsnowȱlendingȱitsȱwhiteȱtoȱtheȱblood,
22
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17);ȱtrans.ȱHatto,ȱ395ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
23
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱ282,ȱ23ȱ–29,ȱ283,ȱ4–9ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
theȱbloodȱreddeningȱsnow—Condwiramurs!ȱYourȱfairȱpersonȱisȱreflectedȱhere,ȱI’llȱnot
excuseȱyouȱtheȱcomparison!”24]
LikeȱHartmann’sȱHeinrich,ȱParzivalȱgraduallyȱbeginsȱtoȱcomprehendȱtheȱsignsȱhe
seesȱ inȱ anȱ increasinglyȱ complexȱ manner.25ȱ Hisȱ abilityȱ toȱ perceiveȱ andȱ express
(albeitȱ inwardly)ȱ theȱ metaphoricalȱ valueȱ ofȱ theȱ dropsȱ ofȱ bloodȱ inȱ theȱ snow
achievesȱaȱmuchȱhigherȱlevelȱofȱintellectualȱaccomplishmentȱthanȱtheȱyoungȱknight
hasȱ thusȱ farȱ evinced,ȱ andȱ showsȱ thatȱ heȱ isȱ indeedȱ onȱ theȱ pathȱ leadingȱ to
fulfillment.ȱ Again,ȱ asȱ inȱ Heinrich’sȱ case,ȱ itȱ isȱ loveȱ combinedȱ withȱ theȱ painȱ of
experience,ȱwhichȱstirsȱcomplexȱemotionsȱinȱtheȱheroȱandȱleadsȱhimȱforwardȱto
everȱgreaterȱunderstandingȱandȱknowledge.ȱEventually,ȱitȱwillȱbeȱParzival’sȱlove
forȱ andȱ loyaltyȱ toȱ hisȱ wifeȱ thatȱ willȱ empowerȱ himȱ toȱ attainȱ hisȱ goal,ȱ butȱ only
throughȱtheȱinsights,ȱskillsȱandȱknowledgeȱthatȱheȱgainsȱoverȱtheȱcourseȱofȱtheȱtale
willȱheȱbeȱableȱtoȱrule.ȱThus,ȱheȱgraduallyȱoutgrowsȱhisȱrelianceȱonȱtheȱ“letterȬofȬ
theȬlaw”ȱandȱbeginsȱtoȱunderstandȱandȱembraceȱtheȱlaw’sȱspirit.ȱGivenȱanother
chance,ȱParzivalȱwillȱeventuallyȱposeȱtheȱcompassionateȱquestion,ȱrealizingȱthat
forȱoneȱpersonȱtoȱinquireȱaboutȱtheȱpainȱofȱanotherȱisȱnotȱoneȱquestionȱtooȱmany,
butȱratherȱtheȱkind,ȱhumaneȱthingȱtoȱdo.
InȱadditionȱtoȱParzival’sȱmainȱadventure,ȱWolfram’sȱepicȱpoemȱpresentsȱanother
significantȱsituationȱwhereȱtheȱnatureȱofȱcrime,ȱjusticeȱandȱpunishmentȱcomesȱinto
focus.ȱTheȱchainȱofȱeventsȱthatȱbeginsȱwithȱParzival’sȱabuseȱofȱJeschuteȱ(described
above),ȱcontinuesȱwithȱtheȱbitterȱinterrogationȱsheȱmustȱendureȱatȱtheȱhandsȱofȱher
husbandȱOrilus,ȱandȱsubsequentlyȱOrilus’sȱunfairȱjudgmentȱandȱabusiveȱtreatment
ofȱhisȱinnocentȱwife,ȱresultsȱinȱaȱsomewhatȱdifferentȱperspectiveȱonȱtheȱprocessȱof
fallingȱoutȱofȱtheȱordo,ȱwhetherȱthisȱbeȱaȱmatterȱofȱsocialȱtransgressionȱ(crime),
religiousȱoffenseȱ(sin)ȱorȱpersonalȱdisloyalty,ȱasȱinȱthisȱcase.ȱWhenȱOrilusȱreturns
toȱ hisȱ wife’sȱ tent,ȱ heȱ hasȱ alreadyȱ witnessedȱ Parzivalȱ leavingȱ theȱ sceneȱ and,
convincedȱbyȱhisȱwife’sȱdisheveledȱappearanceȱthatȱsheȱhasȱjustȱenjoyedȱaȱtryst
withȱtheȱhandsomeȱyouth,ȱbeginsȱtoȱupbraidȱher.ȱHisȱinconsiderateȱaccusations
arise,ȱ toȱ beȱ sure,ȱ fromȱ emotionalȱ turmoil,ȱ butȱ neverthelessȱ theirȱ vehemence
indicatesȱaȱpossibleȱpredilectionȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱOrilusȱforȱviscerallyȱjumpingȱto
conclusions,ȱasȱheȱrefusesȱhisȱwifeȱtheȱhonorȱsheȱdeserves.ȱLikeȱParzivalȱinȱhis
24
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱtrans.ȱHatto,ȱ148ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
25
AsȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“Reading,ȱWritingȱandȱLearningȱinȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbach’sȱParzival,”ȱA
CompanionȱtoȱWolfram’sȱParzival,ȱed.ȱWillȱHasty.ȱStudiesȱinȱGermanȱLiterature,ȱLinguistics,ȱand
Cultureȱ (Columbia,ȱ SC:ȱ Camdenȱ House,ȱ 1999),ȱ 189–202,ȱ pointsȱ out,ȱ “itȱ isȱ consistentȱ with
Wolfram’sȱ probableȱ positionȱ betweenȱ oralityȱ andȱ literacyȱ thatȱ theȱ mostȱ importantȱ kindȱ of
“reading”ȱthatȱtakesȱplaceȱinȱParzivalȱisȱaȱmetaphoricalȱreadingȱofȱsigns,ȱandȱnotȱaȱliteralȱreading
ofȱletters”ȱ(196);ȱIȱwouldȱonlyȱaddȱthat,ȱforȱmanyȱauthors,ȱ“reading”ȱextendsȱbeyondȱtheȱability
merelyȱ toȱ knowȱ whatȱ isȱ written,ȱ butȱ alsoȱ toȱ understandȱ theȱ meaningȱ “betweenȱ the
lines”—perhapsȱinȱtheȱsenseȱofȱHartmann’sȱclaim,ȱthatȱheȱ“anȱdenȱbuochenȱlas,ȱ/ȱswazȱerȱdarȱan
geschribenȱvantȱ“ȱ(seeȱabove,ȱnoteȱ4),ȱincludingȱtheȱgistȱbehindȱtheȱwrittenȱword.
readingȱofȱsigns,ȱOrilus,ȱtoo,ȱseemsȱimmature,ȱrenderingȱanȱinterpretationȱthat
doesȱnotȱtakeȱintoȱaccountȱpossibleȱcomplexitiesȱandȱextenuatingȱcircumstances,
evenȱbeforeȱheȱhasȱgivenȱJeschuteȱtheȱopportunityȱtoȱexplain.ȱHisȱprideȱhasȱbeen
wounded,ȱand,ȱinȱanȱattemptȱtoȱreestablishȱhisȱselfȬesteemȱasȱwarrior,ȱheȱnarrates
aȱdetailedȱaccountȱofȱhisȱvariousȱdeedsȱandȱconquests;ȱinȱhisȱrage,ȱOrilusȱsinksȱinto
theȱmundaneȱparlanceȱofȱtheȱknightlyȱresumé.26ȱHisȱtiradeȱfocusesȱsolelyȱonȱhis
ownȱexternalȱhonor,ȱwhichȱheȱgainedȱthroughȱbattleȱbyȱdefeatingȱthisȱknightȱand
that,ȱandȱwhichȱheȱbelievesȱhisȱwife’sȱmisconductȱhasȱbesmirched.ȱ
Thisȱisȱtheȱhonorȱofȱappearances,ȱwhereȱreputationȱisȱaffirmedȱbyȱthirdȬparty
observers:ȱothersȱlookȱatȱtheȱknightȱandȱhisȱcircumstancesȱandȱgiveȱhimȱhonor
becauseȱ heȱ appearsȱ toȱ beȱ honorable.ȱ Orilus’sȱ rantȱ regardingȱ hisȱ victoriesȱ and
trouncingsȱofȱthisȱopponentȱandȱthat,ȱhowever,ȱisȱinappropriateȱforȱtheȱpresent
situation,ȱperhapsȱprovidingȱhimȱratherȱwithȱaȱmeansȱofȱbolsteringȱhisȱegoȱthan
aȱsuitableȱlanguageȱforȱcommunicatingȱwithȱhisȱwifeȱregardingȱwhatȱheȱthinksȱis
herȱadultery.27ȱTheȱresultingȱabuseȱtoȱwhichȱheȱsubjectsȱhisȱspouseȱindicatesȱthat
Orilus,ȱtoo,ȱmustȱundergoȱthatȱinnerȱtransformationȱtypicalȱofȱcharactersȱwhoȱfind
themselvesȱunderȱspiritualȱandȱpsychologicalȱduress.
Inȱ theȱ meantimeȱ Jeschuteȱ beginsȱ toȱ mountȱ aȱ defenseȱ thatȱ focusesȱ more
appropriatelyȱonȱinternalȱhonor,ȱoneȱbasedȱonȱtheȱsenseȱof,ȱandȱconfidenceȱin,
personalȱ worthinessȱ ratherȱ thanȱ deedsȱ ofȱ derringȬdoȱ andȱ theȱ boastingȱ that
ensues.28ȱJeschuteȱreprimandsȱOrilusȱthatȱheȱnotȱcompromiseȱhisȱknightlyȱhonor,
forȱheȱisȱ“getriuweȱundeȱwîs”ȱ(136,12;ȱ“Youȱareȱtrueȱandȱdiscerning.”)29ȱAgain,ȱas
inȱHartmann’sȱhymnȱofȱpraiseȱtoȱhisȱcharacter,ȱHeinrich,ȱ“wisdom”ȱisȱconnected
toȱ oneȱ whoȱ mayȱ beȱ actingȱ inȱ aȱ mannerȱ ofȱ whichȱ courtlyȱ bureaucratsȱ would
approve,ȱbutȱnotȱasȱaȱmatureȱandȱtrulyȱheroicȱindividual.30ȱSheȱtruthfullyȱdeclares
thatȱsheȱhasȱbeenȱfaithfulȱandȱwasȱnotȱtheȱtransgressorȱherȱhusbandȱconsidersȱher
toȱbe,ȱbutȱratherȱtheȱvictimȱofȱanother’sȱtransgression.ȱAnyȱactionȱthatȱwouldȱlower
herȱwouldȱnotȱbefitȱaȱwomanȱofȱherȱrank,ȱnotȱmerelyȱbecauseȱothersȱwouldȱseeȱit
thatȱwayȱbutȱalsoȱbecauseȱsheȱwouldȱfeelȱthatȱway.ȱBeforeȱsheȱcanȱadequately
presentȱherȱcase,ȱhowever,ȱOrilusȱsilencesȱher,ȱandȱthenȱhumiliatesȱher,ȱdepriving
26
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱ133,ȱ29–136,ȱ8ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
27
Seeȱ Classen,ȱ Verzweiflungȱ undȱ Hoffnungȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 20),ȱ 133–35,ȱ whoȱ discussesȱ thisȱ issueȱ inȱ the
contextȱofȱHartmannsȱErecȱasȱaȱproblemȱinȱtheȱsocialȱstructuresȱandȱnormsȱforȱcommunication
betweenȱmenȱandȱwomen:ȱ“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱdieȱWarnungȱdesȱDichtersȱkommtȱdochȱdeutlichȱzumȱAusdruck,
wieȱleichtȱdasȱsozialeȱundȱkommunikativeȱGewebeȱderȱGesellschaftȱzerreißenȱkann,ȱwennȱGewalt
dieȱsprachlichenȱundȱmoralischenȱNormenȱzerstört”ȱ(134),ȱandȱfurther,ȱ“offeneȱRedeȱist.ȱ.ȱ.ȱmithin
nochȱ nichtȱ möglich,ȱ vielmehrȱ mußȱ dieȱ Heldinȱ aufȱ dieȱ Lügeȱ zurückgreifen,ȱ umȱ sichȱ inȱ der
männlichȱdominierten,ȱd.h.ȱtatenorientiertenȱundȱderȱKommunikationȱabholdenȱGesellschaftȱzu
behaupten”ȱ(135).
28
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzivalȱ136,ȱ11–22ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
29
30
Seeȱabove,ȱnoteȱ7.
herȱofȱdecentȱclothing,ȱofȱhisȱcompanionshipȱandȱherȱhorseȱofȱitsȱsaddle,ȱbridleȱand
food.ȱThus,ȱbecauseȱhisȱwifeȱapparentlyȱbreaksȱtheȱletterȱofȱtheȱlaw,ȱOrilusȱdoes
notȱallowȱforȱinterpretationȱofȱtheȱevidence:ȱJeschuteȱisȱmerelyȱguiltyȱasȱfarȱasȱhe
isȱconcerned,ȱandȱsheȱmustȱsufferȱtheȱpunishment,ȱwhichȱisȱrepresentedȱthrough
externalȱsigns.ȱBecauseȱheȱcanȱexerciseȱdominationȱoverȱherȱbyȱwieldingȱbrute
force,ȱsheȱmustȱsubmitȱinȱsilenceȱtoȱhisȱindignities.31
Althoughȱ Orilusȱ deniesȱ herȱ theȱ rightȱ toȱ speak,ȱ Wolfram’sȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ her
innerȱstateȱindicatesȱthatȱsheȱisȱthinkingȱwithȱmuchȱmoreȱspiritualȱsophistication
thanȱ herȱ husband,ȱ andȱ sheȱ expressesȱ aȱ farȱ moreȱ profoundȱ connectionȱ and
commitmentȱtoȱtheirȱrelationshipȱthanȱheȱdoes.ȱHersȱisȱtheȱlanguageȱofȱselflessȱlove
thatȱrisesȱtoȱtheȱlevelȱofȱtrueȱcompassion,ȱandȱitȱevokesȱnobleȱsentimentsȱfromȱthe
narratorȱasȱwell:
alȱweindeȱsunderȱlachen
diuȱvrouweȱjâmersȱrîche
schietȱdannenȱtrûreclîche.
sineȱmüeteȱniht,ȱswazȱirȱgeschach,
wanȱirȱmannesȱungemach:
desȱtrûrenȱgapȱirȱgrôzeȱnôt,
dazȱsiȱnochȱsampfterȱwæreȱtôt.
nuȱsultȱirȱsiȱdurchȱtriweȱclagen:
siȱbeginntȱnuȱhôhenȱkumberȱtragen.
wærȱmirȱallerȱwîbeȱhazȱbereit,
michȱmüetȱdochȱvrounȱJeschûtenȱleit.32ȱ
[Allȱ thoughtȱ ofȱ laughterȱ gone,ȱ andȱ inȱ tears,ȱ theȱ wretchedȱ ladyȱ setȱ outȱ dolefully.
Whateverȱsheȱenduredȱsheȱdidȱnotȱmindȱit,ȱonlyȱthatȱherȱhusbandȱsufferedȱso.ȱHis
unhappinessȱ soȱ distressedȱ herȱ thatȱ sheȱ wouldȱ haveȱ foundȱ deathȱ moreȱ kind.ȱ Her
faithfulȱloveȱdeservesȱyourȱpity,ȱsinceȱfromȱnowȱonȱsheȱisȱtoȱsufferȱgreatȱtribulation.
ThoughȱIȱwereȱhatedȱbyȱtheȱwholeȱsex,ȱtheȱwrongȱdoneȱtoȱLadyȱJeschuteȱcouldȱnotȱfail
toȱangerȱme.33]ȱ
Orilusȱstubbornlyȱadheresȱtoȱhisȱprematureȱjudgment,ȱhowever,ȱandȱtoȱbreakȱout
ofȱthisȱdilemmaȱheȱrequiresȱaȱsignificantȱintervention.ȱIronically,ȱitȱturnsȱoutȱthat
theȱoriginalȱsourceȱofȱhisȱemotionalȱanguishȱprovidesȱtheȱsolutionȱheȱneeds.ȱBarely
maintainingȱ hisȱ lovingȱ spouseȱ inȱ aȱ patheticȱ conditionȱ asȱ heȱ forcesȱ herȱ toȱ ride
hungry,ȱlonelyȱandȱinȱtatters,ȱatopȱaȱstarvingȱponyȱfollowingȱdejectedlyȱseveral
31
SeeȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱTheȱPowerȱofȱaȱWoman’sȱVoiceȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱLiterature:ȱNew
ApproachesȱtoȱGermanȱandȱEuropeanȱWomenȱWritersȱandȱtoȱViolenceȱagainstȱ WomenȱinȱPremodern
Times.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ1ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱde
Gruyter,ȱ2007),ȱ219–21.
32
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱ137,ȱ20–29ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
33
hundredȱmetersȱtoȱhisȱrear,ȱheȱsetsȱoffȱonȱaȱpersonalȱmissionȱofȱvengeance,ȱfirstȱto
findȱandȱthenȱtoȱtrounceȱParzival.ȱTheȱquestȱtakesȱaȱgoodȱdealȱofȱtime,ȱandȱinȱthe
interimȱParzivalȱhasȱalreadyȱvisitedȱMunsalvæscheȱforȱtheȱfirstȱtime.ȱHavingȱfailed
toȱposeȱtheȱquestionȱofȱcompassionȱtoȱtheȱwoundedȱFisherȱKing,ȱAnfortas,ȱand
nowȱexperiencingȱfeelingsȱofȱguiltȱandȱremorse,ȱheȱisȱbeginningȱtheȱprocessȱofȱhis
ownȱtransformationȱfromȱimmatureȱinnocenceȱtoȱresponsibleȱadulthood,ȱfromȱthe
“letter”ȱtoȱtheȱ“spirit.”ȱ
WhenȱOrilusȱfinallyȱovertakesȱParzivalȱandȱchallengesȱhim,ȱheȱfindsȱthatȱheȱis
noȱmatchȱforȱtheȱyoungȱknight.ȱAfterȱdefeatingȱOrilus,ȱParzivalȱcommandsȱhimȱto
reconcileȱ withȱ hisȱ wifeȱ asȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ conditionsȱ forȱ hisȱ surrender,ȱ andȱ Orilus
forgivesȱherȱmostȱreluctantly.ȱNow,ȱforȱtheȱfirstȱtime,ȱParzivalȱbeginsȱtoȱactȱinȱa
responsible,ȱselfȬreliantȱmanner.ȱHeȱsensesȱthatȱheȱmustȱdoȱmoreȱthanȱdictateȱa
reconciliationȱthatȱmerelyȱfulfillsȱtheȱletterȱofȱtheȱtypicalȱdemandsȱaȱconqueror
makesȱ ofȱ aȱ vanquishedȱ opponent,ȱ whichȱ areȱ notȱ sufficientȱ toȱ facilitateȱ aȱ true
transformationȱofȱspirit.ȱHeȱstillȱneedsȱtoȱconvinceȱthisȱvanquishedȱopponentȱof
Jeschute’sȱ innocence,ȱ becauseȱ itȱ isȱ theȱ compassionateȱ thingȱ toȱ do.ȱ Therefore,
ParzivalȱbringsȱOrilusȱtoȱaȱreliquary,ȱwhereuponȱtheȱnarratorȱtellsȱus:
Parzivâlȱdôȱmitȱtriwenȱvuor:
erȱnamȱdazȱheiltuom,ȱdrûfȱerȱswuor.
susȱstabteȱerȱselbeȱsînenȱeitȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ
ichȱhânzȱdâȱvür,ȱdieȱtreitȱgot.
nuȱmüezeȱichȱvlüsteclîchenȱspot
zeȱbêdenȱlîbenȱimmerȱhân
vonȱsînerȱkraft,ȱobȱmissetân
disiuȱfrouweȱhabe,ȱdôȱdizȱgeschach
dazȱichȱirȱvürspanȱvonȱirȱbrach.
ouchȱvuorteȱichȱmêrȱgoldesȱdan.
ichȱwasȱeinȱtôreȱundȱnihtȱeinȱman,
gewahsenȱnihtȱbîȱwitzen.
vilȱweinens,ȱdâȱbîȱswitzen
mitȱjâmerȱdolteȱvilȱirȱlîp.
siȱistȱbenamenȱeinȱunschuldicȱwîp.
dâneȱscheideȱichȱûzȱnihtȱmêre:
desȱsîȱpfantȱmînȱsældeȱundȱêre.
Ruochtȱirs,ȱsiȱsolȱunschuldecȱsîn.
seht,ȱgebtȱirȱwiderȱirȱvingerlîn.34ȱ
[Nowȱ Parzivalȱ didȱ aȱ charitableȱ deed.ȱ Heȱ tookȱ theȱ relicsȱ andȱ sworeȱ onȱ them,
administeringȱhisȱoathȱtoȱhimselfȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ“letȱmeȱbeȱmockedȱandȱdamnedȱinȱthisȱlifeȱand
theȱnextȱthroughȱHisȱpower,ȱifȱthisȱladyȱdidȱamissȱwhenȱIȱchancedȱtoȱtearȱherȱbrooch
fromȱher,ȱwhenȱIȱalsoȱboreȱoffȱotherȱgold!ȱIȱwasȱaȱyoungȱfool—noȱman—notȱyetȱgrown
34
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱ269,1–3,ȱ269,17–270,2ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
toȱyearsȱofȱdiscretion.ȱWeepingȱcopiouslyȱandȱbathedȱinȱperspiration,ȱsheȱhadȱmuch
toȱputȱupȱwithȱinȱherȱwretchedness.ȱIȱtellȱyouȱsheȱisȱanȱinnocentȱwoman.ȱ Iȱ except
nothingȱfromȱthisȱoath,ȱmayȱmyȱhonorȱandȱhopesȱofȱblissȱbeȱpledgeȱforȱit.ȱByȱyour
leave,ȱsheȱshallȱbeȱinnocent!ȱHere,ȱgiveȱherȱbackȱherȱring.”35]ȱ
Parzival’sȱ honestȱ selfȬreflection,ȱ admissionȱ thatȱ heȱ wasȱ “einȱ tôreȱ undȱ nihtȱ ein
man,”ȱ andȱ unselfishȱ actȱ ofȱ kindnessȱ areȱ theȱ firstȱ indicationsȱ thatȱ theȱ youthȱ is
movingȱfromȱhisȱstateȱofȱimmaturityȱandȱcrossingȱtheȱthresholdȱofȱadulthood,
whereȱ heȱ mustȱ beȱ willingȱ toȱ acceptȱ responsibilityȱ forȱ hisȱ actions.ȱ Inȱ fact,ȱ his
admissionȱtoȱfoolishnessȱmirrorsȱOrilus’sȱbehaviorȱasȱwell,ȱforȱhe,ȱtoo,ȱhasȱbeen
“gewahsenȱ nihtȱ bîȱ witzen”ȱ andȱ becauseȱ ofȱ hisȱ immature,ȱ foolishȱ treatmentȱ of
Jeschute,ȱ“mitȱjâmerȱdolteȱvilȱirȱlîp.”ȱBut,ȱitȱwouldȱappearȱthatȱinȱWolfram’sȱwork,
theȱ“spirit”ȱleadingȱtoȱcharitableȱdeedsȱisȱcontagious,ȱandȱtheȱtransformationȱin
Orilusȱisȱimmediatelyȱapparent:
dieȱgâbeȱenpfiencȱderȱdegenȱguot.
dôȱstreichȱerȱvonȱdemȱmundeȱdazȱbluot
undȱkusteȱsînesȱherzenȱtrût.
ouchȱwartȱverdactȱirȱblôziuȱhûtȱ.ȱ.ȱ.
dôȱsprachȱderȱvürsteȱOrilus
aberȱzeȱParzivâleȱalsus.
“helt,ȱdînȱunbetwungenȱeit
gîtȱmirȱgrôzȱliepȱundȱcrankezȱleit.
ichȱhânȱschumpfentiureȱgedolt,
diuȱmirȱvröudeȱhâtȱerholt.
jâȱmacȱmitȱêrenȱnuȱmînȱlîp
ergetzenȱdizȱwerdeȱwîpȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ
nuȱlônȱdirȱgot,ȱsiȱistȱvalschesȱvrî.
ichȱhânȱunvuogeȱanȱirȱgetân.” 36
ȱ
[Theȱ goodȱ knightȱ acceptedȱ theȱ gift.ȱ Wipingȱ theȱ bloodȱ fromȱ hisȱ lipsȱ heȱ kissedȱ the
darlingȱ ofȱ hisȱ heart.ȱ Heȱ alsoȱ coveredȱ herȱ nakednessȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ Princeȱ Orilusȱ turnedȱ to
Parzivalȱagain.ȱ“Knight,”ȱheȱsaid,ȱ“yourȱoathȱsoȱfreelyȱofferedȱgivesȱmeȱmuchȱjoyȱand
littleȱsorrow.ȱTheȱdefeatȱIȱhaveȱsufferedȱinȱbattleȱhasȱbroughtȱmeȱbackȱmyȱhappiness.
NowȱIȱcanȱmakeȱamendsȱtoȱthisȱladyȱwithȱhonorȱafterȱbanishingȱherȱfromȱfavorȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱshe
standsȱclearedȱofȱinfidelity.ȱItȱwasȱnotȱasȱaȱgentlemanȱthatȱIȱtreatedȱherȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”37]
ȱ
Now,ȱOrilus,ȱtoo,ȱhasȱexperiencedȱaȱperiodȱofȱdeepȱpainȱandȱemergesȱfromȱitȱa
betterȱindividual.38ȱFinally,ȱheȱhasȱbecomeȱcapableȱofȱshowingȱcompassion,ȱandȱby
35
36
WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱParzival,ȱ270,5ȱ–ȱ271,7ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
37
38
Onȱtheȱtopicȱofȱpainȱasȱaȱnecessaryȱstageȱofȱindividualȱdevelopment,ȱpleaseȱseeȱtheȱcontribution
toȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱJohnȱGough,ȱ“Pain:ȱSuffering,ȱAgony,ȱandȱDeathȱinȱtheȱWorksȱofȱFrançois
Villon.”
expressingȱhisȱregretȱforȱhisȱfoolishȱandȱhastyȱjudgmentȱofȱJeschute,ȱheȱcanȱadmit
hisȱ previousȱ “unvuoge”ȱ andȱ reestablishȱ aȱ lovingȱ relationshipȱ withȱ hisȱ wife.
Althoughȱbothȱmenȱtreatedȱherȱhorribly,ȱitȱisȱclearȱfromȱherȱsubsequentȱactions
thatȱsheȱisȱmostȱwillingȱtoȱexonerateȱherȱhusband.ȱThus,ȱsheȱbecomesȱoneȱofȱthe
mostȱextraordinarilyȱforgivingȱcharactersȱinȱmedievalȱliterature.39
Theȱimmatureȱstateȱofȱmindȱthatȱcomprehendsȱonlyȱtheȱletterȱofȱtheȱlaw,ȱasȱI
haveȱ describedȱ itȱ above,ȱ isȱ characteristicȱ ofȱ manyȱ atȱ court,ȱ inȱ theȱ opinionȱ of
GottfriedȱvonȱStraßburg,ȱandȱprovidesȱaȱcentralȱthematicȱproblemȱinȱhisȱepicȱpoem
TristanȱundȱIsolde.40ȱByȱcontrast,ȱtheȱlovers’ȱrelationshipȱreflectsȱtheȱhigherȱqualities
ofȱtheȱnewȱordoȱaboutȱwhichȱGottfriedȱwritesȱinȱhisȱprologue.41ȱInȱtheȱ244ȱlines
comprisingȱGottfried’sȱcomplexȱintroductionȱtoȱhisȱpoem,ȱheȱcriticizesȱhisȱcourtly
colleaguesȱforȱtheirȱsimplisticȱpreoccupationȱwithȱeasyȱgratification,ȱtheȱmany,ȱ
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱdie,ȱvonȱderȱichȱhoereȱsagen,
diuȱkeineȱswæreȱenmügeȱgetragen
undȱniwanȱinȱvröudenȱwelleȱsweben.
dieȱlâzeȱouchȱgotȱmitȱvröudenȱleben!
Derȱwerldeȱundȱdiserneȱlebene
enkumtȱmînȱredeȱnihtȱebene.
irȱlebenȱundȱmînezȱzweientȱsich.42ȱ
[.ȱ.ȱ.ȱwhoȱ[asȱIȱhear]ȱareȱunableȱtoȱendureȱsorrowȱandȱwishȱonlyȱtoȱrevelȱinȱbliss.ȱ(Please
Godȱtoȱletȱthemȱliveȱinȱtheirȱbliss!)ȱWhatȱIȱhaveȱtoȱsayȱdoesȱnotȱconcernȱthatȱworldȱand
suchȱaȱwayȱofȱlife;ȱtheirȱwayȱandȱmineȱdivergeȱsharply.43]
39
Ofȱcourse,ȱwomenȱfindȱthemselvesȱinȱsuchȱabusiveȱsituationsȱoftenȱinȱmedievalȱliterature,ȱandȱthe
menȱwhoȱtreatȱthemȱinȱthisȱmannerȱareȱrarelyȱaccusedȱandȱevenȱmoreȱrarely,ȱifȱever,ȱpunished
appropriately;ȱforȱexample,ȱwithȱreferenceȱtoȱaȱsimilarȱcaseȱregardingȱtheȱabuseȱofȱBoccaccio’s
GriseldaȱinȱhisȱDecameronȱ(10,ȱ1).
40
TheȱgreatȱbodyȱofȱcriticalȱliteratureȱonȱGottfried’sȱworkȱgrowsȱunabatedly,ȱandȱnegotiatingȱits
dimensionsȱ isȱ aȱ formidableȱ task;ȱ fortunately,ȱ thereȱ areȱ severalȱ importantȱ bibliographicȱ tools
dedicatedȱ toȱ Gottfried’sȱ work:ȱ Gottfriedȱ Weber,ȱ Gottfriedȱ vonȱ Straßburg,ȱ 5thȱ ed.,ȱ updatedȱ by
WernerȱHoffmannȱ(Stuttgart:ȱMetzler,ȱ1981);ȱChristophȱHuber,ȱGottfriedȱvonȱStraßburg:ȱTristan,
KlassikerȬLektüren,ȱ 3ȱ (Berlin:ȱ Erichȱ Schmidt,ȱ 2000);ȱ andȱ finally,ȱ theȱ journalȱ Tristania,ȱ which
regularlyȱupdatesȱcurrentȱresearchȱtrends.ȱ
41
SeeȱAlbrechtȱSchöne,ȱ“ZuȱGottfriedsȱ‘Tristan’ȬProlog,”ȱDeutscheȱVierteljahrschriftȱfürȱLiteraturȬȱund
Geistesgeschichteȱ29ȱ(1955):ȱ447–74;ȱKlausȱSpeckenbach,ȱStudienȱzumȱBegriffȱ“edelezȱherze”ȱimȱTristan
Gottfriedsȱ vonȱ Strassburg.ȱ Mediumȱ Aevumȱ –ȱ Philologischeȱ Studien,ȱ 6ȱ (Munich:ȱ Eidos,ȱ 1965);
Classen,ȱVerzweiflungȱundȱHoffnung,ȱ307–08ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).
42
MiddleȱHighȱGermanȱtextȱtakenȱfromȱGottfriedȱvonȱStrassburg,ȱTristan,ȱed.ȱbyȱFriedrichȱRanke,
reȬeditedȱandȱtrans.ȱintoȱNewȱHighȱGermanȱbyȱRüdigerȱKrohn,ȱ3ȱvols.ȱ(Stuttgart:ȱReclam,ȱ1980,
1983),ȱwithȱlineȱreferencesȱ(hereȱ51–57).
43
EnglishȱtranslationȱtextȱtakenȱfromȱGottfriedȱvonȱStrassburg,ȱTristan:ȱwithȱtheȱ‘Tristan’ȱofȱThomas,
trans.ȱbyȱA.ȱT.ȱHattoȱ(London,ȱNewȱYorkȱetȱal.:ȱPenguin,ȱ1967),ȱwithȱpageȱreferencesȱgivenȱin
parenthesesȱ(here,ȱ42).
Whileȱtheȱcourtlyȱretinueȱseeksȱmerelyȱpleasureȱandȱjoy,ȱGottfriedȱenvisionsȱa
new,ȱrevolutionaryȱsocialȱorderȱofȱedeleȱherzenȱ(“nobleȱhearts”),ȱwhoseȱacceptance
ofȱ life’sȱ difficultyȱ alongȱ withȱ itsȱ pleasures,ȱ andȱ whoseȱ embracingȱ ofȱ authentic
experience,ȱtypifyȱanȱeliteȱgroupȱofȱcognoscenti,ȱwhoȱhaveȱachievedȱaȱmaturityȱand
wisdom,ȱandȱcanȱcomprehendȱandȱappreciateȱlife’sȱcomplexities,ȱandȱwhoȱdoȱnot
requireȱtheȱletterȱofȱtheȱlawȱtoȱdictateȱtheirȱactions,ȱbutȱratherȱembraceȱitsȱspirit.44
Gottfriedȱwritesȱhisȱpoemȱforȱthisȱworld,
diuȱsametȱinȱeimeȱherzenȱtreit
irȱsüezeȱsûr,ȱirȱliebezȱleit,
irȱherzeliep,ȱirȱsenedeȱnôt,
irȱliebezȱleben,ȱirȱleidenȱtôt,
irȱliebenȱtôt,ȱirȱleidezȱleben.
demȱlebeneȱsîȱmînȱlebenȱergeben,
derȱwerltȱwilȱichȱgewerldetȱwesen,
mitȱirȱverderbenȱoderȱgenesen.45ȱ
[whichȱtogetherȱinȱoneȱheartȱbearsȱitsȱbitterȬsweet,ȱitsȱdearȱsorrow,ȱitsȱheart’sȱjoy,ȱits
love’sȱpain,ȱitsȱdearȱlife,ȱitsȱsorrowfulȱdeath,ȱitsȱdearȱdeath,ȱitsȱsorrowfulȱlife.ȱToȱthis
lifeȱletȱmyȱlifeȱbeȱgiven,ȱofȱthisȱworldȱletȱmeȱbeȱpart,ȱtoȱbeȱdamnedȱorȱsavedȱwithȱit.46]ȱ
Gottfried’sȱuseȱhereȱofȱchiasmusȱandȱparallelȱstructures,ȱemblematicȱofȱaȱclassical
education,ȱ demonstratesȱ thatȱ heȱ isȱ preparingȱ theȱ readerȱ rhetoricallyȱ forȱ the
sophisticatedȱdiscourseȱtoȱfollow—perhapsȱannouncingȱtoȱtheȱaudienceȱthatȱan
understandingȱofȱtheȱformȱofȱtheȱliteraryȱworkȱwillȱbeȱnecessaryȱforȱaȱthorough
appreciationȱofȱitsȱcontent.47ȱ
OverȱaȱlargeȱportionȱofȱGottfried’sȱtext,ȱtheȱcourtȱisȱobsessedȱwithȱprovingȱthat
TristanȱandȱIsoldeȱareȱcarryingȱonȱanȱaffair,ȱandȱtheȱcourtiers’ȱrepeatedȱattempts
toȱuncoverȱevidenceȱreflectsȱaspectsȱofȱwhatȱweȱhaveȱpreviouslyȱtermedȱletterȬofȬ
theȬlawȱjustice.ȱEvenȱwhenȱKingȱMarkȱhimselfȱdiscoversȱhisȱwifeȱandȱhisȱnephew
lockedȱinȱaȱlovers’ȱembrace,ȱheȱracesȱbackȱtoȱcourtȱinȱorderȱtoȱfetchȱwitnesses,ȱfor
itȱisȱwrittenȱthatȱheȱmustȱdoȱsoȱ“alsoȱdazȱlantrehtȱhæte”ȱ(18244;ȱ“inȱaccordance
withȱ theȱ lawȱ ofȱ theȱ land”)48—butȱ beforeȱ heȱ canȱ returnȱ withȱ witnesses,ȱ Tristan
managesȱtoȱflee.ȱTheȱloversȱevadeȱdetectionȱandȱprosecutionȱforȱaȱlongȱwhile,ȱnot
44
Someȱcriticsȱhaveȱelevatedȱthisȱeliteȱgroupȱtoȱhighȱlevelsȱofȱsophistication,ȱevenȱmysticismȱ(e.g.,
Speckenbach,ȱStudienȱzumȱBegriffȱ“edelezȱherze”,ȱ105–20ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ40].
45
GottfriedȱvonȱStrassburg,ȱTristan,ȱ59–66ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ42).
46
GottfriedȱvonȱStrassburg,ȱTristan,ȱtrans.ȱHatto,ȱ42ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ43).
47
WhileȱmanyȱcriticsȱhaveȱfoundȱtextualȱevidenceȱofȱGottfried’sȱclassicalȱeducation,ȱtwoȱworksȱhave
focusedȱ particularlyȱ onȱ thisȱ theme:ȱ C.ȱ Stephenȱ Jaeger,ȱ Medievalȱ Humanismȱ inȱ Gottfriedȱ von
Strassburg’sȱTristanȱundȱIsoldeȱ(Heidelberg:ȱWinter,ȱ1977),ȱandȱWinfriedȱChrist,ȱRhetorikȱundȱRoman:
UntersuchungenȱzuȱGottfriedsȱvonȱStrassburgȱ“TristanȱundȱIsold.”ȱDeutscheȱStudien,ȱ31ȱ(Meisenheim
amȱGlan:ȱHain,ȱ1977).
48
GottfriedȱvonȱStrassburg,ȱTristanȱ(seeȱnoteȱ42);ȱtrans.ȱHatto,ȱ281ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ43).
onlyȱ asȱ theȱ resultȱ ofȱ theirȱ discretionȱ andȱ astoundinglyȱ goodȱ fortune,ȱ butȱ also
because,ȱ whenȱ itȱ comesȱ toȱ theȱ courtȱ andȱ theȱ law,ȱ theȱ “letter”ȱ canȱ easilyȱ be
manipulated.ȱTristanȱandȱIsoldeȱdevelopȱaȱmasteryȱofȱtheȱcourtlyȱdiscourse,ȱthe
essential,ȱbasicȱformȱofȱtheȱcourtlyȱcodex,ȱandȱemployȱitȱtoȱinterpretȱpublicallyȱthe
“letterȱofȱtheȱlaw”ȱforȱtheȱbenefitȱofȱtheirȱlessȱsophisticatedȱcourtlyȱcolleagues.ȱIn
theȱmeantime,ȱtheȱloversȱcultivateȱtheirȱownȱformȱofȱsophisticatedȱcommunication,
basedȱ onȱ metaphorȱ andȱ symbol—theȱ “truth”ȱ behindȱ theȱ letter—inȱ orderȱ to
continue,ȱundetected,ȱtheirȱsublimeȱbutȱperilousȱrelationship.49ȱMostȱremarkably,
theȱloversȱseemȱtoȱbeȱableȱtoȱrelyȱuponȱtheȱcooperation,ȱifȱnotȱtheȱcollusion,ȱof
DivineȱProvidence.ȱIfȱweȱconsiderȱtheȱunsuccessfulȱoutcomesȱofȱtheȱnumerous
investigations,ȱ trapsȱ andȱ surveillancesȱ toȱ whichȱ theȱ courtȱ subjectsȱ Tristanȱ and
Isolde,ȱweȱmightȱevenȱsuspectȱthatȱGodȱstronglyȱsupportsȱtheȱloversȱinȱtheirȱbreak
fromȱsterileȱcourtlyȱtraditions.ȱToȱbeȱsure,ȱGottfriedȱmakesȱitȱperfectlyȱclearȱthat,
inȱhisȱopinion,ȱtheȱcourtlyȱsystemȱofȱmarriageȬbyȬbetrothalȱnoȱlongerȱenjoysȱGod’s
favor,ȱandȱthatȱsomeȱprocessesȱforȱascertainingȱlegalȱproofȱofȱguiltȱorȱinnocence,
suchȱasȱtheȱ“ordeal,”ȱrunȱcontraryȱtoȱtheȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlaw,ȱbyȱshowingȱtheȱutter
futilityȱofȱsuchȱpractices.ȱ
Letȱusȱturnȱforȱaȱmomentȱtoȱtheȱsceneȱofȱtheȱordeal,ȱforȱitȱprovidesȱperhapsȱthe
clearestȱexampleȱofȱtheȱletterȬofȬtheȬlaw’sȱinferiorityȱtoȱtheȱspirit.ȱTheȱformulaȱof
theȱ process50ȱ followsȱ aȱ strictȱ protocol:ȱ theȱ accusedȱ mustȱ makeȱ aȱ statementȱ (a
49
WhileȱitȱisȱclearȱthatȱTristanȱisȱinitiallyȱtheȱteacherȱandȱIsoldeȱtheȱpupilȱ(onȱtheȱmodelȱofȱAbelard
andȱHeloise—seeȱJosephȱCampbell,ȱTheȱMasksȱofȱGod:ȱCreativeȱMythologyȱ[NewȱYork,ȱLondon,
Toronto,ȱ etc.:ȱ Penguin,ȱ 1968],ȱ 54;ȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Abaelardsȱ Historiaȱ Calamitatum,ȱ der
BriefwechselȱmitȱHeloiseȱundȱGottfriedsȱvonȱStraßburgȱTristan:ȱHistorischȬbiographischeȱund
fiktionaleȱ Schicksale.ȱ Eineȱ Untersuchungȱ zurȱ Intertextualitätȱ imȱ zwölftenȱ undȱ dreizehnten
Jahrhundert,”ȱ arcadiaȱ 35.2ȱ (2000):ȱ 225–53),ȱ inȱ theȱ processȱ ofȱ learningȱ thisȱ newȱ mediumȱ of
communication,ȱIsoldeȱsoonȱsurpassesȱherȱteacherȱnotȱonlyȱinȱherȱlinguisticȱabilities,ȱbutȱalsoȱas
theȱ primaryȱ designerȱ andȱ developerȱ ofȱ theirȱ ruses,ȱ whileȱ Tristanȱ growsȱ everȱ lessȱ capableȱ of
sophisticatedȱunderstandingȱandȱplanning—aȱpointȱIȱwillȱtakeȱupȱlaterȱinȱthisȱessay;ȱseeȱespecially
Classen,ȱVerzweiflungȱundȱHoffnung,ȱ279–358ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20),ȱwhoȱdevelopsȱaȱtheoreticalȱbackground
forȱtheirȱrelationshipȱasȱaȱcommunicativeȱcommunityȱandȱdemonstratesȱinȱdetailȱhowȱGottfried
developsȱtheirȱutopianȱlove,ȱnotȱonlyȱasȱeros,ȱbutȱalsoȱasȱlanguage;ȱalsoȱseeȱmyȱessayȱonȱtheȱshift
ofȱpowerȱinȱtheȱlovers’ȱrelationshipȱandȱIsolde’sȱnewȱdominantȱposition,ȱ“TheȱBitternessȱofȱLove
onȱtheȱSea:ȱIsolde’sȱAmorousȱDiscourseȱViewedȱthroughȱGottfried’sȱCrystallineȱTransparency,”
WordsȱofȱLoveȱandȱLoveȱofȱWordsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱ(Tempe,
AZ:ȱArizonaȱCenterȱforȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱStudies,ȱ2008),ȱ275–89.ȱ
50
Isolde’sȱtrialȱandȱhowȱitȱmeasuresȱupȱtoȱtheȱjudicialȱstandardsȱofȱtheȱtimeȱareȱexploredȱbyȱVickie
L.ȱZiegler,ȱTrialȱbyȱFireȱandȱBattleȱinȱMedievalȱGermanȱLiterature,ȱStudiesȱinȱGermanȱLiterature,
LinguisticsȱandȱCultureȱ(Rochester,ȱNewȱYork:ȱCamdenȱHouse,ȱ2004),ȱ114–45;ȱsheȱsuggestsȱ(127)
thatȱGottfriedȱnarratesȱsomeȱaspectsȱofȱtheȱtrialȱinȱfarȱgreaterȱdetailȱthanȱothers,ȱwhileȱsomeȱare
notȱmentionedȱatȱall,ȱbecauseȱheȱwishesȱtoȱfocusȱhisȱaudience’sȱattentionȱonȱtheȱqueen,ȱor,ȱ“asȱa
clericȱhimself,ȱheȱwasȱreluctantȱtoȱgiveȱtheȱliturgyȱaȱprominentȱroleȱinȱaȱprocedureȱofȱwhichȱhe
himselfȱseemedȱtoȱbeȱcritical”;ȱseeȱalsoȱErnestȱC.ȱYork,ȱ“EnglishȱLegalȱCustomsȱinȱtheȱMedieval
“judicialȱoath”ȱutteredȱbeforeȱaȱtribunal—inȱtheȱcaseȱofȱIsolde,ȱitsȱmembersȱare
KingȱMarkȱandȱprominentȱcourtiers,ȱwithȱaȱbishopȱpresiding)ȱthatȱdeclaresȱher/his
innocence;ȱifȱtheȱtribunalȱagreesȱonȱtheȱacceptabilityȱofȱtheȱstatement,ȱtheȱaccused
swearsȱher/hisȱinnocenceȱandȱtakesȱintoȱher/hisȱhandȱanȱironȱobjectȱthatȱhasȱbeen
heatedȱinȱfireȱtoȱaȱveryȱhighȱtemperature;ȱher/hisȱinnocenceȱisȱprovenȱifȱtheȱhand
remainsȱuninjured,ȱsupposedlyȱsparedȱbyȱdivineȱintercessionȱifȱGodȱhasȱdeemed
theȱaccusedȱtoȱbeȱinnocent.ȱIsoldeȱisȱableȱtoȱsecureȱthisȱpositiveȱoutcomeȱforȱherself
byȱconcoctingȱanȱevasiveȱoathȱfromȱaȱstringȱofȱhalfȬtruths.ȱ
TheȱinscrutableȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱGod’sȱjusticeȱandȱhumanȱinvestigationȱand
proofȱcomesȱtoȱexpressionȱespeciallyȱinȱIsolde’sȱtrialȱbyȱhotȱiron:ȱherȱsuccessful
(althoughȱ evasive)ȱ oathȱ fulfillingȱ onlyȱ theȱ “letterȱ ofȱ theȱ law”ȱ easilyȱ foolsȱ the
membersȱ ofȱ theȱ courtȱ whileȱ stillȱ apparentlyȱ satisfyingȱ God’sȱ will.ȱ Gottfried’s
subsequentȱdigressionȱonȱhowȱGod’sȱjudgment,ȱ“wintschaffenȱalseȱeinȱermelȱist”
(15736;ȱ“pliantȱasȱaȱwindblownȱsleeve”ȱ[248]),51ȱcannotȱbeȱforcedȱbyȱhumanȱbeings,
servesȱasȱbothȱaȱwarningȱagainstȱtheȱpresumptuousȱattemptȱtoȱfathomȱtheȱways
ofȱGod52ȱasȱwellȱasȱaȱsuggestionȱthatȱGodȱcondonesȱtheȱamorousȱbehaviorȱofȱthe
lovers.53
AlthoughȱGottfried’sȱversionȱofȱtheȱtaleȱbreaksȱoffȱlongȱbeforeȱTristan’sȱmarriage
toȱIsoldeȱofȱtheȱWhiteȱHands,ȱtheȱFrenchȱsourceȱGottfriedȱclaimsȱforȱhisȱTristan,
ThomasȱofȱBrittany,54ȱprovidesȱanȱinterestingȱvariationȱonȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetween
languageȱandȱjustice.ȱTristan’sȱultimateȱfateȱisȱsealedȱwhenȱheȱisȱ“punished”ȱbyȱhis
wifeȱforȱhisȱtransgressionsȱagainstȱher,ȱwhichȱincludeȱaȱnumberȱofȱliesȱandȱrefusals
toȱ participateȱ fullyȱ inȱ theȱ marriageȱ contract—heȱ hasȱ neverȱ consummatedȱ the
marriage!ȱHerȱinsistenceȱthatȱtheȱwhiteȱsailsȱonȱtheȱboat,ȱannouncingȱthatȱIseutȱthe
FairȱisȱaboardȱbringingȱhealingȱtoȱherȱmoribundȱloverȱTristan,ȱareȱblackȱ(“Jolsȱsai
purȱ veir.ȱ /ȱ Sachezȱ queȱ leȱ sigleȱ estȱ tutȱ neir”ȱ (1755–56;ȱ “Iȱ amȱ entirelyȱ sureȱ of
TristanȱLegend,”ȱStudiesȱinȱPhilologyȱ68ȱ(1971):ȱ1–9,ȱwhoȱaccountsȱforȱaȱsignificantȱdeviationȱinȱthe
orderȱofȱeventsȱinȱtheȱprocedureȱ(thatȱtheȱoathȱofȱdenialȱoccursȱsoȱlate,ȱgivingȱIsoldeȱmoreȱpower
toȱmanipulateȱtheȱwording)ȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱlocalȱculturalȱdifferencesȱ(4–6).
51
GottfriedȱvonȱStrassburg,ȱTristan,ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ42);ȱtrans.ȱHatto,ȱ248ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ43).
52
SeeȱZieglerȱ(seeȱnoteȱ50),ȱwhereȱsheȱcommentsȱonȱGottfried’sȱpassage:ȱ“intellectualȱoppositionȱto
theȱordeal,ȱespeciallyȱstrongȱinȱlateȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱParis,ȱcenteredȱonȱitsȱrootsȱinȱsuperstitionȱand
theȱattemptȱtoȱmanipulateȱorȱtemptȱGod,ȱprovingȱtheȱfundamentallyȱunorthodoxȱcharacterȱofȱthe
ordealȱprocess”ȱ(129).
53
SeeȱH.ȱB.ȱWillson,ȱ“TheȱOldȱandȱtheȱNewȱLawȱinȱGottfried’sȱ‘Tristan,’”ȱModernȱLanguageȱNotesȱ60
(1965):ȱ 212–24;ȱ Willsonȱ suggestsȱ thatȱ theȱ keyȱ toȱ understandingȱ God’sȱ supportȱ isȱ theȱ lovers’
demonstrationȱofȱcompassion—however,ȱthisȱthesisȱbecomesȱcomplicatedȱwhenȱoneȱconsiders
Tristanȱ andȱ Isolde’sȱ repeatedȱ hoodwinkingsȱ ofȱ Kingȱ Markȱ (althoughȱ heȱ treatsȱ themȱ most
magnanimously)ȱandȱotherȱmembersȱofȱtheȱcourt,ȱandȱespeciallyȱIsolde’sȱnearȱmurderȱofȱherȱladyȬ
inȬwaitingȱBrangæneȱ(12696–934).
54
Thomas,ȱLesȱFragmentsȱduȱRomanȱdeȱTristan:ȱPoèmeȱduȱXIIȱsiècle,ȱed.ȱBartinaȱH.ȱWindȱ(Geneva:ȱDroz,
1960).
it—knowȱthatȱtheȱsailȱisȱcompletelyȱwhite”—myȱtranslation),55ȱcondemnsȱTristan
toȱdeath.ȱThus,ȱthroughȱherȱdissemblance,ȱIseutȱofȱtheȱWhiteȱHandsȱacquiresȱthe
roleȱ ofȱ judge,ȱ juryȱ andȱ executionerȱ forȱ theȱ socialȱ orderȱ thatȱ hasȱ sufferedȱ great
offenseȱatȱtheȱhandsȱofȱtheȱlovers.ȱ
Intriguingly,ȱ sheȱ hasȱ alreadyȱ demonstratedȱ aȱ highȱ levelȱ ofȱ linguistic
sophisticationȱ(e.g.,ȱherȱcommentȱregardingȱwaterȱsplashingȱonȱherȱthighȱmaking
bolderȱ withȱ herȱ thanȱ herȱ husbandȱ everȱ hadȱ [250–57]),56ȱ andȱ hereȱ sheȱ merely
employsȱtheȱsameȱkindȱofȱmetaphoricalȱdiscourseȱtheȱloversȱhaveȱreliedȱuponȱto
hideȱ theirȱ relationship.ȱ Whileȱ theȱ signifiedȱ referenceȱ ofȱ herȱ utterance—the
sails—areȱactuallyȱnotȱblack,ȱbutȱratherȱwhite,ȱonȱtheȱmetaphoricalȱlevelȱtheyȱmay
indeedȱachieveȱblackness.ȱAsȱfarȱasȱIseutȱofȱtheȱWhiteȱHandsȱisȱconcerned,ȱtheir
colorȱrepresentsȱtheȱarrivalȱofȱtheȱpersonȱwhoȱwillȱsurelyȱ“blacken”ȱanyȱhopeȱshe
mightȱ haveȱ forȱ herȱ husband’sȱ affection,ȱ whileȱ atȱ theȱ sameȱ timeȱ theȱ situation
“blackens”ȱherȱheartȱtoȱperformȱsuchȱaȱhatefulȱdeed.
Itȱ isȱ importantȱ toȱ noteȱ thatȱ Tristan’sȱ masteryȱ ofȱ languageȱ andȱ hisȱ powersȱ of
insightȱ waneȱ significantlyȱ overȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ theȱ work,ȱ especiallyȱ afterȱ his
declarationȱofȱlove.ȱSinceȱtheȱmomentȱheȱandȱIsoldeȱreturnedȱfromȱIrelandȱonȱthe
wooingȱexpedition,ȱitȱhasȱbeenȱshe,ȱandȱnotȱTristan,ȱwhoȱhasȱfunctionedȱasȱthe
primaryȱ plannerȱ ofȱ theirȱ trysts,ȱ plotsȱ andȱ deceptions.ȱ Furthermore,ȱ Tristan’s
placingȱ ofȱ theȱ swordȱ betweenȱ himȱ andȱ Isoldeȱ atopȱ theȱ crystallineȱ bedȱ inȱ the
minnegrotte,ȱ whileȱ successfullyȱ deceivingȱ Markȱ intoȱ believingȱ theȱ pairȱ was
remainingȱchaste,ȱdesecratesȱtheȱmetaphoricallyȱ“pure”ȱenvironmentȱandȱsignifies
theirȱreturnȱtoȱcourtȱandȱtheȱendȱofȱtheirȱrelationship.ȱByȱplacingȱtheȱsymbolȱof
honorȱ(theȱsword)ȱbetweenȱthemȱonȱtheȱsymbolicȱbedȱofȱlove,57ȱTristanȱhimself
assertsȱtheȱprimacyȱofȱhonorȱoverȱlove.ȱItȱisȱperhapsȱtheȱmostȱimportantȱincident
inȱ whichȱ theȱ reputedlyȱ consummateȱ loverȱ demonstratesȱ thatȱ heȱ noȱ longer
understandsȱtheȱpowerȱofȱmetaphors,ȱandȱthisȱ“crime”ȱagainstȱtheȱpurityȱofȱtheir
loveȱonȱmetaphoricalȱlevelȱcondemnsȱitȱtoȱend.ȱThus,ȱatȱtheȱmomentȱofȱTristan’s
death,ȱIseutȱofȱtheȱWhiteȱHands’ȱdoubleȬentendreȱcatchesȱhimȱdefenseless,ȱandȱhe
mustȱsufferȱtheȱultimateȱ(“capital”)ȱpunishment,ȱanȱexecutionȱforȱcrimesȱagainst
love.ȱ
Inȱconclusion,ȱtheȱthreeȱworksȱweȱhaveȱbroughtȱunderȱdiscussionȱprovideȱdifferent
perspectivesȱonȱtheȱissueȱofȱtheȱletterȱandȱspiritȱofȱlaw.ȱEachȱmemberȱofȱtheȱcourtly
55
Thomas,ȱLesȱFragmentsȱduȱRomanȱdeȱTristanȱ(seeȱnoteȱ54).
56
Thomas,ȱLesȱFragmentsȱduȱRomanȱdeȱTristanȱ(seeȱnoteȱ54).
57
SeeȱChristopherȱR.ȱClason,ȱ“DeceptionȱinȱtheȱBoudoir:ȱGottfried’sȱ‘Tristan’ȱandȱ‘Lying’ȱinȱBed,”
JournalȱofȱEnglishȱandȱGermanicȱPhilologyȱ103ȱ(2004):ȱ277–96,ȱwhereȱIȱclaimȱthatȱ“theȱswordȱ.ȱ.ȱ.
representsȱloyaltyȱtoȱone’sȱlord,ȱtheȱfeudalȱobligationȱthatȱTristanȱowesȱtoȱMarkeȱasȱhisȱkingȱ.ȱ.ȱ.
TristanȱunwittinglyȱbringsȱtheȱsymbolȱofȱcourtlyȱdutyȱontoȱtheȱveryȱaltarȱofȱtheȱminneȬsacrament
[andȱthereby]ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱperformsȱaȱkindȱofȱdesecrationȱofȱtheȱminnegrotte”ȱ(294).
communityȱisȱsubjectȱtoȱwhatȱisȱcommandedȱbyȱsocial,ȱpoliticalȱorȱreligiousȱpower,
whetherȱitȱcomesȱinȱanȱexplicitȱcodexȱorȱitȱisȱhandedȱdownȱthroughȱoralȱtradition;
adherentsȱtoȱtheȱletterȱbecomeȱ“normal”ȱandȱundistinguished.ȱInȱaȱsocietyȱwhere
continuityȱ andȱ predictabilityȱ areȱ crucial,ȱ theseȱ qualitiesȱ areȱ perhapsȱ desirous.
However,ȱasȱtheȱthreeȱepicȱtalesȱdemonstrate,ȱinȱcasesȱwhereȱtheȱindividualȱis
destinedȱforȱhigher,ȱindividual,ȱorȱheroicȱachievements,ȱaȱgreaterȱconsciousness
ofȱtheȱspiritȱandȱmeaningȱbehindȱtheȱwrittenȱwordȱisȱrequired.ȱTheȱpathȱfrom
immaturityȱtoȱadulthoodȱisȱfraughtȱwithȱdifficulty,ȱbutȱifȱtheȱheroȱisȱtoȱsucceed
(s)heȱmustȱconfrontȱitȱandȱevolve—develop,ȱgrow,ȱandȱlearn.ȱHeinrichȱisȱhealed,
ParzivalȱbecomesȱGrailȱKing,ȱandȱOrilusȱturnsȱintoȱaȱtrueȱpartnerȱforȱhisȱloving
wifeȱbecauseȱtheyȱundergoȱthisȱevolution.ȱTristan’sȱdevolutionȱspellsȱtheȱendȱofȱhis
loveȱandȱhisȱlife.ȱInȱeachȱofȱtheseȱcases,ȱtheȱcharacter’sȱabilityȱtoȱinterpretȱtheȱspirit
ofȱtheȱlawȱbehindȱtheȱletterȬofȬtheȬlawȱultimatelyȱdecidesȱherȱorȱhisȱsuccessȱor
failure.
Chapterȱ4
StaceyȱHahn
(OaklandȱUniversity,ȱRochester,ȱMI)
Crime,ȱPunishmentȱandȱtheȱHybridȱinȱMedievalȱFrench
Romance:ȱRobertȱtheȱDevilȱandȱGeoffreyȱBigȱTooth
Theȱ widespreadȱ tendencyȱ toȱ traceȱ one’sȱ lineageȱ orȱ characterȱ toȱ supernatural
originsȱorȱinfluencesȱseemsȱaȱconstantȱthroughoutȱmythology,ȱfolklore,ȱreligion
andȱhistory.ȱThisȱphenomenonȱmayȱbeȱobservedȱregardingȱAeneas,ȱtheȱfounder
ofȱRomeȱandȱancestorȱofȱBrutus,ȱtheȱfirstȱofȱtheȱBritonȱKings,ȱwhoseȱmotherȱwas
theȱgoddessȱVenusȱorȱtheȱoffspringȱofȱMélusine,ȱtheȱfairyȱmistressȱandȱfounding
motherȱofȱtheȱLusignanȱfamilyȱofȱPoitiers.ȱOtherȱexamplesȱincludeȱSirȱLancelot
withȱhisȱlinkȱtoȱtheȱlineageȱofȱtheȱbiblicalȱKingȱDavidȱthroughȱhisȱmotherȱorȱin
modernȱtimesȱDanȱBrownȱandȱhisȱattemptȱtoȱconnectȱtheȱlegendȱofȱtheȱHolyȱGrail
toȱtheȱsupposedȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱChristȱandȱMaryȱMagdaleneȱthatȱproduced
betweenȱ themȱ aȱ humanȱ lineage.ȱ Supernaturalȱ origins,ȱ whetherȱ ofȱ divineȱ or
diabolicalȱnature,ȱbringȱwithȱthemȱimmenseȱburdensȱthatȱwreakȱpotentialȱhavoc
orȱgraveȱresponsibilitiesȱonȱthoseȱbornȱofȱthem.ȱTheȱburdenȱofȱdiabolicalȱorigins
manifestȱinȱtheȱprotagonistsȱofȱmedievalȱromanceȱoftenȱleadsȱtheseȱcharactersȱon
theȱ pathȱ toȱ crimeȱ andȱ subsequentȱ punishment.ȱ Nonetheless,ȱ noȱ matterȱ how
obscureȱorȱmurkyȱone’sȱorigins,ȱitȱisȱalwaysȱpossibleȱtoȱrepentȱandȱredeemȱoneself,
especiallyȱ withinȱ theȱ parametersȱ ofȱ theȱ Christianȱ traditionȱ thatȱ circumscribes
medievalȱromance.ȱ
Aȱ diabolicalȱ bloodlineȱ or,ȱ asȱ inȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ Robertȱ theȱ Devil,ȱ aȱ conception
engineeredȱbyȱaȱdemonȱdoesȱnotȱnecessarilyȱdictateȱaȱtragicȱdestinyȱasȱlongȱasȱthe
hybridȱownsȱupȱtoȱhisȱevilȱnature,ȱwhichȱmayȱoccurȱasȱtheȱresultȱofȱselfȬreflection,
orȱthroughȱtheȱmiseryȱandȱisolationȱbroughtȱaboutȱbyȱevilȱdeeds.ȱInȱasȱmuchȱasȱthe
criminalȱ possessesȱ freeȱ willȱ andȱ hasȱ beenȱ baptized,ȱ hisȱ redemptionȱ isȱ always
possible,ȱprovidedȱheȱrepentȱandȱmakeȱrestitution.ȱTheȱjourneyȱtowardȱsalvation
isȱaȱslowȱandȱdifficultȱprocess,ȱusuallyȱearnedȱthroughȱselfȬsacrificeȱbyȱcompleting
88 StaceyȱHahn
difficultȱtasksȱthatȱrestoreȱtheȱveryȱsocietyȱorȱindividualsȱwhichȱtheȱmalefactor
attemptedȱtoȱdestroy.ȱInȱtheȱbattleȱbetweenȱgoodȱandȱevilȱtheȱhybrid,ȱbecauseȱof
hisȱ linkȱ withȱ theȱ supernatural,ȱ playsȱ aȱ moreȱ formidableȱ roleȱ thanȱ hisȱ human
counterpartsȱbecauseȱhisȱstrengthsȱandȱweaknessesȱareȱamplifiedȱandȱtherefore
haveȱaȱmoreȱdevastatingȱeffectȱonȱtheȱsocialȱfabric.ȱWhenȱtheȱhybridȱchannelsȱhis
energyȱinȱaȱpositiveȱway,ȱheȱcanȱaccomplishȱmoreȱthanȱallȱofȱhisȱpeers,ȱandȱbyȱthe
sameȱ token,ȱ whenȱ thisȱ energyȱ burstsȱ forthȱ inȱ anȱ angry,ȱ vengefulȱ manner,ȱ his
destructionȱisȱvirtuallyȱunstoppable.1ȱ
TwoȱmedievalȱFrenchȱromances,ȱRobertȱleȱDiableȱandȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine,ȱare
remarkablyȱsimilarȱinȱtheirȱtreatmentȱofȱtheirȱhybridȱmaleȱprotagonists,ȱeachȱone
ofȱ whomȱ actsȱ outȱ theȱ markȱ ofȱ hisȱ supernaturalȱ origins,ȱ incurredȱ throughȱ the
agencyȱofȱhisȱmother,ȱbyȱwreakingȱhavocȱonȱhallowedȱcommunities.ȱTheȱlivesȱof
Robertȱ theȱ Devilȱ andȱ Geoffreyȱ Bigȱ Tooth,ȱ althoughȱ largelyȱ differentȱ inȱ many
respectsȱgivenȱtheȱseparateȱgenresȱtoȱwhichȱtheyȱbelong,ȱshareȱmanyȱparallelsȱthat
indicateȱthatȱtheȱRobertȱtheȱDevilȱlegendȱmayȱhaveȱplayedȱaȱstrongȱroleȱinȱshaping
theȱ Romanȱ deȱ Mélusine.2ȱ Theȱ followingȱ isȱ aȱ listȱ ofȱ episodesȱ thatȱ linkȱ theȱ two
protagonists:ȱRobertȱtheȱDevilȱsetsȱfireȱtoȱtheȱabbeyȱofȱArques,ȱincineratingȱallȱthe
nunsȱinside,ȱwhileȱGeoffreyȱBigȱTooth,ȱtheȱmaleȱheroȱofȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine,
commitsȱsimilarȱinjuryȱbyȱsettingȱfireȱtoȱtheȱmonasteryȱofȱMaillezais,ȱkillingȱallȱthe
monksȱwithin,ȱincludingȱhisȱbrotherȱFromont.ȱ
Bothȱrenegadesȱwillȱrepentȱofȱtheirȱactions,ȱredeemȱthemselvesȱbyȱprovingȱtheir
worthȱ onȱ theȱ battlefieldȱ andȱ makeȱ aȱ pilgrimageȱ forȱ absolutionȱ toȱ theȱ popeȱ in
Rome.ȱGeoffreyȱwillȱseekȱtoȱmakeȱamendsȱbyȱestablishingȱanȱabbeyȱinȱmemoryȱof
thoseȱheȱhasȱkilledȱandȱanȱabbeyȱwillȱbeȱconsecratedȱtoȱRobertȱafterȱhisȱdeath.ȱ
Neitherȱoneȱwillȱmarryȱorȱbearȱoffspring,ȱthusȱsafelyȱsparingȱhumanityȱtheȱdanger
ofȱtheirȱevilȱseeds.3ȱInȱaddition,ȱRobertȱandȱGeoffreyȱareȱaffiliatedȱwithȱimportant
medievalȱdynastiesȱbyȱvirtueȱofȱtheirȱnamesȱandȱplaceȱofȱorigin:ȱRobertȱisȱlinked
1
TheȱsameȱpatternȱisȱevidentȱinȱotherȱmedievalȱworksȱsuchȱasȱtheȱLancelotȬGrailȱCycleȱwhereȱa
privilegedȱbloodlineȱguaranteesȱtheȱsuccessȱofȱtheȱheroȱandȱdestinesȱhimȱtoȱaccomplishȱgreat
deedsȱasȱwasȱtheȱcaseȱforȱLancelotȱandȱGalahadȱwhoȱcanȱtraceȱtheirȱheritageȱbackȱtoȱtheȱBiblical
KingȱDavidȱthroughȱLancelot’sȱmother.ȱForȱtheȱLancelotȬGrailȱCycle,ȱseeȱLancelot:ȱromanȱenȱprose
duȱXIIIeȱsiècle.ȱed.ȱAlexandreȱMicha.ȱ9ȱvols.ȱ(GenevaȱandȱParis:ȱDroz,ȱ1978–1983);ȱLaȱQuesteȱdel
SaintȱGraal:ȱromanȱduȱXIIIeȱsiècle.ȱed.ȱAlbertȱPauphiletȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1978);ȱandȱLaȱMortȱleȱroi
Artu:ȱromanȱduȱXIIIeȱsiècle.ȱed.ȱJeanȱFrappierȱ(Geneva:ȱDroz,ȱ1996).ȱAnotherȱexampleȱisȱtheȱtwelfthȬ
centuryȱRomanȱd’Enéas,ȱaȱmedievalȱadaptationȱofȱVirgil’sȱAeneid,ȱwhereȱtheȱheroȱisȱpredestinedȱby
divineȱwillȱandȱhisȱlineageȱtoȱsucceedȱinȱfoundingȱaȱnewȱTroyȱinȱItaly.ȱLeȱRomanȱd’Enéas.ȱed.ȱAimé
Petitȱ(Paris:ȱLibrairieȱGénéraleȱFrançaise,ȱ1997).ȱ
2
Althoughȱbothȱworksȱareȱromances,ȱRobertȱleȱdiableȱhasȱstrongerȱhagiographicalȱovertonesȱwhile
theȱRomanȱdeȱMélusineȱfocusesȱmoreȱstronglyȱonȱdynasticȱissues.
3
Inȱlaterȱversionsȱofȱtheȱlegend,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱDitȱdeȱRobertȱleȱDiableȱ(earlyȱfourteenthȱcentury),
Robertȱmarriesȱtheȱemperor’sȱdaughterȱandȱbecomesȱaȱfatherȱratherȱthanȱliveȱoutȱtheȱrestȱofȱhis
lifeȱasȱaȱhermit.ȱ
RobertȱtheȱDevilȱandȱGeoffreyȱBigȱTooth 89
toȱtheȱdukesȱofȱNormandy,ȱaȱdynastyȱlocatedȱinȱNorthernȱFranceȱwhileȱGeoffrey
descendsȱfromȱtheȱLusignanȱfamilyȱofȱPoitiersȱinȱSouthwesternȱFrance.ȱ
BecauseȱthereȱexistsȱsoȱmanyȱsimilaritiesȱbetweenȱtheȱRobertȱtheȱDevilȱlegend
andȱlaterȱromancesȱbothȱinȱEnglishȱandȱinȱFrench,ȱwhichȱappearȱtoȱhaveȱbeen
directlyȱorȱindirectlyȱinspiredȱbyȱRobertȱtheȱDevil,ȱcriticsȱsuchȱasȱAndreaȱHopkins
andȱJaneȱGilbertȱhaveȱidentifiedȱtheseȱworksȱasȱbelongingȱtoȱaȱdistinctiveȱliterary
subȱgenre,ȱtheȱpenitentialȱromance.ȱTheseȱromances,ȱwhichȱdealȱwithȱ“unnatural
mothersȱandȱtheirȱmonstrousȱoffspring”ȱhaveȱmanyȱcommonalitiesȱsuchȱasȱhybrid
sons,ȱsecrecyȱregardingȱtheȱidentityȱofȱaȱfatherȱfigureȱandȱaȱquestȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱthe
sonȱtoȱseekȱtheȱnatureȱofȱhisȱpaternalȱorigins.4ȱ
Inȱaddition,ȱtheȱmonstrousȱchildrenȱcommitȱheinousȱcrimesȱsuchȱasȱmurderȱand
theȱ desecrationȱ ofȱ monasteriesȱ orȱ convents,ȱ yetȱ despiteȱ theirȱ evilȱ deeds,ȱ they
manageȱtoȱredeemȱthemselvesȱthroughȱactsȱofȱpenance,ȱwhichȱmightȱinvolveȱbattle
againstȱtheȱinfidelȱasȱproofȱofȱaȱChristianȱconversion,ȱtheȱconstructionȱofȱreligious
sites,ȱ orȱ aȱ pilgrimageȱ toȱ seekȱ absolutionȱ fromȱ theȱ popeȱ inȱ Rome.ȱ Manyȱ ofȱ the
curiousȱanomaliesȱinȱJeanȱd’Arras’sȱRomanȱdeȱMélusineȱmakeȱsenseȱwhenȱviewed
inȱlightȱofȱthisȱgenre.ȱInȱherȱstudyȱofȱMiddleȱEnglishȱpenitentialȱromancesȱAndrea
Hopkinsȱstatesȱinȱherȱprefaceȱthatȱtheseȱromancesȱ(GuyȱofȱWarwick,ȱSirȱYsumbras,
SirȱGowther,ȱandȱRoberdȱofȱCisyle)ȱ“concernȱthemselvesȱwithȱtheȱsin,ȱrepentance,
andȱatonementȱofȱtheirȱheroes.ȱDespiteȱbeingȱfewȱinȱnumberȱtheyȱformȱaȱcoherent
andȱdistinctiveȱgroupȱandȱhaveȱneverȱpreviouslyȱbeenȱstudiedȱinȱassociationȱwith
eachȱother.ȱTheȱmainȱpointȱtoȱemergeȱfromȱtheȱstudyȱisȱthatȱinȱthisȱcloselyȱrelated
groupȱofȱtexts,ȱtheȱkindȱofȱpenanceȱexperiencedȱbyȱtheȱheroesȱandȱitsȱtreatmentȱby
theȱauthorsȱreflectsȱarchaicȱtraditionsȱandȱviewsȱatȱvarianceȱwithȱtheȱcontemporary
teachingȱandȱpracticeȱofȱtheȱChurch,ȱandȱthatȱthisȱsurprisingȱdepartureȱisȱlargely
determinedȱbyȱtheȱnatureȱofȱtheȱkindȱofȱliteratureȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱpoemȱbelongsȱ–
romance.”5ȱ
Theȱpenitentialȱromance,ȱthen,ȱcombinesȱelementsȱofȱromanceȱwithȱhagiography
suchȱ thatȱ theȱ protagonistȱ movesȱ fromȱ theȱ secularȱ worldȱ ofȱ tournaments,ȱ sex,
violenceȱandȱsinȱtoȱaȱrejectionȱofȱtheseȱvaluesȱthroughȱpenanceȱandȱaȱmovement
towardȱaȱlifestyleȱgroundedȱonȱaestheticȱprinciplesȱmoreȱinȱtuneȱwithȱChristian
notionsȱ ofȱ redemption.ȱ Theseȱ notionsȱ ofȱ redemption,ȱ however,ȱ doȱ notȱ always
reflectȱ contemporaryȱ religiousȱ practices,ȱ butȱ ratherȱ functionȱ onȱ aȱ levelȱ that
correspondsȱmoreȱcloselyȱtoȱfolkloreȱandȱmyth.ȱTheȱgenerallyȱacceptedȱsourceȱfor
4
JaneȱGilbert,ȱ“UnnaturalȱMothersȱandȱMonstrousȱChildrenȱinȱTheȱKingȱofȱTarsȱandȱSirȱGowther,”
MedievalȱWomen:ȱTextsȱandȱContextsȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱBritain:ȱEssaysȱforȱFelicityȱRiddy,ȱed.ȱJocelyn
WoganȬBrowne,ȱRosalynnȱVoaden,ȱArlynȱDiamond,ȱAnnȱHutchison,ȱandȱCarolȱMealeȱ(Turnhout,
Belgium:ȱBrepols,ȱ2000),ȱ329–44.
5
Andreaȱ Hopkins,ȱ Theȱ Sinfulȱ Knights:ȱ Aȱ Studyȱ ofȱ Middleȱ Englishȱ Penitentialȱ Romanceȱ (Oxford:
ClarendonȱPress,ȱ1990),ȱPreface.ȱ
90 StaceyȱHahn
thisȱuniqueȱgenreȱthatȱbecameȱincreasinglyȱpopularȱthroughoutȱtheȱcourseȱofȱthe
MiddleȱAgesȱandȱevenȱintoȱtheȱtwentiethȱcenturyȱisȱtheȱlegendȱofȱRobertȱleȱDiable
whichȱ existsȱ inȱ twoȱ verseȱ manuscripts,ȱ oneȱ datingȱ fromȱ theȱ latterȱ halfȱ ofȱ the
thirteenthȱcenturyȱ(BNȱfr.ȱ25516),ȱreferredȱtoȱasȱmanuscriptȱA,ȱandȱtheȱotherȱfrom
theȱlateȱfourteenthȱorȱearlyȱfifteenthȱcenturyȱ(BNȱfr.ȱ24405),ȱmanuscriptȱB.ȱ
Theȱenormouslyȱpopularȱlegendȱwasȱtranslatedȱintoȱseveralȱlanguagesȱandȱexists
inȱverseȱandȱproseȱromance,ȱconte,ȱdit,ȱexemplum,ȱandȱmiracleȱplay.ȱ6ȱTheȱlegendȱhas
alsoȱ beenȱ amplifiedȱ andȱ secularizedȱ withȱ theȱ passageȱ ofȱ timeȱ soȱ thatȱ inȱ later
versionsȱtheȱfigureȱofȱRobertȱendsȱupȱmarryingȱandȱfatheringȱchildrenȱratherȱthan
rejectȱmarriageȱinȱorderȱtoȱbecomeȱaȱsaintlyȱhermit.ȱTheȱgenreȱwasȱparticularly
successfulȱinȱEnglandȱwhereȱtheȱfigureȱofȱRobertȱevolvesȱintoȱEnglish,ȱsecularized
heroesȱwhoȱtakeȱonȱvariousȱnamesȱandȱguisesȱasȱinȱtheȱheroesȱofȱtheȱromances
mentionedȱaboveȱstudiedȱbyȱAndreaȱHopkins:ȱGuyȱofȱWarwick,ȱSirȱYsumbras,ȱSir
Gowtherȱ andȱ Roberdȱ ofȱ Cisyle.ȱ Aȱ comparisonȱ ofȱ theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ these
romancesȱinȱbothȱFrenchȱandȱ Englishȱmightȱbeȱfruitfulȱinȱthatȱthereȱareȱmany
similaritiesȱbetweenȱGeoffreyȱBigȱTooth,ȱSirȱGowtherȱandȱGuyȱofȱWarwick.7ȱAs
mightȱ beȱ expected,ȱ manyȱ themesȱ inȱ theȱ earlyȱ Robertȱ theȱ Devilȱ taleȱ become
amplified,ȱrationalized,ȱandȱmoreȱfullyȱexaminedȱinȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine,ȱjustȱas
theyȱhaveȱinȱtheȱEnglishȱromancesȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱlegend.ȱ
InȱthisȱpaperȱIȱwillȱreferȱtoȱtheȱlaterȱeditionȱofȱtheȱverseȱRobertȱleȱdiableȱbasedȱon
manuscriptȱBȱandȱeditedȱbyȱElisabethȱGaucher.ȱIȱhaveȱchosenȱtheȱlatterȱmanuscript
toȱbeȱtheȱobjectȱofȱmyȱcomparisonȱsinceȱmanuscriptȱBȱelaboratesȱmoreȱfullyȱonȱthe
psychologyȱofȱRobert’sȱevilȱdeedsȱandȱcontrition.8ȱItȱisȱalsoȱmoreȱapproximateȱin
6
ForȱaȱthoroughȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱentireȱRobertȱleȱDiableȱcorpus,ȱseeȱElisabethȱGaucher,ȱRobertȱleȱDiable:
Histoireȱ d’uneȱ légendeȱ (Paris:ȱ Champion,ȱ 2003).ȱ Forȱ aȱ detailedȱ analysisȱ ofȱ theȱ twoȱ verse
manuscripts,ȱ21–97.ȱForȱaȱcomparisonȱofȱRobertȱleȱDiableȱwithȱleȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine,ȱ175–77.ȱAndrea
HopkinsȱalsoȱcomparesȱRobertȱleȱDiableȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusineȱinȱTheȱSinfulȱKnights:ȱ201–02ȱ(see
noteȱ5).ȱȱLiseȱAndriesȱcomparesȱrewritingsȱofȱRobertȱtheȱDevilȱinȱ“LaȱBibliothèqueȱbleue:ȱLes
réécrituresȱdeȱRobertȱleȱDiable,“Littératureȱ30ȱ(1978):ȱ51Ȭ66.ȱ
7
ForȱaȱcomparisonȱbetweenȱRobertȱandȱSirȱGowther,ȱseeȱDorothyȱS.ȱMcCoy,ȱ“FromȱCelibacyȱto
Sexuality:ȱAnȱExaminationȱofȱSomeȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱRenaissanceȱVersionsȱofȱtheȱStoryȱof
Robertȱ theȱ Devil,”ȱ Humanȱ Sexualityȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ Renaissance,ȱ ed.ȱ Douglasȱ RadcliffȬ
Umstead.ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Pittsburghȱ Publicationsȱ onȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ Renaissance,ȱ 4
(Pittsburgh:ȱCenterȱforȱMedievalȱ&ȱRenaissanceȱStudies,ȱUniversityȱofȱPittsburgh,ȱ1978),ȱ29Ȭ39.ȱSee
also,ȱShirleyȱMarchalonis,ȱ“SirȱGowther:ȱTheȱProcessȱofȱaȱRomance,”ȱChaucerȱReview:ȱAȱJournalȱof
MedievalȱStudiesȱandȱLiteraryȱCriticismȱ6.1ȱ(1971):ȱ14Ȭ29.ȱȱ
8
Allȱ referencesȱ toȱ Robertȱ leȱ Diableȱ areȱ fromȱ Elisabethȱ Gaucher’sȱ editionȱ basedȱ onȱ theȱ later
manuscriptȱB.ȱRobertȱleȱDiable,ȱed.ȱElisabethȱGaucherȱȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ2006).ȱForȱmanuscriptȱA,
seeȱE.ȱLösethȱ(ed.),ȱRobertȱleȱDiable:ȱRomanȱd’aventuresȱ(1903;ȱNewȱYork:ȱJohnson,ȱ1968).ȱForȱa
comparisonȱ ofȱ iconographicȱ imagesȱ inȱ theȱ twoȱ manuscripts,ȱ seeȱ Meredithȱ T.ȱ McMunn,ȱ “The
IconographyȱofȱRobertȱleȱDiableȱandȱtheȱIllustrationȱofȱMedievalȱRomance,”ȱRomanceȱLanguages
Annualȱ2ȱ(1990):ȱ141Ȭ45.ȱSeeȱalsoȱCorinneȱCooperȬDeniau,ȱ“LeȱDiableȱauȱMoyenȬAge,ȱentreȱpeur
dateȱandȱspiritȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusineȱwhichȱexistsȱinȱtwoȱmanuscriptsȱasȱwell,
oneȱwrittenȱinȱproseȱbyȱJeanȱd’Arrasȱ(caȱ1393)ȱandȱanotherȱinȱverseȱbyȱCoudrette
(caȱ1401).ȱIȱwillȱfocusȱonȱJeanȱd’Arras’sȱMélusineȱbecauseȱofȱitsȱemphasisȱonȱthe
psychologyȱofȱitsȱprotagonistsȱandȱbecauseȱelementsȱofȱitsȱplotȱareȱmoreȱclosely
alignedȱwithȱthoseȱinȱRobertȱleȱDiable.9ȱȱ
AlthoughȱIȱuseȱtheȱwordȱhybridȱtoȱcharacterizeȱbothȱRobertȱandȱGeoffrey,ȱthere
areȱsomeȱsubtleȱdistinctionsȱtoȱbeȱmadeȱwithȱrespectȱtoȱtheirȱbiologicalȱmakeup.
GeoffreyȱBigȱToothȱisȱaȱtrueȱhybridȱinȱthatȱheȱisȱtheȱoffspringȱofȱhisȱfairyȱmistress
motherȱMélusineȱandȱherȱmortalȱhusbandȱRaymondin.ȱMélusineȱisȱherselfȱthe
hybridȱoffspringȱofȱherȱhumanȱfatherȱElinasȱofȱScotlandȱandȱherȱfairyȱmistress
motherȱPrésine.ȱGeoffreyȱisȱinȱessenceȱaȱhybridȱtwiceȱremoved—aȱhybridȱofȱa
hybrid—inȱthatȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱhisȱsupernaturalȱfairyȱbloodlineȱderiveȱnotȱsolely
fromȱhisȱmotherȱbutȱfromȱhisȱgrandmother,ȱbothȱofȱwhomȱmarriedȱmortalȱmen
andȱ whoȱ withȱ theseȱ menȱ gaveȱ birthȱ toȱ humanȱ offspring.ȱ Oneȱ mayȱ observeȱ a
diminutionȱofȱfairyȱbloodȱandȱitsȱpotencyȱacrossȱtheȱgenerationsȱasȱitȱbecomes
dilutedȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱinterbreedingȱwithȱhumankind.ȱPrésineȱpossessesȱtheȱability
toȱcastȱdisparateȱspellsȱonȱeachȱofȱherȱthreeȱdaughtersȱasȱpunishmentȱforȱtheir
havingȱ enclosedȱ theirȱ fatherȱ withinȱ theȱ mountainȱ ofȱ Brumbloremlionȱ in
Northumberland.ȱAsȱaȱresultȱofȱherȱmother’sȱspellȱMélusine’sȱbodyȱisȱforcedȱto
shiftȱshapeȱintoȱserpentineȱformȱfromȱtheȱwaistȱdownȱonȱSaturdays.ȱTheȱspellȱmay
beȱliftedȱifȱMélusineȱmarriesȱaȱmortalȱwhoȱpromisesȱneverȱtoȱseeȱherȱonȱSaturday.
Ifȱsuchȱaȱmanȱkeepsȱhisȱpromise,ȱMélusine’sȱbodyȱwillȱrevertȱtoȱhumanȱform,ȱthus
allowingȱherȱtoȱdieȱtheȱdeathȱofȱaȱmortalȱwomanȱandȱhenceȱbeȱredeemed.ȱIfȱheȱfails
toȱkeepȱhisȱword,ȱMélusineȱwillȱbeȱbanishedȱfromȱhumanȱsocietyȱandȱforcedȱto
takeȱonȱpermanentlyȱherȱserpentȱformȱuntilȱJudgmentȱDay.10
Inȱcontrastȱtoȱherȱmother,ȱMélusine’sȱpowersȱseemȱtoȱbeȱlessȱpotentȱasȱtheȱfairy
portionȱ ofȱ theȱ bloodlineȱ withȱ itsȱ supernaturalȱ giftsȱ isȱ dilutedȱ through
intermarriageȱwithȱhumankind.ȱMélusineȱsharesȱwithȱherȱmotherȱtheȱabilityȱto
predictȱtheȱfutureȱandȱsecretȱknowledgeȱofȱancestralȱorigins.ȱHerȱknowledgeȱof
Raymondin’sȱ ancestryȱ propelsȱ herȱ toȱ urgeȱ himȱ toȱ recoverȱ landsȱ wrested
unlawfullyȱ fromȱ hisȱ father,ȱ Hervy.ȱ Herȱ fairyȱ natureȱ alsoȱ endowsȱ herȱ withȱ an
enhancedȱcapacityȱforȱfertility,ȱtheȱabilityȱtoȱconstructȱcastlesȱatȱrecordȱspeedȱand
miraculouslyȱconjureȱupȱlandȱfromȱtheȱdimensionsȱofȱaȱstag’sȱhide.ȱTheȱremaining
vestigesȱ ofȱ fairyȱ natureȱ inȱ Mélusine’sȱ childrenȱ resideȱ inȱ theȱ physicalȱ taresȱ or
etȱangoisse:ȱLeȱMotifȱdeȱ‘l’enfantȱvouéȱauȱdiable’ȱetȱlaȱlégendeȱdeȱRobertȱleȱDiable,”ȱTravauxȱde
Littératureȱ16ȱ(2003):ȱ27–45.ȱȱ
9
AllȱreferencesȱtoȱJeanȱd’Arras’sȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱMélusineȱareȱbasedȱonȱtheȱfollowingȱedition:ȱJean
d’Arras,ȱMélusineȱouȱlaȱnobleȱhistoireȱdeȱLusignan.ȱed.,ȱintro.ȱandȱtrans.ȱJeanȬJacquesȱVincensini
(Paris:ȱLibrairieȱGénéraleȱFrançaise,ȱ2003).
10
Cf.ȱDorothyȱYamamoto,ȱTheȱBoundariesȱofȱtheȱHumanȱinȱMedievalȱEnglishȱLiteratureȱ(Oxford:ȱOxford
UniversityȱPress,ȱ2000).
92 StaceyȱHahn
motherȱmarksȱbornȱonȱtheȱfacesȱofȱeightȱofȱherȱtenȱsons,ȱtheȱlatterȱsonsȱRaymonnet
andȱThierryȱbeingȱphysicallyȱnormalȱasȱMélusine’sȱfairyȱnatureȱbecomesȱdiluted
throughoutȱtheȱcourseȱofȱherȱmarriage.ȱ
UnlikeȱGeoffrey,ȱRobertȱisȱnotȱtechnicallyȱaȱhybridȱbecauseȱtheȱdevilȱdidȱnotȱsire
himȱthroughȱsexualȱrelationsȱwithȱhisȱmotherȱtheȱDuchessȱofȱNormandy,ȱrather
Robert’sȱmotherȱmadeȱaȱpactȱwithȱtheȱdevilȱtoȱfacilitateȱhisȱconceptionȱthrough
normalȱconjugalȱmeansȱwithȱtheȱcaveatȱthatȱherȱhumanȱoffspringȱbeȱconsecrated
toȱtheȱdevil’sȱevilȱintent.ȱWhereasȱMélusineȱisȱfecund,ȱhavingȱgivenȱbirthȱtoȱten
sons,ȱ Robert’sȱ motherȱ hasȱ beenȱ unableȱ toȱ conceiveȱ afterȱ seventeenȱ yearsȱ of
marriage.ȱFeelingȱhumiliatedȱforȱherȱinabilityȱtoȱconceiveȱwhenȱwomenȱofȱlesser
rankȱbearȱchildren,ȱtheȱduchessȱaccusesȱGod,ȱclaimingȱheȱlacksȱtheȱpowerȱtoȱgive
herȱ aȱ child.ȱ Sinceȱ fertilityȱ wasȱ oftenȱ viewedȱ asȱ anȱ actȱ ofȱ divineȱ graceȱ andȱ its
opposite,ȱ theȱ inabilityȱ toȱ conceive,ȱ aȱ signȱ ofȱ God’sȱ displeasure,ȱ theȱ duchess
commitsȱaȱgraveȱerrorȱinȱattributingȱherȱbarrennessȱtoȱGodȱratherȱthanȱtoȱherȱown
unworthiness.ȱSheȱthenȱaddressesȱtheȱdevil,ȱtellingȱhimȱthatȱsheȱwillȱhenceforth
directȱherȱprayersȱtoȱhimȱifȱheȱhelpsȱherȱproduceȱanȱheir.ȱShortlyȱthereafter,ȱher
husband,ȱtheȱDukeȱofȱNormandy,ȱliesȱwithȱherȱandȱsheȱconceivesȱaȱchildȱthatȱwill
beȱconsecratedȱtoȱevil.ȱRobertȱisȱtheȱscionȱofȱtheȱdevilȱinȱmuchȱtheȱsameȱwayȱthat
SaintȱAlexisȱbecomesȱaȱholyȱman:ȱaȱsupernaturalȱbeingȱfacilitatesȱtheȱbirthȱofȱa
childȱbutȱinȱreturnȱtheȱchildȱwillȱserveȱinȱsomeȱwayȱtheȱfacilitatorȱofȱitsȱbeing.ȱIn
thisȱcaseȱtheȱtieȱbetweenȱRobertȱandȱtheȱdevilȱisȱcontractualȱratherȱthanȱbiological,
althoughȱRobert’sȱdistinctivelyȱtallȱandȱphysicallyȱstrongȱbodyȱtypeȱimpliesȱhis
affinityȱwithȱtheȱsupernatural.ȱIfȱnotȱgeneticallyȱtheȱdevil’sȱsonȱinȱbody,ȱRobertȱwill
certainlyȱplayȱthatȱroleȱinȱspirit.
Asȱhybrids,ȱinȱtheȱsenseȱthatȱRobertȱandȱGeoffreyȱexhibitȱextraordinaryȱphysical
andȱbehavioralȱanomaliesȱtypicallyȱlinkedȱwithȱsupernaturalȱagents,ȱtheirȱbodies
areȱ characterizedȱ byȱ gigantism,ȱ whichȱ inȱ medievalȱ romanceȱ oftenȱ signifies
demonicȱoriginsȱandȱnegativeȱhumanȱfailingsȱsuchȱasȱcruelty,ȱsavageȱstrength,
anger,ȱprideȱandȱlust.ȱȱRobert’sȱbehaviorȱisȱdiabolicalȱfromȱbirthȱasȱheȱscratches,
kicks,ȱ wails,ȱ andȱ tormentsȱ hisȱ caretakers.ȱ Heȱ bitesȱ theȱ breastsȱ ofȱ hisȱ nursesȱ so
viciouslyȱ thatȱ theyȱ mustȱ useȱ aȱ hornȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ feedȱ him.ȱ Heȱ wreaksȱ havoc
whereverȱheȱgoes,ȱstrikingȱandȱkillingȱanyoneȱwhoȱgetsȱinȱhisȱway.ȱRobertȱgrows
moreȱinȱoneȱyearȱthanȱmostȱchildrenȱgrowȱinȱsevenȱandȱatȱageȱtwentyȱheȱstands
tallerȱandȱisȱstrongerȱthanȱanyȱofȱhisȱpeers.ȱRobertȱdevelopsȱaȱparticularȱhatredȱfor
membersȱofȱtheȱclergyȱandȱhisȱviolenceȱagainstȱtheȱChurchȱbecomesȱsoȱegregious
thatȱtheȱpopeȱexcommunicatesȱhim.ȱBanishedȱfromȱhomeȱbyȱhisȱparentsȱRobert
joinsȱupȱwithȱbandits,ȱterrorizingȱallȱwhoȱcomeȱintoȱcontactȱwithȱhim.ȱLikeȱRobert,
Geoffreyȱ isȱ describedȱ asȱ tallȱ andȱ muscular,ȱ aȱ manȱ ofȱ extraordinaryȱ strength,
boldnessȱandȱferocityȱinȱbattle.ȱGeoffrey,ȱhowever,ȱisȱaȱtamerȱimageȱofȱRobert.ȱHe
doesȱnotȱuseȱhisȱextraordinaryȱheightȱorȱstrengthȱforȱevilȱpurposesȱuntilȱratherȱlate
inȱtheȱromanceȱwhenȱhisȱviolenceȱeruptsȱunexpectedlyȱagainstȱfamilyȱmembers.
TheȱemblemȱofȱGeoffrey’sȱdestructiveȱangerȱliesȱinȱhisȱmotherȱmark,ȱtheȱboar’s
toothȱthatȱjutsȱoutȱofȱhisȱmouthȱandȱservesȱasȱaȱreminderȱofȱtheȱboarȱhuntȱthatȱled
toȱhisȱfather’sȱbanishmentȱandȱunionȱwithȱMélusine.ȱ
Theȱfulcrumȱandȱturningȱpointȱofȱeachȱromanceȱconcernsȱtheȱdestructionȱofȱan
abbeyȱwhichȱisȱconsumedȱbyȱfireȱalongȱwithȱallȱofȱitsȱinhabitants.ȱThisȱeventȱserves
asȱaȱcatalystȱthatȱprovokesȱaȱcrisisȱofȱconscience,ȱwhichȱforcesȱtheȱmalefactorȱto
realizeȱ theȱ egregiousȱ natureȱ ofȱ hisȱ crime,ȱ thusȱ drivingȱ himȱ toȱ seekȱ penance.
Robert’sȱdestructionȱofȱtheȱAbbeyȱofȱArquesȱstemsȱfromȱanȱinnate,ȱnaturalȱhatred
forȱtheȱclergyȱsinceȱasȱaȱscionȱofȱtheȱdevilȱheȱisȱnaturallyȱinclinedȱtoȱhateȱallȱthings
relatingȱtoȱGod.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱrealizationȱofȱtheȱnegativeȱimpactȱofȱthisȱcrimeȱhits
homeȱwhenȱheȱreturnsȱtoȱtheȱcityȱofȱArquesȱafterȱhavingȱdestroyedȱtheȱabbeyȱand
findsȱnoȱoneȱtoȱtakeȱhisȱhorse.ȱRobertȱbecomesȱpensive,ȱwonderingȱwhyȱeveryone
runsȱfromȱhimȱinȱfearȱandȱwhyȱhisȱeveryȱattemptȱatȱdoingȱgoodȱalwaysȱresultsȱin
evil.ȱInȱRutebeuf’sȱMiracleȱdeȱThéophileȱ(caȱ1260)ȱaȱsimilarȱsenseȱofȱalienation,ȱof
beingȱseparatedȱfromȱhumankindȱdueȱtoȱevilȱintent,ȱalsoȱmovesȱThéophileȱtoȱseek
redemptionȱthroughȱtheȱgraceȱofȱtheȱVirginȱMary.ȱNeitherȱThéophile’sȱrichesȱnor
Robert’sȱgleeȱinȱsheerȱdestructionȱresultȱinȱanyȱlongȱlastingȱsenseȱofȱselfȱfulfillment
sinceȱhumanȱhappinessȱreliesȱonȱcommunionȱwithȱothersȱandȱselfishȱactsȱalways
diminishȱone’sȱrelationsȱwithȱothers.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱgreaterȱsourceȱofȱterrorȱthanȱthat
ofȱbeingȱentirelyȱalone.ȱȱ
InȱcontrastȱtoȱRobert,ȱupȱuntilȱtheȱburningȱofȱtheȱAbbeyȱofȱMaillezais,ȱwhen
Geoffreyȱ killedȱ hisȱ brotherȱ Fromontȱ andȱ allȱ ofȱ theȱ monksȱ within,ȱ Geoffrey’s
behaviorȱhadȱbeenȱwhollyȱexemplary.ȱHeȱexhibitedȱnothingȱbutȱloveȱandȱcharity
towardȱhisȱbrothers,ȱevenȱgoingȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱriskȱlifeȱandȱlimbȱdefendingȱthemȱin
variousȱ militaryȱ campaigns.ȱ Withȱ theȱ exceptionȱ ofȱ thisȱ misadventureȱ sibling
rivalryȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱwhollyȱabsentȱfromȱthisȱromanceȱasȱevidencedȱbyȱGuyȱand
Urienȱ whoȱ areȱ theȱ firstȱ ofȱ Mélusine’sȱ sonsȱ toȱ embarkȱ onȱ adventureȱ withȱ the
expressȱintentȱofȱavoidingȱpossibleȱbrotherlyȱconflictȱoverȱinheritanceȱbyȱseeking
landsȱ andȱ empireȱ overseas.ȱ Thusȱ far,ȱ Geoffreyȱ hasȱ followedȱ inȱ hisȱ father’s
footstepsȱbyȱreclaimingȱancestralȱlandsȱinȱIrelandȱjustȱasȱRaymondin,ȱinspiredȱby
Mélusine,ȱreclaimedȱtheȱlandsȱlostȱtoȱHervy,ȱhisȱfatherȱinȱBrittany.ȱDuringȱthis
exploitȱ Geoffreyȱ actsȱ compassionatelyȱ towardȱ theȱ Ladyȱ ofȱ Valbruiyant,ȱ a
resourcefulȱandȱcleverȱmotherȱresemblingȱMélusineȱwhoȱmanagesȱtoȱsmoothȱover
herȱhusband’sȱtreasonȱwhichȱGeoffreyȱseemsȱtoȱoverlook.ȱGeoffreyȱthenȱtravelsȱto
theȱHolyȱLandȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱChristendomȱtoȱdefendȱhisȱbrothersȱGuyȱandȱUrien
againstȱSaracenȱattack.ȱ
NotȱonlyȱdoesȱGeoffreyȱproveȱhimselfȱtoȱbeȱtheȱmostȱheroicȱwarriorȱamongȱhis
brothers,ȱheȱmanagesȱtoȱmakeȱpeaceȱwithȱoneȱofȱChristendom’sȱfiercestȱenemies,
theȱ Sultanȱ ofȱ Damascus.ȱ Geoffreyȱ isȱ alsoȱ theȱ onlyȱ Lusignanȱ toȱ battleȱ against
supernaturalȱfoes,ȱasȱembodiedȱinȱtheȱgiantȱGardon,ȱwhoȱpillagesȱandȱterrorizes
hisȱfather’sȱsubjectsȱandȱfinallyȱagainstȱGrimaut,ȱGardon’sȱuncle.ȱByȱdefeatingȱthis
94 StaceyȱHahn
giantȱGeoffreyȱactsȱforȱtheȱcollectiveȱgood,ȱbringingȱpeace,ȱlawȱandȱorderȱtoȱhis
father’sȱkingdom.ȱAsȱRupertȱPickensȱobservesȱ“AlthoughȱGeoffreyȱisȱfoolhardy
andȱoftenȱcallous,ȱnothingȱinȱhisȱcharacterȱandȱnothingȱinȱJean’sȱplot—notȱany
formȱofȱantimonasticism,ȱnotȱaȱhintȱofȱhatredȱforȱhisȱbrother—anticipatesȱsuchȱan
effusionȱofȱcruelty”.11ȱWhileȱitȱisȱtrueȱthatȱthereȱdidȱexistȱanȱhistoricalȱGeoffreyȱof
LusignanȱwhoȱsetȱfireȱtoȱtheȱAbbeyȱofȱMaillezaisȱinȱ1323,ȱtheȱsuddenȱintrusionȱof
thisȱactȱofȱviolenceȱseemsȱutterlyȱgratuitousȱandȱoutȱofȱcharacterȱgivenȱGeoffrey’s
behaviorȱinȱtheȱromanceȱthusȱfar,ȱunlessȱitȱisȱunderstoodȱwithinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱthe
penitentialȱ romance,ȱ whereȱ actsȱ ofȱ violenceȱ areȱ endemicȱ toȱ offspringȱ of
supernaturalȱoriginsȱandȱmayȱcropȱupȱunexpectedly.
OneȱmightȱunderstandȱwhyȱGeoffreyȱattacksȱhisȱpaternalȱuncle,ȱtheȱCountȱof
Forest,ȱinȱrevengeȱagainstȱhisȱaccusationsȱagainstȱMélusine,ȱwhichȱledȱRaymondin
toȱbreakȱhisȱpactȱwithȱher.ȱHowever,ȱitȱisȱdifficultȱtoȱfathomȱtheȱcauseȱofȱGeoffrey’s
attackȱagainstȱFromont,ȱwhoȱwasȱgrantedȱpermissionȱtoȱbecomeȱaȱmonkȱfromȱhis
parents.ȱTheȱtextȱclearlyȱindicatesȱthatȱFromontȱisȱnotȱatȱfault:ȱ“Maisȱsachiézȱque
ceȱneȱfutȱmieȱleȱfaitȱdeȱFromont,ȱcarȱilȱfuȱmoultȱdevotȱetȱdeȱmoultȱsaincteȱvieȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”
(676;ȱButȱknowȱthatȱthisȱwasȱnotȱFromont’sȱfault,ȱforȱheȱwasȱveryȱdevoutȱandȱled
aȱveryȱholyȱlifeȱ.ȱ.ȱ.).ȱOneȱmightȱsurmiseȱthatȱGeoffrey’sȱvaluesȱareȱtooȱworldlyȱfor
himȱtoȱsupportȱhisȱbrother’sȱchoiceȱofȱcareerȱorȱthatȱheȱmightȱloveȱthisȱbrotherȱtoo
much,ȱ thusȱ turningȱ anȱ excessȱ ofȱ loveȱ intoȱ hatred.ȱ Atȱ firstȱ Geoffreyȱ blamesȱ his
parentsȱforȱnotȱprovidingȱFromontȱwithȱlandȱandȱaȱwifeȱwhichȱwouldȱallowȱhim
toȱ leadȱ aȱ secularȱ existence.ȱ Heȱ thenȱ accusesȱ theȱ monksȱ ofȱ Maillezaisȱ ofȱ being
lecherousȱandȱhavingȱenchantedȱhisȱbrotherȱintoȱbecomingȱaȱmonkȱinȱorderȱto
bringȱprestigeȱtoȱtheirȱorder.ȱ
HeȱrefusesȱtoȱbelieveȱthatȱFromontȱhasȱdecidedȱtoȱbecomeȱaȱmonkȱonȱhisȱown
volitionȱdespiteȱFromont’sȱassertionsȱtoȱtheȱcontrary:ȱ“Monȱchierȱfrere,ȱparȱl’ame
queȱj’ayȱaȱDieuȱaȱrendre,ȱilȱn’aȱpersonneȱceansȱquiȱoncquesȱleȱmeȱconseillast.ȱCar
jeȱl’ayȱfaitȱdeȱmoyȱpropre,ȱsansȱconseilȱd’autruiȱetȱparȱdroicteȱdevocion”ȱ(682;ȱMy
dearȱbrother,ȱuponȱtheȱsoulȱthatȱIȱoweȱuntoȱGod,ȱnoȱoneȱhereȱhasȱeverȱadvisedȱme,
forȱIȱhaveȱdoneȱthisȱofȱmyȱownȱfreeȱwill,ȱwithoutȱadviceȱfromȱanyoneȱandȱthrough
pureȱdevotion).ȱInȱhisȱangerȱGeoffreyȱdisregardsȱthisȱargument,ȱconsideringȱitȱa
personalȱaffrontȱtoȱhaveȱaȱbrotherȱasȱaȱmonkȱasȱifȱthisȱvocationȱwereȱinherently
shameful:ȱ“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱneȱilȱmeȱseraȱjaȱreprouvéȱqueȱj’ayeȱmoineȱaȱfrere!”ȱ(682;ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.norȱwill
Iȱeverȱbeȱreproachedȱforȱhavingȱaȱmonkȱforȱaȱbrother).ȱMélusineȱseemsȱtoȱaffirm
thisȱthesisȱlaterȱonȱwhenȱsheȱtriesȱtoȱreconcileȱfatherȱandȱsonȱoverȱtheȱdeathȱof
Fromont:ȱ“SeȱGieffroy,ȱvostreȱfilz,ȱaȱfaitȱsonȱoultraigeȱparȱsonȱcourageȱmerveilleux
etȱ fort,ȱ sachiézȱ queȱ deȱ certainȱ c’estȱ pourȱ leȱ pechiéȱ desȱ moines,ȱ quiȱ estoientȱ de
11
RupertȱPickens,ȱ“TheȱPoeticsȱofȱParadoxȱinȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine,”ȱMélusineȱofȱLusignan:ȱFounding
FictionȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱFrance,ȱed.ȱDonaldȱMaddoxȱandȱSaraȱSturmȬMaddoxȱ(AthensȱandȱLondon:
TheȱUniversityȱofȱGeorgiaȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ48–75;ȱhere,ȱ60.
mauvaiseȱvieȱetȱdesordonnee”ȱ(692;ȱIfȱyourȱsonȱGeoffreyȱhasȱcommittedȱanȱoutrage
throughȱhisȱmarvelousȱandȱstrongȱcourage,ȱknowȱthatȱforȱcertainȱitȱisȱbecauseȱof
theȱsinȱofȱtheȱmonksȱwhoȱleadȱanȱevilȱandȱdissoluteȱlife).ȱToȱwhatȱdebaucheryȱis
Mélusineȱ referring?ȱ Couldȱ thereȱ beȱ anȱ underlyingȱ currentȱ ofȱ homosexuality
impliedȱ inȱ thisȱ vocation?12ȱ Orȱ isȱ thereȱ aȱ rivalryȱ betweenȱ theȱ twoȱ brothersȱ that
parallelsȱtheȱdisputeȱbetweenȱCainȱandȱAbel?ȱCouldȱGeoffreyȱbeȱjealousȱofȱhis
brother’sȱlessȱworldlyȱvocationȱjustȱasȱCainȱwasȱupsetȱthatȱhisȱsacrificialȱoffering
wasȱ lessȱ pleasingȱ toȱ God?ȱ Atȱ oneȱ pointȱ Raymondinȱ seemsȱ toȱ demonstrateȱ a
preferenceȱforȱFromont:ȱ“Ilȱn’avoitȱyssiȱdeȱtoyȱplusȱdeȱbienȱqueȱFromont”ȱ(694;
Fromontȱwasȱtheȱgreatestȱgoodȱthatȱhasȱcomeȱfromȱyou).ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱthis
excessȱofȱangerȱthatȱgoesȱbeyondȱtheȱboundsȱofȱreasonȱparallelsȱthatȱofȱMélusine
whenȱsheȱwreakedȱrevengeȱonȱherȱfatherȱoutȱofȱaȱmistakenȱsenseȱofȱloyaltyȱto
Presine.ȱByȱtakingȱjusticeȱintoȱhisȱownȱhandsȱagainstȱaȱfamilyȱmemberȱGeoffrey’s
behaviorȱreflectsȱthatȱofȱhisȱmother,ȱthusȱcreatingȱaȱcausalȱlinkȱtoȱanger,ȱhomicide
andȱhisȱhybridȱorigins.13
TenȱknightsȱofȱGeoffrey’sȱretinueȱjumpȱtoȱFromont’sȱdefense,ȱaffirmingȱhisȱright
andȱindicatingȱthatȱFromont,ȱthroughȱprayersȱandȱgoodȱactions,ȱcouldȱabsolveȱthe
sinsȱburdeningȱtheȱsoulsȱofȱhisȱfellowȱmonks.ȱImperviousȱtoȱreasonȱGeoffreyȱalone
setsȱfireȱtoȱtheȱabbeyȱsinceȱtheȱknightsȱrefuseȱtoȱtakeȱpartȱinȱthisȱsenselessȱkilling.
ItȱisȱonlyȱafterȱGeoffreyȱdepartsȱandȱlooksȱatȱtheȱsceneȱofȱtheȱcrimeȱfromȱaȱdistance
thatȱheȱrepentsȱandȱrealizesȱtheȱfullȱextentȱofȱhisȱactions.ȱIfȱnotȱforȱtheȱintervention
ofȱhisȱmen,ȱtheȱtextȱimpliesȱthatȱGeoffreyȱwouldȱhaveȱcommittedȱsuicideȱatȱsword
pointȱoutȱofȱdespair.ȱTheȱsolaceȱtheyȱgiveȱGeoffreyȱreflectsȱtheȱadviceȱMélusine
willȱlaterȱgiveȱherȱhusbandȱwhenȱheȱlearnsȱofȱthisȱcrime:ȱ“Sire,ȱsire,ȱc’estȱtropȱtart
aȱrepentirȱquantȱlaȱfolieȱestȱfaicte.ȱLeȱdoloserȱn’yȱvaultȱdesormaisȱrien.ȱMaisȱpenséz
deȱfaireȱenȱlaȱsatisfacionȱaȱDieuȱetȱauȱmonde”ȱ(684–86;ȱMyȱlord,ȱmyȱlord,ȱitȱisȱtoo
lateȱ toȱ repentȱ whenȱ theȱ deedȱ isȱ done.ȱ Fromȱ nowȱ onȱ sorrowȱ servesȱ noȱ useful
purpose.ȱThinkȱinsteadȱofȱmakingȱrestitutionȱtoȱGodȱandȱtoȱtheȱworld).ȱWhenȱevil
occurs,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱuseȱinȱcryingȱoverȱspilledȱmilk,ȱoneȱmustȱcarryȱonȱandȱtryȱto
makeȱrestitutionȱthroughȱgoodȱworks.ȱ
InȱcontrastȱtoȱGeoffrey,ȱRobert’sȱpathȱtoȱredemptionȱfollowsȱanȱaddedȱstepȱthat
isȱdimlyȱreflectedȱinȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine.ȱThisȱaddedȱstepȱconcernsȱhisȱmother
inȱ whomȱ heȱ detectsȱ theȱ originsȱ ofȱ hisȱ waywardȱ tendencies.ȱ Robert’sȱ early
relationshipȱwithȱwomenȱisȱtroublesomeȱandȱfraughtȱwithȱviolenceȱbeginningȱwith
12
Itȱwouldȱbeȱinterestingȱtoȱconductȱfurtherȱresearchȱintoȱthisȱmatterȱtoȱseeȱifȱsuchȱanȱaccusation
couldȱbeȱleveledȱatȱanyȱparticularȱmonasticȱorderȱatȱthisȱtimeȱorȱagainstȱanyȱofȱtheȱLusignans.ȱ
13
ForȱanȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱthemeȱofȱangerȱinȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine,ȱseeȱmyȱarticleȱ“’Telȱcuideȱvengier
saȱhonteȱquiȱl’accroist’:ȱWrathȱinȱJeanȱArras’sȱRomanȱdeȱȱMélusine,”ȱCourtlyȱArtsȱandȱtheȱArtȱof
Courtliness:ȱSelectedȱPapersȱfromȱtheȱȱEleventhȱTriennialȱCongressȱofȱtheȱInternationalȱCourtlyȱLiterature
Society.ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ WisconsinȬMadison,ȱ 29ȱ Julyȱ –ȱ 4ȱ Augustȱ 2005.ȱ ed.ȱ Keithȱ Busbyȱ and
ChristopherȱKleinhenzȱ(CambridgeȱandȱRochester,ȱNY:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ2006),ȱ419–30.ȱȱȱ
96 StaceyȱHahn
hisȱlongȱandȱpainfulȱbirthȱthatȱcausesȱhisȱmotherȱgreatȱsufferingȱandȱtheȱnippleȱhe
bitesȱoffȱofȱhisȱmostȱbeautifulȱwetȱnurse.ȱAfterȱhavingȱventedȱhisȱrageȱonȱnuns,
perhapsȱaȱdisguisedȱandȱunconsciousȱformȱofȱmotherȱhatred,ȱRobertȱwondersȱwhy
heȱisȱalwaysȱdrivenȱtoȱcommitȱmayhem.ȱHeȱsurmisesȱthatȱhisȱevilȱdeedsȱmustȱhave
somethingȱtoȱdoȱwithȱtheȱcircumstancesȱattendingȱhisȱbirthȱandȱthatȱtheȱfaultȱlies
withȱhisȱmother.ȱ
WeȱknowȱfromȱromancesȱsuchȱasȱtheȱLancelotȬGrailȱCycleȱthatȱtheȱcircumstances
attendingȱone’sȱbirthȱcanȱbeȱaȱharbingerȱofȱlaterȱmoralȱdeviation,ȱespeciallyȱsince
itȱwasȱbelievedȱthatȱoriginalȱsinȱpassedȱfromȱgenerationȱtoȱgenerationȱthroughȱthe
concupiscenceȱ thatȱ accompaniesȱ sexualȱ relations.ȱ Asȱ sexȱ wasȱ associatedȱ with
originalȱ sin,ȱ itȱ wasȱ believedȱ thatȱ originalȱ sinȱ wasȱ passedȱ downȱ alongȱ the
generationsȱthroughȱtheȱprocessȱofȱreproductionȱandȱthatȱsexualȱdevianceȱcould
alsoȱbeȱpassedȱalongȱfromȱparentȱtoȱchildȱjustȱasȱnobilityȱofȱcharacterȱwasȱseenȱas
stemmingȱfromȱaȱnobleȱlineage.ȱBeingȱbornȱofȱanȱadulterousȱorȱunnaturalȱcoupling
increasedȱtheȱchancesȱthatȱoneȱmightȱhaveȱaȱproclivityȱtowardȱsexualȱexcess.ȱThis
wasȱtheȱcaseȱforȱKingȱArthurȱwhoȱwasȱbornȱofȱanȱadulterousȱliaisonȱandȱwhoȱacted
outȱ hisȱ immoralȱ originsȱ byȱ committingȱ anȱ actȱ ofȱ incestȱ withȱ hisȱ halfȬsister,
resultingȱinȱtheȱengenderingȱofȱMordred.ȱ
InȱkeepingȱwithȱthisȱpatternȱMordredȱendsȱupȱcovetingȱhisȱfather’sȱwifeȱand
empire,ȱleadingȱtoȱtheȱfinalȱbattleȱbetweenȱfatherȱandȱsonȱonȱtheȱplainȱofȱSalisbury
andȱtheirȱmutualȱextinction.ȱInȱmostȱofȱtheseȱcasesȱitȱisȱtheȱfatherȱwhoȱfailedȱto
abideȱ byȱ theȱ properȱ codeȱ ofȱ sexualȱ relations,ȱ whichȱ resultedȱ inȱ theȱ moral
deficienciesȱ inȱ hisȱ offspring.ȱ Onlyȱ divineȱ interventionȱ canȱ rectifyȱ theȱ sinȱ inȱ an
illegitimateȱ actȱ ofȱ conceptionȱ soȱ thatȱ harmȱ doesȱ notȱ comeȱ toȱ theȱ child.ȱ Divine
interventionȱ andȱ theȱ virginityȱ orȱ virtueȱ ofȱ theȱ motherȱ canȱ smoothȱ overȱ an
illegitimateȱbirth,ȱasȱwasȱtheȱcaseȱforȱGalaad,ȱwhoseȱmotherȱwasȱtheȱvirginȱgrail
maiden,ȱandȱMerlin,ȱwhoseȱmotherȱrepentedȱofȱtheȱangerȱwhichȱallowedȱtheȱdevil
toȱ impregnateȱ her.ȱ Howȱ Robertȱ makesȱ theȱ leapȱ fromȱ masculineȱ toȱ feminine
misconductȱinȱhisȱengenderingȱisȱquiteȱinteresting.ȱHisȱsuspicionsȱareȱbasedȱonȱhis
mother’sȱevasivenessȱregardingȱtheȱquestionȱofȱpaternity:ȱ
Penseȱqueȱcelleȱmescheance
Liȱsoitȱvenueȱparȱnaissance,
Etȱqueȱcoupesȱyȱaitȱsaȱmere,
Quiȱonquesȱneȱfuȱversȱluyȱclere:
Bienȱsetȱl’ocoisonȱetȱleȱteche
Etȱl’aventureȱpourȱquoyȱ[p]esche.ȱ (vv.ȱ647–52)
[Robertȱthoughtȱthatȱthisȱwickedness
Cameȱfromȱhisȱbirth
Andȱthatȱhisȱmotherȱwasȱsomehowȱtoȱblame
Sheȱhadȱneverȱbeenȱstraightforwardȱwithȱhim
Sheȱmustȱknowȱtheȱreasonȱandȱtheȱstain
Andȱtheȱeventȱbecauseȱofȱwhichȱheȱsins.]ȱ
Robertȱthreatensȱhisȱmotherȱatȱswordȱpointȱtoȱtellȱhimȱtheȱtruthȱregardingȱhis
conception.ȱItȱisȱwhenȱsheȱtellsȱofȱherȱpactȱwithȱtheȱdevil,ȱthatȱRobertȱundergoes
theȱ transformationȱ necessaryȱ forȱ hisȱ rehabilitation.ȱ Theȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ hisȱ true
paternalȱ affiliationȱ createsȱ aȱ shockȱ thatȱ rattlesȱ Robertȱ toȱ hisȱ veryȱ core.ȱ His
immediateȱreactionȱisȱanger,ȱfollowedȱbyȱsuffering,ȱshame,ȱandȱfinallyȱbitterȱtears.
InȱhisȱanalysisȱofȱthisȱmotifȱinȱtheȱRomanceȱofȱSirȱGowther,ȱwhichȱfollowsȱaȱsimilar
pattern,ȱJeffreyȱCohenȱseesȱinȱthisȱreactionȱtheȱimprintȱofȱFreud’sȱOedipusȱcomplex
andȱ byȱ extensionȱ theȱ Lacanianȱ phenomenonȱ ofȱ theȱ Nameȱ ofȱ theȱ Father.14
Accordingȱtoȱthisȱinterpretation,ȱtheȱsymbolicȱdeathȱofȱtheȱfather,ȱtheȱoneȱRobert
believedȱ hadȱ engenderedȱ him,ȱ andȱ acceptanceȱ ofȱ responsibilityȱ forȱ thatȱ death
causesȱRobertȱtoȱenterȱintoȱtheȱsymbolicȱorder,ȱwhichȱprovokesȱhisȱconversion.ȱIn
orderȱtoȱrestoreȱlossȱofȱtheȱbiologicalȱfather,ȱRobertȱembracesȱtheȱsymbolicȱfather
whoȱ representsȱ lawȱ andȱ order.ȱ Itȱ isȱ atȱ thisȱ momentȱ thatȱ Robertȱ setsȱ offȱ onȱ his
pilgrimageȱtoȱRomeȱtoȱseekȱabsolutionȱforȱhisȱsinsȱfromȱtheȱpope,ȱtheȱsymbolic
fatherȱofȱtheȱCatholicȱChurch.ȱ
Accordingȱ toȱ Janeȱ Gilbert,ȱ normallyȱ monstrousȱ childrenȱ ofȱ theȱ penitential
romancesȱ“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱareȱimagesȱofȱtheirȱfather’sȱfailureȱtoȱperformȱtheȱpaternalȱfunction
.ȱ.ȱ.”15ȱRobert’sȱfather,ȱtheȱDukeȱofȱNormandy,ȱlackedȱtheȱpotencyȱtoȱprocreateȱand
asȱ aȱ resultȱ hisȱ motherȱ askedȱ theȱ devilȱ toȱ helpȱ herȱ conceiveȱ aȱ child.ȱ Although
Geoffrey’sȱfatherȱRaymondinȱisȱsexuallyȱpotent,ȱhavingȱengenderedȱtenȱsons,ȱhe
isȱaȱratherȱweakȱfigureȱwhoȱbowsȱtoȱMélusineȱinȱmattersȱofȱrunningȱtheirȱestate
andȱdirectingȱtheirȱchildren’sȱeducation.ȱHeȱlacksȱtheȱtemerityȱtoȱinquireȱintoȱhis
wife’sȱupbringingȱwhenȱconfrontedȱbyȱhisȱrelativesȱaboutȱherȱorigins.ȱEvenȱthough
Mélusineȱdefersȱtoȱherȱhusbandȱwhenȱappropriate,ȱsheȱtendsȱtoȱdominate,ȱmaking
mostȱofȱtheȱimportantȱdecisions.ȱ
AsȱStephenȱNicholsȱhasȱpointedȱoutȱ“Sheȱhas,ȱafterȱall,ȱreturnedȱherȱfatherȱtoȱthe
wombȱandȱsymbolicallyȱassumedȱtheȱmaleȱrolesȱofȱmasterȱbuilderȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ,ȱfounderȱof
aȱlineage,ȱandȱstrategistȱforȱtheȱconflictsȱinȱwhichȱherȱhusbandȱengages.”16ȱInȱspite
ofȱMélusine’sȱdominantȱroleȱbothȱwithinȱandȱoutsideȱtheȱfamily,ȱGeoffreyȱhasȱa
positiveȱ relationshipȱ withȱ womenȱ andȱ commitsȱ noȱ violentȱ actsȱ againstȱ them,
unlikeȱRobertȱwhoȱindiscriminatelyȱrapesȱanyȱwomanȱcrossingȱhisȱpathȱbeforeȱhis
14
Jeffreyȱ Jeromeȱ Cohen.ȱ Ofȱ Giants.ȱ Sex,ȱ Monsters,ȱ andȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages.ȱ Medievalȱ Cultures,ȱ 17
(Minneapolis:ȱUniversityȱofȱMinnesotaȱPress,ȱ1999).ȱSeeȱhisȱchapterȱentitledȱ“TheȱBodyȱHybrid:
Giants,ȱDogȬmen,ȱandȱBecomingȱInhuman,”ȱ119–41.
15
Gilbert,ȱ“UnnaturalȱMothersȱandȱMonstrousȱChildren,”ȱ340ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).ȱ
16
StephenȱNichols,ȱ“MélusineȱbetweenȱMythȱandȱHistory:ȱProfileȱofȱaȱFemaleȱDemon,”ȱMélusineȱof
Lusignan:ȱFoundingȱFictionȱinȱlateȱMedievalȱFrance,ȱed.ȱDonaldȱMaddoxȱandȱSaraȱSturmȬMaddox
(AthensȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱGeorgiaȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ137–64;ȱhereȱ154–55.ȱȱ
98 StaceyȱHahn
conversion.ȱ Theȱ crimeȱ ofȱ unboundȱ lust,ȱ whetherȱ throughȱ rape,ȱ fornication,ȱ or
adultery,ȱplaysȱnoȱimportantȱroleȱforȱtheȱLusignanȱclanȱinȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine,
sinceȱallȱloveȱrelationshipsȱendȱinȱmarriage.ȱFourȱofȱMélusine’sȱsonsȱ(Guy,ȱUrien,
Renaudȱ andȱ Antoine)ȱ engageȱ inȱ battleȱ forȱ theȱ soleȱ purposeȱ ofȱ protecting
vulnerableȱdaughtersȱfromȱbeingȱforcedȱintoȱmarriagesȱagainstȱtheirȱwill.ȱThey
thenȱgoȱonȱtoȱmarryȱtheseȱmaidensȱandȱbecomeȱlandownersȱabroad.ȱUnbridled
lustȱoccursȱonlyȱamongȱforeignȱknightsȱandȱinȱtheȱArmenianȱbranchȱofȱtheȱfamily
atȱ theȱ veryȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ romanceȱ whenȱ aȱ youngȱ Armenianȱ kingȱ demonstrates
incestuousȱfeelingsȱforȱhisȱauntȱMeliorȱduringȱtheȱAdventureȱatȱtheȱSparrowhawk
Castle,ȱwhichȱbringsȱaboutȱtheȱdownfallȱandȱeventualȱdeclineȱofȱhisȱfamilyȱline.
Thisȱlackȱofȱlust,ȱeitherȱforbiddenȱorȱculminatingȱinȱadultery,ȱdistinguishesȱthe
RomanȱdeȱMélusineȱfromȱpriorȱmajorȱproseȱromancesȱlikeȱtheȱLancelotȬGrailȱCycle
andȱtheȱProseȱTristan,ȱwhereȱlustȱleadsȱtoȱtheȱclimaticȱendȱofȱchivalricȱArthurian
society.ȱViolenceȱandȱangerȱappearȱtoȱhaveȱreplacedȱlustȱasȱtheȱtragicȱflawȱleading
toȱdestructionȱinȱtheȱpenitentialȱromances.ȱ
WhereasȱitȱisȱRobertȱwhoȱragesȱagainstȱhisȱmother,ȱtheȱpurportedȱcauseȱofȱhis
diabolicalȱ origins,ȱ byȱ threateningȱ herȱ atȱ knifepoint,ȱ itȱ isȱ Mélusine’sȱ husband
RaymondinȱandȱnotȱGeoffreyȱwhoȱragesȱagainstȱMélusineȱasȱtheȱpossibleȱsource
ofȱGeoffrey’sȱdemonicȱbehavior.ȱAlthoughȱitȱisȱGeoffrey’sȱviolentȱactȱofȱfratricide
thatȱprovokesȱhisȱfatherȱtoȱbreakȱhisȱoathȱtoȱMélusineȱbyȱpublicallyȱdecryingȱher
serpentȱ nature,ȱ thusȱ banishingȱ herȱ fromȱ theȱ humanȱ world,ȱ thisȱ inadvertent
matricide,ȱforȱwhichȱGeoffreyȱisȱheldȱresponsible,ȱisȱanȱunwantedȱconsequenceȱof
hisȱcrimeȱandȱnotȱitsȱintent.ȱHisȱsenseȱofȱoutrageȱregardingȱtheȱlossȱofȱhisȱmother
willȱbeȱtakenȱoutȱonȱtheȱCountȱofȱForest,ȱtheȱuncleȱwhoȱencouragedȱRaymondin
toȱspyȱonȱhisȱwife,ȱthusȱcausingȱRaymondinȱtoȱbreakȱhisȱoathȱtoȱher.ȱInȱaȱdiatribe
thatȱhasȱdireȱconsequencesȱforȱMélusineȱRaymondinȱmakesȱaȱdirectȱconnection
betweenȱtheȱcriminalityȱofȱhisȱsonȱandȱMélusine’sȱmysteriousȱserpentȱnature:ȱ
Hee,ȱtresfaulseȱserpente,ȱparȱDieu,ȱneȱtoyȱneȱtesȱfaisȱneȱsontȱqueȱfantosmeȱneȱjaȱhoir
queȱtuȱayesȱportéȱneȱvendraȱaȱbonȱchiefȱenȱlaȱfin.ȱCommentȱrarontȱlesȱviesȱceulxȱqui
sontȱarsȱenȱgriefȱmisereȱneȱtonȱfilzȱquiȱs’estoitȱrenduzȱauȱcrucefix?ȱIlȱn’avoitȱyssiȱdeȱtoy
plusȱdeȱbienȱqueȱFromont.ȱOrȱestȱdestruitȱparȱl’artȱdemoniacle,ȱcarȱtousȱceulxȱquiȱsont
forcennézȱdeȱyreȱsontȱouȱcommandementȱdesȱprincesȱd’enferȱetȱparȱceȱfistȱGieffroyȱle
grantȱetȱhorribleȱetȱhideuxȱforfaitȱd’ardoirȱsonȱfrereȱetȱlesȱmoines,ȱquiȱmortȱneȱavoient
pointȱdesservie. (692–94)
[Oȱfalseȱserpent,ȱbyȱGod,ȱyouȱandȱyourȱdeedsȱareȱnothingȱbutȱphantasms,ȱandȱnoȱheir
thatȱyouȱhaveȱeverȱborneȱwillȱturnȱoutȱwellȱinȱtheȱend.ȱHowȱwillȱthoseȱwhoȱwereȱburnt
withȱ suchȱ painfulȱ sufferingȱ everȱ regainȱ theirȱ lives,ȱ includingȱ yourȱ ownȱ sonȱ who
dedicatedȱhisȱlifeȱtoȱChrist?ȱFromontȱwasȱtheȱonlyȱgoodȱthingȱthatȱeverȱcameȱfromȱyou.
Nowȱhe’sȱdestroyedȱbyȱdemonicȱarts,ȱforȱallȱthoseȱmaddenedȱwithȱrageȱdoȱtheȱbidding
ofȱtheȱprincesȱofȱhell;ȱandȱsoȱitȱwasȱthatȱGeoffreyȱcommittedȱthisȱgreatȱandȱheinous
crimeȱofȱburningȱhisȱbrotherȱandȱtheȱmonksȱwhoȱneverȱforȱȱaȱmomentȱdeservedȱsuch
aȱdeath.17]ȱȱ
Raymondinȱ thenȱ goesȱ onȱ toȱ wishȱ thatȱ hisȱ sonȱ hadȱ neverȱ beenȱ born.ȱ This
renunciationȱofȱpaternityȱculminatesȱinȱanȱoedipalȱmomentȱasȱRaymondinȱvows
toȱkillȱhisȱsonȱwithȱhisȱbareȱhands.ȱBothȱRobertȱandȱGeoffreyȱexperienceȱdanger
withȱrespectȱtoȱtheirȱfathersȱwhoȱwishȱtoȱputȱthemȱtoȱdeathȱasȱpunishmentȱforȱtheir
heinousȱcrimes.ȱInȱbothȱinstancesȱtheȱmotherȱplaysȱtheȱroleȱofȱintercessor.ȱInȱorder
toȱsaveȱherȱson,ȱRobert’sȱmotherȱsuggestsȱthatȱheȱbeȱmadeȱaȱknightȱinȱtheȱhopeȱthat
knighthoodȱ mightȱ channelȱ hisȱ violentȱ tendenciesȱ towardȱ someȱ betterȱ end.
Similarly,ȱMélusineȱtriesȱtoȱreconcileȱRaymondinȱwithȱGeoffreyȱbyȱdownplaying
theȱgravityȱofȱhisȱmisdeedsȱandȱbyȱpredictingȱhisȱfutureȱrehabilitation.ȱȱȱ
Inȱ bothȱ romancesȱ deviantȱ behaviorȱ inȱ offspringȱ isȱ associatedȱ withȱ maternal
defects.ȱAccordingȱtoȱmedievalȱmedicalȱloreȱaȱwoman’sȱemotionsȱduringȱherȱtime
ofȱpregnancyȱ(herȱenvieȱdeȱmère)ȱcouldȱleaveȱaȱphysicalȱandȱmoralȱimprintȱonȱher
offspring.18ȱ Anyȱ goodȱ accruingȱ toȱ aȱ childȱ wouldȱ comeȱ fromȱ itsȱ father’sȱ seed.
Mélusine’sȱmotherȱPrésineȱmakesȱthisȱclearȱtoȱherȱbyȱstatingȱthatȱherȱhopeȱfor
redemptionȱliesȱinȱtheȱgoodȱthatȱsheȱinheritedȱfromȱherȱfather.ȱTheȱblameȱforȱevil
behaviorȱisȱshiftedȱfromȱmaleȱagencyȱandȱfreeȱwillȱontoȱtheȱfemaleȱelementȱof
generation.ȱLaurenceȱdeȱLoozeȱindicatesȱtheȱlackȱofȱfairnessȱinȱthisȱinstance:ȱ
ItȱisȱhubristicȱforȱRaymondinȱtoȱraiseȱhimselfȱaboveȱtheȱlawȱandȱclaimȱnoȱparticipation
inȱsin’sȱtransmission.ȱSecondȱisȱthatȱRaymondinȱfailsȱtoȱseeȱhisȱboarȬsonȱasȱaȱsignȱofȱhis
ownȱ violentȱ transgression,ȱ alsoȱ representedȱ byȱ aȱ boar.ȱ Finally,ȱ Raymondinȱ proves
himselfȱaȱslaveȱtoȱtheȱsignifierȱhere,ȱforȱheȱfocusesȱentirelyȱonȱMélusineȱasȱserpentȬsign
andȱ notȱ atȱ allȱ onȱ herȱ intentions.ȱ Accusingȱ herȱ ofȱ beingȱ Oldȱ Testamantȱ inȱ nature,
Raymondinȱ isȱ inȱ factȱ theȱ oneȱ whoȱ provesȱ himselfȱ anȱ Oldȱ Testamentȱ typeȱ of
interpreter.19ȱȱȱȱȱ
AccordingȱtoȱDeȱLooze,ȱRaymondinȱrepresentsȱtheȱOldȱTestamentȱliteralȱeyeȱfor
anȱeyeȱjusticeȱwhileȱMélusineȱrepresentsȱtheȱNewȱTestamentȱjusticeȱofȱcompassion
andȱmercyȱthatȱstressesȱintentionȱoverȱact.ȱAsȱstatedȱearlier,ȱtheȱconductȱofȱthe
fatherȱduringȱtheȱtimeȱofȱaȱchild’sȱconceptionȱmayȱhaveȱaȱdeleteriousȱimpactȱonȱhis
offspringȱ asȱ inȱ theȱ LancelotȬGrailȱ cycle,ȱ yetȱ aȱ childȱ mayȱ beȱ sparedȱ byȱ divine
interventionȱ ifȱ theȱ motherȱ happensȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ virginȱ orȱ repentsȱ ofȱ theȱ deedȱ that
engenderedȱtheȱchildȱasȱwasȱtheȱcaseȱregardingȱtheȱbirthsȱofȱGalaadȱandȱMerlin.
17
StephenȱNichols,ȱ“MélusineȱBetweenȱMythȱandȱHistory,”ȱ149ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).ȱȱ
18
DouglasȱKelly,ȱ“TheȱDomesticationȱofȱtheȱMarvelousȱinȱtheȱMélusineȱRomances,”ȱMélusineȱof
Lusignan:ȱFoundingȱFictionȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱFrance,ȱed.ȱDonaldȱMaddoxȱandȱSaraȱSturmȬMaddox
(AthensȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱGeorgiaȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ32–47;ȱhere,ȱ39–40.
19
LaurenceȱdeȱLooze,ȱ“’Laȱfourmeȱduȱpiéȱtouteȱescripte’:ȱMélusineȱandȱtheȱEntranceȱintoȱHistory,”
MélusineȱofȱȱLusignan:ȱFoundingȱFictionȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱFrance,ȱed.ȱDonaldȱMaddoxȱandȱSaraȱSturmȬ
Maddoxȱ(AthensȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱGeorgiaȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ125–36;ȱhere,ȱ132.
100 StaceyȱHahn
Thereȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱaȱconflictȱregardingȱwhetherȱaȱgeneticȱpredispositionȱtowards
evilȱstemsȱfromȱtheȱmaternalȱorȱpaternalȱline.ȱȱRaymondin’sȱshortsightednessȱon
thisȱissueȱisȱbornȱoutȱwhenȱGeoffreyȱdoesȱmanageȱtoȱredeemȱhimselfȱandȱmake
amendsȱforȱhisȱmisconductȱnearȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱromance.ȱȱ
AlthoughȱbothȱGeoffreyȱandȱRobertȱrepentȱofȱtheirȱcrimesȱbyȱseekingȱabsolution
fromȱ theȱ popeȱ inȱ Rome,ȱ Robert’sȱ penanceȱ isȱ farȱ moreȱ developedȱ andȱ severe
becauseȱ hisȱ crimesȱ areȱ moreȱ weightyȱ andȱ endemicȱ toȱ hisȱ personalityȱ than
Geoffrey’sȱcrimes.ȱInȱfact,ȱRobert’sȱcrimesȱareȱsoȱegregiousȱthatȱtheȱpopeȱisȱunable
toȱassignȱhimȱanȱappropriateȱpenanceȱandȱsendsȱhimȱtoȱhisȱconfessor,ȱaȱhallowed
hermitȱlivingȱinȱtheȱforestȱofȱMarabondeȱwhoȱisȱonlyȱableȱtoȱobtainȱtheȱproper
penanceȱthroughȱdivineȱinterventionȱduringȱmass.ȱTheȱpenanceȱarrivesȱinȱtheȱform
ofȱaȱletterȱhandedȱdownȱbyȱaȱmysteriousȱhandȱasȱifȱGodȱaloneȱhasȱtheȱcapacityȱto
interveneȱinȱtheȱaffairsȱofȱSatan,ȱhisȱarchenemy.ȱ
RobertȱexperiencesȱfullyȱtheȱthreeȱstagesȱofȱpenanceȱassignedȱbyȱAbélardȱand
developedȱ byȱ Pierreȱ theȱ Chanter,ȱ namely,ȱ “contritionȱ ofȱ heart,ȱ confessionȱ by
mouth,ȱandȱsatisfactionȱofȱworks.”20ȱTheȱfirstȱstageȱoccurredȱimmediatelyȱupon
Robert’sȱacknowledgmentȱofȱhisȱsinȱwhenȱheȱfirstȱfeltȱanger,ȱthenȱintenseȱsuffering
andȱshame,ȱfollowedȱbyȱtears.ȱHavingȱthrownȱawayȱhisȱsword,ȱheȱthenȱshavesȱhis
headȱandȱdressesȱinȱragsȱasȱaȱsignȱofȱhumility.ȱRobertȱconfessesȱhisȱsinsȱtoȱtheȱpope
whoȱ writesȱ themȱ downȱ inȱ theȱ letterȱ heȱ directsȱ Robertȱ toȱ giveȱ toȱ theȱ hermit.
AccordingȱtoȱdivineȱdecreeȱRobert’sȱpenanceȱisȱtripartite:ȱ1)ȱheȱisȱcommandedȱto
playȱtheȱroleȱofȱtheȱfoolȱorȱmadmanȱwhichȱwillȱgiveȱothersȱlicenseȱtoȱabuseȱhimȱ2)
heȱmustȱneverȱspeakȱduringȱtheȱperiodȱofȱhisȱpenanceȱandȱ3)ȱheȱmustȱeatȱonly
whatȱheȱcanȱwrestȱfromȱtheȱmouthsȱofȱdogs.ȱHeȱisȱalsoȱtoldȱthatȱifȱaȱmessenger
fromȱGodȱsendsȱhimȱonȱaȱmission,ȱheȱmustȱobey,ȱprovidedȱtheȱmessengerȱcan
nameȱhisȱthreeȱdivinelyȱordainedȱpenances.ȱ
RobertȱthenȱtravelsȱtoȱRomeȱwhereȱheȱlivesȱtheȱlifeȱofȱaȱmadmanȱatȱtheȱhomeȱof
anȱemperorȱwhoseȱonlyȱheirȱisȱhisȱmuteȱdaughter.ȱOnceȱRobertȱbecomesȱtheȱtown
fool,ȱcitizensȱhaveȱtheȱrightȱtoȱbeatȱandȱabuseȱhim.ȱTheȱvictimizerȱbecomesȱthe
victimȱ ofȱ collectiveȱ hatredȱ andȱ rage,ȱ thusȱ Robert’sȱ earlierȱ unbridled,ȱ senseless
violenceȱisȱrepaidȱinȱkind.ȱRobert’sȱabasement,ȱwhichȱhasȱaȱcatharticȱeffect,ȱamuses
theȱkingȱandȱtheȱcourt.ȱRobert’sȱimposedȱvowȱofȱsilenceȱrepresentsȱtheȱsilencing
ofȱhisȱegoȱandȱdemonstratesȱobedience,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱbasicȱtenantsȱofȱcivilityȱand
courtlyȱdecorum,ȱwhichȱRobertȱneedsȱtoȱdevelopȱinȱorderȱtoȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱsocial
20
JohnȱW.ȱBaldwin,ȱAristocraticȱLifeȱinȱMedievalȱFrance:ȱTheȱRomancesȱofȱJeanȱRenartȱandȱGerbertȱde
Montreuil,ȱ1190–1230ȱ(BaltimoreȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱJohnsȱHopkinsȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ225,
givesȱaȱdetailedȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱsacramentȱofȱpenanceȱinȱseveralȱtwelfthȱandȱthirteenthȱcentury
Frenchȱromancesȱbasedȱonȱchurchȱdoctrine.ȱȱ
order.ȱSinceȱcontritionȱdemandsȱhumility,ȱtheȱforsakingȱofȱegoȱandȱtheȱsurrender
ofȱself,ȱRobertȱaccomplishesȱthisȱbyȱeatingȱandȱlivingȱamongȱtheȱdogs.21ȱ
Theȱ threeȱ penancesȱ describedȱ aboveȱ representȱ anȱ internalȱ cleansingȱ and
abasementȱthatȱmustȱoccurȱinȱorderȱforȱRobertȱtoȱbeȱintegratedȱintoȱtheȱhuman
order,ȱwhereȱheȱlearnsȱtoȱbehaveȱmuchȱlikeȱanȱobedientȱdogȱthatȱgainsȱmastery
overȱitsȱselfish,ȱinstinctualȱurges.ȱThisȱallowsȱRobertȱtoȱexistȱinȱsocietyȱwithout
posingȱanyȱrisksȱorȱharmȱtoȱtheȱpopulace.ȱTheȱlifeȱofȱaȱdog,ȱhowever,ȱisȱhardly
honorable.ȱ Robertȱ needsȱ toȱ completeȱ theȱ finalȱ phaseȱ ofȱ hisȱ rehabilitation,ȱ “the
satisfactionȱofȱworks,”ȱthatȱwillȱallowȱhimȱtoȱbeȱaȱcontributingȱmemberȱofȱsociety,
capableȱofȱsacrificingȱhisȱownȱselfȱinterestsȱtoȱthatȱofȱtheȱgreaterȱgood.ȱRobertȱwill
doȱthisȱonȱtwoȱlevels.ȱFirst,ȱheȱwillȱriskȱlifeȱandȱlimbȱinȱorderȱtoȱdefendȱtheȱsocial
order,ȱasȱrepresentedȱinȱtheȱemperorȱandȱhisȱdaughter,ȱwhoȱareȱbesiegedȱbyȱan
angryȱseneschal.ȱSecond,ȱheȱwillȱupholdȱtheȱspiritualȱorder,ȱasȱrepresentedȱbyȱthe
Church,ȱwhichȱRobertȱdefendsȱagainstȱtheȱinfidelȱTurksȱwhoȱbesiegeȱRome.
Becauseȱsalvationȱisȱdependentȱuponȱgrace,ȱRobertȱwillȱneedȱoutsideȱhelpȱin
orderȱ toȱ vindicateȱ himselfȱ onȱ bothȱ theȱ socialȱ andȱ spiritualȱ levels.ȱ Oneȱ ofȱ the
instrumentsȱofȱRobert’sȱrehabilitationȱ onȱtheȱsocialȱlevelȱwillȱbeȱtheȱemperor’s
beautifulȱdaughter,ȱwhoȱisȱherselfȱmuteȱdueȱtoȱsomeȱunnamedȱsin:ȱ“Maisȱneȱsai
quelȱ desloiautéȱ /ȱ Neȱ quelzȱ pechiésȱ mutȱ laȱ pucielle,ȱ /ȱ C’aincȱ neȱ parla,ȱ ainsȱ est
muielle”ȱ(1248–1250;ȱYetȱIȱdoȱnotȱknowȱwhatȱunlawfulȱactȱ/ȱnorȱwhatȱsinȱsilenced
theȱ maidenȱ /ȱ sheȱ neverȱ speaksȱ /ȱ ratherȱ sheȱ isȱ mute).ȱ Althoughȱ theȱ emperor’s
daughterȱisȱableȱtoȱunderstandȱtheȱspeechȱofȱothers,ȱsheȱcanȱonlyȱcommunicate
usingȱsignȱlanguage.ȱRobertȱandȱtheȱemperor’sȱdaughterȱwillȱrelyȱuponȱeachȱother
forȱmutualȱsupportȱasȱtheyȱstriveȱtoȱredeemȱthemselves.ȱ
AsȱinȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusineȱaȱmaleȱandȱfemaleȱmisfitȱwhoȱbearȱtheȱweightȱof
theirȱ sinsȱ (parallelingȱ Raymondinȱ andȱ Mélusine,ȱ bothȱ ofȱ whomȱ committed
homicide,ȱoneȱinvoluntarilyȱandȱtheȱotherȱvoluntarily),ȱcomeȱtogetherȱtoȱworkȱout
theirȱmutualȱsalvation.ȱAlthoughȱtheȱtextȱneverȱexplicitlyȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱexactȱnature
ofȱtheȱemperor’sȱdaughter’sȱsin,ȱAgataȱSobczykȱbelievesȱthatȱtheȱsecretȱsinȱfor
whichȱ theȱ youngȱ womanȱ suffersȱ isȱ hiddenȱ incest,ȱ forȱ herȱ fatherȱ isȱ extremely
possessiveȱ andȱ doesȱ notȱ wantȱ toȱ marryȱ herȱ toȱ hisȱ seneschalȱ whoȱ constantly
harassesȱhimȱforȱherȱhandȱinȱmarriage.22ȱInȱfact,ȱaccordingȱtoȱSobczyk,ȱtheȱemperor
21
JeffreyȱJeromeȱCohenȱdevotesȱanȱentireȱarticleȱtoȱtheȱsignificanceȱofȱtheȱdogȱinȱtheȱrehabilitation
ofȱSirȱGowther,ȱwhoseȱlifeȱfollowsȱtheȱsameȱtrajectoryȱasȱRobert’s.ȱMuchȱofȱhisȱanalysisȱisȱbased
onȱtheȱimageȱofȱtheȱdogȱasȱanȱoedipalizedȱbeingȱthatȱhelpsȱGowtherȱcomeȱ toȱ termsȱwithȱhis
identity,ȱȱ“GowtherȱAmongȱtheȱDogs:ȱBecomingȱInhumanȱC.ȱ1400,”ȱBecomingȱMaleȱȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Ages,”ȱed.ȱJeffreyȱJeromeȱCohenȱandȱBonnieȱWheelerȱ(NewȱYork:ȱGarland,ȱ1997),ȱ219–44.ȱȱȱ
22
AgataȱSobczyk,ȱ“Encoreȱunȱincesteȱocculté:ȱl’épisodeȱdeȱlaȱfilleȱdeȱl’empereurȱdansȱLeȱRomanȱde
Robertȱ leȱ Diable,”ȱ Etudesȱ médiévales,ȱ ed.ȱ Danielleȱ Buschinger.ȱ Collectionȱ Médiévalesȱ (Amiens:
Centreȱ d’Etudesȱ Médiévales,ȱ Universitéȱ deȱ PicardieȬJulesȱ Verne,ȱ 1999),ȱ 221–34.ȱ Gaucherȱ also
affirmsȱthatȱthisȱisȱaȱlikelyȱassumption,ȱRobertȱleȱDiable:ȱHistoireȱd’uneȱlégende,ȱ34ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).ȱȱȱ
102 StaceyȱHahn
permitsȱherȱtoȱmarryȱonlyȱwhenȱaȱworthyȱsuitorȱ(Robert)ȱisȱwoundedȱinȱtheȱthigh,
symbolicallyȱrenderingȱhimȱimpotentȱandȱthereforeȱunableȱtoȱenjoyȱtheȱsexual
relationsȱherȱfatherȱmightȱfindȱthreatening.ȱ
Afterȱaȱlapseȱofȱsevenȱyears,ȱRobert’sȱlifeȱamongȱtheȱdogsȱtakesȱaȱnewȱturnȱwhen
theȱTurksȱattackȱRome.ȱDuringȱthisȱwholeȱperiodȱtheȱemperor’sȱseneschalȱhasȱbeen
wagingȱwarȱagainstȱhim,ȱleavingȱhimȱdefenselessȱinȱaȱtimeȱofȱneedȱandȱlikelyȱto
loseȱtheȱwar.ȱAlarmed,ȱRobertȱgoesȱoffȱtoȱprayȱnearȱaȱfountain,ȱaskingȱthatȱGod
grantȱ himȱ theȱ opportunityȱ toȱ fightȱ inȱ theȱ emperor’sȱ defense.ȱ Althoughȱ Robert
praysȱinȱsilence,ȱtheȱemperor’sȱdaughterȱobservesȱhisȱgesturesȱandȱunderstandsȱhis
prayer.ȱInȱanswerȱtoȱhisȱpleaȱanȱangelȱappearsȱwhoȱpresentsȱRobertȱwithȱarmsȱand
aȱswordȱandȱcommandsȱhimȱtoȱfightȱforȱtheȱsakeȱofȱChristendom.ȱ
Theȱ angel,ȱ dressedȱ inȱ whiteȱ armsȱ andȱ ridingȱ aȱ whiteȱ steed,ȱ resemblesȱ the
archangelȱ Michael,ȱ theȱ swornȱ enemyȱ ofȱ Satan,ȱ whoȱ protectsȱ humanityȱ against
diabolicalȱforces.ȱUnderȱtheȱauspicesȱofȱtheȱangel,ȱweȱseeȱthatȱRobertȱisȱnoȱlonger
anȱadversaryȱagainstȱChristendom.ȱRatherȱthanȱwageȱwarȱagainstȱallȱthingsȱholy,
heȱdefendsȱtheȱchurchȱwithȱallȱofȱhisȱstrength.ȱTheȱviolenceȱthatȱcharacterized
Robert’sȱyouthȱhasȱnowȱbeenȱchanneledȱtoȱaȱhigherȱend.ȱForȱthreeȱyearsȱinȱaȱrow
RobertȱdefeatsȱtheȱTurksȱfightingȱincognitoȱandȱafterȱeachȱbattleȱheȱreturnsȱbloody
andȱbeatenȱtoȱtheȱfountainȱwhereȱtheȱangelȱappearsȱtoȱtakeȱawayȱhisȱarms.ȱNoȱone
atȱcourtȱknowsȱthatȱtheȱsilentȱmanȱwhoȱeatsȱwithȱtheȱdogsȱisȱactuallyȱtheȱvaliant
warriorȱwhoȱhasȱsparedȱthemȱfromȱTurkishȱinvasionȱexceptȱforȱtheȱemperor’s
daughterȱwhoȱhasȱobservedȱhisȱinteractionsȱwithȱtheȱangelȱandȱhisȱprowessȱonȱthe
battlefield.ȱSinceȱtheȱemperor’sȱdaughterȱisȱunableȱtoȱspeakȱandȱherȱattemptsȱat
communicatingȱhisȱidentityȱthroughȱsignȱlanguageȱareȱrebuffed,ȱRobert’sȱidentity
remainsȱaȱmysteryȱuntilȱtheȱemperorȱdevisesȱaȱplanȱtoȱcatchȱhimȱbyȱambushȱasȱhe
returnsȱfromȱbattle.ȱ
Unfortunately,ȱtheȱplanȱbackfiresȱandȱRobertȱisȱaccidentallyȱwoundedȱinȱthe
thighȱwithȱaȱlanceȱwhoseȱtipȱembedsȱitselfȱinȱtheȱwound.ȱTheȱemperor’sȱdaughter
watchesȱ Robertȱ dressȱ hisȱ woundȱ andȱ pullȱ outȱ theȱ lanceȱ headȱ whichȱ heȱ then
promptlyȱhides.ȱInȱaȱfinalȱattemptȱtoȱlearnȱRobert’sȱidentityȱtheȱemperorȱpromises
hisȱdaughterȱinȱmarriageȱtoȱtheȱmanȱwhoȱcanȱshowȱbothȱtheȱwoundȱandȱlanceȱtip
thatȱmatchesȱtheȱwound.ȱTheȱseneschalȱusesȱthisȱopportunityȱtoȱlayȱclaimȱtoȱthe
emperor’sȱdaughterȱbyȱwoundingȱhimselfȱatȱlanceȱpointȱandȱpassingȱhimselfȱoff
asȱ Robert.ȱ Theȱ youngȱ maidenȱ seemsȱ doomedȱ toȱ anȱ unhappyȱ marriageȱ until,
throughȱanȱactȱofȱdivineȱintervention,ȱsheȱisȱgivenȱtheȱgiftȱofȱspeechȱandȱrelates
Robert’sȱ story.ȱ Later,ȱ theȱ hermitȱ ofȱ Marabondeȱ arrivesȱ atȱ court,ȱ givingȱ Robert
permissionȱtoȱspeak.ȱHavingȱredeemedȱhimselfȱandȱearnedȱaȱnewȱidentity,ȱRobert
canȱ nowȱ pronounceȱ hisȱ nameȱ andȱ recountȱ hisȱ lifeȱ storyȱ toȱ theȱ court.ȱ Shortly
thereafter,ȱRobertȱlearnsȱthatȱhisȱparentsȱhaveȱdiedȱandȱheȱisȱinvitedȱtoȱreturn
homeȱ toȱ Normandyȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ becomeȱ king.ȱ Heȱ isȱ alsoȱ invitedȱ toȱ marryȱ the
emperor’sȱdaughterȱandȱbecomeȱtheȱfutureȱemperorȱofȱRome.ȱFearfulȱthatȱhisȱsoul
isȱstillȱinȱperilȱRobertȱrefusesȱallȱworldlyȱgoods,ȱpreferringȱtoȱdedicateȱhimselfȱto
Godȱbyȱlivingȱasȱaȱhermitȱinȱtheȱcompanyȱofȱtheȱhermitȱwhoȱsavedȱhisȱlife.ȱRobert
endsȱhisȱdaysȱperformingȱmiraclesȱandȱisȱburiedȱinȱRomeȱuntilȱaȱpowerfulȱcount
stealsȱhisȱbonesȱandȱwithȱthemȱfoundsȱtheȱAbbeyȱSaintȱRobertȱnearȱPuy.ȱ
Asȱcommonlyȱoccursȱinȱmedievalȱromance,ȱfeminineȱagencyȱbringsȱaboutȱthe
integrationȱ ofȱ theȱ heroȱ intoȱ theȱ publicȱ domain.ȱ Justȱ asȱ Mélusineȱ made
Raymondin’sȱreturnȱtoȱcivilizationȱpossibleȱbyȱendowingȱherȱhusbandȱwithȱaȱfief
throughȱtheȱmiracleȱofȱtheȱstag’sȱhide,ȱtheȱemperor’sȱdaughterȱplaysȱaȱsimilarȱrole
byȱmiraculouslyȱbreakingȱherȱsilenceȱinȱorderȱtoȱletȱtheȱcourtȱknowȱofȱRobert’s
heroicȱexploits.ȱBecauseȱRobertȱhasȱcommittedȱviolentȱcrimesȱagainstȱwomen,ȱit
isȱfittingȱthatȱheȱshouldȱrepairȱtheȱinjusticeȱbyȱmakingȱrestitutionȱtoȱaȱwoman.ȱJust
asȱhisȱmother’sȱpactȱwithȱtheȱdevilȱledȱtoȱhisȱdownfall,ȱtheȱemperor’sȱdaughter
makesȱ upȱ forȱ thisȱ injury,ȱ firstȱ throughȱ herȱ silenceȱ andȱ theȱ punishmentsȱ she
receivesȱtryingȱtoȱupholdȱhisȱhonor,ȱandȱthenȱthroughȱtheȱgiftȱofȱspeech,ȱwhich
allowsȱ herȱ toȱ makeȱ hisȱ valorȱ public.ȱ Theȱ emperor’sȱ daughter’sȱ wiseȱ speech
contrastsȱwithȱRobert’sȱmother’sȱtreasonousȱoath.ȱRobertȱpreservesȱtheȱworldly
orderȱbyȱdefendingȱtheȱinterestsȱofȱtheȱemperor’sȱdaughterȱagainstȱtheȱwayward
seneschalȱandȱtheȱspiritualȱorderȱbyȱengagingȱinȱaȱholyȱwarȱandȱthusȱprovingȱhe
isȱaȱmanȱofȱGod,ȱnotȱtheȱscionȱofȱtheȱdevil.ȱHisȱmarkedȱpreferenceȱforȱtheȱcelibate
lifeȱhelpsȱmitigateȱtheȱhorribleȱrapesȱheȱperformedȱasȱaȱwaywardȱyouth.ȱ
Inȱ theȱ Romanȱ deȱ Mélusineȱ aȱ widerȱ gapȱ existsȱ betweenȱ theȱ commissionȱ ofȱ the
heinousȱcrimeȱcenteredȱonȱtheȱdesecrationȱofȱaȱholyȱspace,ȱtheȱfullȱconsciousness
ofȱtheȱegregiousnessȱnatureȱofȱtheȱcrime,ȱandȱtheȱpilgrimageȱtoȱRome.ȱGeoffrey
willȱmakeȱhisȱpilgrimageȱtoȱRomeȱafterȱhisȱfatherȱmakesȱhisȱpilgrimageȱfirstȱas
penanceȱforȱhavingȱbetrayedȱMélusine.ȱItȱisȱaȱgeneralȱpatternȱinȱtheȱproseȱromance
forȱGeoffreyȱtoȱfollowȱinȱhisȱfather’sȱfootsteps.ȱNarrativeȱeventsȱinȱRobertȱtheȱDevil
areȱ alteredȱ toȱ suitȱ newȱ circumstancesȱ acrossȱ theȱ generationsȱ inȱ theȱ Romanȱ de
Mélusine.ȱAlthoughȱbothȱGeoffreyȱandȱhisȱfatherȱseekȱabsolutionȱforȱtheirȱcrimes
byȱvisitingȱtheȱpope,ȱitȱisȱRaymondinȱwhoȱbecomesȱaȱhermitȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱthe
romanceȱandȱnotȱGeoffrey.ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ
ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱ
Unlikeȱ Robert,ȱ Geoffreyȱ doesȱ notȱ rehabilitateȱ himselfȱ throughȱ anyȱ kindȱ of
humiliationȱorȱselfȬabasement.ȱRobert’sȱpenanceȱisȱfarȱmoreȱcompleteȱandȱheartfelt
thanȱGeoffrey’s.ȱInȱfact,ȱveryȱlittleȱspaceȱisȱdevotedȱtoȱdescribingȱGeoffrey’sȱmental
anguishȱapartȱfromȱhisȱinitialȱdesireȱtoȱkillȱhimselfȱoutȱofȱdespairȱrightȱafterȱhe
burnedȱdownȱtheȱabbey.ȱInstead,ȱlikeȱtheȱheroesȱofȱcourtlyȱromance,ȱheȱredeems
himselfȱ byȱ accomplishingȱ difficultȱ adventuresȱ thatȱ bringȱ collectiveȱ peaceȱ and
reestablishȱ socialȱ harmonyȱ toȱ aȱ disturbedȱ socialȱ order.ȱ Whereasȱ Robertȱ has
committedȱ aȱ panoplyȱ ofȱ sins,ȱ rangingȱ fromȱ robbery,ȱ rape,ȱ murder,ȱ andȱ the
desecrationȱofȱholyȱspaces,ȱGeoffrey’sȱsinsȱareȱlimitedȱtoȱthree:
104 StaceyȱHahn
Etȱ luiȱ souvintȱ commentȱ ilȱ avoitȱ arsȱ lesȱ moynesȱ deȱ Malerésȱ etȱ l’abbéȱ etȱ sonȱ frere
Fromont,ȱ sansȱ raison,ȱ etȱ queȱ parȱ ceȱ pechiéȱ avoitȱ estéȱ saȱ mereȱ perdue,ȱ puisȱ lui
ramembreȱdeȱsonȱoncle,ȱleȱconteȱdeȱForests,ȱlequelȱilȱfistȱsaillirȱdeȱlaȱgrosseȱtourȱde
MarcelliȱleȱChastelȱsurȱlaȱrocheȱetȱleȱfistȱtuer.ȱ(736)
[AndȱheȱrememberedȱhowȱheȱhadȱburnedȱtheȱmonksȱofȱMaillezaisȱȱincludingȱtheȱabbot
andȱhisȱbrotherȱFromont,ȱwithoutȱreason,ȱandȱthatȱthroughȱthisȱsinȱheȱhadȱlostȱhis
mother,ȱthenȱheȱrememberedȱhisȱuncle,ȱtheȱCountȱofȱForest,ȱwhomȱheȱkilledȱwhenȱhe
slippedȱfromȱtheȱhighȱtowerȱofȱMarcillyȱCastleȱontoȱtheȱrockȱbelow.]
ȱȱ
Theȱelementȱallȱthreeȱsinsȱhaveȱinȱcommonȱisȱtheȱdeathȱofȱaȱfamilyȱmemberȱwhich
isȱoccasionedȱbyȱGeoffrey’sȱinitialȱoutburstȱofȱangerȱagainstȱFromont.ȱ
InȱcontrastȱtoȱRobertȱaȱhugeȱgapȱexistsȱbetweenȱtheȱmomentȱwhenȱGeoffrey
commitsȱhisȱmostȱheinousȱcrimeȱandȱhisȱpilgrimageȱtoȱRomeȱtoȱseekȱabsolution.
AfterȱdestroyingȱtheȱabbeyȱofȱMaillezais,ȱGeoffreyȱcausesȱanotherȱhomicide,ȱthe
deathȱofȱhisȱpaternalȱuncle.ȱGeoffreyȱwillȱthenȱdiscoverȱhisȱfamilyȱoriginsȱthrough
battleȱandȱinȱthisȱheȱresemblesȱtheȱheroesȱofȱbothȱverseȱandȱproseȱromance,ȱamong
themȱLancelotȱandȱtheȱFairȱUnknown,ȱwhoȱuncoverȱtheȱsecretsȱofȱtheirȱnameȱand
lineageȱ throughȱ chivalry.ȱ Theseȱ knightsȱ mustȱ prove,ȱ throughȱ accomplishing
difficultȱexploits,ȱthatȱtheyȱareȱworthyȱofȱtheirȱbloodlines.ȱGeoffreyȱmustȱconquer
andȱ expiateȱ theȱ giantȱ withinȱ himselfȱ byȱ defeatingȱ theȱ giantȱ Grimaut,ȱ thus
triumphingȱ overȱ hisȱ giantȱ natureȱ beforeȱ reachingȱ theȱ stateȱ ofȱ surrenderȱ and
humilityȱrequisiteȱforȱpenance.23ȱ
AccordingȱtoȱJeffreyȱCohen,ȱ“Inȱidentityȱromance,ȱtheȱmomentȱofȱOedipalization
usuallyȱ occursȱ duringȱ theȱ fightȱ againstȱ theȱ giant.ȱ Theȱ youngȱ heroȱ defeatsȱ his
monstrousȱdouble,ȱrenderingȱaȱvolatileȱmultiplicityȱofȱpossibilityȱintoȱaȱunitary,
regularizedȱbeing.”24ȱAfterȱGeoffreyȱkillsȱGrimautȱinȱtheȱveryȱmountainȱwhereȱhis
grandfatherȱwasȱinterred,ȱGeoffreyȱlearnsȱfromȱanȱinscriptionȱheldȱinȱtheȱhandsȱof
anȱ alabasterȱ statueȱ ofȱ Présineȱ thatȱ hisȱ maternalȱ grandfatherȱ isȱ Kingȱ Elinasȱ of
Scotland.ȱHeȱalsoȱlearnsȱhowȱElinasȱcameȱtoȱbeȱimprisonedȱinȱthisȱspot,ȱtheȱthree
punishmentsȱallottedȱtoȱhisȱmotherȱandȱherȱtwoȱsistersȱforȱthisȱcrimeȱandȱhowȱthe
giantȱhadȱbeenȱplacedȱthereȱtoȱguardȱtheȱtombȱuntilȱaȱdescendantȱofȱoneȱofȱElinas’
daughtersȱwouldȱbanishȱhim.ȱ
ThisȱeventȱmarksȱGeoffreyȱasȱtheȱpredestined,ȱelectȱmemberȱofȱhisȱlineageȱto
whomȱtheȱfullȱstoryȱofȱhisȱfamily’sȱtransgressionsȱonȱhisȱmother’sȱsideȱisȱmade
known.ȱGeoffreyȱlearnsȱthatȱtheȱLusignansȱdescendȱfromȱanȱillustriousȱlineageȱof
whichȱ theyȱ canȱ beȱ proud,ȱ thusȱ mitigatingȱ theȱ socialȱ onusȱ associatedȱ with
Mélusine’sȱsupernaturalȱoriginsȱandȱserpentȱbody.ȱGeoffrey’sȱplumbingȱofȱthe
secretȱofȱhisȱoriginsȱmimicsȱRobert’sȱdiscoveryȱofȱhisȱdevilȱorigins.ȱHowever,ȱthe
23
GeoffreyȱdefeatsȱaȱgiantȱbeforeȱandȱafterȱtheȱburningȱofȱtheȱAbbeyȱofȱMaillezais.ȱȱ
24ȱ
Cohen,ȱOfȱGiants,ȱ125ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).ȱ
narratorȱ attenuatesȱ theȱ fairy,ȱ maternalȱ elementȱ ofȱ hisȱ lineageȱ inȱ favorȱ ofȱ the
human,ȱmasculineȱone.ȱGeoffrey’sȱfinalȱadventuresȱwillȱbeȱdevotedȱtoȱsharingȱthis
informationȱwithȱhisȱfatherȱandȱtheȱrestȱofȱhisȱsiblings.ȱItȱappearsȱthatȱJeanȱd’Arras
isȱlegitimizingȱMélusine’sȱbloodlinesȱbyȱstressingȱitsȱhumanȱconnections.ȱOnce
theseȱoriginsȱhaveȱbeenȱmadeȱclear,ȱGeoffreyȱmakesȱhisȱpilgrimageȱtoȱRomeȱwhere
theȱpopeȱdeclaresȱhisȱpenanceȱtoȱbeȱtheȱrebuildingȱofȱtheȱAbbeyȱofȱMaillezaisȱand
theȱrestorationȱ ofȱitsȱmonasticȱorder.ȱTheȱpilgrimageȱdoesȱnotȱtakeȱplaceȱright
away,ȱhowever,ȱbecause,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱalreadyȱobservedȱinȱpreviousȱadventures,
Geoffrey’sȱ lifeȱ pathȱ willȱ retrace,ȱ inȱ keepingȱ withȱ theȱ genreȱ ofȱ theȱ genealogical
romances,ȱthoseȱofȱhisȱfather.ȱRaymondinȱwillȱjourneyȱtoȱRomeȱfirstȱinȱorderȱto
atoneȱforȱhisȱbetrayalȱofȱMélusineȱwithȱGeoffreyȱfollowingȱinȱhisȱfootstepsȱafterȱhe
learnsȱthatȱhisȱfatherȱhasȱbecomeȱaȱhermit.ȱȱ
Althoughȱ Geoffreyȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ sonȱ whoȱ resemblesȱ Robertȱ theȱ most,
Mélusine’sȱtenȱsonsȱrepresentȱvariationsȱofȱbehaviorȱthatȱcanȱoccurȱwithinȱthe
hybridȱrace.ȱIfȱweȱperceiveȱtheȱRobertȱtheȱDevilȱlegendȱasȱhavingȱlooselyȱinspired
theȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine,ȱJeanȱd’Arrasȱtakesȱtheȱstoryȱofȱtheȱdemonȱsonȱandȱturnsȱit
intoȱaȱfamilyȱdrama,ȱdrawingȱitȱoutȱsynchronicallyȱwithinȱtheȱimmediateȱfamily
soȱthatȱeachȱsonȱrepresentsȱaȱdifferentȱshadeȱofȱhybridȱconductȱandȱdiachronically
acrossȱtheȱgenerationsȱasȱtheirȱhybridȱnatureȱdissipatesȱthroughȱtime.ȱAsȱstated
earlier,ȱwhatȱdistinguishesȱMélusine’sȱsonsȱasȱhybridsȱareȱtheȱmotherȱmarksȱor
congenitalȱdefectsȱthatȱmarȱtheȱfacesȱofȱeightȱofȱherȱtenȱoffspring,ȱtheȱlatterȱsons
ThierryȱandȱRaymonnetȱbeingȱphysicallyȱnormal.ȱInȱaddition,ȱtheȱLusignanȱfamily
isȱsubjectȱtoȱanȱinnateȱtendencyȱtoȱcommitȱhomicide,ȱwhetherȱofȱaȱvoluntaryȱor
involuntaryȱ nature,ȱ forȱ itȱ wasȱ Mélusine’sȱ actȱ ofȱ parricideȱ andȱ Raymondin’s
accidentalȱ slayingȱ ofȱ hisȱ uncleȱ Aimeryȱ duringȱ aȱ boarȱ huntȱ thatȱ broughtȱ the
banishedȱcoupleȱtogether.ȱItȱappearsȱthatȱtheȱmarriageȱbetweenȱthemȱisȱaȱtestȱthat
willȱresultȱinȱmutualȱredemptionȱifȱtheȱcoupleȱcanȱonlyȱmanageȱtoȱreconcileȱtheir
differences.ȱ
SevenȱofȱMélusine’sȱtenȱsonsȱleadȱratherȱnormalȱlivesȱinȱspiteȱofȱtheirȱhybrid
natureȱ byȱ marryingȱ mortalȱ womenȱ andȱ raisingȱ children.ȱ Nearȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ the
romanceȱweȱhearȱaccountsȱofȱMélusine’sȱgrandsons,ȱallȱofȱwhomȱareȱfullyȱhuman,
andȱwhoȱmarryȱandȱfoundȱfamilies.ȱDouglasȱKellyȱbringsȱattentionȱtoȱMélusine’s
threeȱ celibateȱ sonsȱ Geoffrey,ȱ Fromontȱ andȱ Horribleȱ whoȱ standȱ outȱ fromȱ their
brothersȱbyȱtheirȱsingularȱnatures.25ȱTheseȱsonsȱareȱtheȱlastȱtoȱbearȱmotherȬmarks,
theȱphysicalȱdeformitiesȱthatȱidentifyȱthemȱasȱhybrids.ȱTheȱremainingȱsons,ȱThierry
andȱRemonnet,ȱareȱnormal,ȱwhichȱattestsȱtoȱMélusine’sȱtransformationȱthrough
marriageȱfromȱfairyȱmistressȱtoȱhumanȱfemale.ȱEachȱoneȱofȱtheȱthreeȱcelibateȱsons
embodiesȱinȱthreeȱpersonsȱtheȱtripartiteȱevolutionȱorȱseriesȱofȱstagesȱattainedȱby
25
DouglasȱKelly,ȱ“TheȱDomesticationȱofȱtheȱMarvelous,”ȱ34–35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
106 StaceyȱHahn
Robertȱ asȱ heȱ evolvesȱ fromȱ aȱ demonicȱ monsterȱ intoȱ aȱ saint.ȱ Horrible,ȱ the
unredeemableȱLusignanȱwithȱthreeȱeyes,ȱresemblesȱRobertȱinȱhisȱmostȱprimitive,
brutalȱ state,ȱ havingȱ firstȱ killedȱ twoȱ nursesȱ byȱ theȱ ageȱ ofȱ fourȱ byȱ bitingȱ their
nipples,ȱandȱlater,ȱtwoȱservants.ȱ
ThisȱsonȱisȱsoȱviciousȱthatȱMélusineȱasksȱthatȱheȱbeȱputȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱsuffocation
soȱ thatȱ heȱ willȱ notȱ inflictȱ furtherȱ injuryȱ onȱ herȱ subjects.26ȱ Here,ȱ weȱ seeȱ howȱ a
personalityȱ traitȱ inȱ Robertȱ theȱ Devilȱ isȱ reworkedȱ andȱ expandedȱ toȱ becomeȱ a
separateȱ characterȱ inȱ theȱ Romanȱ deȱ Mélusine.ȱ Fromontȱ representsȱ theȱ opposite
extremeȱfromȱHorrible,ȱforȱhisȱheart’sȱdesireȱisȱtoȱbecomeȱaȱmonk,ȱaȱvocationȱto
whichȱMélusineȱandȱRaymondinȱgiveȱtheirȱfullȱconsent.ȱAsȱweȱhaveȱseen,ȱrather
thanȱdoȱharmȱtoȱothers,ȱFromontȱbecomesȱtheȱvictimȱofȱGeoffrey’sȱmurderousȱrage
andȱthusȱabsorbsȱandȱsuffersȱtheȱviolenceȱtoȱwhichȱhisȱlineageȱseemsȱdestined.
Geoffrey’sȱbehaviorȱrepresentsȱtheȱmeanȱbetweenȱabjectȱcrueltyȱandȱsaintlinessȱas
heȱvacillatesȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱextremesȱrepresentedȱbyȱHorribleȱandȱFromont.
GeoffreyȱisȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱdeathȱofȱFromontȱandȱhisȱuncleȱtheȱCountȱofȱForest,
yetȱheȱalsoȱperformsȱheroicallyȱinȱbattleȱdefendingȱtheȱinterestsȱofȱhisȱbrothersȱand
priorȱ toȱ hisȱ actȱ ofȱ fratricide,ȱ heȱ crusadedȱ onȱ behalfȱ ofȱ theȱ Churchȱ inȱ theȱ Holy
Lands.27ȱȱȱȱ
AlthoughȱGeoffreyȱneverȱbecomesȱaȱsaintlyȱhermitȱlikeȱRobert,ȱheȱdoesȱremain
celibateȱandȱdevotesȱtheȱlatterȱpartȱofȱhisȱlifeȱtoȱensuringȱtheȱeternalȱsalvationȱof
hisȱfamilyȱthroughȱtheȱconstructionȱofȱanȱabbey,ȱchapelȱandȱhospital.ȱTheȱperson
whoȱ followsȱ inȱ Robert’sȱ pathȱ asȱ repentant,ȱ saintlyȱ hermitȱ isȱ Raymondin,ȱ and
indeed,ȱhisȱpenanceȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱ moreȱ heartfeltȱandȱdeeperȱthanȱGeoffrey’s.ȱIt
appearsȱ thatȱ theȱ characterȱ ofȱ Robertȱ theȱ Devilȱ hasȱ beenȱ brokenȱ upȱ intoȱ four
separate,ȱcontrastingȱpersonsȱinȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine.ȱFirst,ȱthereȱisȱtheȱtrinityȱof
maleȱcelibateȱoffspring,ȱtwoȱofȱwhomȱrepresentȱextremesȱthatȱcannotȱsurviveȱinȱthe
humanȱworld.ȱThisȱtrinityȱofȱmaleȱoffspringȱreflectsȱtheȱtrinityȱofȱfemaleȱoffspring
asȱrepresentedȱinȱMélusineȱandȱherȱtwoȱsistersȱMeliorȱandȱPalestine,ȱbothȱofȱwhom
receiveȱaȱpenanceȱandȱareȱbannedȱfromȱparticipatingȱinȱtheȱhumanȱworld.
26
AlthoughȱoneȱmayȱbeȱastonishedȱatȱMélusine’sȱlackȱofȱmaternalȱaffectionȱforȱHorribleȱandȱcringe
atȱherȱdecisionȱtoȱcommitȱinfanticide,ȱHorrible’sȱoutrageousȱdeedsȱwarrantȱsomeȱsortȱofȱobjective
punishmentȱandȱindeedȱheȱmayȱhaveȱsufferedȱaȱdeathȱsentenceȱorȱbanishmentȱifȱheȱhadȱlivedȱto
commitȱtheȱcrimesȱpredicted.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱMélusine’sȱlackȱofȱfamilialȱfeelingȱfitsȱinȱwithȱthe
generalȱpatternȱofȱmanslaughterȱexhibitedȱbyȱbothȱMélusineȱandȱGeoffreyȱwhoȱdeliberatelyȱkilled
familyȱmembersȱeitherȱoutȱofȱaȱsenseȱofȱoutrageȱorȱaȱmisguidedȱsenseȱofȱjustice.ȱThisȱfinalȱactȱof
homicideȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱMélusineȱcouldȱalsoȱindicateȱherȱwillingnessȱtoȱplaceȱtheȱcommonȱgood
overȱandȱaboveȱpersonalȱandȱfamilyȱinterests,ȱthusȱreinforcingȱtheȱnotionȱofȱtheȱparadoxicalȱand
inscrutableȱnatureȱofȱjusticeȱthatȱJeanȱd’Arrasȱdiscussesȱinȱhisȱprologue.ȱȱ
27
BothȱGeoffreyȱandȱRobertȱdoȱbattleȱagainstȱtheȱinfidel;ȱhowever,ȱGeoffreyȱwagesȱsuchȱaȱwarȱbefore
theȱburningȱofȱtheȱabbeyȱandȱRobertȱdoesȱsoȱafterwards.ȱȱ
ȱȱ Accordingȱ toȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Thereȱ is,ȱ however,ȱ aȱremarkableȱdifference

betweenȱMélusineȱandȱherȱtwoȱsistersȱwhoȱneverȱmanageȱtoȱjoinȱhumanȱsociety
andȱremainȱratherȱnebulousȱfairiesȱwhoȱcannot,ȱdespiteȱmanyȱefforts,ȱbeȱrescued
fromȱ theȱ banishmentȱ imposedȱ onȱ themȱ byȱ theirȱ motherȱ Persina.”28ȱ Similarly,
HorribleȱandȱFromontȱareȱbanishedȱfromȱhumanȱsocietyȱbyȱmotherȱandȱbrother
respectively,ȱwhichȱleavesȱGeoffrey,ȱlikeȱhisȱmotherȱMélusine,ȱtoȱcopeȱwithȱthe
effectsȱ ofȱ hisȱ crimeȱ inȱ theȱ humanȱ world.ȱ Finally,ȱ thereȱ isȱ Raymondin,ȱ who
withdrawsȱfromȱtheȱworldȱinȱorderȱtoȱexpiateȱhisȱsinsȱandȱprayȱforȱtheȱsalvation
ofȱhisȱbelovedȱwife.ȱ
ȱȱȱ
Inȱconclusion,ȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱMélusineȱincorporatesȱandȱdevelopsȱbasicȱnarrative
patternsȱ andȱ characterȱ traitsȱ suggestedȱ byȱ theȱ legendȱ ofȱ Robertȱ theȱ Devil,
producingȱvariousȱshadesȱofȱbehaviorȱasȱaȱwayȱofȱexploringȱtheȱeffectsȱofȱthese
behaviorsȱonȱsocietyȱacrossȱtheȱgenerations.ȱNeitherȱtaleȱfollowsȱtheȱtrajectoryȱof
twelfthȱorȱthirteenthȱcenturyȱcourtlyȱromanceȱinȱthatȱloveȱplaysȱnoȱmajorȱroleȱas
aȱ motivatingȱ orȱ subversiveȱ force.ȱ Theȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ Robertȱ andȱ the
emperor’sȱdaughterȱisȱwhollyȱchasteȱandȱallȱloveȱrelationshipsȱinȱtheȱRomanȱde
Mélusineȱ endȱ inȱ marriage,ȱ withȱ loveȱ seemingȱ toȱ playȱ aȱ veryȱ minor,ȱ almost
perfunctoryȱrole.ȱTheȱelementȱofȱforbidden,ȱadulterousȱloveȱisȱabsent.ȱItȱdoesȱseem
thatȱtheȱtwoȱromancesȱbelongȱtoȱtheȱsubȱgenreȱofȱtheȱpenitentialȱromance,ȱasȱmany
criticsȱhaveȱsuggested,ȱbecauseȱtheȱmainȱthrustȱofȱtheȱromancesȱisȱtheȱexposure
andȱexpiationȱofȱaȱsecretȱcrimeȱlinkedȱtoȱone’sȱfamilyȱheritageȱandȱmanifestȱin
one’sȱhybridȱnature.ȱTheȱmainȱcharactersȱmustȱcomeȱtoȱtermsȱwithȱtheirȱduality,
andȱinȱsoȱdoingȱforgeȱaȱnewȱidentityȱmoreȱinȱkeepingȱwithȱChristianȱvalues.ȱȱ
Theȱbattleȱbetweenȱtheȱforcesȱofȱgoodȱandȱevilȱplaysȱaȱparticularlyȱstrongȱrole
inȱtheȱlivesȱofȱtheȱhybrids,ȱwhoȱintensify,ȱthroughȱtheirȱexcessiveȱbehavior,ȱtheȱgift
andȱ curseȱ ofȱ theirȱ supernaturalȱ origins.ȱ Demonicȱ originsȱ seemȱ toȱ explain
outrageousȱbehaviorȱthatȱmightȱotherwiseȱbeȱhardȱtoȱattributeȱtoȱpeopleȱbornȱof
nobleȱdescentȱsinceȱgoodness,ȱintelligenceȱandȱbeautyȱwereȱcommonlyȱassociated
withȱ royalȱ bloodlines.ȱ Alcuinȱ Blamiresȱ believesȱ thatȱ theȱ hybridȱ expresses
“profoundȱ medievalȱ anxietiesȱ aboutȱ theȱ productionȱ ofȱ heirs,ȱ andȱ particularly
violentȱandȱungovernableȱheirs,ȱwithoutȱlayingȱtheseȱphenomenaȱexclusivelyȱat
theȱdoorȱofȱfiends.”29ȱTheȱcontradictionsȱinȱtheseȱromancesȱareȱpurposefulȱandȱnot
meantȱtoȱbeȱclarified,ȱratherȱtheyȱreflectȱtheȱperplexingȱstateȱofȱtheȱworldȱasȱit
exists,ȱfullȱofȱenigmasȱregardingȱgoodȱandȱevil.ȱTheseȱromances,ȱwrittenȱduring
28
AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“LoveȱandȱFearȱofȱtheȱForeign:ȱThüringȱvonȱRingoltingen’sȱMelusineȱ(1456):ȱA
XenologicalȱAnalysis,”ȱDaphnisȱ33.1–2ȱ(2004):ȱ97–122;ȱhere,ȱ118.ȱ
29
Alcuinȱ Blamires,ȱ “Theȱ Twinȱ Demonsȱ ofȱ Aristocraticȱ Societyȱ inȱ Sirȱ Gowther,”ȱ Pulpȱ Fictionsȱ of
MedievalȱEngland:ȱEssaysȱinȱPopularȱRomance,ȱed.ȱNicolaȱMcDonaldȱ(ManchesterȱandȱNewȱYork:
ManchesterȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2004),ȱ45–62;ȱhereȱ52.
108 StaceyȱHahn
anȱeraȱwhenȱpeopleȱbelievedȱinȱtheȱsupernaturalȱandȱwereȱunawareȱofȱtheȱscience
behindȱreproduction,ȱillustrateȱtheȱcontradictionsȱinherentȱinȱattemptingȱtoȱassign
goodȱandȱevilȱtoȱanyȱparticularȱcause,ȱespeciallyȱaȱgeneticȱone.ȱTheȱcelibacyȱofȱthe
hybridsȱandȱtheȱextinctionȱofȱtheirȱbloodlineȱallowȱusȱtoȱviewȱthemȱfromȱaȱsafe
distance.ȱInȱaddition,ȱtheȱredemptionȱofȱtheȱdemonicȱchildȱgivesȱusȱcomfortȱand
hopeȱthatȱtheȱevilȱinȱhumanityȱcanȱbeȱmitigated.ȱ
Chapterȱ5
ScottȱL.ȱTaylor
(PimaȱCommunityȱCollege,ȱTucson)
JudiciumȱDei,ȱvulgarisȱpopularisqueȱsensus:
SurvivalȱofȱCustomaryȱJusticeȱandȱResistanceȱtoȱits
Displacementȱbyȱtheȱ“New”ȱOrdinesȱiudiciorumȱas
EvidencedȱbyȱFrancophonicȱLiteratureȱofȱthe
HighȱMiddleȱAges
LesȱEncoupementsȱdeȱlaȱCorone,1ȱanȱanonymousȱandȱhighlyȱpracticalȱAngloȬNorman
treatiseȱcompiledȱcircaȱ1274ȱdealingȱexclusivelyȱwithȱcriminalȱlaw,ȱtellsȱtheȱstory
ofȱaȱthief,ȱindictedȱbyȱtheȱcountryȱandȱbroughtȱbeforeȱJusticeȱLaurenceȱdeȱBrok.ȱDe
Brok,ȱadvisingȱtheȱmanȱofȱtheȱaccusation,ȱenquiredȱofȱhimȱhowȱheȱwishedȱtoȱacquit
himself.ȱTheȱaccusedȱreplied,ȱ“Byȱmyȱbody,ȱsir,”ȱwhichȱisȱtoȱsay,ȱbyȱcombat.ȱAnd
theȱjusticeȱadvisedȱhim,ȱ“myȱgoodȱman,ȱnoȱmanȱmakesȱsuitȱagainstȱyouȱexceptȱthe
king,ȱandȱtheȱkingȱdoesȱnotȱdoȱbattle.ȱHowȱdoȱyouȱwantȱtoȱproveȱthatȱyouȱare
goodȱandȱhonest?”ȱButȱtheȱthiefȱinsistedȱonȱbattle,ȱuntilȱtheȱjusticeȱdecidedȱtoȱask
him,ȱ“Areȱyouȱaȱgoodȱandȱhonestȱman?”ȱ“Yes,ȱindeed,”ȱproclaimedȱtheȱaccused,
“andȱIȱamȱreadyȱtoȱdefendȱmyselfȱbyȱmyȱbodyȱagainstȱthisȱaccusation.”ȱAndȱthe
justiceȱcontinued,ȱ“Iȱsay,ȱareȱyouȱgoodȱandȱhonest?”ȱAndȱtheȱthiefȱreplied,ȱ“Yes,
sir,ȱIȱam.”ȱAndȱtheȱjusticeȱsaidȱ“Howȱdoȱyouȱwishȱtoȱproveȱit?”ȱAndȱtheȱthiefȱsaid,
“Byȱtheȱcountry,ȱofȱcourse!”ȱAndȱtheȱcountryȱcame,ȱandȱsaidȱheȱwasȱaȱthiefȱand
hadȱcommittedȱtheȱtheftȱforȱwhichȱheȱhadȱbeenȱindicted,ȱandȱseveralȱothersȱas
well;ȱandȱsoȱheȱwasȱhanged,ȱandȱinȱsuchȱaȱwayȱheȱwasȱtricked.2
1
AlsoȱknownȱasȱLaȱCoroneȱPledeeȱdevantȱJustices,ȱorȱPlacitaȱCorone,ȱunderȱwhichȱlatterȱtitleȱitȱhasȱbeen
editedȱwithȱintroduction,ȱnotesȱandȱtranslationȱbyȱJ.ȱM.ȱKaye.ȱSupplementaryȱSeries,ȱ4ȱ(London
andȱColchester:ȱSeldenȱSociety,ȱ1966).
2
PlacitaȱCorone,ȱ23ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱtextȱisȱdiscussingȱhowȱtoȱavoidȱbeingȱhangedȱby
110 ScottȱL.ȱTaylor
Theȱlegalȱliteratureȱofȱtheȱperiodȱaboundsȱinȱsimilarȱgamesȱofȱwitsȱasȱlitigants
stalwartlyȱ demandȱ theirȱ customaryȱ rightsȱ andȱ royalȱ functionariesȱ noȱ less
determinedlyȱundertakeȱtoȱmaneuverȱthemȱintoȱacceptingȱnewȱproceduresȱduring
aȱ periodȱ ofȱ legalȱ transition.ȱ Beginningȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ eleventhȱ andȱ earlyȱ twelfth
centuries,ȱ inȱ aȱ developmentȱ thatȱ wouldȱ ultimatelyȱ transformȱ Westernȱ law,
RomanoȬcanonicalȱjudicialȱproceduresȱbasedȱonȱoralȱandȱwrittenȱevidenceȱcame
toȱdisplaceȱcustomaryȱproceduresȱforȱdeterminingȱguiltȱandȱpunishmentȱresting
onȱimmanentȱjustice.ȱTheȱwidelyȱdebatedȱreasonsȱforȱthisȱtransformationȱfallȱinto
twoȱ schoolsȱ ofȱ thought.ȱ Theȱ firstȱ attributesȱ theȱ changeȱ toȱ sociologicalȱ factors,
includingȱwidespreadȱskepticismȱandȱtheȱgrowthȱofȱurbanȱcentersȱatȱtheȱexpense
ofȱsmall,ȱisolatedȱcommunities3;ȱtheȱotherȱelitistȱperspectiveȱmaintainsȱthatȱthe
ordealȱ disappearedȱ largelyȱ because,ȱ onȱ theologicalȱ principles,ȱ theȱ church
withdrewȱitsȱsanctionȱbyȱcanonȱofȱFourthȱLateranȱCouncil,ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱriseȱofȱan
intellectualȱapparatchikiȱtrainedȱinȱtheȱordinesȱiudiciorum,ȱtrialȱproceduresȱfounded
uponȱtheȱRomanȱlaw.4
insistingȱonȱbattle,ȱinstructingȱtheȱreader:ȱ“Etȱfetaȱsaverȱkeȱiamnesȱpenduȱneȱserraȱtantȱcumȱil
donneȱteuȱrespouns,ȱsiȱilȱneȱseitȱvencuȱparȱbataille,ȱmesȱenȱprisounȱserraȱtantȱcumȱleȱRoyȱseitȱen
vie;ȱetȱsiȱleȱRoyȱmoergeȱsiȱserraȱillȱdelivers”ȱ(“Andȱbeȱassuredȱthatȱheȱneverȱwillȱbeȱhangedȱsoȱlong
asȱheȱgivesȱthisȱresponse,ȱunlessȱheȱbeȱdefeatedȱinȱbattle,ȱbutȱheȱwillȱremainȱinȱprisonȱsoȱlongȱas
theȱKingȱremainȱalive,ȱandȱifȱtheȱKingȱdie,ȱthenȱwillȱheȱbeȱfreed”),ȱ23ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
3
TheȱmostȱradicalȱofȱtheseȱisȱCharlesȱRadding,ȱ“SuperstitionȱtoȱScience:ȱNature,ȱFortuneȱandȱthe
PassingȱofȱtheȱMedievalȱOrdeal,”ȱTheȱAmericanȱHistoricalȱReviewȱ84ȱ(1979):ȱ945–69,ȱadvancingȱthe
thesisȱthatȱwidespreadȱskepticismȱofȱdivineȱimmanenceȱgenerallyȱledȱtoȱaȱsecularȱperspective,ȱa
thesisȱadvancedȱfurtherȱinȱhisȱAȱWorldȱMadeȱbyȱMen:ȱCognitionȱandȱSociety,ȱ400–1200ȱ(ChapelȱHill,
NC,ȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱNorthȱCarolinaȱPress,ȱ1985).ȱAsȱnotedȱbyȱKennethȱPennington,
TheȱPrinceȱandȱtheȱLawȱ1200–1600:ȱSovereigntyȱandȱRightsȱinȱtheȱWesternȱLegalȱTraditionȱ(Berkeleyȱand
LosȱAngeles:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1993),ȱ134,ȱnoteȱ49,ȱfewȱhistoriansȱhaveȱascribedȱto
Radding’sȱview.ȱSeeȱalsoȱJohnȱContreni’sȱreviewȱofȱRadding’sȱtome,ȱSpeculumȱ63ȱ(1988):ȱ709–14.
PeterȱBrown,ȱ“SocietyȱandȱtheȱSupernatural:ȱAȱMedievalȱChange,”ȱDaedalusȱ104ȱ(1975):ȱ133–51,
reprintedȱwithȱadditionalȱnotesȱinȱSocietyȱandȱtheȱHolyȱinȱLateȱAntiquityȱ(BerkeleyȱandȱLosȱAngeles:
UniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1982),ȱ302–32,ȱisȱmoreȱmoderateȱinȱhisȱassessmentȱofȱtheȱdegreeȱof
change,ȱbutȱdoesȱargueȱforȱanȱincreasedȱskepticismȱatȱleastȱvisȬàȬvisȱimmanentȱjusticeȱperȱse.ȱPaul
R.ȱHyams,ȱ“TrialȱbyȱOrdeal:ȱTheȱKeyȱtoȱProofȱinȱtheȱEarlyȱcommonȱLaw,ȱ”OnȱtheȱLawsȱandȱCustoms
ofȱEngland:ȱEssaysȱinȱHonorȱofȱSamuelȱE.ȱThorne,ȱed.ȱMorrisȱS.ȱArnold,ȱThomasȱA.ȱGreen,ȱSalleyȱA.
Scully,ȱandȱStephenȱD.ȱWhite.ȱStudiesȱinȱLegalȱHistoryȱ(ChapelȱHill,ȱNC:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱNorth
CarolinaȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ90–126,ȱarguesȱthatȱordealsȱwereȱrationalȱonlyȱinȱsmallȱcommunitiesȱofȱthe
earlyȱMiddleȱAgesȱwhereȱthereȱexistedȱaȱcommonȱfamiliarity.
4
Theȱ mostȱ prominentȱ adherentȱ ofȱ thisȱ positionȱ isȱ Robertȱ Bartlett,ȱ Trialȱ byȱ Fireȱ andȱ Water:ȱ The
MedievalȱJudicialȱOrdealȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1986).ȱToȱthisȱviewȱemphasizingȱthe
importanceȱofȱtheȱecclesiasticȱelites,ȱKennethȱPennington,ȱTheȱPrinceȱandȱtheȱLawȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱadds
theȱvitalȱroleȱofȱtrainedȱjurists.ȱOnȱtheȱextensiveȱproceduralȱliteratureȱofȱtheȱperiodȱadopting
RomanoȬcanonicalȱ proceduresȱ basedȱ onȱ writtenȱ andȱ testimonialȱ evidence,ȱ seeȱ Lindaȱ FowlerȬ
Magerl,ȱOrdoȱiudiciorumȱvelȱordoȱiudiciarius:ȱBegriffȱundȱLiteraturgattung.ȱRepertorienȱzurȱFrühzeit
derȱgelehrtenȱRechte.ȱJusȱCommune,ȱSonderhefteȱ19ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱKlostermann,ȱ1984).
SurvivalȱofȱCustomaryȱJusticeȱ 111
ȱFromȱtheȱninthȬcenturyȱpolemicsȱofȱAgobardȱofȱLyon5ȱattackingȱtheȱpremisesȱof
ordealsȱ bothȱ inȱ theoryȱ andȱ praxis,ȱ andȱ railingȱ againstȱ theȱ Gundobadianȱ law
adoptingȱtheȱjudiciumȱDeiȱoutȱofȱtheȱconcernȱofȱBurgundianȱrulersȱoverȱrampant
perjury,ȱ toȱ theȱ fourteenthȬcenturyȱ compilationsȱ ofȱ Giovanniȱ deȱ Legnano,
theologiansȱcondemnedȱordealsȱbasedȱnotȱonlyȱonȱscripturalȱproscriptionsȱagainst
theȱtemptationȱofȱGodȱandȱtheȱsheddingȱofȱblood,ȱbutȱonȱgroundsȱtheyȱsimplyȱdid
notȱwork.6ȱTheȱequityȱofȱtheȱlawȱofȱnationsȱdictatesȱthatȱoffendersȱbeȱpunished,ȱthe
innocentȱacquitted.7ȱButȱinȱGottesurteilȱtheȱoppositeȱsometimesȱhappens.ȱHence,ȱin
867,ȱPopeȱNicholasȱIȱforebadeȱjudicialȱduels8;ȱinȱ886,ȱPopeȱStephanȱVȱenjoined
5
Liberȱejusdemȱadȱpraefatumȱimperatorem,ȱadversusȱlegemȱGundobadi,ȱetȱimpiaȱcertaminaȱquaeȱperȱeam
geruntur,ȱ inȱ J.ȱ P.ȱ Migne,ȱ ed.,ȱ Patrologiaeȱ cursusȱ completus,ȱ seriesȱ Latinaȱ (PL)ȱ (Paris:ȱ Migne,
1844–1855),ȱ104:ȱ113–26l;ȱLiberȱdeȱdivinisȱsententiisȱdigestus,ȱcumȱbrevissimisȱadnotationibus,ȱcontra
damnabilemȱopinionemȱputantium,ȱdiviniȱiudiciiȱveritatemȱigne,ȱvelȱaquis,ȱvelȱconflictȱarmorumȱpatefieri,
PLȱ104:249–68.
6
“Qualiterȱduellamȱhocȱpurgatoriumȱinhibitumȱsitȱiureȱdivinoȱprobaturȱsicȱilleȱactusȱestȱinhibitus
iureȱdivinoȱperȱquemȱsitȱdeiȱtemptatio.ȱSedȱhocȱduellumȱestȱhuiusmodiȱergoȱprobaturȱmaiorȱper
illudȱpreceptum.ȱNonȱtemptabisȱdominumȱdieȱtui.ȱProbatȱminor.ȱNamȱtuncȱtemptaturȱdeusȱcum
perquiriturȱaliquidȱcontraȱnaturamȱquodȱnonȱestȱproductibileȱnisiȱmiraculoȱdivinoȱsicȱestȱdicere
inȱhocȱduelloȱpurgationis.ȱNamȱnaturalȱestȱquodȱfortioriȱetȱingeniosiorȱvincatȱminusȱfortemȱet
minusȱingeniosumȱnecȱecontraȱfieriȱpotestȱordineȱnaturali.ȱSedȱaliquamȱminusȱfortisȱetȱminus
ingeniosusȱ fovetȱ iusticiamȱ etȱ perȱ duellumȱ quaerimusȱ utȱ victoriamȱ obtineatȱ utȱ ipsiusȱ iusticia
declaret.ȱSicȱergoȱdeusȱtemptatusȱmiraculumȱfaciat.ȱConfirmaturȱilleȱactusȱestȱinhibitusȱiureȱdivino
quareȱestȱadȱinȱventusȱfabricanteȱdiabolo.ȱHocȱduellumȱestȱhuiusȱmodi,ȱergoȱprobaturȱmaior,ȱnam
nilȱcommuneȱdeiȱadȱdiabolamȱlucisȱadȱtenebras.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ(“Howȱtheȱduelȱofȱpurgationȱisȱforbiddenȱby
divineȱlawȱisȱdemonstratedȱasȱfollows.ȱAnȱactȱisȱforbiddenȱtoȱtheȱextentȱitȱisȱaȱtemptationȱofȱGod.
Butȱthisȱduelȱisȱofȱsuchȱkind;ȱthus,ȱtheȱmajorȱpremiseȱisȱprovenȱbyȱtheȱprecept:ȱTemptȱnotȱtheȱLord
thyȱGod.ȱTheȱminorȱisȱproved:ȱForȱthenȱGodȱisȱtemptedȱwhenȱanythingȱisȱaskedȱofȱhimȱcontrary
toȱnatureȱwhichȱcannotȱariseȱexceptȱbyȱdivineȱmiracle,ȱwhichȱfollowsȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱthisȱduel.ȱFor
itȱisȱnaturalȱforȱtheȱstrongestȱandȱmostȱadeptȱtoȱdefeatȱtheȱlessȱstrongȱandȱlessȱadept;ȱnorȱdoesȱit
happenȱinȱtheȱnaturalȱorderȱofȱthings.ȱButȱsometimesȱtheȱlessȱstrongȱandȱlessȱadeptȱfavorȱjustice,
andȱweȱseekȱbyȱtheȱduelȱthatȱheȱachievesȱvictoryȱandȱthatȱhisȱjusticeȱbeȱdeclared.ȱSoȱthusȱGodȱis
temptedȱtoȱperformȱaȱmiracle.ȱItȱisȱconfirmed:ȱanȱactȱisȱforbiddenȱbyȱdivineȱlawȱtoȱtheȱextentȱitȱis
aȱ deviceȱ ofȱ theȱ devil.ȱ Thisȱ duelȱ isȱ ofȱ suchȱ type,ȱ henceȱ theȱ majorȱ isȱ proved.ȱ Sinceȱ nothingȱ is
commonȱtoȱGodȱandȱtheȱdevil,ȱtheȱlightȱandȱtheȱdarknessȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.“)ȱTractatusȱdeȱbello,ȱdeȱrepresaliisȱet
deȱduelloȱdominiȱJohannisȱdeȱLignano,ȱcumȱadditionibusȱDominiȱPauliȱdeȱLignano,ȱcap.ȱclxxv.
7
“Namȱdictatȱequitasȱiureȱgentiumȱdelinquentsȱpuniriȱinnocentsȱabsoluiȱacȱinȱhocȱbelloȱcontingit
quandoquamȱecontraȱergoȱinhibitumȱiureȱgentium”(“Forȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱlawȱofȱnations,ȱequity
demandsȱ thatȱ theȱ guiltyȱ beȱ punished,ȱ theȱ innocentȱ acquitted.ȱ Butȱ inȱ thisȱ battle,ȱ theȱ opposite
sometimesȱhappens.ȱHence,ȱitȱisȱforbiddenȱbyȱtheȱlawȱofȱnations”).ȱTractatusȱdeȱbelloȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
8
Monomachianȱueroȱinȱlegeȱnonȱassumimus,ȱquamȱpreceptamȱfuisseȱnonȱreperimus,ȱquam,ȱlicet
iniisseȱquosdamȱlegamus,ȱsicutȱsanctumȱDavidȱetȱGoliamȱsacraȱproditȱistoria,ȱnusquamȱtamenȱut
proȱ legeȱ teneaturȱ alicubiȱ diuinaȱ sanxitȱ auctoritas,ȱ cumȱ hocȱ etȱ huiusmodiȱ sectantesȱ Deum
solummodoȱtemptareȱuideantur”ȱ(Weȱdoȱnotȱsupport,ȱhowever,ȱjudicialȱbattle,ȱwhichȱweȱdoȱnot
findȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱtheȱrule,ȱthoughȱweȱreadȱthatȱonceȱitȱwasȱpracticed,ȱasȱappearsȱfromȱtheȱsacred
storyȱofȱDavidȱandȱGoliath.ȱNevertheless,ȱnowhereȱdidȱdivineȱauthorityȱanywhereȱratifyȱthatȱthe
practiceȱbeȱretainedȱasȱlaw,ȱwhenȱthisȱandȱsimilarȱproceduresȱonlyȱseemȱtoȱtemptȱGod”),ȱC.ȱ2ȱq.
5ȱc.ȱ22.
ordealsȱ ofȱ hotȱ ironȱ andȱ water,ȱ anȱ injunctionȱ reissuedȱ byȱ Alexanderȱ II.9ȱ When
GratianȱcomposedȱhisȱDecretum,ȱtheȱonlyȱauthorityȱinȱfavorȱofȱordealsȱheȱcould
findȱwereȱtwoȱcanonsȱfromȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱWormsȱ(868)ȱallowingȱtheȱEucharistic
ordeal,10ȱandȱoneȱfromȱtheȱSynodȱofȱSeligenstadtȱ(1023),ȱallowingȱdivineȱjudgment
inȱaccusationsȱofȱadultery.11
OnlyȱlaterȱeditorsȱsucceededȱinȱlocatingȱtwoȱninthȬcenturyȱpaleae,ȱNobilisȱhomo,12
fromȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱTriburȱ(895),ȱandȱQuiȱpresbiterum,13ȱfromȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱMainz
9
Consuluistiȱdeȱinfantibus,ȱquiȱinȱunoȱlectoȱcumȱparentibusȱdorminetesȱmortuiȱreperiuntur,ȱutrum
ferroȱcandente,ȱautȱaquaȱferuente,ȱseuȱalioȱquolibetȱexamineȱparentesȱseȱpurificareȱdebeantȱeos
nonȱobpressisse.ȱMonendiȱnamqueȱsuntȱetȱprotestandiȱparentes,ȱneȱtamȱtenellosȱsecumȱinȱuno
collocentȱ lecto,ȱ neȱ negligentiaȱ qualibetȱ prouenientȱ suffocenturȱ uelȱ opprimantur,ȱ undeȱ ipsi
homicidiiȱreiȱinueniantur.ȱNamȱferriȱcandentisȱuelȱaquaeȱfeuentisȱexaminationeȱconfessionem
extorqueriȱaȱquolibetȱsacriȱnonȱconsentȱcanones,ȱetȱquodȱsanctorumȱPatrumȱdocumentoȱsancitum
nonȱ estȱ supersticiosaȱ adinuentioneȱ nonȱ estȱ presumendum.ȱ Spontaneaȱ enimȱ confessioneȱ uel
testiumȱapprobationeȱpublicataȱdelicta,ȱhabitoȱpreȱoculisȱDeiȱtimore,ȱcommissaȱsuntȱregimini
iudicare.ȱOccultaȱueroȱetȱincognitaȱsuntȱilliȱrelinquenda,ȱquiȱsolusȱnouitȱcordaȱfilliorumȱhominum.
Hiȱautem,ȱquiȱprobantur,ȱuelȱconfitenturȱtalisȱreatusȱseȱnoxiosȱtuaȱeosȱcastigetȱmoderatio,ȱquiȱsi
conceptumȱinȱuteroȱquiȱperȱaborsumȱdeleuerit,ȱhomicida,ȱest,ȱquantoȱmagis,ȱquiȱuniusȱsaltemȱdiei
puerulumȱperemerit,ȱhomicidamȱesseȱseȱexcusareȱnequibit”ȱ(“Weȱhaveȱbeenȱaskedȱregarding
infantsȱwhoȱwereȱfoundȱdeadȱinȱtheȱsameȱbedȱwithȱtheirȱsleepingȱparents,ȱwhetherȱtheyȱought
clearȱthemselvesȱbyȱhotȱironȱorȱboilingȱwater,ȱorȱbyȱsomeȱotherȱtest,ȱofȱcrushingȱthem.ȱForȱthe
parentsȱhadȱbeenȱcitedȱandȱadmonishedȱnotȱtoȱletȱsuchȱtenderȱonesȱtoȱsleepȱwithȱthemȱinȱaȱsingle
bed,ȱlestȱbyȱsomeȱnegligenceȱtheyȱcause,ȱtheyȱshouldȱbeȱsuffocatedȱorȱcrushed,ȱwhenceȱtheyȱare
foundȱdefendantsȱinȱthisȱhomicide.ȱNowȱtoȱextortȱaȱconfessionȱthroughȱexaminationȱbyȱhotȱiron
orȱboilingȱwater,ȱwhenceȱyouȱpleaseȱtheȱholyȱcanonsȱdoȱnotȱadvise,ȱandȱthereȱisȱnoȱestablished
exampleȱofȱtheȱholyȱfathersȱthatȱwouldȱdefendȱsuperstitiousȱdevice.ȱIndeed,ȱcrimesȱmadeȱpublic
byȱvoluntaryȱconfessionȱorȱbyȱapprobation,ȱalwaysȱinȱaweȱbeforeȱtheȱeyesȱofȱGod,ȱareȱcommitted
toȱrulesȱtoȱjudge.ȱHowever,ȱthoseȱthatȱareȱhiddenȱandȱunknownȱareȱleftȱtoȱhimȱwhoȱknowsȱthe
heartsȱofȱtheȱsonsȱofȱman.ȱMoreover,ȱthoseȱdefendantsȱprovenȱorȱconfessedȱtoȱbeȱguiltyȱitȱisȱyour
dutyȱtoȱchastiseȱwithȱmoderation,ȱwhoȱhavingȱconceivedȱinȱuteroȱhadȱaborted,ȱisȱaȱmurderer,
muchȱmore,ȱanyoneȱwhoȱwouldȱcutȱoffȱaȱlittleȱchildȱfromȱevenȱaȱsingleȱdayȱshallȱbeȱunableȱto
absolveȱhimselfȱofȱbeingȱaȱmurderer”),ȱC.ȱ2ȱq.ȱ5ȱc.ȱ20.
10
C.ȱ2ȱq.ȱ5ȱc.ȱ23ȱandȱc.ȱ26.
11
“Statuitȱquoqueȱsanctaȱsinodus,ȱut,ȱsiȱduoȱdeȱadulterioȱaccusatiȱfuerint,ȱetȱamboȱnegauerint,ȱet
orantȱsibiȱconcede,ȱutȱalterȱillorumȱutrosqueȱdiuinoȱpurgetȱiudicio,ȱsiȱunusȱinȱhocȱceciderit,ȱambo
reiȱhabeantur”ȱ(“Theȱholyȱsynodȱholdsȱthatȱifȱtwoȱareȱaccusedȱofȱadultery,ȱandȱbothȱdenyȱthe
chargesȱandȱplead,ȱyieldingȱthemselves,ȱthatȱshouldȱeitherȱofȱthemȱproceedȱaccordingȱtoȱdivine
judgment,ȱifȱoneȱfailsȱtherein,ȱbothȱshouldȱbeȱheldȱguilty”),ȱC.ȱ2ȱq.ȱ5ȱc.ȱ25.
12
“Nobilisȱhomoȱuelȱingenuusȱsiȱinȱsinodoȱaccusaturȱetȱnegauerit,ȱsiȱeumȱconstiteritȱfidelemȱesse,
cumȱduodecimȱingenuisȱseȱexpurget;ȱsiȱanteaȱdeprehensusȱfueritȱinȱfurto,ȱautȱperiurio,ȱautȱfalso
testimonio,ȱadȱiuramentumȱnonȱadmittatur,ȱsedȱ(sicutȱquiȱingenuusȱnonȱest)ȱferuentiȱaquaȱuel
candentiȱferroȱseȱexpurget”ȱ(“Aȱnoblemanȱorȱoneȱfreeborn,ȱifȱheȱbeȱaccusedȱbeforeȱtheȱsynodȱand
denyȱtheȱcharges,ȱifȱitȱfindȱhimȱtoȱbeȱfaithful,ȱheȱmayȱacquitȱhimselfȱwithȱtwelveȱfreebornȱoath
helpers;ȱbutȱifȱpreviouslyȱheȱhadȱbeenȱdetectedȱinȱtheftȱorȱperjuryȱorȱfalseȱtestimony,ȱheȱshallȱnot
beȱallowedȱpurgationȱbyȱoath,ȱbutȱjustȱasȱthoughȱheȱwereȱnotȱfreeborn,ȱheȱmustȱacquitȱhimselfȱby
boilingȱwaterȱorȱhotȱiron”),ȱC.ȱ2ȱq.ȱ5.ȱc.ȱ15.
13
“Quiȱpresbiterumȱocciderit,ȱduodecimȱannorumȱeiȱpenitenciaȱsecundumȱcanonesȱinponature;ȱaut
(847),ȱallowingȱpurgationȱbyȱoathȱtoȱtheȱfreebornȱandȱpurgationȱbyȱhotȱironȱor
waterȱtoȱtheȱunfree.ȱTheseȱeditorialȱadditionsȱareȱindicativeȱofȱtheȱlivelyȱdebate14ȱ
siȱnegauerit,ȱsiȱliberȱest,ȱcumȱsepuagintaȱduobusȱiuret;ȱsiȱautemȱseruus,ȱsuperȱduodecimȱuomeres
feruentesȱseȱexpurget.ȱConuictusȱueroȱnoxaeȱusqueȱadȱultimumȱuitaeȱtempusȱmiliciaeȱcingulo
careat,ȱetȱabsqueȱspeȱconiugiiȱmaneat”ȱ(“Whosoeverȱkillsȱaȱpriestȱshallȱbeȱsentencedȱtoȱtwelve
yearsȱofȱpenance,ȱorȱifȱheȱdeniesȱtheȱcharge,ȱifȱfree,ȱheȱshallȱswearȱwithȱseventyȬtwoȱoathȱhelpers,
butȱifȱservile,ȱheȱshallȱacquitȱhimselfȱoverȱtwelveȱhotȱplowshares.ȱMoreover,ȱconvictedȱofȱthe
crime,ȱheȱshallȱcontinuouslyȱuntilȱtheȱendȱofȱhisȱlifeȱabstainȱfromȱmilitaryȱserviceȱandȱremain
withoutȱhopeȱofȱmarriage”),ȱC.ȱ2ȱq.ȱ5ȱc.
14
WhileȱtheȱriseȱofȱaȱtrainedȱjuristicȱeliteȱcommencingȱinȱtheȱItalianȱmunicipallities,ȱseeȱJohannes
Fried,ȱDieȱEntstehungȱdesȱJuristenstandesȱimȱ12.ȱJahrhundert:ȱZurȱsozialenȱStellungȱundȱpolitischen
Bedeutungȱ gelehrterȱ Juristenȱ inȱ Bolognaȱ undȱ Modena.ȱ Forschungenȱ zurȱ neuerenȱ PrivatrechtsȬ
geschichte,ȱ 21ȱ (Cologneȱ andȱ Vienna:ȱ Böhlau,ȱ 1974),ȱ favoredȱ theȱ trendȱ towardȱ procedures
emphasizingȱtestimonyȱandȱdocumentation,ȱseeȱparticularlyȱR.ȱC.ȱvanȱCaenegem,ȱ“Laȱpreuve
dansȱ leȱ droitȱ duȱ moyenȱ ageȱ occidental:ȱ Rapportȱ deȱ synthese,”ȱ Laȱ Preuve:ȱ Moyenȱ Ageȱ etȱ temps
moderns.ȱRecueilsȱdeȱlaȱSociétéȱJeanȱBodin,ȱ17.2ȱ(Brussels:ȱÉd.ȱDeȱlaȱLibrairieȱencyclopédique,
1965),ȱ691–753;ȱKennethȱPennington,ȱTheȱPrinceȱandȱtheȱLaw,ȱ132–35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4),ȱsomeȱlegistes
maintainedȱ ifȱ notȱ theȱ consistencyȱ ofȱ ordealȱ andȱ Romanȱ law,ȱ atȱ leastȱ thatȱ theȱ twoȱ wereȱ not
inconsistent.ȱ See,ȱ e.g.,ȱ Hermannȱ Nottarp,ȱ Gottesurteilstudien.ȱ Bambergerȱ Abhandlungenȱ und
Forschungen,ȱ2ȱ(Munich:ȱKösel,ȱ1956),ȱ49.ȱWhileȱJamesȱA.ȱBrundageȱmaintainsȱthatȱGratianȱwas
opposedȱtoȱordealsȱandȱsoughtȱtoȱexplainȱawayȱconciliarȱcanonsȱthatȱprescribedȱthem,ȱsoȱthatȱC.
2ȱq.ȱ5ȱc.ȱ24–25ȱneedȱbeȱreadȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheȱdictaȱaccompanyingȱc.ȱ22ȱandȱc.ȱ26,ȱLaw,ȱSex,ȱand
ChristianȱSocietyȱinȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ(ChicagoȱandȱLondon:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ253,
theȱdictaȱaccompanyingȱc.ȱ20ȱcastsȱdoubtȱonȱtheȱextentȱofȱprohibition:ȱ“Hocȱautemȱutrumȱad
omniaȱgeneraȱpurgationis,ȱanȱadȱhecȱduoȱtantum,ȱqueȱhisȱprohbitaȱuidentur,ȱpertineant,ȱnon
inmeritoȱdubitaturȱpropterȱsacrificiumȱzelopipiae,ȱetȱilludȱGregorii:ȱ‘Siȱvir,ȱquiȱfrigidaeȱnaturae
esseȱ dicitur,ȱ perȱ uerumȱ iudiciumȱ probareȱ potuerit,ȱ uxoremȱ suamȱ numquamȱ seȱ cognovisse,
separeturȱabȱea.”(“However,ȱwhetherȱthisȱpertainsȱtoȱallȱmannerȱofȱpurgationȱorȱonlyȱtheȱtwo
remainsȱopenȱtoȱdoubt,ȱonȱaccountȱofȱtheȱsacrificeȱofȱjealousy,ȱandȱtheȱstatementȱofȱGregory:ȱ‘if
aȱmanȱsaidȱtoȱbeȱofȱcoldȱnatureȱcanȱproveȱbyȱaȱsuitableȱtrialȱthatȱheȱneverȱhadȱintercourseȱwithȱhis
wife,ȱheȱmayȱbeȱseparatedȱfromȱher’”).ȱTheȱfirstȱofȱtheseȱisȱexpandedȱinȱc.ȱ21,ȱrecitingȱtheȱordeal
ofȱBitterȱwatersȱcontainedȱinȱtheȱoldȱTestamentȱbookȱofȱNumbers,ȱalthoughȱinȱsomeȱmanuscripts
appearingȱ asȱ palaea,ȱ isȱ undoubtedlyȱ byȱ Gratianȱ himself.ȱ Seeȱ theȱ accompanyingȱ notationes
correctorumȱ byȱ Emilȱ Friedberg,ȱ Corpusȱ Iurisȱ Canoniciȱ editioȱ Lipsiensisȱ secunda.ȱ 2ȱ vols.ȱ (Leipzig:
Tauchnitz,ȱ1879–1881).ȱTheȱsecondȱinstanceȱrelatingȱtoȱallegationsȱofȱsexualȱincapacity,ȱseeȱC.ȱ27
q.ȱ2ȱc.ȱ29,ȱraisesȱtheȱquestionȱofȱ“perȱuerumȱiudicatum.”ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱglossȱofȱtheȱStowe
manuscript,ȱBritishȱLibraryȱStoweȱ378,ȱfol.ȱ167ȱvb:ȱ“Probareȱmulieremȱdebetȱquodȱnonȱpositȱuir
cumȱ eaȱ coireȱ siȱ ueltȱ aliumȱ accipere,ȱ etiamȱ siȱ uirȱ contradicat.ȱ Hicȱ enimȱ probaboȱ perȱ uerum
iudicium,ȱscilicetȱaspectȱcorporisȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ(“Itȱisȱproperȱforȱaȱwomanȱtoȱproveȱthatȱherȱhusbandȱis
incapableȱofȱintercourseȱwithȱherȱshouldȱsheȱdesireȱtoȱtakeȱanother,ȱevenȱifȱherȱhusbandȱdenies
it.ȱOfȱcourse,ȱIȱwillȱinvestigateȱthisȱthroughȱsuitableȱtrial,ȱcertainlyȱphysicalȱexamination”).ȱQuoted
inȱBrundage,ȱLaw,ȱSexȱandȱChristianȱSociety,ȱ322,ȱnoteȱ308ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).ȱJoannesȱFaventius,ȱinȱhis
Summa,ȱB.L.ȱRoyalȱ9ȱE.ȱVII,ȱfol.ȱ136ra:ȱ“Scilicetȱmembrumȱeiusȱinspiciaturȱaȱmulieribus,ȱquiaȱfote
nonȱ estȱ aptumȱ carnaliȱ opera”ȱ (“Certainlyȱ hisȱ memberȱ mayȱ beȱ inspectedȱ byȱ women,ȱ since
perchanceȱitȱisȱnotȱsuitableȱforȱcarnalȱoperations”).ȱQuotedȱinȱBrundgae,ȱLaw,ȱSexȱandȱChristian
Society,ȱ322ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).ȱTheȱcontextȱsuggests,ȱhoweverȱthatȱGratianȱhadȱsomethingȱmoreȱinȱmind
thanȱaȱsimpleȱinspection.Inȱcasesȱofȱheresy,ȱperhapsȱaȱmajorityȱofȱclericsȱsupportedȱordeal,ȱeven
byȱ hotȱ iron,ȱ asȱ witnessȱ cap.ȱ 1ȱ ofȱ theȱ Councilȱ ofȱ Rheimsȱ (1157),ȱ Sacrorumȱ conciliorumȱ novaȱ et
amongȱ twelfthȬcenturyȱ legalȱ analystsȱ asȱ toȱ theȱ nature,ȱ purpose,ȱ efficacyȱ and
permissibilityȱofȱvariousȱtypesȱofȱordeal,ȱinȱaȱtimeȱwhenȱtheȱordealȱitselfȱseemed
toȱbeȱflourishingȱthroughoutȱtheȱEuropeanȱcontinent,ȱwhichȱfloweringȱisȱtheȱbasis
forȱ theȱ claimȱ thatȱ theȱ prohibitionsȱ ofȱ Fourthȱ Lateranȱ wereȱ theȱ impetusȱ forȱ the
subsequentȱrapidȱdeclineȱofȱtheȱordealȱinȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱratherȱthanȱany
generalȱsocialȱchangeȱwithȱanȱattendantȱmetamorphosisȱinȱmentalité.
ȱEvenȱproponentsȱofȱthisȱargumentȱconcede,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱcomplianceȱwithȱthe
prohibitionsȱofȱtheȱFourthȱLateranȱCouncilȱ(1215)ȱwhichȱprovidedȱasȱpartȱofȱa
canonȱprohibitingȱclerksȱfromȱsheddingȱbloodȱeitherȱthroughȱparticipationȱinȱlegal
administrationȱorȱthroughȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱsurgeryȱsimplyȱthat:
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱnecȱquisquamȱpurgationiȱaquaeȱferventisȱvelȱfrigidaeȱseuȱferriȱcandentisȱritum
cuislibetȱbenedictionisȱautȱconsecrationisȱimpendat,ȱsalvisȱnihilominusȱprohibitionibus
deȱmonomachiisȱsiveȱduellisȱanteaȱpromulgates.”15ȱ
[“.ȱ.ȱ.norȱwillȱanyoneȱbestowȱanyȱriteȱwhatsoeverȱofȱblessingȱorȱconsecrationȱupon
purgationȱbyȱboilingȱorȱcoldȱwaterȱorȱhotȱiron,ȱpreservingȱneverthelessȱtheȱprohibitions
againstȱmonomachiaȱorȱduelsȱpreviouslyȱissued.”]
wereȱ neitherȱ particularlyȱ swiftȱ norȱ complete.16ȱ Inȱ theȱ subsequentȱ decade,ȱ the
papacyȱ continuedȱ toȱ bemoanȱ theȱ browȬbeatingȱ ofȱ clergyȱ intoȱ participationȱ in
ordeals,ȱwithȱHonoriusȱIIIȱfeelingȱcompelledȱtoȱreissueȱtheȱinjunctionsȱinȱ1223ȱor
1224.17ȱNonetheless,ȱcouncilsȱwereȱcontinuingȱtoȱcondemnȱtheȱpracticeȱatȱBayeux
inȱ 1300,18ȱ whileȱ Gregoryȱ XIȱ roundlyȱ criticizedȱ theȱ ordealȱ provisionsȱ ofȱ the
Sachsenspiegelȱinȱ1374.19ȱ
amplissimaȱcollectio,ȱ2ndȱed,ȱ53ȱvols.ȱ(Paris:ȱWelter,ȱ1901–1927),ȱ21–84,ȱwhichȱwasȱfollowedȱatȱArras
inȱ1172ȱandȱCambraiȱinȱ1183,ȱseeȱDominiqueȱBarthélemy,ȱ“Diversitéȱdesȱordaliesȱmédiévales,”
RevueȱHistoriqueȱ280ȱ(1988):ȱ3–25;ȱhereȱ24,ȱn.ȱ24ȱandȱn.ȱ84;ȱandȱshortlyȱbeforeȱtheȱprohibitionȱof
FourthȱLateran,ȱInnocentȱrebukedȱtheȱbishopȱofȱStrassburgȱforȱemployingȱtheȱordeal.ȱVerborum
abbreviatumȱ78,ȱPLȱ205:230.ȱSeeȱgenerally,ȱJohnȱW.ȱBaldwin,ȱ“TheȱIntellectualȱPreparationȱforȱthe
Canonsȱofȱ1215ȱAgainstȱOrdeals,”ȱSpeculumȱ36ȱ(1961):ȱ613–36.ȱ
15
Canonȱ18.ȱTheȱidenticalȱlanguageȱappearsȱinȱXȱ3.50.9.ȱTheȱpreviousȱpromulgationsȱseemȱtoȱrefer
toȱtheȱearlierȱprohibitionsȱagainstȱ“nundinasȱvelȱferias”ȱ(“joustsȱorȱfairs”)ȱissued,ȱinterȱaliaȱat
SecondȱLateran,ȱcanonȱ14,ȱandȱThirdȱLateran,ȱcanonȱ20.
16
SeeȱBartlett,ȱTrialȱbyȱFireȱandȱWater,ȱ130–31ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
17
Xȱ5.35.3;ȱforȱtheȱearlierȱdate,ȱseeȱChronicaȱMinorȱMinoritaeȱErphordensis,ȱed.ȱOswaldȱHolderȬEgger.
ScriptoresȱRerumȱGermanicarum,ȱ42ȱ(HanoverȱandȱLeipzig:ȱHahn,ȱ1899),ȱ602.
18
Sacroramȱconciliorumȱnovaȱetȱamplissimaȱcollection,ȱed.ȱG.ȱD.ȱMansi.ȱ2nd.ȱed.,ȱ53ȱvols.ȱ(Parisȱand
Leipzig:ȱWelter,ȱ1901–1927),ȱ25:ȱ67.
19
Deȱordaliis,ȱed.ȱPeterȱBrowe,ȱ2ȱvols.ȱTextusȱetȱdocumentaȱinȱusumȱexercitationumȱetȱpraeiectionum
academicarum/Seriesȱtheologicaȱ4ȱ(Rome:ȱPontificiaȱUniversitàȱGregoriana,ȱ1932–1933),ȱ1:44.
Germanȱ sourcesȱ fromȱ Lorsch20ȱ andȱ Hanover21ȱ continuedȱ toȱ citeȱ ordealsȱ as
admissibleȱwellȱintoȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury,ȱwhileȱinȱsouthwesternȱFrance,ȱordeals
continuedȱtoȱreceiveȱsanctionȱatȱleastȱasȱlateȱasȱ1309ȱinȱArticleȱ9ȱofȱLesȱcoutumes
d’Alzenȱ(compteȱdeȱFoix).22ȱTrialȱbyȱbattle,ȱcondemnedȱbyȱtheȱChurchȱearlierȱandȱno
lessȱvociferouslyȱthanȱautonomicȱordeal,ȱcontinuedȱinȱbothȱEnglandȱandȱFrance
intoȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury,ȱandȱwasȱonlyȱabrogatedȱinȱEnglandȱinȱ1818.23
ȱ Thisȱ tenacityȱ wasȱ notȱ anȱ indicationȱ ofȱ royalȱ favor.ȱ Fromȱ theȱ ninthȱ century
onwards,ȱrulers,ȱsecularȱandȱecclesiastic,ȱhadȱadoptedȱorȱtoleratedȱordealsȱinȱthe
nameȱofȱcombatingȱperjury,ȱthoughȱrecognizingȱtheȱproceduresȱasȱundependable
andȱsusceptibleȱtoȱmanipulation.ȱEadmer’sȱdescriptionȱinȱtheȱHistoriaȱNovarumȱof
Williamȱ Rufus’sȱ outburstȱ againstȱ theȱ iudiciumȱ Dei24ȱ wasȱ notȱ soȱ muchȱ a
manifestationȱ ofȱ theȱ king’sȱ religiousȱ skepticism,ȱ asȱ ofȱ frustrationȱ withȱ the
unpredictabilityȱofȱtheȱordeal.ȱ
Granted,ȱ theȱ autonomicȱ ordeal,ȱ whichȱ inȱ Englandȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ used
routinelyȱonlyȱinȱwhatȱwouldȱsubsequentlyȱcomeȱtoȱbeȱdenominatedȱ“criminal”
casesȱ(sinceȱmostȱcasesȱaroseȱonȱappeal,ȱorȱwhatȱtodayȱwouldȱbeȱcalledȱcomplaint,
ofȱaȱtort,ȱorȱactȱcontraryȱtoȱlawȱorȱjustice),ȱhadȱnoȱapplicabilityȱanywhereȱinȱcases
whereȱ theȱ defendantȱ wasȱ takenȱ inȱ flagranteȱ delictoȱ orȱ confessed,ȱ andȱ was
everywhereȱ aȱ vehicleȱ onlyȱ ofȱ lastȱ resort.ȱ Inȱ aȱ fictionalȱ trialȱ ofȱ Godwinȱ forȱ the
murderȱofȱAlfred,ȱbrotherȱofȱEdwardȱtheȱConfessor,ȱtheȱpoetȱGaimarȱinȱhisȱEstoire
d’Engleisȱ portraysȱ theȱ baronsȱ debatingȱ whetherȱ aȱ chargeȱ ofȱ felonyȱ requires
jugement,ȱi.e.,ȱordealȱbyȱironȱorȱwater,ȱorȱjudicialȱduel,ȱorȱwhetherȱasȱtheȱcharacter
Frithugistȱmaintains,ȱsuchȱorpȱapel,ȱi.e.,ȱanȱaccusationȱwithoutȱwitnesses,ȱcanȱbe
refutedȱbyȱoath,ȱwithȱwhichȱcontentionȱtheȱfictionalȱLeofricȱagrees.ȱHence,ȱthe
suitorsȱdetermine,ȱinȱlightȱofȱtheȱprestigiousȱpositionȱofȱtheȱdecedentȱbutȱlackȱof
witnesses,ȱ toȱ makeȱ anȱ esguard,ȱ orȱ arbitrationȱ award.25ȱ Gaimar’sȱ graspȱ ofȱ the
procedureȱseemsȱconsistentȱwithȱthoseȱassessmentsȱsuggestingȱthat,ȱatȱleastȱin
criminalȱ cases,ȱonlyȱseriousȱcrimesȱattributedȱtoȱanȱaccusedȱofȱnoȱorȱillȬrepute
20
JacobȱGrimm,ȱWeisthümer.ȱ7ȱvols.ȱ(Göttingen:ȱDieterich,ȱ1840–1878),ȱ1:465–66;ȱcitedȱinȱBartlett,
TrialȱbyȱFireȱandȱWaterȱ131ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
21
HermannȱNottarp,ȱGottesurteilstudien,ȱ204ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
22
SeeȱPaulȱOurliac,ȱ“LeȱDuelȱiudiciaireȱdansȱleȱsudȬouest,”ȱRevueȱduȱNordȱ158ȱ[MelangesȱRaymond
Monier]ȱ(1958),ȱrpt..ȱinȱÉtudesȱd’historieȱduȱdroitȱmedievalȱ(Paris:ȱA.ȱetȱJ.ȱPicard,ȱ1979),ȱ251–58;ȱhere
254ȱandȱnoteȱ1.
23
St.ȱ59ȱGeo.ȱIII,ȱc.ȱ46
24
“Adȱhocȱquoqueȱlapsusȱest,ȱutȱDeiȱiudicioȱincredulousȱfieretȱiniustitiaequeȱilludȱarguens,ȱDeum
autȱfactaȱhominumȱignorareȱautȱaequitatisȱeaȱlanceȱnolleȱpensareȱastrueret”ȱ(Heȱsankȱalsoȱtoȱthis,
thatȱheȱdoubtedȱitȱhadȱbeenȱtheȱjudgmentȱofȱGod,ȱarguingȱthatȱitȱwasȱunjustȱandȱaddingȱthatȱeither
Godȱdidȱnotȱknowȱtheȱdeedsȱofȱmenȱorȱheȱwasȱunwillingȱtoȱweighȱthemȱimpartially”).ȱHistoria
novarumȱ2,ȱPLȱ159:412.
25
GeffreiȱGaimar,ȱEstoireȱdesȱengleis,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱIanȱShortȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2009),
linesȱ4861–5028.
whereȱaȱprimaȱfacieȱcaseȱcouldȱbeȱdemonstratedȱeverȱwereȱreferredȱtoȱanȱordeal.
Inȱotherȱcases,ȱlitigantsȱnotȱinfrequentlyȱofferedȱtoȱundergoȱjugementȱasȱaȱstrategic
ploy,ȱandȱalmostȱasȱfrequentlyȱadvancedȱpretencesȱtoȱdemurȱatȱtheȱlastȱmoment.26
Evenȱthen,ȱacrossȱEurope,ȱfromȱEnglandȱtoȱHungary,ȱtheȱconvictionȱrateȱbyȱsuch
meansȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱlessȱthanȱfiftyȱpercent,27ȱperhapsȱinȱEnglandȱasȱlowȱas
oneȱinȱthree.28ȱHenryȱIIȱattemptedȱtoȱcompensateȱforȱthisȱinefficiencyȱbyȱtheȱAssize
ofȱClarendonȱofȱ1166,ȱprovidingȱthatȱjuriesȱofȱtwelveȱmenȱofȱeveryȱhundredȱand
fourȱ ofȱ everyȱ townshipȱ provideȱ theȱ namesȱ ofȱ anyoneȱ accusedȱ orȱ suspectedȱ of
robberyȱ withinȱ theȱ twelveȱ precedingȱ years,ȱ whichȱ suspectsȱ wereȱ roundedȬup,
thoseȱofȱillȬreputeȱandȱfoundȱwithȱstolenȱgoodsȱbeingȱsummarilyȱdispatched,ȱthe
restȱbeingȱsubmittedȱtoȱtrialȱbyȱcoldȱwater,ȱthoseȱconvictedȱlosingȱaȱfoot,ȱandȱafter
theȱAssizeȱofȱNorthamptonȱinȱ1175,ȱtheirȱrightȱhandȱasȱwell,ȱthoseȱpassingȱbutȱof
illȬreputeȱbeingȱabjuredȱtoȱquitȱtheȱkingdom.29
Asideȱ fromȱ theȱ obviousȱ cynicismȱ inȱ Henry’sȱ useȱ ofȱ theȱ ordeal,ȱ theȱ Angevin
assizesȱareȱnotableȱforȱtheȱuseȱofȱtheȱpresentingȱjury.ȱWhetherȱfoundedȱuponȱthe
DanishȱjuryȱofȱpresentmentȱorȱtheȱFrankishȱinquest,30ȱtheȱprocedureȱcertainlyȱwas
usedȱfromȱtheȱdaysȱofȱtheȱConquerorȱforward,ȱalthoughȱBongertȱarguesȱthatȱHenry
II’sȱversionȱwasȱonceȱdistilledȱthroughȱtheȱpracticeȱcommonȱinȱAnjou.31ȱWithȱthe
jury,ȱdenunciationȱemergedȱasȱanȱalternativeȱtoȱappeal,ȱi.e.,ȱaccusation,ȱwhichȱhad
beenȱuntilȱthenȱtheȱprimaryȱmethodȱofȱbringingȱoffensesȱtoȱbar,ȱaccountingȱtoȱno
smallȱdegreeȱforȱtheȱwantȱofȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱcivilȱandȱcriminalȱpleas.ȱWell
beforeȱ theȱ innovationsȱ ofȱ Innocentȱ III,ȱ itȱ wasȱ mentionedȱ inȱ theȱ ordo,ȱ Hactenus
magister,ȱwrittenȱcircaȱ1167ȱinȱCologneȱbyȱtheȱcanonȱRenerus,ȱmostȱlikelyȱunderȱthe
influenceȱ ofȱ Gerardȱ Pucelle.32ȱ Suchȱ ordinesȱ mayȱ explainȱ theȱ treatiseȱ writtenȱ in
26
OnȱtheȱstrategicȱuseȱofȱtheȱordealȱinȱtheȱOccitan,ȱseeȱStephenȱD.ȱWhite,ȱ“ProposingȱtheȱOrdealȱand
AvoidingȱIt:ȱStrategyȱandȱPowerȱinȱWesternȱFrenchȱLitigation,ȱ1050–1110,”ȱCulturesȱofȱPower:
Lordship,ȱStatusȱandȱProcessȱinȱTwelfthȬCenturyȱEurope,ȱed.ȱThomasȱN.ȱBison.ȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeries
(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylavaniaȱPress,ȱ1995),ȱ89–123.
27
See,ȱe.g.,ȱR.ȱDarest,ȱÉtudesȱd’histoireȱduȱdroitȱ(Paris:ȱL.ȱLaroseȱetȱForcel,ȱ1889)ȱI:ȱ259–64,ȱdiscussing
theȱRegestrumȱdeȱVarad,ȱprintedȱbyȱS.ȱL.ȱEndlicher,ȱRerumȱHungaricumȱMonumentaȱArpadianaȱ(1849;
rpt..,ȱLeipzig:ȱHiersemann,ȱ1931),ȱ640–742.
28
SeeȱRobertȱBartlett,ȱEnglandȱUnderȱtheȱNormanȱandȱAngevinȱKingsȱ1075–1225ȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendon
Press,ȱ2000),ȱ183–84.
29
SeeȱW.ȱL.ȱWarren,ȱHenryȱIIȱ(BerkeleyȱandȱLosȱAngeles:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1973),ȱ355.
AsȱWarrenȱpointsȱout,ȱtheȱDialogusȱdeȱScaccario,ȱattributedȱtoȱRichardȱfitzNigel,ȱhimselfȱanȱinsider
inȱHenry’sȱcourt,ȱreferredȱtoȱitȱasȱtheȱmostȱsevereȱassizeȱappointedȱtoȱrepressȱcrime.
30
Onȱtheȱissue,ȱseeȱFrankȱM.ȱStenton,ȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland,ȱ3rd.ȱed.ȱOxfordȱHistoryȱofȱEngland,ȱ2
(1943;ȱOxford:ȱClarendon,ȱ1971),ȱ651–52.
31
YvonneȱBongert,ȱRecherchesȱsurȱlesȱcoursȱlaïquesȱduȱXeȱauȱXIIIȱsiècleȱ(Paris:ȱPicard,ȱ1949).ȱInȱall
likelihood,ȱHenry’sȱinnovationsȱborrowedȱasȱwellȱfromȱcanonȱlawȱproceduresȱofȱtheȱperiod.ȱSee
R.ȱH.ȱHelmholz,ȱ“TheȱEarlyȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱGrandȱJuryȱandȱtheȱCanonȱLaw,”ȱUniversityȱofȱChicago
LawȱReviewȱ50ȱ(1983):ȱ613–27.
32
SeeȱLindaȱFowlerȬMagerl,ȱOrdinesȱiudiciariiȱandȱLibellisȱdeȱordineȱiudiciorumȱ(FromȱtheȱMiddleȱofȱthe
Henry’sȱday,ȱcommonlyȱknownȱasȱGlanvill,ȱwhichȱdividesȱpleasȱintoȱcriminalȱand
civil,ȱ reservingȱ theȱ mostȱ seriousȱ asȱ pleasȱ ofȱ theȱ crown,ȱ aȱ taxonomyȱ thitherto
unknownȱinȱEnglishȱlaw.
Althoughȱ theȱ useȱ ofȱ jurorsȱ inȱ theȱ inquestȱ wasȱ knownȱ onȱ bothȱ sidesȱ ofȱ the
channel,ȱfromȱtheȱmidȬȱtoȱlateȬtwelfthȱcenturyȱtheyȱbeganȱtoȱdivergeȱinȱpractice;
certainlyȱbyȱtheȱ1194ȱestablishmentȱofȱtheȱcustodiesȱplacitorumȱcoronae,ȱwhenȱthe
Angevinȱsystemȱmovedȱtowardȱaȱdoubleȱpresentmentȱinvolvingȱmultipleȱjuriesȱof
viciniȱ whoȱ actedȱ somewhereȱ betweenȱ witnessesȱ andȱ factȬfinders,ȱ withȱ no
prescribedȱrulesȱofȱevidence,ȱandȱwhoseȱverdictsȱwereȱinȱsomeȱsenseȱanȱevidence
ratherȱthanȱaȱjudgment.33ȱInȱFrance,ȱwhereȱandȱwhenȱjurorsȱtriedȱcasesȱratherȱthan
theȱbailliȱorȱseneschal,ȱofficersȱwhoȱwereȱreligiouslyȱrotatedȱbyȱtheȱreignȱofȱLouis
IX,ȱtoȱassureȱtheirȱtotalȱfidelityȱtoȱtheȱcrown,ȱtheȱjurorsȱfunctionedȱmoreȱpassively
inȱtheȱroleȱofȱenqueteurs,ȱwhoȱheardȱandȱpresumablyȱweighedȱevidenceȱincluding
testimonyȱandȱdocuments,ȱaccordingȱtoȱevermoreȱpreciseȱhierarchicalȱstandards
ofȱproofs.ȱByȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱandȱbeforeȱ1215,ȱinȱeitherȱlocation,ȱthe
defendantȱappearsȱtoȱhaveȱhadȱaȱchoiceȱofȱstandingȱonȱanȱinquiryȱorȱinquestȱor
goingȱtoȱtheȱordeal;ȱafterȱ1215,ȱtheȱalternativeȱwasȱbattle,ȱanȱalternativeȱlimitedȱin
inquests,ȱandȱoverȱtimeȱevenȱinȱappeals.ȱWellȱbeforeȱtheȱbanȱonȱordeal,ȱatȱleastȱin
England,ȱtheȱdefendantȱcouldȱpurchaseȱfromȱtheȱcrownȱtheȱrightȱtoȱputȱhimselfȱon
theȱcountry,ȱi.e.,ȱtheȱmultipleȱjuriesȱofȱtheȱassize,ȱaȱprerogativeȱgladlyȱextendedȱby
theȱ Angevinȱ monarchsȱ whoȱ alwaysȱ wereȱ happyȱ toȱ grantȱ anyȱ privilegeȱ that
contributedȱ toȱ theȱ treasury.ȱ Theȱ procedureȱ wasȱ risky,ȱ theȱ juriesȱ tryingȱ guilt
typicallyȱbeingȱtheȱsameȱasȱhadȱmadeȱtheȱpresentmentȱuntilȱitȱwasȱestablishedȱin
theȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱthatȱindictorsȱwereȱtoȱbeȱexcludedȱfromȱtheȱtrialȱjury.34ȱ
Exceptionesȱ recognizedȱ byȱ Francophonicȱ courtsȱ wereȱ dilatoryȱ orȱ preemptive
pleas.ȱGenerally,ȱtheȱonlyȱdefenseȱtoȱfelonyȱwasȱcompleteȱdenial.ȱInȱtheȱAngevin
realms,ȱ theȱ writȱ Deȱ odioȱ etȱ atia,ȱ anotherȱ contributorȱ toȱ theȱ fisc,ȱ wasȱ available
perhapsȱasȱearlyȱasȱ1178ȱtoȱchallengeȱwhatȱtodayȱwouldȱbeȱcalledȱoverchargingȱthe
offense.35ȱInȱtheȱearlyȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱtheȱordo,ȱOlim,ȱbyȱOttoȱPapiensisȱbecame
quiteȱpopular,ȱparticularlyȱinȱEngland,36ȱandȱinȱ1234,ȱtheȱAngloȬNormanȱcanonist
TwelfthȱtoȱtheȱEndȱofȱtheȱFifteenthȱCentury).ȱTypologieȱdesȱsourcesȱduȱmoyenȱâgeȱoccidentalȱ63
(Turnhout,ȱBelgium:ȱBrepols,ȱ1994),ȱ63;ȱed.,ȱFowlerȬMagerl,ȱOrdoȱiudiciorumȱvelȱordoȱiudiciarius,
290–93ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
33
SeeȱMikeȱMcNair,ȱ“TheȱOriginsȱofȱtheȱJury:ȱVicinageȱandȱtheȱAntecedentsȱofȱtheȱJury,”ȱLawȱand
HistoryȱReviewȱ17ȱ(1999):ȱ537–99.
34
YearȱBookȱ30–3,1ȱEdwardȱI,ȱ531.
35
OnȱtheȱWritȱDeȱodioȱetȱatia,ȱseeȱparticularlyȱNaomiȱD.ȱHurnard,ȱTheȱKing’sȱPardonȱforȱHomicide
beforeȱADȱ1307ȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1969),ȱAppendixȱI,ȱ339–80.
36
FowlerȬMagerl,ȱOrdinesȱiudiciarii,ȱ94ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ32).
composedȱ theȱ ordoȱ Scietiam,37ȱ dealingȱ extensivelyȱ withȱ exceptiones,ȱ butȱ the
evolutionȱofȱtheȱdefensiveȱpleaȱwasȱaȱslow,ȱandȱoftenȱcostly,ȱone.
Inȱtheȱinterim,ȱInnocentȱIIIȱwouldȱofferȱhisȱownȱvariationȱonȱtheȱinquest,ȱtoȱwit,
inquisitorialȱprocedure,ȱnotȱonlyȱwithoutȱdefiningȱtheȱrightsȱofȱdefendants,ȱbutȱin
manyȱ casesȱ restrictingȱ themȱ underȱ theȱ rubricȱ reiȱ publicaeȱ interest,ȱ neȱ criminal
remaneantȱimpunita,ȱaȱdoctrinalȱphraseȱborrowedȱfromȱaȱtreatiseȱcomposedȱcirca
1190ȱbyȱaȱFrenchȱcanon.38ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtime,ȱtheȱbanȱonȱclericalȱparticipationȱin
ordealsȱplayedȱintoȱtheȱhandsȱofȱroyalȱfunctionariesȱalreadyȱanxiousȱtoȱeliminate
theȱ ordeal.ȱ Perhapsȱ theȱ injunctionȱ ofȱ theȱ Fourthȱ Lateranȱ Councilȱ (1215)ȱ was
intended,ȱasȱoneȱwriterȱhasȱcommented,ȱ“toȱbringȱhomeȱtoȱmonarchsȱandȱotherȱlay
authoritiesȱtheȱlessonȱthatȱtheirȱcapacityȱtoȱgovernȱdependedȱuponȱtheȱcooperation
ofȱchurchȱauthorities.”39ȱIfȱso,ȱitȱwasȱaȱchallengeȱthatȱmanyȱmonarchsȱwereȱhappy
toȱaccept.40ȱ
MagnatesȱandȱprofessionalȱjuristsȱalsoȱstoodȱtoȱgainȱbyȱactsȱofȱecclesiasticalȱselfȬ
limitation,ȱ particularlyȱ inȱ anȱ ageȱ witnessingȱ theȱ expandingȱ ubiquityȱ ofȱ capital
punishment,ȱ atȱ leastȱ untilȱ theȱ curiaȱ ofȱ Bonifaceȱ VIIIȱ recognizedȱ theȱ episcopal
possessionȱ ofȱ purelyȱ secularȱ jurisdictionȱ obviatingȱ theȱ needȱ forȱ advocatesȱ to
exerciseȱ highȱ justice.41ȱ Butȱ itȱ wasȱ kingsȱ whoȱ couldȱ seeȱ theȱ opportunitiesȱ for
controllingȱtheȱadministrationȱofȱjusticeȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱpowerȱandȱrevenueȱtoȱbe
derivedȱfromȱtheirȱroleȱasȱultimateȱappellateȱauthority,ȱaȱfunctionȱscarceȱavailable
whereȱ judgmentȱ wasȱ ofȱ God.ȱ Indeed,ȱ notȱ onlyȱ wouldȱ theyȱ haveȱ eliminated
unilateralȱordeal,ȱbutȱtheȱslow,ȱcostly,ȱandȱalmostȱasȱunpredictableȱwagerȱofȱbattle
asȱ well,ȱ hadȱ theyȱ aȱ meansȱ ofȱ compellingȱ defendantsȱ toȱ acceptȱ trialȱ byȱ juryȱ or
inquest,ȱ whichȱ ultimatelyȱ theyȱ undertookȱ toȱ achieveȱ byȱ jailingȱ noncompliant
suspects.42
37
FowlerȬMagerl,ȱOrdoȱiudiciorum,138–41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
38
Seeȱ Richardȱ M.ȱ Fraher,ȱ “Theȱ Theoreticalȱ Justificationȱ forȱ theȱ Newȱ Criminalȱ Lawȱ ofȱ theȱ High
MiddleȱAges:ȱReiȱPublicaeȱInterest,ȱNeȱCriminaȱRemaneantȱImpunita,”ȱUniversityȱofȱIllinoisȱLawȱReview
(1984):ȱ577–95.
39
JamesȱA.ȱBrundage,ȱMedievalȱCanonȱLawȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱLongman,ȱ1995),ȱ141.
40
Cf.ȱMarieȬNoëlleȱGrippari,ȱ“LeȱjugementȱdeȱDieuȱouȱlaȱmiseȱenȱjeuȱduȱpouvoir,”ȱRevueȱHistorique
278ȱ(1987):ȱ281–91;ȱhereȱ289.
41
SeeȱF.ȱMerzbacher,ȱ“Hochgerichtsbarkeit,”ȱHandwörterbuchȱzurȱdeutschenȱRechtsgeschichte:ȱHRG,
ed.ȱAdalbertȱErler,ȱEkkehardȱKaufmann,ȱandȱWolfgangȱFriedrichȱStammlerȱ(Berlin:ȱE.ȱSchmidt,
1971–),ȱ2:174.
42
ForȱNormandy,ȱseeȱL’AncienneȱcoutumeȱdeȱNormandie,ȱed.ȱWilliamȱLaurenceȱDeȱGruchyȱ(Jersey:
Ch.ȱLeȱFeuvre,ȱ1881),ȱc.ȱ68,ȱ167:ȱ“perȱiustitiariumȱdebetȱarrestariȱetȱfirmoȱcarcereȱdebetȱobservari
usqueȱadȱdiemȱetȱannumȱcumȱpenuriaȱvictusȱetȱpotusȱ(àȱpeuȱdeȱmengerȱetȱdeȱboire)ȱnisiȱinterimȱsuper
hocȱpatriaeȱinquisitionemȱseȱofferatȱsustinere”(“heȱshouldȱbeȱarrestedȱandȱheldȱinȱaȱsecureȱprison
byȱtheȱpresidingȱjudgeȱforȱaȱyearȱandȱaȱdayȱwithȱlittleȱfoodȱorȱdrink,ȱunlessȱmeanwhileȱheȱpresent
himselfȱtoȱundergoȱinquisitionȱbyȱtheȱcountryȱonȱthisȱcase”).ȱQuotedȱinȱFrederickȱPollockȱand
FredericȱWilliamȱMaitland,ȱTheȱHistoryȱofȱEnglishȱLawȱBeforeȱtheȱTimeȱofȱEdwardȱI,ȱ2ndȱed.,ȱ2ȱvols.
(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1898)ȱ2:651,ȱn.ȱ4.ȱInȱEngland,ȱtheȱlimitȱofȱaȱyearȱandȱa
Asȱaȱconsequence,ȱitȱmayȱbeȱsaidȱthatȱtheȱcriminalȱdefendantȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱand
earlyȱfourteenthȱcenturiesȱwasȱoftenȱworseȱoffȱthanȱheȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱinȱtheȱday
ofȱ theȱ ordeal.ȱ Heȱ wasȱ allȱ butȱ presumedȱ guilty,ȱ affordedȱ noȱ meaningful
examinationȱofȱwitnesses,ȱprovidedȱnoȱrealȱproceduralȱprotections,ȱandȱgivenȱno
meansȱeitherȱbyȱwitȱorȱdivineȱintervention,ȱtoȱescapeȱwithȱhisȱlifeȱandȱbodyȱparts
intact.ȱMeanwhile,ȱlocalȱlordsȱwereȱlessȱthanȱcontentȱwithȱtheȱdevelopingȱsystem
ofȱroyalȱadministrationȱwhetherȱthroughȱjusticiars,ȱjudges,ȱseneschalsȱorȱbaillis,
thoseȱ“indefatigableȱlevelers,”ȱdescribedȱbyȱDupontȬFerrier,ȱwhoȱenvisionedȱaȱday
whenȱ“thereȱwouldȱnoȱlongerȱbeȱanyoneȱbetweenȱtheȱkingȱandȱhisȱsubjectsȱexcept
theȱking’sȱofficers.”43ȱFinally,ȱtheȱlargerȱpublicȱmayȱhaveȱappreciatedȱtheȱoptionȱof
aȱjuryȱorȱinquest,ȱbutȱnonethelessȱwereȱimbuedȱwithȱtheȱconceptȱofȱbattleȱasȱthe
franchiseȱ ofȱ theȱ francusȱ homo.ȱ Likewise,ȱ theyȱ mustȱ haveȱ appreciatedȱ their
communalȱinputȱintoȱimpositionȱandȱinterpretationsȱofȱordeals44;ȱandȱinȱtheȱlast
analysis,ȱfeltȱcomfortableȱwithȱtheirȱcustomaryȱjustice,ȱtheȱspectacleȱofȱanȱordeal
withȱtheȱprospectȱofȱaȱgoodȱcastrationȱandȱblindingȱorȱdrawingȱandȱquartering
beingȱ asȱ dearȱ toȱ theirȱ heartsȱ asȱ publicȱ hangingsȱ wereȱ inȱ nineteenthȬcentury
England.ȱAsȱtheȱcartularyȱofȱSt.ȱFlorentȬlèsȬSaumurȱreadsȱforȱanȱordealȱheldȱin
1066:
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱetȱpeneȱtotiusȱplebsȱcivitatisȱcujusȱnonȱparvaȱmultitudoȱadȱilludȱiudiciumȱquasi
adȱspectaculumȱconfluxit.”45
[“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱandȱalmostȱallȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱtheȱcity,ȱwhoseȱmultitudeȱwasȱnotȱsmall,ȱflowedȱto
theȱtrialȱasȱifȱtoȱaȱspectacle.”]ȱ
InȱAngers,ȱtheȱpopularȱinterestȱinȱordealsȱwasȱdescribedȱwithȱanȱentryȱforȱ1166,
noting:
dayȱdidȱnotȱappertain,ȱandȱtheȱprisonerȱwasȱoftenȱkeptȱinȱirons,ȱseeȱBrittonȱ1.26,ȱorȱladenȱwithȱas
muchȱironȱasȱheȱcouldȱbear.ȱYearȱBookȱ30–31,ȱEdwardȱI,ȱ511.
43
Gustaveȱ DupontȬFerrier,ȱ Lesȱ Officiersȱ royauxȱ desȱ baillagesȱ etȱ sénéchausséesȱ etȱ lesȱ institutions
monarchiquesȱlocalesȱenȱFranceȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱmoyenȱâgeȱ(Paris:ȱE.ȱBouillon,ȱ1902),ȱ873ȱ;ȱquotedȱinȱMichael
Jones,ȱȈTheȱLastȱCapetiansȱandȱEarlyȱValoisȱKings,ȱ1314–1364,ȱȈȱȱTheȱNewȱCambridgeȱMedieval
History:ȱ C.ȱ 1300–c.ȱ 1415,ȱ ed.ȱ Michaelȱ Jonesȱ (Cambridge:ȱ Cambridgeȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 2000),
388–421;ȱhereȱ410.
44
Thisȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱalwaysȱbeenȱtheȱcase.ȱCompare,ȱe.g.,ȱtheȱpoliticalȱaspectsȱofȱtheȱordealȱrelated
byȱ Wulfstanȱ inȱ ninthȬcenturyȱ England,ȱ Frithegodiȱ Monachiȱ Breviloquiumȱ Vitaeȱ Beatiȱ Wilrediȱ et
Wulfstaniȱ Cantorisȱ narratioȱ metricaȱ deȱ S.ȱ Swithino,ȱ ed.ȱ Alistairȱ Campbell.ȱ Thesaurusȱ mundi:
bibliothecaȱscriptoriumȱlatinorumȱmediaeȱetȱrecentionrisȱaetatisȱ1ȱ(TuriciȱandȱZurich:ȱInȱAedibus
ThesauriȱMundi,ȱ1950),ȱ150–54,ȱandȱdiscussionȱinȱPaulȱHyams,ȱ“TrialȱbyȱOrdeal,”ȱ93–94ȱ(seeȱnote
3)ȱwithȱtheȱordealȱheldȱinȱFlorenceȱinȱ1068ȱoverȱsimoniacalȱbishopsȱrecitedȱinȱtheȱVitaȱGualbertiȱof
Andreas,ȱ ccȱ 73–75,ȱ discussedȱ byȱ Colinȱ Morris,ȱ “Judiciumȱ Dei:ȱ Theȱ Sociologicalȱ andȱ Political
SignificanceȱofȱtheȱOrdealȱinȱtheȱEleventhȱCentury,”ȱChurchȱSocietyȱandȱPolitics.ȱStudiesȱinȱChurch
Historyȱ12ȱ(Oxford:ȱBlackwell,ȱ1975),ȱ95–111;ȱhereȱ97–98.
45
Bibl.Nat.ȱnouv.ȱAcq.ȱLat.ȱ1930,ȱfol.ȱ99rȱ–100v,ȱtranscribedȱinȱYvonneȱBongert,ȱRecherchesȱsurȱles
coursȱlaïques,ȱ308–10ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ31).
“Videruntȱautem,ȱvelȱiudiciumȱportari,ȱvelȱmanumȱtertiaȱdieȱmoreȱreguardari,ȱfere
universiȱhominessȱetȱmulieresȱdeȱDoadoȱetȱpluresȱdeȱmoniibusȱdictiȱBerlaii.46
[“Moreover,ȱnearlyȱallȱtheȱmenȱandȱwomenȱofȱDoadȱandȱmanyȱofȱtheȱmenȱfromȱthe
saidȱ Berlai,ȱ cameȱ toȱ witnessȱ eitherȱ theȱ impositionȱ ofȱ judgmentȱ or,ȱ foolishly,ȱ the
inspectionȱofȱtheȱhandȱonȱtheȱthirdȱday.”]
ȱForȱmanyȱobservers,ȱtheȱnewȱprocedures,ȱwhetherȱadoptedȱorȱadaptedȱfromȱthe
RomanoȬcanonicalȱordinesȱmustȱhaveȱseemedȱjustȱplainȱ“foreign,”ȱnotȱtheȱleastȱin
theirȱseparationȱofȱcourtȱandȱcommunity.
ThisȱxenophobiaȱwouldȱnaturallyȱbeȱexpectedȱinȱthoseȱareasȱnewlyȱunderȱFrench
domination,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱMidiȱwhereȱforȱdecadesȱafterȱtheȱcapitulationȱofȱRaymond
VIIȱofȱToulouseȱinȱtheȱ1229ȱTreatyȱofȱMeauxȱeffectivelyȱestablishingȱtheȱsuzerainty
ofȱLouisȱIX,ȱtheȱdenizensȱofȱtheȱméridienneȱregardedȱbothȱFrenchȱandȱclergyȱasȱtheir
occupiers.47ȱFromȱthisȱsouthernȱperspective,ȱRomanȱlawȱwasȱseenȱasȱanȱinstrument
ofȱthatȱveryȱ“foreign”ȱdomination.48ȱTheȱproblemȱlayȱnotȱmerelyȱwithȱtheȱlaw,ȱbut
withȱ theȱ cadreȱ ofȱ learnedȱ lawyersȱ whoȱ appliedȱ it:ȱ hence,ȱ oneȱ townȱ actually
prohibitedȱtheȱemploymentȱofȱanyȱlegisteȱorȱcanonisteȱasȱattorneyȱforȱtheȱcity.49
WhileȱtheȱtroubadoursȱandȱjongleursȱofȱtheȱMidiȱfoundȱtheseȱuniversityȬtrained
juristsȱsubversiveȱofȱOccitanȱculture,ȱtheyȱwereȱnotȱaloneȱinȱtheirȱsentiments.ȱTo
theȱnorth,ȱaȱsimilarȱresentmentȱisȱmanifestȱinȱtheȱBibleȱofȱGuiotȱdeȱProvins.ȱGuiot’s
commentaryȱisȱnotȱaȱcondemnationȱofȱlegalȱpractitionersȱperȱse,ȱbutȱanȱindictment
ofȱ theȱ Italianȱ schoolsȱ andȱ theirȱ emphasisȱ onȱ reasonȱ andȱ techniqueȱ over
46
Cartulaireȱnoirȱdeȱlaȱcathédraleȱd’Angers,ȱed.ȱCharlesȱUrseauȱ(Paris:ȱA.ȱPicard,ȱ1908),ȱNo.ȱ111,ȱ191.
47
See,ȱforȱexample,ȱBernartȱSicartȱdeȱMarvejos,ȱ“LaȱDominationȱdesȱclercsȱetȱdesȱFrançais,”ȱed.
AlfredȱJeanroy,ȱrev.ȱed.ȱJ.ȱBoelcke,ȱAnthologieȱdesȱTroubadoursȱXIIme–XIIImeȱsiècles.ȱLesȱClassiques
d’ocȱ(Paris:ȱA.G.ȱNizet,ȱ1974),ȱ249–53.ȱ
48
WroteȱPierreȱCardenal,ȱ“EtendsȬtu,ȱtoiȱquiȱt’esȱfaitȱlegisteȱetȱquiȱsupprimeȱpubliquementȱleȱdroit
d’autrui”(“Listen,ȱyouȱwhoȱmakeȱaȱlegisteȱofȱyourself,ȱandȱwhoȱwouldȱpublicallyȱabolishȱtheȱlaw
ofȱothers”).ȱQuotedȱinȱPaulȱOurliac,ȱ“GloseȱJuridiqueȱsurȱleȱTroubadourȱPierreȱCardenal,ȱ“ȱÉtudes
d’histoire,ȱ268ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22).ȱInȱsomeȱsense,ȱthisȱmayȱseemȱinconsistentȱwithȱtheȱreputationȱofȱthe
Midiȱasȱtheȱpaysȱduȱdroitȱécrit,ȱandȱtheȱfameȱofȱMontpellierȱasȱaȱcenterȱofȱRomanȱlawȱandȱitsȱfamous
teacher,ȱ Placentius.ȱ However,ȱ writtenȱ lawȱ wasȱ notȱ restrictedȱ toȱ Romanȱ lawȱ butȱ included
customaryȱandȱstatutoryȱ law,ȱ asȱwellȱasȱwrittenȱchartersȱand,ȱinitially,ȱRomanȱlawȱservedȱto
supplementȱthese—andȱnotableȱearlyȱthirteenthȬcenturyȱMeridionalȱdocumentsȱmanifestȱjustȱsuch
eclecticism.ȱSeeȱJeanȱBaumel,ȱHistoireȱd’uneȱseigneurieȱduȱMidiȱdeȱlaȱFrance,ȱ2ȱvols.ȱ(Montpellier:
Causse,ȱ1969),ȱI:ȱ295–98;ȱLindaȱM.ȱPaterson,ȱTheȱWorldȱofȱtheȱTroubadours:ȱMedievalȱOccitanȱSociety,
c.ȱ110ȱ–ȱc.ȱ1300ȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1993),ȱ173–74.ȱ
49
CoutumesȱdeȱPamiers,ȱdiscussedȱinȱOurliac,ȱ“GloseȱJuridique”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22).
fundamentalȱjustice.50ȱHisȱcynicismȱshinesȱthroughȱwhenȱheȱplaysȱwithȱtheȱword
glose,ȱwhichȱcanȱreferȱeitherȱtoȱaȱglossȱorȱtoȱaȱreprimand:
“Cistȱchapitresȱfutȱfaizȱsensȱglose,
maisȱilȱferaitȱuneȱfortȱglose
esȱlenguesȱfausesȱdesliées
deȱceuȱqueȱj’oiȱdireȱdecries.”51ȱ
[“Theseȱchaptersȱareȱmadeȱlikeȱaȱgloss;ȱindeed,ȱitȱwillȱbeȱaȱstrongȱreprimandȱtoȱthe
false,ȱlooseȱtongues,ȱthatȱoughtȱbeȱtiedȱinȱviewȱofȱthatȱwhichȱIȱintendȱtoȱsayȱaboutȱthe
decrees.”]ȱ
Itȱisȱnotȱtheȱloftyȱhonorableȱbooksȱwhichȱoneȱcallsȱtheȱlawȱandȱdecreesȱwhichȱbring
lawyersȱtoȱfraudȱandȱdeceit;ȱnorȱdoȱtheyȱfindȱthereȱtheirȱduplicityȱandȱdoubleȬ
dealing.ȱRather:
”Esȱloisȱapregnentȱtricherie:
sorȱlesȱpoinsȱetȱsorȱlesȱbiausȱdis
queȱilȱconoissentȱ[es]ȱescris
baratentȱloieȱsiècleȱetȱengignent.”52
[“Theyȱlearnȱtreacheryȱaboutȱtheȱlaw,ȱandȱbyȱtheirȱlegalȱpointsȱandȱtheirȱfancyȱwords
thatȱtheyȱlearnȱinȱtheirȱwritings,ȱtheyȱdeceiveȱandȱdefraudȱtheȱworld”].
WhatȱGuiotȱcondemnsȱisȱnotȱcunning,ȱforȱcraftȱisȱaȱstapleȱofȱFrenchȱliterature.
ConsiderȱtheȱwellȬlaidȱplanȱofȱLienor,ȱheroineȱofȱRenart’sȱGuillaumeȱdeȱDole,ȱin
entrappingȱ theȱ wickedȱ seneschalȱ whoȱ hasȱ besmirchedȱ herȱ reputation,ȱ by
discoveringȱsheȱboreȱonȱherȱthighȱaȱroseȬshapedȱbirthmark,ȱtrickingȱhimȱasȱtoȱher
identityȱandȱclaimingȱheȱhadȱseducedȱher.ȱThen,ȱsinceȱ“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱs’eleȱfustȱasȱloiȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”53
(i.e.,ȱ“sheȱhadȱstudiedȱtheȱlaw”),ȱsheȱdemandsȱjusticeȱfromȱtheȱking,ȱbyȱjugement
deȱDieu.ȱTheȱseneschalȱswearsȱheȱhasȱneverȱlaidȱeyesȱuponȱher,ȱandȱisȱofȱcourse
victoriousȱ inȱ hisȱ ordealȱ ofȱ coldȱ water,ȱ atȱ whichȱ pointȱ theȱ maidenȱ revealsȱ her
birthmark,ȱ herȱ chastityȱ beingȱ vindicatedȱ byȱ theȱ veryȱ jugementȱ thatȱ acquitsȱ the
50
Eduardȱ Meynial,ȱ “Remarquesȱ surȱ laȱ reactionȱ populaireȱ contreȱ l’invasionȱ duȱ droitȱ romainȱ en
FranceȱauxȱXIIeȱetȱXIIIeȱsiècles,”MélangesȱChabaneau:ȱVolumeȱoffertȱàȱCamilleȱChabaneauȱàȱl’ȱoccasion
duȱ75.ȱanniversaireȱdeȱsaȱnaissanceȱ–ȱ4ȱmarsȱ1906ȱ–ȱparȱsesȱélèves,ȱsesȱamisȱetȱsesȱadmirateursȱ(Erlangen:
F.ȱJunge,ȱ1907;ȱrpt.ȱGeneva:ȱSlatkine,ȱ1973),ȱ557–84.ȱHowever,ȱheȱattributedȱthisȱhostilityȱlargely
toȱtheȱcompetitionȱbetweenȱParisȱandȱBologna,ȱandȱtheȱpublicȱsentimentȱthatȱtheȱItalianȱschools
wereȱ“foreign.”ȱOurȱsuggestionȱisȱthatȱtheȱresistanceȱtranscendsȱtheȱparochialȱtoȱtheȱsubstantive
concernȱforȱjustice.
51
LaȱBibleȱdeȱGuiot,ȱLesȱœuvresȱdeȱGuiotȱdeȱProvins,ȱpoèteȱlyriqueȱetȱsatirique,ȱed.ȱJohnȱOrr.ȱUniversity
ofȱManchester:ȱFrenchȱSeriesȱ(ManchesterȱandȱParis:ȱUniversityȱofȱManchesterȱPress,ȱ1915),ȱ10–93,
linesȱ2429–33.
52
LaȱBible,ȱlinesȱ2512–15ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51).
53
JeanȱRenart,ȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱlaȱRoseȱouȱdeȱGuillaumeȱdeȱDole,ȱed.ȱFélixȱLecoy.ȱLesȱClassiquesȱFrançais
duȱMoyenȱAgeȱ(CFMA)ȱ91ȱ(Parisȱ:ȱChampion,ȱ1979),ȱlineȱ4768.
stewardȱofȱtheȱseduction.ȱTheȱsameȱplotȱisȱusedȱinȱatȱleastȱthreeȱotherȱromansȱofȱthe
firstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱincludingȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱlaȱvioletteȱbyȱGerbertȱde
Montreuil,ȱwhichȱportrayedȱtheȱseneschalȱasȱundergoingȱwagerȱofȱbattleȱrather
thanȱ unilateralȱ ordeal,54ȱ andȱ theȱ anonymousȱ works,ȱ Compteȱ deȱ Poitiersȱ andȱ the
proseȱRoiȱFloreȱetȱlaȱbelleȱJeanne,55ȱandȱclearlyȱdependsȱforȱitsȱdenouementȱuponȱthe
efficacyȱofȱtheȱjugementȱdeȱDieu,ȱasȱwellȱasȱaȱfullȱmeasureȱofȱclevernessȱonȱtheȱpart
ofȱtheȱheroine.
CunningȬlikeȱwisdomȱisȱaȱvirtue,ȱperhapsȱaȱgift,ȱmuchȱlaudedȱinȱliterature.ȱOne
ofȱ theȱ fewȱ fabliauxȱ toȱ evenȱ mentionȱ legalȱ practitioners,ȱ andȱ thenȱ byȱ snidely
comparingȱSt.ȱThomas’sȱphlegmaticȱreplyȱwithȱtheȱstolidityȱofȱtheȱlegistes56,ȱLe
villainȱ quiȱ Conquestȱ Paradisȱ parȱ Plaitȱ (“Theȱ Peasantȱ whoȱ Pleadȱ hisȱ Wayȱ into
Heaven”)ȱrecountsȱtheȱtrialsȱofȱaȱpeasantȱwhoȱdepartsȱtheȱworldȱandȱwandersȱinto
theȱcelestialȱkingdom,ȱonlyȱtoȱavoidȱejectmentȱbyȱtheȱapostlesȱthroughȱhisȱsuperior
wit.ȱUltimately,ȱGod,ȱappreciatingȱaȱwellȬfoundedȱargument,ȱconcedesȱandȱadmits
theȱ peasant’sȱ soulȱ toȱ paradise.ȱ Moral:ȱ “Melsȱ valtȱ enginesȱ queȱ neȱ faitȱ force”57
(“Clevernessȱisȱpreferableȱtoȱcourage”).
Soȱ highȱ isȱ theȱ incidenceȱ inȱ Frenchȱ romanceȱ ofȱ cleverȱ victoriesȱ andȱ escapes,
throughȱmistakenȱidentities,ȱequivocalȱoathsȱandȱotherȱdevices,ȱthatȱsomeȱwriters,
deemingȱtheseȱmachinationsȱasȱruseȱandȱconnivance,ȱargueȱtheyȱindicateȱsociety’s
ownȱrecognitionȱofȱtheȱweaknessesȱinȱtheȱcustomaryȱjudicialȱsystem.58ȱYseutȱplots
toȱhaveȱTristam,ȱdisguisedȱasȱaȱbeggar,ȱcarryȱherȱonȱhisȱshouldersȱacrossȱaȱmuddy
river,ȱsoȱsheȱisȱableȱtoȱtriumphȱinȱordealȱbyȱoathȱbyȱtruthfullyȱswearingȱthatȱno
manȱbutȱkingȱMarcȱandȱtheȱbeggarȱwhoȱcarriedȱherȱacrossȱtheȱriverȱhadȱeverȱbeen
betweenȱ herȱ legs.59ȱ Similarly,ȱ followingȱ theirȱ illicitȱ union,ȱ Lancelotȱ defends
Guinevere’sȱ honorȱ byȱ dispatchingȱ herȱ accuser.ȱ And,ȱ ofȱ course,ȱ Amiȱ savesȱ his
54
Bothȱversionsȱdisplayȱclericȱparticipation,ȱthoughȱsomeȱwritersȱhaveȱpaidȱparticularȱattentionȱto
theȱuseȱofȱmonomachiaȱratherȱthanȱunilateralȱordeal.ȱSee,ȱe.g.,ȱJohnȱW.ȱBaldwin,ȱAristocraticȱLife
inȱMedievalȱFrance:ȱTheȱRomancesȱofȱJeanȱRenartȱandȱGerbertȱdeȱMontreuil,ȱ1190–1230ȱ(Baltimoreȱand
London:ȱJohnsȱHopkinsȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ211.
55
SeeȱUrbanȱTignerȱHolmes,ȱJr.,ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱOldȱFrenchȱLiteratureȱfromȱtheȱOriginsȱtoȱ1300ȱ(Chapel
Hill,ȱNC:ȱLenker,ȱ1937);ȱGastonȱParis,ȱ“LeȱCycleȱdeȱlaȱgageure,”ȱRomaniaȱ32ȱ(1903):ȱ481–551.ȱ
56
“.ȱ.ȱ.Tumas,ȱTumas,ȱplusȱestesȱcoiȱ/ȱDesȱresponsausȱqueȱnusȱlegistes!”ȱ(“.ȱ.ȱ.Thomas,ȱThomas,ȱyou
areȱslowerȱofȱresponseȱthanȱourȱlegistes!”)ȱNouveauȱRecuielȱcompletȱdesȱfabliauxȱ(NRCF),ȱed.ȱWillem
NoomenȱandȱNicoȱVanȱdenȱBoogard,ȱ10ȱvols.ȱ(Assen:ȱVanȱGorcum,ȱ1993–1996),ȱvol.ȱ5,ȱ#39,ȱlines
62–63.
57
LeȱVillainȱquiȱConquestȱParadis,ȱlineȱ172ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ56).
58
PerhapsȱtheȱmostȱprominentȱofȱtheseȱcriticsȱisȱR.ȱHowardȱBloch,ȱMedievalȱFrenchȱLiteratureȱandȱLaw
(Berkeley,ȱLosȱAngeles,ȱandȱLondon:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1977).
59
Béroul,ȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱTristan,ȱpoèmeȱduȱXIIeȱsiècle,ȱed.ȱErnestȱMuretȱandȱL.m.ȱDefourques,ȱ4thȱed.ȱLes
ClassiquesȱFrançaisȱduȱMoyenȱAgeȱ12ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1947),ȱlinesȱ4199–4213.
friendȱAmilesȱbyȱsurreptitiouslyȱtakingȱhisȱplaceȱinȱtheȱbattleȱoverȱtheȱhonorȱof
Belissant.ȱOneȱwriterȱhasȱlabeledȱthisȱphenomenonȱasȱ“swindlingȱjustice.”60
Butȱ didȱ theȱ medievalȱ readersȱ orȱ listenersȱ ofȱ theseȱ romancesȱ perceiveȱ these
instancesȱasȱdefaultsȱofȱjustice?ȱProbablyȱnot.ȱRather,ȱtheseȱplotsȱappealȱtoȱsome
innateȱsenseȱofȱaȱhigherȱlaw,ȱofȱaȱmoreȱsubstantiveȱjustice.ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱpopularity
ofȱromancesȱinȱwhichȱheroesȱorȱheroinesȱavoidȱstrictȱapplicationȱofȱtheȱlawȱshould
notȱ beȱ surprising.ȱ Theȱ Christianȱ messageȱ itselfȱ isȱ foundedȱ uponȱ simultaneous
fulfillmentȱofȱtheȱletterȱofȱtheȱlawȱandȱGod’sȱgraciousȱmercyȱtoȱtheȱbeliever.ȱThe
purposeȱ ofȱ judicialȱ systems,ȱ inȱ theȱ estimationȱ ofȱ theȱ public,ȱ wasȱ notȱ strict
applicationȱ ofȱ lawȱ butȱ theȱ triumphȱ ofȱ goodȱ overȱ evil.ȱ Therefore,ȱ theȱ principle
virtueȱrequiredȱofȱaȱjudge,ȱaccordingȱtoȱBeaumanoir,ȱwasȱnotȱknowledgeȱofȱthe
law,ȱbutȱwisdom.61ȱItȱwasȱthisȱqualityȱthatȱwasȱpoisonedȱbyȱtheȱlegistes.
ȱWhatȱGuiotȱcondemnsȱisȱtheȱdisjunctureȱbetweenȱRomanȱlawȱandȱprocedureȱand
fundamentalȱjustice.ȱWhenȱheȱsaysȱofȱtheȱlegistesȱatȱbar,ȱthatȱ“atantȱaimmentȱtort
commeȱdroitȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”62ȱ(“thenȱtheyȱloveȱwrongȱasȱright”),ȱheȱisȱexpressingȱhisȱoutrage
atȱtheirȱdisinterestȱinȱsubstantiveȱoutcome:
Moltȱdevroientȱboinȱfruitȱporteir,
Etȱlorȱoevreȱsiȱaaismeir
Qu’ellȱfustȱchiereȱetȱhonoree.
Etȱboinȱcuerȱetȱboneȱpensee
Ontȱilȱquantȱilȱsontȱescolier;
Moltȱferoientȱilȱaȱprisier
Seȱlorȱsensȱestoitȱatorneiz
Seloncȱloisȱetȱseloncȱdecreiz;
C’estȱclergïeȱloaulȱetȱfine.
Moltȱsontȱsilȱenȱfolleȱdoctrine
Quiȱpuisentȱmalvaiseȱscience
60
RonaldȱGeneȱKoss,ȱ“’SwindlingȱJustice’:ȱtheȱiudiciumȱdeiȱinȱMedievalȱFrenchȱLiterature,”ȱLawȱin
MediaevalȱLifeȱandȱThought,ȱed.ȱEdwardȱB.ȱKingȱandȱSusanȱJ.ȱRidyardȱ(Sewanee:,ȱTN:ȱTheȱPressȱof
theȱUniversityȱofȱtheȱSouth,ȱ1990),ȱ233–43.
61
“Ilȱnousȱestȱavisȱqueȱcilȱquiȱveutȱesterȱloiausȱbaillisȱetȱdroituriersȱdoitȱavoirȱenȱsoiȱ.x.ȱvertus,ȱes
quellsȱl’uneȱestȱetȱdoitȱesterȱdameȱetȱmestresseȱdeȱtoutesȱlesȱautres,ȱneȱsansȱluiȱneȱpueentȱesterȱles
autresȱvertusȱgouvernees.ȱEtȱceleȱvertusȱestȱappeleeȱsapience,ȱquiȱvautȱautantȱcommeȱesterȱsages.
Donquesȱdisonsȱnousȱqueȱcilȱqui’ȱs’entrementȱdeȱBaillieȱgarderȱetȱdeȱjusticeȱfereȱdoitȱesterȱages,
neȱ autrementȱ ilȱ neȱ savoitȱ pasȱ fereȱ ceȱ quiȱ apartientȱ aȱ officeȱ deȱ bailiff”(“Itȱ isȱ ourȱ opinionȱ that
whoeverȱwouldȱbeȱaȱfaithfulȱandȱjustȱjudgeȱmustȱpossessȱtenȱvirtues,ȱoneȱofȱwhichȱisȱandȱmustȱbe
theȱladyȱandȱmistressȱofȱallȱtheȱothers,ȱlestȱwithoutȱitȱtheȱothersȱcannotȱbeȱgoverned.ȱAndȱthat
virtueȱisȱcalledȱwisdom,ȱwhichȱwouldȱbeȱtheȱsameȱasȱtoȱbeȱwise.ȱThusȱweȱsayȱthatȱheȱshouldȱbe
wiseȱwhenȱheȱattendsȱtoȱbeingȱaȱjudgeȱandȱdoingȱjustice,ȱlestȱotherwiseȱheȱknowȱnotȱwhatȱtoȱdo
pertainingȱtoȱtheȱjudicialȱoffice”).ȱPhillipeȱdeȱBeaumanoir,ȱCoutumesȱdeȱBeauvaisis,ȱed.ȱAmedée
Salmon.ȱCollectionȱdeȱtextesȱpourȱservirȱàȱlȇétudeȱetȱàȱlȇenseignementȱdeȱlȇhistoireȱ(Paris:ȱÉditions
A.ȱetȱJ.ȱPicard,ȱ1889),ȱ¶12.
62
LaȱBibleȱdeȱGuiot,ȱlineȱ2481ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51).
Enȱfontainneȱdeȱsapience;
Neȱsontȱmieȱbienȱabevrei,
Ilȱboiventȱouȱrusiaulȱtrovlei.63
[Theyȱoughtȱtoȱbearȱmuchȱgoodȱfruit,ȱandȱtheirȱworkȱbeȱsoȱdirectedȱthatȱitȱproduces
goodȱ andȱ honor,ȱ andȱ theyȱ oughtȱ toȱ haveȱ goodȱ careȱ andȱ thoughtsȱ whenȱ theyȱ are
schooled,ȱsoȱtheirȱmannerȱbeȱturnedȱaccordingȱtoȱlawȱandȱdecreeȱforȱwhichȱtheyȱwould
meritȱmuchȱesteem:ȱthatȱwouldȱbeȱaȱpureȱandȱfineȱscience.ȱInstead,ȱtheyȱengageȱin
foolishȱstudiesȱthatȱmakeȱanȱevilȱscienceȱofȱtheȱfountȱofȱwisdom;ȱandȱtheyȱareȱnot
refreshed,ȱforȱtheyȱdrinkȱwhereȱtheȱwatersȱareȱmurky.]
Inȱshort,ȱtheseȱlegalȱtechniciansȱuponȱwhomȱtheȱnewȱsystemȱdependsȱareȱmore
interestedȱinȱlegalityȱthanȱinȱjustice,ȱforȱwhichȱlatterȱobjectiveȱtheȱordealȱseems
uniquelyȱ qualified.ȱ Indeed,ȱ Guiotȱ mayȱ haveȱ playedȱ aȱ significantȱ roleȱ inȱ the
disseminationȱofȱtheȱLohengrinȱlegend,ȱwhichȱdependsȱheavilyȱuponȱtheȱefficacy
ofȱtrialȱbyȱcombat,ȱifȱheȱisȱindeedȱtheȱGuiotȱ(Kyot)ȱwhomȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbach
citesȱasȱhisȱGewährsmannȱforȱtheȱtale.64
Thisȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱlawȱfoundedȱonȱreasonȱandȱjusticeȱgroundedȱinȱcharity
wasȱevidentlyȱonȱtheȱmindȱofȱJeanȱdeȱMeun,ȱwhenȱinȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱlaȱRose,ȱhe
relatesȱLivy’sȱtaleȱofȱAppiusȱandȱVirginius.ȱAppius,ȱunableȱtoȱwinȱVirginia,ȱthe
daughterȱofȱVirginius,ȱbyȱlegitimateȱmeans,ȱallowedȱhisȱhirelingȱtoȱbringȱaȱsuit
falselyȱ allegingȱ thatȱ Virginiaȱ wasȱ hisȱ slave,ȱ andȱ demandingȱ possessionȱ ofȱ his
chattel.ȱHastily,ȱAppiusȱjudgedȱinȱfavorȱofȱtheȱplaintiff,ȱorderingȱVirginiaȱtoȱbe
deliveredȱupȱimmediately.ȱThereupon,ȱ“parȱamourȱsansȱhaîne...”65ȱ(“throughȱlove
andȱwithoutȱanyȱhatred”),ȱVirginiusȱdecapitatesȱhisȱdaughterȱtoȱsaveȱherȱfrom
infamy,ȱandȱpresentsȱherȱheadȱtoȱtheȱjudgeȱinȱopenȱcourt.ȱOutraged,ȱtheȱjudge
ordersȱVirginius’sȱexecution,ȱbutȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱtheȱtown,ȱmovedȱbyȱpity,ȱdefend
Virginiusȱagainstȱtheȱauthorities,ȱandȱinstead,ȱseizeȱtheȱjudgeȱandȱthrowȱhimȱinto
prison,ȱwhereȱheȱkillsȱhimselfȱbeforeȱtrial.
Underȱ Romanȱ law,ȱ Virginiusȱ hadȱ committedȱ aȱ capitalȱ crime.ȱ Butȱ the
townspeople,ȱandȱbyȱimplication,ȱJeanȱdeȱMeun,ȱandȱbyȱstillȱfurtherȱimplication,
theȱ layȱ readerȱ orȱ listener,ȱ wellȱ understandȱ thatȱ Virginiusȱ doesȱ notȱ merit
punishment.ȱ Similarly,ȱ theȱ maidenȱ ofȱ theȱ roseȱ deservesȱ vindication,ȱ theȱ evil
seneschalȱwarrantsȱhumiliation,ȱtheȱpeasantȱreallyȱdoesȱmeritȱparadise,ȱandȱwhile
TristanȱandȱIseultȱandȱLancelotȱandȱGuinevereȱultimatelyȱreceiveȱpunishmentȱof
anotherȱsort,ȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱreallyȱdeserveȱtoȱdie,ȱparticularlyȱatȱtheȱinstigationȱofȱan
63
LaȱBibleȱdeȱGuiot,ȱlinesȱ2491–504ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51).
64
Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Nochȱ einmalȱ zuȱ Wolframsȱ ‘spekulativer’ȱ Kyôtȱ ȬQuelleȱ imȱ Lichtȱ jüdischer
KulturȱundȱPhilosophieȱdesȱzwölftenȱJahrhunderts,”ȱStudiȱMedievaliȱXLVIȱ(2005):ȱ281–308.
65
GuillaumeȱdeȱLorrisȱetȱJeanȱdeȱMeun,ȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱlaȱRose,ȱed.ȱFelixȱLécoy,ȱ3ȱvols.ȱCFMAȱ92,ȱ93,
andȱ98ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1973–1983),ȱvol.ȱ1,ȱlineȱ5605.ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱby
DanielȱF.ȱPigg.
accuserȱ whoseȱ motivesȱ areȱ baserȱ thanȱ theirȱ desires.ȱ Suchȱ storiesȱ areȱ notȱ an
indictmentȱofȱcustomaryȱjustice,ȱbutȱaȱvindication.66
ȱTheȱimpactȱofȱtheseȱstoriesȱturnsȱuponȱtheȱinternalȱmotivationsȱandȱintentȱofȱthe
characters.ȱ Butȱ anȱ inquisitorialȱ system,ȱ whileȱ perhapsȱ superiorȱ inȱ eliciting
historicalȱ facts,ȱ isȱ noȱ moreȱ designedȱ toȱ penetrateȱ psychologicalȱ andȱ emotional
motivationȱthanȱisȱtheȱsyllogisticȱanalysisȱappliedȱtoȱtheȱfactsȱderivedȱthroughȱthe
inquisitorialȱprocess.ȱTheȱjugementȱdeȱDieuȱwasȱdesignedȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱasȱaȱtruthȬ
findingȱenterprise,ȱasȱaȱsystemȱallowingȱGodȱtoȱworkȱhisȱjusticeȱsinceȱHeȱalone
knowsȱ theȱ humanȱ heartȱ andȱ itsȱ hiddenȱ recesses.ȱ Afterȱ all,ȱ underȱ theȱ rubricȱ of
confession,ȱpreachersȱcontinuedȱtoȱemployȱexamplaȱillustratingȱGod’sȱforgiveness
andȱmercyȱtoȱtheȱpenitentȱsinnerȱthroughȱeitherȱescapeȱorȱmitigationȱofȱtheȱnatural
consequencesȱofȱordeals.67ȱIdeally,ȱwhenȱaȱmatterȱwasȱheardȱbeforeȱkingȱorȱcourt,
orȱevenȱappointedȱbailli,ȱtheȱjudgeȱwasȱbutȱaȱmeagerȱstandȬinȱforȱGod,ȱrequiring
hisȱexerciseȱofȱwisdomȱratherȱthanȱtechnicalȱknowledge.ȱInȱtrulyȱseriousȱcases
concerningȱlossȱofȱlifeȱorȱlimb,ȱappealȱstillȱlayȱwithȱthatȱ“higherȱauthority.”ȱ
Theȱcontinuedȱfaithȱinȱthatȱhigherȱappealȱappearsȱfromȱtheȱpublicȱsatisfaction
withȱtheȱdeȱGrisȱcaseȱofȱ1386,ȱtheȱlastȱduelȱfoughtȱbyȱordersȱofȱtheȱParlementȱde
Paris.ȱTheȱdefendant,ȱaȱsquireȱofȱgoodȱreputeȱandȱpiousȱreport,ȱwasȱaccusedȱof
rapingȱtheȱwifeȱofȱtheȱknight,ȱJehanȱdeȱCarrouges,ȱwhoȱwasȱunableȱevenȱtoȱputȱa
dateȱtoȱtheȱallegedȱcrime.ȱNonetheless,ȱtheȱdefeatȱandȱdeathȱofȱtheȱsquireȱwas
greetedȱ asȱ theȱ manifestȱ judgmentȱ ofȱ Godȱ byȱ allȱ theȱ chroniclersȱ ofȱ theȱ period,
includingȱJeanȱFroissartȱandȱJeanȱJuvenal.68ȱ
66
Cf.ȱH(arold)ȱB(ernard)ȱWillson,ȱ“TheȱOldȱandȱtheȱNewȱLawȱinȱGottfried’sȱTristan,”ȱTheȱModern
LanguageȱReviewȱ60ȱ(1965):ȱ212–24,ȱhereȱ218:ȱ“ForȱtheȱmostȱstrikingȱcharacteristicȱofȱtheȱNewȱLaw
isȱindeedȱitsȱinherentȱsubtlety,ȱitsȱdefianceȱofȱlogic.ȱByȱtheȱparadoxȱofȱitsȱforgivenessȱofȱsinsȱand
theȱRedemptionȱofȱguiltyȱmanȱthroughȱtheȱdeathȱofȱOneȱwhoȱisȱperfectȱitȱmakesȱnonsenseȱofȱthe
rigidȱlogicȱofȱtheȱOldȱLawȱandȱitsȱmaximȱofȱ‘anȱeyeȱforȱanȱeyeȱandȱaȱtoothȱforȱaȱtooth.’ȱChrist’s
outwittingȱtheȱPhariseesȱisȱaȱmeansȱtoȱtheȱendȱofȱprovingȱthatȱloveȱisȱaȱhigherȱandȱmoreȱsubtleȱlaw
thanȱanyȱother.ȱLikewise,ȱinȱanȱanalogicalȱsense,ȱlistȱinȱTristanȱisȱaȱmeansȱtoȱtheȱendȱofȱshowing
thatȱloveȱhasȱitsȱownȱlawȱandȱitsȱownȱsubtlety.ȱTheȱessenceȱofȱlistȱisȱthatȱitȱemphasizesȱtheȱcontrast
betweenȱappearanceȱandȱrealityȱandȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱalthoughȱtheȱloversȱmayȱbeȱguiltyȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱlaw
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheyȱareȱnot,ȱinȱfact,ȱasȱguiltyȱinȱtheȱsightȱofȱtheȱGodȱofȱLoveȱasȱtheyȱareȱinȱtheȱeyesȱofȱtheir
enviousȱfellowȬmen,ȱwhoȱareȱthemselvesȱsinners.ȱTheȱlatterȱareȱthereforeȱoutwittedȱbyȱtheȱlovers
justȱasȱtheȱPhariseesȱareȱoutwittedȱbyȱChrist—andȱinȱthisȱbattleȱofȱwitsȱtheyȱareȱsupportedȱby
Christ,ȱwhoȱisȱHimselfȱaȱpractitionerȱofȱlist.”ȱ
67
SeeȱJacquesȱBerlioz,ȱ“LesȱOrdalesȱdansȱlesȱexemplaȱdeȱlaȱConfessionȱ(XIIIeȱ–ȱXIVeȱsiècles),ȱ“ȱL’Aveu:
AntiquitéȱetȱMoyenȬâge:ȱActesȱdeȱlaȱtableȱrondeȱorganizéeȱparȱl’ÉcoleȱfrançaiseȱdeȱRomeȱavecȱleȱconcours
duȱCNRSȱetȱdeȱl’universitéȱdeȱTrieste,ȱRomeȱ28–30ȱmaisȱ1984.ȱCollectionȱdeȱL’ÉcoleȱFrançaiseȱde
Rome,ȱ88ȱ(Rome:ȱÉcoleȱFrançaiseȱdeȱRome,ȱ1986),ȱ315–40.
68
JeanȱFroissart,ȱChroniques,ȱed.ȱSiméonȱLuce,ȱGastonȱRaynaudȱandȱLéonȱMirot,ȱ15ȱvols.ȱ(Paris:ȱVv.
J.ȱRenouardȱ[puisȱH.ȱChampion],ȱ1869–1966),ȱ13:102–07;ȱJeanȱJuvenalȱdesȱUrsins,ȱHistoireȱdeȱCharles
VI,ȱroyȱdeȱFrance,ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.,ȱed.ȱJosephȬFrançoisȱMichaudȱandȱJeanȱJosephȱFrançoisȱPoujoulat.ȱNouvelle
collectionȱdesȱmémoiresȱpourȱservirȱàȱl’histoireȱdeȱFranceȱdepuisȱleȱXIIIeȱsiècleȱjusqu’àȱlaȱfinȱdu
XVIIIe.ȱVol.,ȱ2ȱ(ParisȱandȱLyon:ȱGuyot,ȱ1850),ȱ371.ȱAsȱpointedȱoutȱbyȱEstherȱCohen,ȱTheȱCrossroads
Similarly,ȱpublicȱfaithȱinȱimmanentȱjusticeȱisȱreflectedȱinȱtheȱpopularityȱoverȱthe
trèsȱ longueȬduréeȱ ofȱ theȱ ancientȱ taleȱ ofȱ theȱ chienȱ deȱ Montargis,ȱ dogȱ ofȱ aȱ knight
murderedȱ byȱ hisȱ jealousȱ rival,ȱ Macaire.ȱ Theȱ dogȱ returnedȱ toȱ court,ȱ showing
markedȱ friendlinessȱ toȱ allȱ butȱ Macaire,ȱ arousingȱ suspicion.ȱ Theȱ kingȱ ordered
Macaireȱtoȱofferȱfoodȱtoȱtheȱdog,ȱwhichȱitȱrefusedȱfromȱtheȱknight’sȱhand.ȱTaken
asȱaȱprimaȱfacieȱcase,ȱaȱjugementȱwasȱordered,ȱMacaireȱarmedȱwithȱstaffȱandȱshield,
theȱdogȱwithȱaȱbarrel.ȱNaturally,ȱtheȱdogȱwon,ȱandȱMacaireȱwasȱforcedȱtoȱconfess
andȱwasȱexecuted.ȱThisȱstoryȱwentȱthroughȱaȱnumberȱofȱversionsȱandȱwasȱeven
recountedȱ approvinglyȱ inȱ theȱ earlyȱ seventeenthȱ centuryȱ byȱ theȱ Frenchȱ jurist,
ClaudeȱExpillyȱwho,ȱasȱhadȱhisȱpredecessors,ȱacceptedȱimplicitlyȱtheȱhistoricityȱof
theȱtale.69ȱByȱcomparison,ȱacrossȱtheȱchannel,ȱFortescueȱwasȱtoutingȱtheȱgloryȱof
theȱjuryȱsystemȱoverȱtheȱinquisitorialȱsystem,70ȱandȱMalory,ȱatȱleastȱchezȱCaxton,
hadȱturnedȱArthurianȱromanceȱintoȱaȱtragedyȱofȱfailedȱexpectations,ȱcorruption,
murderȱandȱincest.71
Isȱthereȱfurtherȱevidenceȱforȱpublicȱapprobationȱforȱcustomaryȱjustice?ȱStrangely,
perhaps,ȱitȱisȱprovidedȱbyȱtheȱAngloȬNormanȱlegalȱtreatisesȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱand
earlyȱfourteenthȱcenturiesȱthemselves.ȱIfȱoneȱreadsȱtheȱPlacitaȱCorone,ȱwithȱwhich
weȱopened,ȱorȱtheȱtreatise,ȱBritton,ȱoneȱwouldȱthinkȱthatȱfewȱchangesȱhadȱtaken
placeȱ inȱ theȱ operationȱ ofȱ law,ȱ andȱ thatȱ trialȱ byȱ battle,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ was
commonplace.ȱ Inȱ reality,ȱ byȱ midȬcentury,ȱ jugementȱ deȱ Dieuȱ hadȱ fallenȱ offȱ in
England,ȱnotȱonlyȱdueȱtoȱtheȱregularizationȱofȱpresentment,ȱbutȱbecauseȱchancery
ofȱJustice:ȱLawȱandȱCultureȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱFrance.ȱBrill’sȱStudiesȱinȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱ36ȱ(Leiden
andȱNewȱYork:ȱE.ȱJ.ȱBrill,ȱ1993),ȱ59–60,ȱtheȱjuristȱJeanȱleȱCoqȱwasȱamongȱtheȱfewȱtoȱrecordȱa
jaundicedȱopinionȱofȱbothȱprocedureȱandȱresults.ȱQuestionesȱJohannisȱGalli,ȱed.ȱMargueritteȱBoulet.
Bibliothéqueȱdesȱécolesȱfrançaisesȱd’AthénesȱetȱdeȱRome,ȱ156ȱ(Paris:ȱE.ȱdeȱBoccard,ȱ1944),ȱ95–98,
writingȱinterȱalia,ȱ“EtȱhabeoȱscrupulumȱquodȱfueritȱDeiȱvindicta,ȱetȱsicȱpluribusȱvisumȱfuitȱqui
videruntȱdictumȱduellum.”ȱ(“IȱhaveȱdoubtsȱthisȱwasȱtheȱvengeanceȱofȱGod,ȱandȱsoȱitȱseemedȱto
severalȱothersȱwhoȱwitnessedȱtheȱsaidȱduel”),ȱQu.ȱ89,ȱ110.
69
SeeȱEstherȱCohen,ȱTheȱCrossroadsȱofȱJustice,ȱ60–61ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ68),ȱdiscussingȱtheȱversionȱpassedȱdown
byȱClaudeȱExpilly,ȱPlaidoyezȱdeȱmreȱClaudeȱExpilly,ȱconseillerȱduȱroyȱetȱsonȱadvocateȱgeneral.ȱ.ȱ.ȱpresident
auȱParlementȱdeȱGrenoble;ȱensembleȱplusieursȱarrestsȱ&ȱreiglemensȱnotablesȱduditȱParlement,ȱ5thȱed.
(Lyonȱ:ȱImpr.ȱDeȱS.ȱRigaud,ȱ1631),ȱ199–200.ȱWhileȱCohenȱemphasizesȱtheȱformulaicȱnatureȱofȱthese
lateȱmedievalȱstories,ȱmyȱargumentȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheirȱfavorȱgenerallyȱlayȱinȱsubstanceȱratherȱthan
form.ȱCf.ȱJ.ȱViscardi,ȱLeȱChienȱdeȱMontargis:ȱEtudeȱdeȱfolkloreȱjuridiqueȱ(Paris:ȱF.ȱLoviton,ȱ1932),ȱ54–61.
70
SirȱJohnȱFortescue,ȱDeȱLaudibusȱLegumȱAngliae,ȱc.ȱ20,ȱc.ȱ22,ȱcc.ȱ29–32.
71
SeeȱThomasȱC.ȱRumble,ȱ“’TheȱTaleȱofȱTristam’:ȱDevelopmentȱbyȱAnalogy,”ȱMalory’sȱOriginality:
AȱCriticalȱStudyȱofȱLeȱMortȱDarthur,ȱed.ȱR.ȱM.ȱLumianskyȱ(Baltimore:ȱJohnsȱHopkinsȱPress,ȱ1964),
146;ȱRalphȱJ.ȱHexter,ȱEquivocalȱOathsȱandȱOrdealsȱinȱMedievalȱLiteratureȱ(TheȱLeBaronȱRusselȱBriggs
PrizeȱHonorsȱEssaysȱinȱEnglish,ȱ1974)ȱ(Cambridge,ȱMA,ȱandȱLondon:ȱHarvardȱUniversityȱPress,
1975),ȱ42.ȱForȱtheȱliteraryȱtraditionȱofȱthisȱtale,ȱnowȱseeȱAlbrechtȱClassen’sȱIntroductionȱtoȱRural
SpaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱAge,ȱed.ȱidȱinȱcollaborationȱwithȱChristopherȱR.ȱClason.
FundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ9ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2012),
102–06.
hadȱdevisedȱaȱnewȱwritȱinȱwhatȱwouldȱcomeȱtoȱbeȱknownȱasȱtort,ȱobviatingȱthe
needȱforȱappealȱasȱaȱtacticȱinȱtheȱrecoveryȱofȱdamages.72ȱ
Meanwhile,ȱjusticesȱseldomȱdeniedȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱtheȱoldȱlawsȱandȱprocedures,
butȱ ratherȱ foundȱ exceptionsȱ toȱ theirȱ application.ȱ Hence,ȱ Fleta,ȱ theȱ Latinȱ text
roughlyȱcontemporaneousȱwithȱBritton,ȱseemsȱtoȱrecognizeȱthatȱactualȱpracticeȱhad
changed,ȱdespiteȱtheȱeffortȱofȱjustices,ȱinȱtheȱwordsȱofȱJ.ȱM.ȱKaye,ȱ“toȱleaveȱthe
façadeȱofȱtheȱancientȱrulesȱstanding,ȱwhilstȱdemolishingȱtheȱstructureȱbehind.”73
Indeed,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱnoted,ȱwagerȱofȱbattleȱwasȱnotȱofficiallyȱabrogatedȱinȱEngland
untilȱtheȱnineteenthȱcentury,ȱdespiteȱbeingȱwhittledȱ downȱtoȱanȱoddityȱbyȱthe
1300’s.ȱInȱFrance,ȱwhereȱLouisȱattemptedȱtoȱprohibitȱitȱinȱroyalȱcourtsȱinȱ1260,ȱit
continuedȱtoȱthriveȱinȱtheȱprovincialȱcourts,ȱwhereȱappelleesȱretainedȱtheȱrightȱto
demandȱbattleȱagainstȱnotȱonlyȱappellantsȱandȱwitnesses,ȱbutȱevenȱagainstȱjurors.
Insteadȱofȱprohibitingȱbattelȱinȱcasesȱinvolvingȱwomen,ȱtheȱinfirm,ȱorȱtheȱelderly,
asȱ hadȱ Englishȱ courts,ȱ mostȱ provincialȱ andȱ seigniorialȱ courtsȱ onȱ theȱ continent
continuedȱtoȱrecognizeȱtheȱuseȱofȱchampions.ȱSoȱpopularȱwasȱtheȱjugementȱdeȱDieu,
thatȱPhilipȱtheȱFairȱwasȱcompelledȱtoȱrestoreȱtheȱpracticeȱtoȱroyalȱcourts,ȱperhaps
becauseȱ theȱ alternativeȱ toutedȱ byȱ theȱ crown’sȱ trainedȱ legistesȱ wasȱ inquisitorial
procedureȱwhichȱbyȱthenȱhadȱfoundȱitselfȱlargelyȱdependentȱonȱtorture,ȱwhichȱwas
apparentlyȱ moreȱ popularlyȱ embracedȱ inȱ theȱ Italianȱ communesȱ thanȱ byȱ the
majorityȱ ofȱ Frenchmen.74ȱ Onlyȱ withȱ theȱ officialȱ redactionsȱ ofȱ customȱ inȱ the
fifteenthȱ andȱ sixteenthȱ centuriesȱ wasȱ theȱ Frenchȱ crownȱ finallyȱ successfulȱ in
establishingȱaȱmodelȱofȱjusticeȱdispensedȱfromȱabove,ȱinȱwhichȱanȱinsurmountable
gulfȱexistedȱbetweenȱtheȱcourtȱandȱtheȱlitigants.ȱ
Meanwhile,ȱacrossȱtheȱchannelȱinȱanȱEnglandȱclingingȱtenuouslyȱtoȱitsȱNorman
andȱAngevinȱrootsȱthroughȱtheȱtenacityȱofȱthatȱbastardizedȱdialectȱknownȱasȱ“law
French,”ȱtheȱcrownȱhadȱbeenȱlargelyȱsuccessfulȱinȱtransformingȱtheȱEnglishȱlegal
72
SeeȱDanielȱKlerman,ȱ“SettlementȱandȱtheȱDeclineȱofȱPrivateȱProsecutionȱinȱThirteenthȬCentury
England,”ȱLawȱandȱHistoryȱReviewȱ19ȱ(2001):ȱ1–65.
73
IntroductionȱtoȱPlacitaȱCorone,ȱxviiȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ
74
Seeȱforȱexample,ȱBartolusȱdeȱSaxoferrato,ȱCommentariaȱinȱiusȱuniversumȱcivileȱ(Baselȱ1562),ȱadȱDig.
Just.ȱ18.20ȱs.v.ȱQuiȱsine:ȱ“Ideoȱdicoȱhicȱquodȱquidamȱiudicesȱstultiȱquiȱstatimȱcumȱhabeantȱindicia
contraȱreumȱcoguntȱeumȱadȱconfitendum.ȱCerteȱhocȱnonȱdebetȱfieri,ȱquiaȱcondemnarentȱeumȱex
indiciisȱetȱsuspitionibus,ȱsedȱdebentȱadhibereȱtormentaȱcumȱmoderamine,ȱetȱexȱistisȱveritatem
investigare.ȱEtȱitaȱiamȱfeciȱpluriesȱfieri,ȱsedȱsiȱhabitaȱtorturaȱnonȱinveniebaturȱverum,ȱabsolvebam
eum,ȱetȱhocȱfaciebamȱscribiȱinȱactis:ȱ‘Habitaȱtorturaȱcumȱmoderamineȱnonȱreperiȱeumȱculpabilem.’
Etȱhocȱneȱtemporeȱsyndicatusȱpossitȱdici,ȱ‘Tuȱdebuistiȱeumȱtorquere’”ȱ(“Thus,ȱIȱsayȱregardingȱthis,
thatȱthereȱareȱsomeȱdullȱjudgesȱwhoȱimmediatelyȱwhenȱtheyȱhaveȱinformationȱagainstȱaȱdefendant
compelȱhimȱtoȱconfess.ȱSurely,ȱthisȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱdone,ȱbecauseȱtheyȱcondemnȱhimȱbasedȱon
informationȱandȱsuspicion;ȱrather,ȱtheyȱshouldȱapplyȱtortureȱwithȱmoderationȱandȱfromȱthis,
searchȱoutȱtheȱtruth.ȱAndȱsoȱseveralȱtimesȱIȱundertookȱtoȱdo,ȱbutȱifȱtheȱtruthȱwasȱnotȱuncovered
byȱapplicationȱofȱtorture,ȱIȱacquittedȱhim,ȱandȱIȱcausedȱthisȱtoȱbeȱwrittenȱinȱtheȱrecord:ȱ‘With
tortureȱadministeredȱwithȱmoderation,ȱIȱdidȱnotȱfindȱhimȱguilty,’ȱandȱthis,ȱlestȱsometimeȱthe
syndicateȱisȱableȱtoȱsay,ȱ‘youȱshouldȱhaveȱtorturedȱhim’”).
systemȱthroughȱchangeȱsoȱincrementalȱandȱsoȱsuccessfulȱinȱitsȱcooptationȱofȱthe
public75ȱ thatȱ inȱ theȱ processȱ somethingȱ ofȱ aȱ mythȱ ofȱ theȱ juryȱ systemȱ wasȱ born,
whereinȱtrialȱbyȱjuryȱwasȱtheȱcustomaryȱrightȱofȱEnglishmen.76
Inȱconclusion,ȱIȱwouldȱsubmitȱthatȱthisȱbriefȱexcursionȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheȱpassing
ofȱ theȱ ordealȱ wasȱ neitherȱ theȱ productȱ ofȱ widespreadȱ skepticism,ȱ particularly
regardingȱ immanentȱ justice,ȱ norȱ wasȱ itȱ theȱ immediateȱ consequenceȱ ofȱ the
withdrawalȱ ofȱ Churchȱ sanction.ȱ Inȱ variousȱ guises,ȱ beliefȱ inȱ andȱ appealsȱ to
immanentȱjusticeȱsurvivedȱwithoutȱtheȱimmediateȱandȱactiveȱparticipationȱofȱthe
clergy.ȱRather,ȱtheȱdecisionȱofȱtheȱFouthȱLateranȱCouncilȱlargelyȱcoincidedȱwith
theȱobjectivesȱofȱsecularȱrulersȱandȱtheirȱlegisteȱminions,ȱwhoseȱambitionsȱwere
delayedȱbyȱaȱrecalcitrantȱpublicȱmindfulȱofȱitsȱcustomaryȱprerogatives,ȱandȱmore
trustfulȱ ofȱ theȱ eternalȱ truthsȱ ofȱ God,ȱ thanȱ ofȱ theȱ innovationsȱ ofȱ kings,ȱ whose
functionȱinȱtheȱpopularȱimaginationȱremainedȱpreservationȱandȱapplicationȱofȱthe
75
Asȱaȱconsequence,ȱtheȱconvictionȱrate,ȱdespiteȱtheȱfearȱofȱsomeȱdefendants,ȱwasȱnotoriouslyȱlow.
SeeȱThomasȱAndrewȱGreen,ȱVerdictȱAccordingȱtoȱConscienceȱ(Chicago:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,
1985);ȱ Johnȱ G.ȱ Bellamy,ȱ Crimeȱ andȱ Publicȱ Orderȱ inȱ Englandȱ inȱ theȱ Laterȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ (London:
RoutledgeȱandȱKeganȱPaul,ȱ1973).ȱVariousȱreasonsȱhaveȱbeenȱadvancedȱforȱthisȱphenomenon,
includingȱoverȬchargingȱandȱoverȬpresentment.ȱHowever,ȱinȱadditionȱtoȱdisapprovalȱofȱlawȱor
punishment,ȱitȱisȱalsoȱpossibleȱthatȱjuriesȱchoseȱtoȱexpressȱaȱcommunalȱmercyȱnotȱdissimilarȱto
whatȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱexpectedȱinȱtheȱjugementȱdeȱDieu.ȱSeeȱTrishaȱOlson,ȱ“OfȱEnchantment:ȱThe
PassingȱofȱOrdealsȱandȱtheȱRiseȱofȱJuryȱTrial,”ȱSyracuseȱLawȱReviewȱ50ȱ(2000):ȱ109–96;ȱhereȱ173–74.
Ofȱcourse,ȱjuryȱnullificationȱandȱmercyȱareȱhardlyȱmutuallyȱexclusiveȱcategoriesȱforȱaȱperiodȱin
whichȱtheȱdefenseȱisȱlargelyȱunknownȱandȱunavailable.ȱTheȱindependenceȱofȱEnglishȱjuriesȱwas
grudginglyȱ acceptedȱ untilȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ whenȱ itsȱ roleȱ wasȱ reinedȱ inȱ byȱ the
developmentȱofȱjuryȱinstructions.ȱSeeȱJohnȱH.ȱLangbein,ȱ“HistoricalȱFoundationsȱofȱtheȱLawȱof
Evidence:ȱAȱViewȱfromȱtheȱRyderȱSources,”ȱColumbiaȱLawȱReviewȱ96ȱ(1996):ȱ1168–99.
76
OneȱcannotȱdenyȱorȱdiscountȱtheȱhappyȱcoincidenceȱofȱMagnaȱCartaȱandȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱthe
juryȱwhichȱledȱinȱtheȱearlyȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱtoȱtheȱidentificationȱofȱthatȱinstitutionȱwithȱthe
defendant’sȱpeers.ȱSeeȱYearȱBookȱ30–31,ȱEdwardȱI,ȱ531,ȱandȱJamesȱClarkeȱHolt,ȱMagnaȱCarta,ȱ2nd
ed.ȱ(Cambridge:ȱUniversityȱofȱCambridgeȱPress,ȱ1992),ȱ397.ȱ
law,ȱnotȱlegislation.ȱUntilȱandȱtoȱtheȱextentȱRomanȱcivilȱlawȱconceptsȱfosteredȱa
Renaissanceȱpretensionȱtoȱabsolutism,ȱitȱcouldȱbe—andȱoftenȱwas—said,ȱ“Vox
populi,ȱvoxȱDei.”77ȱȱȱȱȱ
77
Onȱtheȱpeculiarȱhistoryȱofȱthisȱexpression,ȱseeȱGeorgeȱBoas,ȱ“VoxȱPopuli”:ȱEssaysȱinȱtheȱHistoryȱof
anȱIdeaȱ(Baltimore:ȱJohnsȱHopkinsȱPress,ȱ1969);ȱS.ȱA.ȱGallacher,ȱ“Voxȱpopuli,ȱvoxȱDei,”ȱPhilological
Quarterlyȱ24ȱ(1945):ȱ12–19;ȱEdwardȱPeters,ȱ“Voxȱpopuli,ȱvoxȱdei,”ȱLawȱinȱMediaevalȱLifeȱandȱThought,
ed.ȱEdwardȱB.ȱKingȱandȱSusanȱJ.ȱRodyardȱ(Sewanee,ȱTN:ȱTheȱPressȱofȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱtheȱSouth,
1990),ȱ91–120.ȱDespiteȱtheȱvarietyȱofȱsensesȱinȱwhichȱtheȱmaximȱwasȱused,ȱIȱthinkȱparticularlyȱof
itsȱ useȱ inȱ Philippeȱ deȱ Commynes,ȱ Mémoires,ȱ ed.ȱ Josephȱ Calmette,ȱ 3ȱ vols.ȱ Lesȱ Classiquesȱ de
L’HistoireȱdeȱFranceȱauȱMoyenȱAgeȱ3,ȱ5,ȱandȱ6ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1924–1925),ȱ3:82:ȱ“Parȱquoy
concludȱceȱpropos,ȱdisant,ȱaprèsȱl’avoirȱouyȱdireȱàȱplusieursȱbonsȱhomesȱdeȱreligionȱetȱdeȱsaincte
vieȱetȱàȱmainteȱaultreȱsorteȱdeȱgensȱ(quiȱestȱlaȱvoixȱdeȱDieuȱqueȱlaȱvoixȱduȱpeuple),ȱqueȱNostre
Seigneurȱlesȱvouloitȱpugnirȱvisiblement,ȱetȱqueȱchascunȱleȱcogneüt,ȱetȱparȱeulxȱdonnerȱexemple
àȱtousȱroysȱetȱprincesȱdeȱbienȱvivreȱetȱselonȱsesȱcommendemensȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ(“Wherefore,ȱthisȱsubject
concludes,ȱsayingȱasȱhasȱbeenȱheardȱsaidȱbyȱmanyȱgoodȱmenȱofȱreligionȱandȱholyȱlife,ȱandȱby
manyȱotherȱsortsȱofȱpeopleȱ(i.e.,ȱtheȱvoiceȱofȱtheȱpeopleȱisȱtheȱvoiceȱofȱGod),ȱthatȱourȱLordȱwished
toȱpunishȱthemȱmanifestlyȱthatȱeveryoneȱwouldȱknowȱit,ȱandȱbyȱthemȱtoȱprovideȱanȱexampleȱto
allȱkingsȱandȱprincesȱtoȱliveȱrighteouslyȱandȱaccordingȱtoȱhisȱcommandments”).ȱSeeȱdiscussions
ofȱthisȱpassageȱinȱBoas,ȱ26ȱ(seeȱabove);ȱPeters,ȱ116–17ȱ(seeȱabove).ȱ Clearly,ȱthisȱappealȱtoȱthe
punishmentȱofȱtheȱwickedȱasȱanȱexampleȱtoȱothersȱisȱrelatedȱinȱsentimentȱtoȱtheȱjugementȱdeȱDieu
andȱtheȱvindicatioȱDeiȱasȱinterpretationsȱandȱjustificationsȱforȱwarfare.ȱSeeȱalso,ȱScottȱL.ȱTaylor,
“TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom:ȱSymbiosisȱofȱCalumnyȱandȱCanonȱinȱtheȱJusȱBelliȱfromȱIrelandȱtoȱthe
Indies,”ȱWarȱandȱPeace:ȱCriticalȱIssuesȱinȱEuropeanȱSocietiesȱandȱLiteratureȱ800Ȭ1800,ȱed.ȱAlbrecht
ClassenȱandȱNadiaȱMargolis.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ7ȱ(Berlinȱand
NewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ2011),ȱ81–97.
Chapterȱ6
AlbrechtȱClassen
(TheȱUniversityȱofȱArizona,ȱTucson)
CrimeȱandȱViolenceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:
TheȱCasesȱofȱHeinrichȱderȱGlichezare’sȱReinhardȱFuchs
andȱWernherȱderȱGartenære’sȱHelmbrecht1
Everyȱ culturalȬhistorianȱ isȱ facedȱ byȱ theȱ difficultȱ taskȱ ofȱ selectingȱ his/her
documents,ȱdata,ȱimages,ȱorȱobjectsȱforȱtheȱevaluationȱofȱspecificȱconditionsȱunder
investigation.ȱThisȱappliesȱasȱmuchȱtoȱourȱownȱworldȱasȱtoȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱThis
couldȱmean,ȱforȱinstance,ȱandȱveryȱmuchȱdependingȱonȱone’sȱpointȱofȱview,ȱthat
theȱmedievalȱperiodȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱidentifiedȱasȱtheȱ‘darkȱages.’ȱButȱnoȱone
wouldȱbeȱfullyȱableȱtoȱidentifyȱwhatȱtheyȱmeanȱtherebyȱinȱspecificȱandȱdetailed
terms,ȱinȱcomparisonȱwithȱanyȱotherȱage.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱsuchȱevaluationsȱare
alwaysȱ inȱ theȱ dangerȱ ofȱ relyingȱ onȱ someȱ obscureȱ criteriaȱ andȱ standards,ȱ asȱ if
historyȱitselfȱwere,ȱbyȱnecessity,ȱprogressiveȱandȱlinear.ȱ
Ofȱcourse,ȱifȱweȱlistenȱtoȱoneȱgroupȱofȱarguments,ȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱwereȱfilled
withȱviolence,ȱcriminalȱbehavior,ȱandȱlawlessness,ȱwhichȱwouldȱjustifyȱusȱtoday
toȱcharacterizeȱthemȱasȱ‘dark.’ȱVengeanceȱandȱbloodȬfeudsȱwereȱquiteȱcommon
aspects,ȱandȱmanyȱpeopleȱsufferedȱbadlyȱfromȱbeingȱexposedȱtoȱcriminals,ȱgangs
ofȱbanditsȱandȱmurderers,ȱandȱviolentȱsuppressionȱbyȱtheȱsoldiersȱofȱtheirȱown
lord’sȱneighbor.2ȱFeuding,ȱinternecineȱstrife,ȱriots,ȱrebellions,ȱandȱcountlessȱwars
1
IȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱexpressȱmyȱgratitudeȱtoȱConnieȱScarborough,ȱTexasȱTechȱUniversity,ȱforȱhaving
readȱmyȱarticleȱandȱprovidingȱmeȱwithȱvaluableȱfeedback.ȱAllȱremainingȱmistakesȱare,ȱofȱcourse,
myȱown.
2
Forȱanȱexcellentȱselectionȱofȱprimaryȱtexts,ȱseeȱVengeanceȱinȱMedievalȱEurope:ȱAȱReader,ȱed.ȱDaniel
LordȱSmailȱandȱKellyȱGibsonȱ(Toronto,ȱON,ȱTonawanda,ȱNY,ȱetȱal.:ȱUniversityȱofȱTorontoȱPress,
2009);ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱVengeanceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱEmotion,ȱReligionȱandȱFeud,ȱed.
SusannaȱA.ȱThroopȱandȱPaulȱR.ȱHyamsȱ(Farnham,ȱSurrey,ȱandȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2010).ȱ
132 AlbrechtȱClassen
wereȱpartȱofȱtheȱcommonȱexperiencesȱfarȱandȱwide,ȱandȱthisȱwasȱcertainlyȱtrue
duringȱtheȱearlyȱMiddleȱAges,3ȱbutȱinȱlaterȱperiodsȱasȱwell.
However,ȱ theȱ Peaceȱ ofȱ Godȱ movements,ȱ atȱ leastȱ sinceȱ theȱ eleventhȱ century,
clearlyȱindicatedȱhowȱmuchȱpeopleȱhighȱandȱlowȱwereȱconcernedȱwithȱfinding
waysȱtoȱchannelȱwideȬspreadȱandȱuncontrolledȱviolence,ȱbutȱobviouslyȱhadȱaȱhard
timeȱrealizingȱtheirȱgoals.4ȱButȱhasȱnotȱtheȱideaȱofȱpeaceȱalwaysȱbeenȱaȱdream,
evanescentȱinȱmostȱcases,ȱandȱareȱnotȱdecadesȱofȱpeacefulȱexistence,ȱsuchȱasȱinȱthe
WesternȱworldȱsinceȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱSecondȱWorldȱWar,ȱjustȱtemporalȱrespites?5
Doesȱnotȱbarbarismȱandȱsheerȱviolenceȱsimplyȱlurkȱaroundȱtheȱcornerȱevenȱtoday?6
Certainly,ȱthereȱareȱlaws,ȱcourts,ȱtheȱpolice,ȱandȱotherȱinstitutionsȱandȱinstruments
availableȱtodayȱthatȱspecificallyȱaimȱatȱtheȱcontainmentȱofȱcrime,ȱbutȱthisȱdoesȱnot
necessarilyȱ makeȱ peopleȱ moreȱ peaceful,ȱ orȱ lawȬabiding.ȱ Consideringȱ these
contradictions,ȱweȱcanȱeasilyȱrecognizeȱthatȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱsimilarȱconditions
existedȱ andȱ thenȱ wereȱ metȱ byȱ timeȬspecificȱ orȱ timeȬcharacteristicȱ measures.7
Sensationalȱmurderȱcasesȱhappenedȱasȱmuchȱinȱtheȱpastȱasȱtheyȱoccurȱtoday,ȱand
weȱquicklyȱhaveȱtoȱrealizeȱthatȱhumanȱnatureȱdoesȱnotȱseemȱtoȱimproveȱmuch
overȱtime.ȱ
Asȱ theȱ thirteenthȬcenturyȱ Middleȱ Highȱ Germanȱ didacticȱ poetȱ Hugoȱ von
Trimbergȱemphasizedȱinȱhisȱchapterȱonȱrobbers,ȱ“Swâȱvolkesȱgrôziuȱmenigeȱsî,ȱ/
Dâȱsîȱouchȱschadeȱundȱschandeȱbî”ȱ(6775–76;ȱWhereverȱthereȱisȱaȱhugeȱcrowdȱof
people,ȱthereȱisȱalsoȱtoȱbeȱfoundȱdamageȱandȱshamefulness).8ȱMoreover,ȱthoseȱwho
striveȱtoȱgainȱpowerȱandȱprofitȱbyȱwayȱofȱjoiningȱtheȱserviceȱofȱaȱgreatȱlord,ȱtend
notȱtoȱacquireȱmuchȱhonorȱorȱmoneyȱ(6777–80).ȱGreedȱrulesȱtheȱworld,ȱtriggering
3
AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“EarlyȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱTheȱLiteraryȱEncyclopediaȱ(4Ȭ23Ȭ10;ȱbyȱsubscriptionȱonly:
http://www.litencyc.com/php/stopics.php?rec=true&UID=7222)ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱMayȱ1,ȱ2010).
4
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱDominiqueȱBarthélemy,ȱL’AnȱmilȱetȱlaȱpaixȱdeȱDieu:ȱLaȱFranceȱchrétienneȱetȱféodale
980Ȭ1060ȱ([Paris]:ȱLibrairieȱArthèmeȱFayard,ȱ1999).
5
Peterȱ Dinzelbacher,ȱ Lebensweltenȱ desȱ Mittelalters:ȱ 1000–1500.ȱ Bachmannsȱ Basiswissen,ȱ 1
(Badenweiler:ȱWissenschaftlicherȱVerlagȱBachmann,ȱ2010),ȱ239Ȭ69.
6
GertrudȱNunnerȬWinkler,ȱ“Gewaltȱ–ȱeinȱSpezifikumȱderȱModerne?,”ȱRpt.ȱMaxȬPlanckȬInstitutȱfür
Psychologischeȱ Forschung,ȱ 18ȱ (Munich:ȱ MaxȬPlanckȬInst.ȱ fürȱ Psychologischeȱ Forschung,ȱ 1996),
81–95;ȱ Warrior’sȱ Dishonour:ȱ Barbarity,ȱ Moralityȱ andȱ Tortureȱ inȱ Modernȱ Warfare,ȱ ed.ȱ George
Kassimerisȱ(Aldershot,ȱEngland,ȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2006).
7
Forȱ aȱ goodȱ historicalȱ approachȱ toȱ thisȱ topic,ȱ seeȱ Ernstȱ Schubert,ȱ Räuber,ȱ Henker,ȱ armeȱ Sünder:
Verbrechenȱ undȱ Strafeȱ imȱ Mittelalter.ȱ Withȱ anȱ epilogueȱ byȱ Thomasȱ Vogtherrȱ (Darmstadt:
WissenschaftlicheȱBuchgesellschaft,ȱ2007).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱMedievalȱCrimeȱandȱSocial
Control,ȱed.ȱBarbaraȱA.ȱHanawaltȱandȱDavidȱWallace.ȱMedievalȱCultures,ȱ16ȱ(Minneapolisȱand
London:ȱUniversityȱofȱMinneapolisȱPress,ȱ1999);ȱTrevorȱDean,ȱCrimeȱinȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ1200–1550
(London:ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱ2001).
8
HugoȱvonȱTrimberg,ȱDerȱRenner,ȱed.ȱGustavȱEhrismann.ȱMitȱeinemȱNachwortȱundȱErgänzungen
vonȱGüntherȱSchweikle.ȱDeutscheȱNeudrucke.ȱReihe:ȱTexteȱdesȱMittelalters.ȱVol.ȱ1ȱ(1908;ȱBerlin:
Walterȱ deȱ Gruyter,ȱ 1970),ȱ 282.ȱ Seeȱ nowȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Schamȱ undȱ Schamlosigkeit:
GrenzverletzungenȱinȱLiteraturȱundȱKulturȱderȱVormoderne,ȱed.ȱKatjaȱGvozdevaȱandȱHansȱRudolf
Velten.ȱTrendsȱinȱMedievalȱPhilology,ȱ21ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2011).
ReinhardȱFuchsȱandȱHelmbrecht 133
constantȱwavesȱofȱcriminalȱbehaviorȱandȱsinfulnessȱ(6817–18).ȱWhereasȱinȱtheȱtime
ofȱtheȱOldȱTestamentȱtheȱJewsȱburntȱsacrificalȱanimalsȱinȱhonorȱofȱGodȱ(6830–32),
andȱwhereasȱgoodȱChristiansȱburnȱthyme,ȱmyrrh,ȱandȱincenseȱinȱhonorȱofȱtheir
Godȱ(ȱ6833–36),ȱnowȱnewȱfiresȱareȱlit:ȱ“Nuȱbrennetȱmanȱschiurenȱundȱruozigiu
dachȱ/ȱUndȱmanicȱarmerȱliuteȱgemach,ȱ/ȱDieȱfrostic,ȱhungericȱundeȱblôzȱ/ȱBeteln
gênt,ȱderȱleitȱvilȱgrôzȱ/ȱIstȱümȱirȱkleiniuȱkindelîn,ȱ/ȱDiuȱarmȱundȱellendeȱmüezen
sîn”ȱ(6837–42;ȱNowȱtheyȱburnȱbarnsȱandȱrusticȱroofs,ȱandȱtheȱhousesȱofȱmanyȱpoor
people.ȱ Theseȱ haveȱ toȱ goȱ begging,ȱ freezing,ȱ hungry,ȱ andȱ naked.ȱ Theyȱ suffer
greatly,ȱandȱtheirȱlittleȱchildrenȱmustȱbeȱpoorȱandȱmiserable).ȱ
Theȱissueȱforȱus,ȱhowever,ȱwouldȱbeȱtoȱanalyzeȱtheȱspecificȱconditionsȱthatȱlead
toȱcrimeȱandȱviolenceȱandȱthenȱprobeȱwhatȱmeasuresȱhaveȱbeenȱtakenȱtoȱcombat,
orȱatȱleastȱtoȱcontainȱthem.ȱMoreover,ȱweȱwillȱalwaysȱhaveȱtoȱkeepȱinȱmindȱthe
phenomenonȱ itselfȱ thatȱ crimeȱ isȱ reportedȱ andȱ reflectedȱ on,ȱ signalingȱ eitherȱ an
awarenessȱofȱtheȱdangerȱforȱsocietyȱatȱlarge,ȱorȱanȱappealȱtoȱtheȱauthoritiesȱto
intervene,ȱifȱnotȱtoȱpurgeȱitsȱownȱranksȱfromȱcriminalȱelements.9
Forȱ aȱ generalȱ approachȱ toȱ ourȱ topic,ȱ itȱ wouldȱ beȱ extremelyȱ importantȱ to
recognizeȱthatȱmedievalȱsocietyȱwasȱnotȱatȱallȱasȱhomogenousȱasȱweȱregularly
assume,ȱ soȱ tensionsȱ betweenȱ majorityȱ andȱ minorityȱ groupsȱ inȱ religiousȱ terms
couldȱ easilyȱ eruptȱ violently.ȱ Christiansȱ hatingȱ theȱ Jewishȱ communities—the
oppositeȱwasȱcertainlyȱalsoȱtheȱcase—increasinglyȱcarriedȱoutȱpogroms,ȱrelegated
Jewsȱ toȱ aȱ ghetto,ȱ ridiculedȱthemȱinȱpublicȱ(“Judensau”),10ȱmalignedȱthem,ȱand
oftenȱ persecutedȱ themȱ withȱ everyȱ meansȱ available.11ȱ Butȱ thisȱ globalȱ picture
dangerouslyȱgeneralizesȱandȱreliesȱheavilyȱonȱstereotypesȱandȱhighlyȱsimplified
observations,ȱdisregardingȱaȱplethoraȱofȱevidenceȱthatȱspeaksȱtoȱtheȱveryȱopposite,
9
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱSalimaȱMoyard,ȱCrimeȱdeȱpoisonȱetȱprocèsȱpolitiqueȱàȱlaȱCourȱdeȱSavoie:ȱL’AffairȱPierre
Gerbaisȱ (1379–1382).ȱ Cahiersȱ lausannoisȱ d’histoireȱ médiévale,ȱ 44ȱ (Lausanne:ȱ Universitéȱ de
Lausanne,ȱ2008);ȱClaudeȱBerguerand,ȱLeȱDuelȱd’OthonȱdeȱGrandsonȱ(1397):ȱMortȱd’unȱchevalierȬpoète
àȱ laȱ finȱ duȱ MoyenȬAge.ȱ Cahiersȱ lausannoisȱ d’histoireȱ médiévale,ȱ 45ȱ (Lausanne:ȱ Universitéȱ de
Lausanne,ȱ2008);ȱforȱaȱreview,ȱseeȱMarinaȱMontessano,ȱStudiȱmedievaliȱLI.1ȱ(2010):ȱ459–61.
10
BirgitȱWiedl,ȱ“LaughingȱatȱtheȱBeast:ȱTheȱJudensau:ȱAntiȬJewishȱPropagandaȱandȱHumorȱfromȱthe
MiddleȱAgesȱtoȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱPeriod,”ȱLaughterȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimes:
EpistemologyȱofȱaȱFundamentalȱHumanȱBehavior,ȱitsȱMeaning,ȱandȱConsequences,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen.
Fundamentalsȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Culture,ȱ 5ȱ (Berlinȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Walterȱ de
Gruyter,ȱ2010),ȱ325–64.
11
Thisȱtopicȱhasȱalreadyȱbeenȱstudiedȱbyȱmanyȱscholars,ȱforȱinstance,ȱMiriȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales:ȱThe
NarrativeȱAssaultȱonȱLateȱMedievalȱJews.ȱTheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(1999;ȱPhiladelphia:ȱUniversityȱof
PennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2004);ȱRobertȱChazan,ȱTheȱJewsȱofȱMedievalȱWesternȱChristendom,ȱ1000Ȭ1500.
CambridgeȱMedievalȱTextbooksȱ(Cambridge,ȱNewȱYork,ȱetȱal.:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006).
AlexandraȱCuffel,ȱGenderingȱDisgustȱinȱMedievalȱReligiousȱPolemicȱ(NotreȱDame,ȱIN:ȱUniversityȱof
Notreȱ Dameȱ Press,ȱ 2007),ȱ providesȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ insightfulȱ analysisȱ ofȱ hatredȱ amongȱ the
representativesȱofȱallȱthreeȱmonotheisticȱworldȱreligions,ȱregularlyȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱveryȱsame
stereotypesȱandȱimagesȱofȱtheȱenemy.ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱtheȱpresentȱvolumeȱbyȱBirgit
Wiedl.
whetherȱweȱthinkȱofȱcourtlyȱliterature,ȱmysticalȱtexts,ȱGothicȱcathedrals,ȱtheȱrise
ofȱtheȱuniversities,ȱorȱtheȱartsȱatȱlarge.12ȱInȱthoseȱcontextsȱtheȱtermȱ‘dark’ȱhasȱno
meaningȱ atȱ allȱ andȱ easilyȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ absurd.ȱ Everythingȱ dependsȱ onȱ local
conditions,ȱindividuals,ȱmentalȱstructures,ȱsocialȱandȱculturalȱframeworks,ȱetc.,
whichȱappliesȱalmostȱmoreȱtoȱtheȱmedievalȱworldȱthanȱtoȱmodernȱpolitics,ȱfor
whichȱ thisȱ dictumȱ wasȱ originallyȱ phrased,ȱ butȱ itȱ certainlyȱ hasȱ aȱ timeless
relevance.13ȱ
Toȱ illustrateȱ theȱ centralȱ issueȱ here,ȱ Iȱ willȱ discussȱ twoȱ majorȱ narrativesȱ from
medievalȱGermanȱliteratureȱwhereȱtotalȱviolenceȱandȱaȱruthlessȱcriminalȱmind
characterizeȱ theȱ respectiveȱ protagonistȱ whoȱ terrorizesȱ everyoneȱ aroundȱ him,
leadingȱtoȱendlessȱsufferingȱandȱsubjugationȱofȱtheȱaffectedȱpeople,ȱfoeȱandȱfriend,
highȱandȱlow,ȱlayȱandȱclerical.ȱInȱtheȱAlsatianȱHeinrichȱ(derȱGlichezare)’sȱfable
narrativeȱReinhardȱFuchsȱ(ca.ȱ1170–1190)ȱandȱinȱWernherȱderȱGardenære’sȱdidactic
accountȱofȱHelmbrechtȱ(ca.ȱ1260–1274)ȱtheȱfundamentalȱquestionȱisȱraisedȱinȱunique
andȱominousȱwaysȱaboutȱwhereȱjusticeȱliesȱandȱwhetherȱthereȱisȱhopeȱforȱtheȱlegal
systemȱtoȱinterveneȱandȱtoȱpreventȱviolence.ȱ
Criticalȱmass,ȱinȱotherȱwords,ȱhasȱfinallyȱreachedȱunforeseenȱdimensionsȱinȱthese
textsȱandȱthreatensȱtoȱengulfȱtheȱentireȱworldȱsinceȱtheȱevilȱcharacterȱinȱHeinrich’s
textȱatȱfirstȱgainsȱtheȱupperȱhandȱandȱthenȱisȱbroughtȱtoȱjusticeȱbyȱtheȱauthorities.
Atȱfirst,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱcriminalȱ(youngȱHelmbrecht)ȱgoesȱonȱaȱrampageȱofȱviolence
aimedȱatȱmaterialȱgainsȱwhichȱisȱtoleratedȱforȱfarȱtooȱlongȱbyȱtheȱownȱfamilyȱback
homeȱ andȱ theȱ territorialȱ lord,ȱ orȱ theȱ government.ȱ Althoughȱ heȱ isȱ ultimately
lynchedȱbyȱhisȱpreviousȱvictims,ȱtheȱpeasants,ȱthereȱremainsȱaȱstrongȱsenseȱthat
crimeȱisȱnotȱeliminatedȱatȱall,ȱandȱviolenceȱisȱonlyȱsuspendedȱforȱaȱshortȱtime.ȱ
Butȱletȱusȱfirstȱgainȱsomeȱinsightȱintoȱtheȱglobalȱdiscourseȱonȱsuffering,ȱviolence,
andȱcrimeȱasȱitȱdominatedȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱbeforeȱweȱturnȱtoȱtheseȱtwoȱtextsȱso
weȱcanȱsetȱupȱtheȱnecessaryȱframeworkȱforȱourȱinvestigation.ȱExaminingȱthese
issuesȱdoesȱnotȱimply,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱIȱwouldȱwantȱtoȱconfirm,ȱonceȱagain,ȱthe
notionȱofȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱasȱaȱbrutal,ȱviolenceȬridden,ȱprimitive,ȱandȱbarbaric
world.ȱ Theȱ criticalȱ pointȱ canȱ onlyȱ beȱ toȱ uncoverȱ aȱ specificȱ discourseȱ inȱ these
literaryȱtextsȱandȱtoȱprobeȱtheirȱmessagesȱinȱethical,ȱlegal,ȱmoral,ȱreligious,ȱand
politicalȱterms.
12
ElishevaȱBaumgarten,ȱMothersȱandȱChildren:ȱJewishȱFamilyȱLifeȱinȱMedievalȱEurope,ȱtrans.ȱfromȱthe
Hebrew.ȱ Jews,ȱ Christians,ȱ andȱ Muslimsȱ fromȱ theȱ Ancientȱ toȱ theȱ Modernȱ Worldȱ (Princeton:
PrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2004).ȱSeeȱalsoȱBernardȱLewis,ȱCulturesȱinȱConflict:ȱChristians,ȱJews,ȱand
Muslimsȱ inȱ theȱ Ageȱ ofȱ Discoveryȱ (Newȱ York:ȱ Oxfordȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1995).ȱ Further,ȱ seeȱ the
excellentȱcontributionsȱtoȱMisconceptionsȱaboutȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱStephenȱJ.ȱHarrisȱandȱBryonȱL.
Grigsby.ȱ Routledgeȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Religionȱ andȱ Culture,ȱ 7ȱ (Newȱ Yorkȱ andȱ London:
Routledge,ȱ2008).
13
PaulȱHyams,ȱ“WasȱthereȱReallyȱSuchȱaȱThingȱasȱFeudȱinȱtheȱHighȱMiddleȱAges?,”ȱVengeanceȱinȱthe
MiddleȱAges,ȱ151–75;ȱhereȱ174ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
Peopleȱhaveȱalwaysȱdisplayedȱaȱtendencyȱtoȱcommitȱcrimes,ȱtoȱbeȱviolent,ȱtoȱact
unfairlyȱandȱunjustly.ȱTheȱcynicȱwouldȱprobablyȱsayȱthatȱweȱwriteȱhistoryȱinȱorder
toȱrecordȱtheȱinnumerableȱcasesȱofȱcrimeȱandȱtoȱreflectȱuponȱpossibleȱreactionsȱto
violence,ȱifȱweȱapplyȱNewton’sȱthirdȱlawȱofȱmotionȱwhichȱsuggestsȱthatȱevery
actionȱisȱfollowedȱbyȱanȱequalȱandȱoppositeȱreaction.ȱMoreover,ȱweȱstudyȱtheȱpast
becauseȱ theȱ endlessȱ humanȱ sufferingȱ needsȱ toȱ gainȱ aȱ voice,ȱ soȱ analyzingȱ the
miseryȱandȱpainȱthatȱpeopleȱhaveȱgoneȱthroughȱinȱtheȱpastȱmightȱhelpȱusȱtoȱcome
toȱtermsȱwithȱourȱownȱdailyȱtribulations,ȱsorrow,ȱgrief,ȱandȱpain,ȱbutȱthenȱonȱa
higherȱlevel.14ȱOfȱcourse,ȱweȱwillȱneverȱbeȱableȱtoȱovercomeȱinjusticeȱcompletely,
forȱinstance,ȱbutȱweȱwillȱbeȱinȱaȱmuchȱmoreȱconstructiveȱpositionȱtoȱcomprehend
theȱessenceȱofȱhumanȱexistenceȱinȱfaceȱofȱsuffering.15ȱAsȱtheȱthirteenthȬcentury
DominicanȱpreacherȱandȱmysticȱHenryȱSusoȱ(HeinrichȱSeuse)ȱemphasizedȱinȱhis
highlyȱ influentialȱ Horologiumȱ Sapientiaeȱ (ca.ȱ 1330/31),ȱ humanȱ lifeȱ isȱ deeply
burdenedȱ byȱ sufferingȱ fromȱ injustice,ȱ filledȱ withȱ pain,ȱ vilificationȱ and
mortification.ȱNevertheless,ȱSusoȱdoesȱnotȱshrinkȱbackȱfromȱanyȱofȱthoseȱaspects;
insteadȱheȱwelcomesȱallȱtribulationsȱandȱidentifiesȱthemȱasȱessentialȱcatalystsȱfor
manȱtoȱtranslateȱtheȱearthlyȱprisonȱofȱhisȱfleshȱintoȱtheȱspiritȱthatȱisȱthusȱreadied
forȱtheȱunionȱwithȱtheȱGodheadȱafterȱaȱlongȱperiodȱofȱtesting:
Quidȱ namqueȱ est,ȱ quodȱ aequeȱ corȱ tumidumȱ etȱ animumȱ elatumȱ acȱ hominem
ambitiosumȱseȱipsumȱmagisȱfaciatȱcognoscereȱetȱnonȱaltaȱsapere,ȱsedȱhumiliterȱinȱseȱipso
consistereȱacȱtimere,ȱetȱquodȱproximoȱpatientiȱcondescendereȱdoceat?ȱHaecȱestȱnutrix
humilitatis,ȱ doctrixȱ patientiae,ȱ custosȱ virginitatis,ȱ comparatrixȱ aeternaeȱ felicitatis.
Tribulatioȱ habitaȱ esȱ adeoȱ salutifera,ȱ utȱ vixȱ sit,ȱ quiȱ abȱ eiusȱ seȱ abscondatȱ bonitatis
aspergine,ȱsiveȱsitȱdeȱincipientiumȱnumeroȱvelȱproficientiumȱseuȱetiamȱperfectorum.
Rubiginemȱ aufertȱ peccatorum,ȱ incrementaȱ praestatȱ virtutumȱ etȱ ubertatemȱ confert
gratiarum.ȱ Quidȱ hocȱ thesauroȱ pretiosissimoȱ utilius?ȱ Ipsaȱ namqueȱ peccataȱ tollit,
purgatoriumȱ minuit,ȱ repellitȱ tentationes,ȱ exstinguitȱ carnalitates,ȱ spiritumȱ renovat,
14
Dinzelbacher,ȱ Lebenswelten,ȱ 239–59ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 5),ȱ depictsȱ aȱ medievalȱ worldȱ whereȱ brutality,
inhumaneȱtreatmentȱofȱprisoners,ȱhostages,ȱopponents,ȱandȱsimplyȱofȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱconquered
castlesȱandȱcities,ȱnotȱtoȱspeakȱofȱtheȱpeasants,ȱwasȱrampantȱandȱhorrifying.ȱHeȱminimizesȱthe
attempts,ȱveryȱfewȱfarȱandȱwide,ȱasȱheȱseesȱit,ȱtoȱestablishȱpeaceȱandȱtoȱdisplayȱmercy,ȱbutȱhere
asȱ soȱ oftenȱ inȱ recentȱ scholarshipȱ theȱ selectionȱ ofȱ sourcesȱ determinesȱ theȱ intendedȱ goalȱ of
presentingȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱasȱhorrifying.ȱThisȱisȱalsoȱoneȱofȱtheȱmainȱpointsȱraisedȱbyȱJudithȱM.
Bennett,ȱHistoryȱMatters:ȱPatriarchyȱandȱtheȱChallengesȱofȱFeminismȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱof
PennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ43–48.
15
LiteratureȱoftenȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱtheȱplatformȱforȱwhatȱSigmundȱFreudȱhadȱcalledȱ“Trauerarbeit”
(comingȱtoȱtermsȱwithȱgrief),ȱwhichȱ findsȱitsȱperhapsȱbestȱexpressionȱinȱJohannesȱvonȱTepl’s
Ackermannȱfromȱca.ȱ1400ȱinȱwhichȱaȱwidowerȱdebatesȱwithȱDeathȱaboutȱtheȱreasonsȱwhyȱhisȱwife
hadȱtoȱdie.ȱSeeȱAndréȱSchnyder,ȱ“TrauerarbeitȱdesȱWitwers:ȱVorläufigerȱVersuch,ȱeinȱaltbekanntes
Werkȱneuȱzuȱsehen,”ȱJahrbuchȱderȱOswaldȱvonȱWolkensteinȱGesellschaft,ȱ4ȱ(1986/1987):ȱ25–39.ȱCf.ȱalso
theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Griefȱ andȱ Gender:ȱ 700–1700,ȱ ed.ȱ Jenniferȱ C.ȱ Vaught,ȱ withȱ Lynneȱ Dickson
Brucknerȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱHoundmills,ȱBasingstoke,ȱHampshire,ȱEngland:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,
2003).
spemȱ roborat,ȱ vultumȱ exhilarat,ȱ conscientiaeȱ affertȱ serenitatem,ȱ etȱ internorum

gaudiorumȱcontiunuamȱpraestatȱubertatem.16
[ForȱwhatȱisȱitȱthatȱmakesȱaȱmanȱofȱhaughtyȱheartȱandȱpuffedȬupȱmindȱandȱambition
learnȱtoȱknowȱhimselfȱbetter,ȱandȱ“notȱtoȱmindȱhighȱthings,”ȱbutȱtoȱremainȱhumbly
withinȱ himselfȱ andȱ toȱ fear,ȱ andȱ toȱ teachȱ othersȱ toȱ stoopȱ downȱ toȱ theirȱ suffering
neighbors?ȱTribulationȱisȱtheȱnurseȱofȱhumility,ȱtheȱteacherȱofȱpatience,ȱtheȱguardian
ofȱvirginity,ȱtheȱbringerȱofȱeverlastingȱfelicity.ȱTribulationȱisȱconsideredȱtoȱbringȱsuch
wellȬbeingȱthatȱitȱcanȱhardlyȱbeȱthatȱanyoneȱwillȱhideȱhimselfȱwhenȱitȱsprinklesȱits
goodnessȱaround,ȱwhetherȱheȱbelongȱtoȱtheȱbeginnersȱorȱtoȱtheȱproficientȱorȱevenȱto
theȱperfect.ȱItȱtakesȱawayȱtheȱrustȱofȱsins,ȱitȱpromotesȱtheȱgrowthȱofȱvirtues,ȱandȱit
confersȱ theȱ fullnessȱ ofȱ graces.ȱ Whatȱ canȱ beȱ ofȱ greaterȱ useȱ thanȱ thisȱ mostȱ precious
treasure?ȱ Forȱ itȱ takesȱ awayȱ sins,ȱ itȱ shortensȱ purgatory,ȱ itȱ repelsȱ temptations,ȱ it
extinguishesȱ carnality,ȱ itȱ renewsȱ theȱ spirit,ȱ itȱ strengthensȱ hope,ȱ itȱ enlivensȱ the
countenance,ȱ itȱ bringsȱ peaceȱ ofȱ conscienceȱ andȱ itȱ offersȱ theȱ unendingȱ fullnessȱ of
inwardȱjoys.17
Despiteȱtheȱoverlyȱoptimistic,ȱifȱnotȱnaive,ȱattemptsȱbyȱmodernȱscholarsȱsuchȱasȱthe
famousȱsociologistȱNorbertȱEliasȱ(1939)ȱtoȱidentifyȱknighthoodȱasȱtheȱessential
institutionȱinventedȱandȱimplementedȱtoȱcontrolȱendlessȱviolenceȱandȱtoȱinject
culturalȱvaluesȱpredicatedȱonȱlove,ȱpeace,ȱmutualȱrespect,ȱandȱhonor,ȱallȱsubsumed
underȱ theȱ mantraȱ ofȱ theȱ Kingȱ Arthurȱ mythȱ withȱ itsȱ subsequentȱ processȱ of
civilization,ȱanyȱcarefulȱexaminationȱofȱmedievalȱsourcesȱrevealsȱalsoȱtheȱdark
sides.18ȱHowever,ȱwhatȱsocietyȱorȱculturalȱperiodȱdidȱnotȱexperienceȱbothȱaspects
ofȱhumanȱlife:ȱhappinessȱandȱsorrow,ȱviolenceȱandȱpeace?ȱAsȱRichardȱW.ȱKaeuper
confirms,ȱ “Chivalryȱ wasȱ notȱ simplyȱ aȱ codeȱ integratingȱ genericȱ individualȱ and
society,ȱ notȱ simplyȱ anȱ idealȱ forȱ relationsȱ betweenȱ theȱ sexesȱ orȱ aȱ meansȱ for
knockingȱoffȱtheȱroughȱwarriorȱedgesȱinȱpreparationȱforȱtheȱEuropeanȱgentleman
toȱcome.ȱTheȱbloodyȬmindedȱsideȱofȱtheȱcode—evenȱifȱitȱseemsȱtoȱmodernsȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱa
shudderingȱmatter—wasȱofȱtheȱessenceȱofȱchivalry.ȱTheȱknightȱwasȱaȱwarriorȱand
notȱEveryman.”19ȱ
16
HeinrichȱSeuse,ȱHorologiumȱSapientiae.ȱErsteȱkritischeȱAusgabeȱunterȱBenützungȱderȱVorarbeiten
vonȱ Dominikusȱ Pflanzerȱ OP.ȱ Spicilegiumȱ Friburgense.ȱ Texteȱ zurȱ Geschichteȱ desȱ kirchlichen
Lebens,ȱ23ȱ(Freiburg,ȱCH:ȱUniversitätsverlag,ȱ1977),ȱ489–90.
17
Bl.ȱHenryȱSuso,ȱWisdom’sȱWatchȱUponȱtheȱHours,ȱtrans.ȱEdmundȱColledge,ȱO.S.A.ȱTheȱFathersȱof
theȱChurch:ȱMediaevalȱContinuationȱ(Washington,ȱDC:ȱTheȱCatholicȱUniversityȱofȱAmericaȱPress,
1994),ȱ197.
18
SeeȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱGewaltȱimȱMittelalter:ȱRealitätenȱ–ȱImaginationen,ȱed.ȱManuelȱBraunȱand
CorneliaȱHerberichsȱ(PaderbornȱandȱMunich:ȱWilhelmȱFink,ȱ2005).
19
RichardȱW.ȱKaeuper,ȱChivalryȱandȱViolenceȱinȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱOxford
UniversityȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ8.ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱViolenceȱinȱMedievalȱCourtlyȱLiterature:ȱA
Casebook,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classen.ȱ Routledgeȱ Medievalȱ Casebooksȱ (Newȱ Yorkȱ andȱ London:
Routledge,ȱ2004).
Itȱ mightȱ beȱ futileȱ toȱ carryȱ outȱ aȱ comparisonȱ betweenȱ medievalȱ andȱ modern
violenceȱbecauseȱtheȱradicallyȱchangedȱconditionsȱinȱbothȱworldsȱwouldȱmakeȱthis
trulyȱ impossible,ȱ althoughȱ thereȱ areȱ indeedȱ sometimesȱ mustȱ puzzlingȱ and
troublingȱcasesȱofȱmassiveȱchildȱmurderȱthenȱandȱtoday.20ȱControlȱofȱviolence,ȱfor
instance,ȱhasȱobviouslyȱbeenȱmostlyȱchanneledȱandȱtransferredȱtoȱtheȱstateȱwith
itsȱpoliceȱforceȱandȱmilitaryȱsince,ȱsay,ȱtheȱeighteenthȱcentury,ȱwhichȱwereȱnot
quiteȱyetȱinȱplaceȱduringȱtheȱpremodernȱera.ȱDoesȱthisȱmean,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱpeople
haveȱbecomeȱlessȱviolent,ȱthatȱsufferingȱatȱlargeȱhasȱdiminishedȱoverȱtime?ȱIsȱthere
lessȱneedȱtoȱprobe,ȱasȱHenryȱSusoȱandȱthenȱJohannesȱvonȱTeplȱ(Ackermann)ȱdidȱca.
seventyȱyearsȱlaterȱinȱBohemia,ȱwhyȱthereȱisȱsufferingȱandȱhowȱweȱareȱtoȱcope
withȱit?ȱTheȱpurelyȱrhetoricalȱnatureȱofȱthisȱquestionȱthenȱleadsȱusȱtoȱtheȱcentral
concernȱofȱthisȱpaper,ȱstayingȱclearȱofȱtheȱmythicalȱnotionȱofȱhistoryȱbeingȱaȱlinear,
progressiveȱdevelopment,ȱmovingȱawayȱfromȱaȱdarkȱtoȱaȱlightȱworld.
Despiteȱ theȱ appearanceȱ ofȱ aȱ ratherȱ idyllicȱ worldȱ atȱ Kingȱ Arthur’sȱ courtȱ and
elsewhere,ȱmedievalȱpoetsȱandȱartistsȱdidȱnotȱhesitateȱtoȱcriticize,ȱorȱevenȱripȱapart,
theȱveilȱbehindȱtheȱfictionalityȱofȱtheirȱworksȱandȱeverydayȱreality.ȱHereȱIȱwantȱto
discussȱ twoȱ majorȱ textsȱ whereȱ thisȱ issueȱ findsȱ powerfulȱ expression,ȱ theȱ firstȱ a
significantȱfableȱnarrativeȱfromȱtheȱlateȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱtheȱsecondȱaȱdidacticȱand
moralisticȱverseȱnarrativeȱfromȱtheȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱcenturyȱInȱboth
worksȱ weȱ areȱ brutallyȱ confrontedȱ withȱ theȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ vileȱ characters,
criminalȱbehavior,ȱlackȱofȱanyȱmorality,ȱandȱofȱphysicalȱviolence.ȱWeȱwillȱhaveȱto
askȱ ourselvesȱ whyȱ theirȱ authorsȱ choseȱ toȱ addressȱ theirȱ topics,ȱ andȱ thenȱ tryȱ to
correlateȱtheirȱobservationsȱtoȱlargerȱsocialȱandȱpoliticalȱissuesȱaffectingȱtheirȱtime.
Theȱfactȱthatȱtheseȱmedievalȱwritersȱapproachedȱsuchȱissuesȱinȱtheȱfirstȱplaceȱand
exploredȱtheȱnatureȱandȱmeaningȱofȱviolenceȱsoȱdrasticallyȱclearlyȱalertsȱusȱto
avoidȱ suchȱ stereotypical,ȱ mostlyȱ populist,ȱ conceptsȱ ofȱ aȱ ‘dark’ȱ ageȱ vs.ȱ an
‘enlightened’ȱage.21
Asȱaȱusefulȱspringboardȱforȱourȱdiscussion,ȱletȱusȱfirstȱlookȱatȱaȱmostȱimpressive
illuminatedȱmanuscriptȱwhereȱtheȱminiaturesȱforȱtheȱindividualȱpoetsȱproveȱtoȱbe
highlyȱ revealingȱ asȱ toȱ theȱ culturalȬhistoricalȱ issueȱ atȱ stakeȱ here.ȱ Inȱ theȱ early
fourteenthȱcenturyȱmembersȱofȱtheȱwealthyȱZurichȱfamilyȱManesseȱandȱprobably
aȱgroupȱofȱlikeȬmindedȱfriendsȱcommissionedȱaȱscribeȱorȱaȱwholeȱscriptoriumȱto
collectȱtheȱbestȱorȱmostȱpopularȱcourtlyȱloveȱpoetryȱfromȱtheȱlateȱtwelfthȱtoȱthe
earlyȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱinȱoneȱmanuscriptȱandȱtoȱaddȱaȱpoetȱportraitȱforȱeachȱone
ofȱthem.ȱTheȱvolumeȱconsistsȱofȱ852ȱfolioȱpagesȱwhichȱrecordȱca.ȱ5,400ȱstanzasȱand
36ȱdidacticȱpoemsȱbyȱ140ȱauthors;ȱitȱmustȱhaveȱtakenȱatȱleastȱaȱwholeȱdecade,ȱifȱnot
20
SeeȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱLiaȱB.ȱRoss.
21
SeeȱHiramȱKümper,ȱ“TheȱTermȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen
(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ2010),ȱvol.ȱ2,ȱ1310–19.
more,ȱtoȱcompileȱthisȱmassiveȱtome.ȱThereȱareȱinȱtotalȱ137ȱfullȱpageȱminiatures,ȱ118
ofȱwhichȱcontainȱaȱcoatȱofȱarmsȱtoȱemphasizeȱtheȱrespectiveȱpoets’ȱaristocratic
rank,ȱalthoughȱnoneȱofȱtheȱfiguresȱareȱpresentedȱinȱanyȱrealisticȱfashionȱandȱnever
recognizableȱinȱindividualisticȱterms.22ȱTheȱartistsȱmadeȱgreatȱeffortsȱtoȱpresentȱthe
poetsȱinȱanȱidyllicȱfashion,ȱalmostȱalwaysȱplacingȱthemȱinȱaȱcharacteristicȱcourtly
setting,ȱshowingȱthemȱplayingȱchessȱwithȱaȱladyȱ(no.ȱ6),ȱhuntingȱwithȱbirdsȱofȱprey
(no.ȱ7),ȱholdingȱaȱscrollȱasȱaȱsymbolȱofȱtheirȱcreativeȱartȱ(no.ȱ10),ȱpresentingȱaȱpoem
toȱaȱladyȱ(no.ȱ17),ȱtakingȱaȱbathȱ(no.ȱ20),ȱorȱbeingȱinvolvedȱinȱaȱtournamentȱ(no.ȱ22).
Theȱladiesȱalwaysȱappearȱinȱaȱmostȱcharmingȱpose,ȱbeautifullyȱdressed,ȱyoung,
charming,ȱandȱbeautiful,ȱholdingȱaȱfalconȱ(no.ȱ29),ȱdebatingȱwithȱtheȱloverȱ(no.ȱ30),
pullingȱtheȱloverȱupȱtoȱtheirȱroomsȱhighȱupȱinȱaȱtowerȱ(no.ȱ31),ȱholdingȱaȱpetȱin
theirȱarmsȱ(no.ȱ34,ȱno.ȱ37),ȱorȱdancingȱwithȱtheȱpoetȬknightȱ(no.ȱ46).ȱOneȱofȱthe
mostȱappealingȱimagesȱmightȱbeȱtheȱoneȱforȱLordȱWachsmutȱvonȱMühlhausen,
showingȱaȱladyȱsittingȱonȱaȱhorseȱandȱaimingȱanȱarrowȱofȱloveȱatȱtheȱmanȱstanding
behindȱherȱ(no.ȱ59).ȱ
Untilȱtodayȱtheseȱimagesȱhaveȱbeenȱusedȱforȱcountlessȱbookȱcoversȱdedicatedȱto
theȱ studyȱ ofȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ forȱ modernȱ novelsȱ setȱ inȱ thatȱ timeȱ period,ȱ for
webpages,ȱandȱartȱwork,ȱandȱwithȱgoodȱreasons.ȱTheȱManesseȱSongbookȱreflectsȱin
anȱoverwhelmingȱfashionȱtheȱbeautyȱandȱidealsȱofȱtheȱcourtlyȱworldȱwhereȱlove
andȱ chivalryȱ rule.ȱ However,ȱ aȱ carefulȱ examinationȱ alsoȱ revealsȱ veryȱ different
scenes,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱportraitȱofȱLordȱ Reinmarȱ vonȱBrennenbergȱ(no.ȱ61)ȱwhoȱis
shownȱasȱbeingȱbrutallyȱmurderedȱbyȱaȱgangȱofȱcriminals,ȱoneȱofȱthemȱstabbing
himȱinȱhisȱheadȱwithȱtheȱsword,ȱtheȱotherȱoneȱstrikingȱhisȱside,ȱandȱothersȱraising
theirȱswordsȱaboutȱtoȱsmiteȱhimȱasȱwell.ȱAsȱfarȱasȱweȱcanȱtell,ȱtheȱpoet,ȱbrotherȱof
theȱRegensburgȱCanonȱBrunoȱvonȱBrennenberg,ȱwasȱindeedȱmurderedȱinȱ1275,
andȱinȱ1276ȱtheȱBishopȱofȱRegensburgȱpromisedȱBrunoȱvengeanceȱforȱthisȱheinous
act.23ȱTheȱimageȱforȱtheȱpoetȱDüringȱ(no.ȱ75)ȱshowsȱtheȱsiegeȱofȱaȱcastle;ȱtheȱpoet
Neidhartȱ(no.ȱ92)ȱisȱbeleagueredȱbyȱmeanȬspiritedȱpeasants,ȱhisȱarchȬenemies,ȱat
leastȱ withinȱ hisȱ sarcasticȱ Winterȱ songs.ȱ Inȱ theȱ miniatureȱ forȱ Lordȱ Dietmarȱ der
Setzerȱ(no.ȱ111)ȱtwoȱknightsȱfightȱagainstȱeachȱotherȱwithȱtheirȱswords,ȱandȱoneȱof
22
GiselaȱKornrumpf,ȱVomȱCodexȱManesseȱzurȱKolmarerȱLiederhandschrift:ȱAspekteȱderȱÜberlieferung,
Formtraditionen,ȱ Texte.ȱ Münchenerȱ Texteȱ undȱ Untersuchungenȱ zurȱ deutschenȱ Literaturȱ des
Mittelalters,ȱ133ȱ(Tübingen:ȱNiemeyer,ȱ2008).ȱForȱanȱonlineȬversionȱofȱtheȱdigitizedȱmanuscript,
seeȱ http://diglit.ub.uniȬheidelberg.de/diglit/cpg848/ȱ (lastȱ accessedȱ onȱ Augustȱ 23,ȱ 2010).
Wikipedia.deȱ offersȱ aȱ surprisinglyȱ wellȬwrittenȱ article,ȱ alongȱ withȱ updatedȱ research:
http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Codex_Manesseȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱAug.ȱ23,ȱ2010).ȱForȱanȱeasyȱaccess
inȱprintȱformat,ȱseeȱCodexȱManesse:ȱDieȱMinitaturenȱderȱGroßenȱHeidelbergerȱLiederhandschrift.ȱEd.
andȱexplainedȱbyȱIngoȱF.ȱWaltherȱwithȱGiselaȱSiebert.ȱ6thȱed.ȱ(1988;ȱFrankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱInsel,ȱ2001).
Seeȱ alsoȱ Codexȱ Manesse:ȱ Dieȱ Großeȱ Heidelbergerȱ Liederhandschrift.ȱ FaksimileȬAusgabeȱ desȱ Codex
PalatinusȱGermanicusȱ848ȱderȱUniversitätsȬBibliothekȱHeidelberg.ȱCommentaryȱbyȱWalterȱKoschorreck
andȱWilfriedȱWernerȱ(Kassel:ȱGanymed,ȱ1981).
23
Walter,ȱCodexȱManesse,ȱ124ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22).
themȱcutsȱthroughȱhisȱopponent’sȱhead,ȱsendingȱhimȱtoȱhisȱdeath.ȱAtȱtimesȱweȱare
alsoȱconfrontedȱwithȱtheȱbloodyȱrealityȱofȱwar,ȱsuchȱasȱinȱtheȱminiatureȱforȱCount
Albrechtȱ vonȱ Hegerlochȱ (no.ȱ 18),ȱ withȱ fourȱ triumphantȱ knights,ȱ theȱ poet
presumablyȱamongȱthem,ȱcompletelyȱoverwhelmingȱtheirȱopponentsȱwhoȱareȱall
fallingȱtoȱtheȱground,ȱdyingȱfromȱtheirȱwounds.ȱ
Altogether,ȱconsideringȱtheȱratherȱcontrastiveȱimagesȱinȱtheȱManesseȱmanuscript,
itȱwouldȱbeȱerroneousȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱtheȱworldȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱcourtsȱconstituted
aȱpeaceful,ȱcrimeȬȱandȱviolenceȬfreeȱenvironmentȱwhereȱallȱconcernsȱandȱenergies
wereȱdedicatedȱtoȱtheȱpursuanceȱofȱloveȱandȱhonor.ȱInȱfact,ȱWesternȱhistoryȱhas
alwaysȱbeenȱdeterminedȱbyȱviolenceȱandȱwar,ȱandȱitȱwouldȱbeȱhighlyȱhypocritical
toȱviewȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱeitherȱthroughȱrosyȱglassesȱorȱthroughȱtheȱlensesȱofȱthe
mythȱofȱtheȱ‘darkȱages,’ȱfallingȱpreyȱtoȱtheȱoppositeȱmythȱregardingȱthatȱworldȱas
utterlyȱ determinedȱ byȱ violence,ȱ brutality,ȱ andȱ primitivism,ȱ toȱ recaptureȱ our
theoreticalȱruminationsȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthisȱstudy.24
Let’sȱsimplyȱfaceȱit,ȱhumanȱnatureȱisȱviolent,ȱandȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱsoȬcalled
‘civilizationȱprocess’ȱprimarilyȱreflectsȱtheȱcontinuousȱeffortsȱtoȱcomeȱtoȱtermsȱwith
theȱ ‘criminal’ȱ andȱ beastly,ȱ uncivilȱ characterȱ inȱ us.ȱ Literatureȱ hasȱ consistently
servedȱtheȱextremelyȱimportantȱfunctionȱofȱmirroringȱthisȱviolenceȱandȱengaging
theȱlistener/readerȱinȱaȱcriticalȱdiscourseȱonȱthisȱdevastatingȱphenomenon,ȱperhaps
asȱaȱwayȱtoȱconfrontȱusȱwithȱsomeȱofȱtheȱmostȱdangerousȱtraitsȱinȱourȱlivesȱandȱto
findȱ measuresȱ toȱ containȱ thatȱ explosiveȱ tendencyȱ towardȱ violence.25ȱ Bothȱ the
AlsatianȱpoetȱHeinrichȱandȱtheȱAustrianȱwriterȱWernherȱtheȱGardenæreȱmade
importantȱcontributionsȱtoȱtheȱexaminationȱofȱcriminalityȱandȱviolenceȱasȱthey
observedȱthemȱatȱtheirȱtime.26
24
IrenäusȱEiblȬEibesfeldt,ȱLoveȱandȱHate:ȱTheȱNaturalȱHistoryȱofȱBehaviorȱPatterns,ȱtrans.ȱGeoffrey
Strachanȱ(1970;ȱNewȱYork:ȱHolt,ȱRinehartȱandȱWinston,ȱ1972);ȱJ.ȱD.ȱCarthyȱandȱF.ȱJ.ȱG.ȱEbling,ȱeds.,
TheȱNaturalȱHistoryȱofȱAggression.ȱSymposiaȱofȱtheȱInstituteȱofȱBiology,ȱ13ȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:
Academicȱ Press,ȱ 1964);ȱ G.ȱ F.ȱ Jones,ȱ “Theȱ Treatmentȱ ofȱ Bloodshedȱ inȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Modern
Literature,”ȱStudiaȱNeophilologicaȱ70ȱ(1998):ȱ83–88;ȱRobertȱL.ȱO’Connell,ȱOfȱArmsȱandȱMen:ȱAȱHistory
ofȱ War,ȱWeapons,ȱandȱAggressionȱ(NewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1989).ȱFrantišekȱGraus,
“GewaltȱundȱRechtȱimȱVerständnisȱdesȱMittelalters,”ȱBaslerȱBeiträgeȱzurȱGeschichtswissenschaftȱ134
(1974):ȱ 5–21;ȱ Udoȱ Friedrich,ȱ “Dieȱ Zähmungȱ desȱ Heros:ȱ Derȱ Diskursȱ derȱ Gewaltȱ und
Gewaltregulierungȱimȱ12.ȱJahrhundert,”ȱMittelalter:ȱNeueȱWegeȱdurchȱeinenȱaltenȱKontinent,ȱhg.ȱJanȬ
DirkȱMüllerȱundȱHorstȱWenzelȱ(StuttgartȱundȱLeipzig:ȱHirzel,ȱ1999),ȱ149–79;ȱValentinȱGroebner,
Defaced:ȱTheȱVisualȱCultureȱofȱViolenceȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱZoneȱBooks,ȱ2004).
25
AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“GewaltverbrechenȱalsȱThemaȱdesȱspätarturischenȱRomans.ȱSozialkritischesȱin
WirntsȱvonȱGrafenbergȱWigalois,”ȱEtudesȱGermaniquesȱ62,ȱ2ȱ(2007):ȱ429–55.
26
LateȬmedievalȱliteratureȱknowsȱmanyȱexamplesȱofȱaȱcriticalȱdiscourseȱfocusedȱonȱhowȱtoȱcombat
violence,ȱseeȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“DieȱsichȱselbstȱverschlingendeȱGewalt:ȱGrundsätzlicheȱGedanken
zuȱeinemȱglobalȬmenschlichenȱPhänomenȱmitȱmediävistischenȱPerspektivenȱaufȱWernhersȱdes
GaertenæreȱHelmbrechtȱundȱHeinrichȱWittenwilersȱRing,”ȱFuthark:ȱRevistaȱdeȱinvestigaciónȱyȱcultura
1ȱ(2006):ȱ11–39.
Asȱ isȱ soȱ oftenȱ theȱ caseȱ inȱ medievalȱ literature,ȱ notȱ muchȱ isȱ knownȱ about
Heinrich—previouslyȱidentifiedȱwithȱtheȱepithetȱ‘Glîchezære,’ȱwhich,ȱhowever,
seemsȱtoȱbeȱnothingȱbutȱanȱallusionȱtoȱtheȱcunningȱskillsȱofȱtheȱliteraryȱfigureȱof
theȱfox—butȱweȱassumeȱthatȱheȱoriginatedȱfromȱtheȱAlsace,ȱifȱweȱcanȱtrustȱhis
referencesȱtoȱspecificȱlocalitiesȱandȱpersonalitiesȱthere.27ȱItȱseemsȱmostȱrealisticȱto
placeȱhimȱinȱtheȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱmoreȱconcretelyȱbetweenȱ1170
andȱ1190ȱ(orȱ1192),ȱbutȱweȱcannotȱsayȱwhetherȱheȱbelongedȱtoȱtheȱnobilityȱorȱtoȱthe
groupȱ ofȱ minstrels.ȱ Judgingȱ fromȱ hisȱ manyȱ literaryȱ allusionsȱ andȱ hisȱ expert
knowledgeȱofȱhowȱtoȱrunȱaȱlegalȱprocess,ȱwhichȱmakesȱupȱaȱmajorȱportionȱofȱhis
text,ȱheȱmustȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱhighlyȱlearnedȱpersonȱwithȱdetailedȱunderstandingȱof
theȱjudicialȱsystem,ȱsoȱheȱcouldȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱcleric,ȱanȱadministrator,ȱorȱevenȱa
judge.28ȱTheȱtextȱofȱhisȱfableȱnarrative,ȱReinhardȱFuchs,ȱhasȱcomeȱdownȱtoȱusȱinȱtwo
groupsȱofȱmanuscripts,ȱtheȱolderȱoneȱ(especiallyȱms.ȱS)ȱfromȱtheȱearlyȱthirteenth
century,ȱtheȱmoreȱrecentȱoneȱ(mss.ȱPȱandȱK)ȱfromȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury.ȱ
Theȱ textȱ drawsȱ onȱ theȱ Oldȱ Frenchȱ Romanȱ deȱ Renart,ȱ whichȱ consistsȱ ofȱ many
differentȱ episodicȱ narrativesȱ (branches),29ȱ butȱ Heinrichȱ wasȱ theȱ earliestȱ oneȱ to
blendȱthemȱallȱtogetherȱandȱtoȱcreateȱaȱcomprehensiveȱandȱconsistentȱepic,ȱtheȱfirst
ofȱitsȱkindȱbasedȱonȱthisȱextraordinaryȱprotagonist,ȱtheȱevilȱandȱcunningȱfox.ȱOnly
hereȱdoȱweȱdiscoverȱaȱconsistentȱmotivationalȱstructureȱandȱaȱcohesiveȱaccount
thatȱ takesȱ usȱ fromȱ theȱ earlyȱ stages,ȱ withȱ theȱ foxȱ committingȱ sporadicȱ actsȱ of
violence,ȱdeception,ȱorȱlying,ȱtoȱtheȱfinal,ȱtriumphantȱmomentȱwhenȱtheȱfoxȱhas
27
HereȱIȱwillȱquoteȱfromȱDerȱReinhartȱFuchsȱdesȱElsässersȱHeinrich,ȱed.ȱKlausȱDüwel.ȱAltdeutsche
Textbibliothek,ȱ96ȱ(Tübingen:ȱNiemeyer,ȱ1984).ȱSeeȱalsoȱHeinrichȱderȱGlichezâre,ȱReinhartȱFuchs:
Mittelhochdeutschȱ undȱ Neuhochdeutsch.ȱ Ed.,ȱ trans.,ȱ andȱ explainedȱ byȱ KarlȬHeinzȱ Göttertȱ (1976;
Stuttgart:ȱReclam,ȱ1980).ȱForȱfacsimilesȱofȱtheȱrelevantȱmanuscripts,ȱseeȱDerȱmittelhochdeutsche
ReinhartȱFuchs:ȱAbbildungenȱundȱMaterialienȱzurȱhandschriftlichenȱÜberlieferung,ȱed.ȱOtfriedȱ[sic]
Ehrismann.ȱLitterae,ȱ72ȱ(Göppingen:ȱKümmerle,ȱ1980).
28
Sigridȱ Widmaier,ȱ Dasȱ Rechtȱ imȱ “Reinhartȱ Fuchs”.ȱ Quellenȱ undȱ Forschungenȱ zurȱ SprachȬȱ und
KulturgeschichteȱderȱgermanischenȱVölker,ȱ102ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1993).
AȱparallelȱcaseȱtoȱHeinrichȱwouldȱbeȱtheȱearlyȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱConstanceȱpublicȱnotaryȱHeinrich
Wittenwilerȱwho,ȱwhenȱheȱcomposedȱhisȱfamousȱRingȱatȱca.ȱ1400,ȱalsoȱincludedȱmuchȱdetailed
informationȱaboutȱtheȱlegalȱprocess.
29
Theȱ Oldȱ Frenchȱ Romanȱ deȱ Renartȱ consistsȱ ofȱ aȱ cycleȱ ofȱ animalȱ fablesȱ thatȱ experiencedȱ a
considerableȱ popularity,ȱ withȱ fourteenȱ completeȱ andȱ nineteenȱ fragmentaryȱ manuscriptsȱ still
extantȱtoday.ȱTheȱtwentyȬsevenȱindividualȱbranches,ȱcomposedȱbetweenȱca.ȱ1174ȱandȱ1250,ȱwere
writtenȱbyȱca.ȱtwentyȱanonymousȱauthors,ȱprobablyȱclerics,ȱonlyȱsomeȱofȱthemȱknownȱtoȱus,ȱsuch
asȱ Pierreȱ deȱ SaintȬCloud,ȱ Richardȱ deȱ Lison,ȱ andȱ theȱ priestȱ ofȱ Laȱ CroixȬenȬBrie.ȱ Theȱ text
experiencedȱaȱconsiderableȱreceptionȱinȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAgesȱallȱoverȱEurope;ȱseeȱJohnȱFlinn,ȱLe
RomanȱdeȱRenartȱdansȱlaȱlittératureȱfrançaiseȱetȱdansȱlesȱlittératuresȱetrangèresȱauȱMoyenȱAgeȱ(Paris:
PressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,ȱ1963);ȱHermannȱKrapoth,ȱ“RomanȱdeȱRenart,”ȱEnzyklopädieȱdes
Märchens:ȱHandwörterbuchȱzurȱhistorischenȱundȱvergleichendenȱErzählforschung,ȱed.ȱRolfȱWilhelm
Brednich.ȱVol.ȱ11.2ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ2004),ȱ795–803.ȱForȱtheȱMiddleȱHigh
andȱMiddleȱLowȱGerman,ȱandȱMiddleȱEnglishȱversions,ȱplusȱtheȱlongȬtermȱreceptionȱprocessȱuntil
theȱpresent,ȱseeȱKlausȱDüwel,ȱReinhartȱFuchsȱ(seeȱnoteȱ27),ȱ488–502.
gainedȱabsoluteȱcontrolȱoverȱtheȱentireȱcourt.ȱWhereasȱweȱstillȱcanȱlaughȱaboutȱthe
smartȱtricksȱplayedȱbyȱRenartȱinȱtheȱOldȱFrenchȱandȱolder,ȱLatinȱversions,ȱHeinrich
castȱhisȱprotagonistȱasȱaȱthoroughlyȱevilȱcharacter,ȱperhapsȱasȱ‘evilȱincarnate’ȱin
HansȱRobertȱJauss’sȱterms.30ȱ
Somethingȱisȱdeeplyȱupsettingȱandȱunsettlingȱaboutȱthisȱnarrative,ȱandȱyetȱit
appealedȱtoȱitsȱaudiencesȱfarȱandȱwide,ȱbothȱinȱsouthernȱandȱnorthernȱGermany,
inȱItaly,ȱtheȱNetherlands,ȱandȱEngland.ȱTheȱFrenchȱpoetȱRutebeufȱannouncedȱin
hisȱRenartȱleȱBestourné,ȱforȱinstance,ȱ“Renartȱestȱmort,ȱRenartȱvit,ȱetȱRenartȱrègne!,”
andȱinȱJaquemartȱGielée’sȱRenartȱleȱNouvelȱandȱinȱtheȱanonymousȱCouronnementȱde
Renartȱtheȱevilȱprotagonistȱhasȱevenȱachievedȱhisȱdeviousȱgoalȱtoȱclimbȱtheȱsocial
ladderȱtoȱtheȱveryȱtop—evilȱrulesȱtheȱworld.31ȱItȱmightȱgoȱtooȱfarȱtoȱidentifyȱRenart
orȱReinhartȱwithȱtheȱdevilȱhimselfȱsinceȱtheȱtextȱdoesȱnotȱaimȱforȱaȱmetaphysical
explanationȱofȱtheȱmassiveȱcriminalȱactsȱcommittedȱbyȱtheȱprotagonist,ȱbutȱhe
certainlyȱstandsȱinȱforȱsomeȱofȱtheȱworstȱcharacterȱtraitsȱinȱhumanȱlife.ȱHowever,
followingȱJohnȱFlinn,ȱweȱmightȱidentifyȱhimȱasȱtheȱincarnationȱofȱallȱcunning,ȱruse,
andȱhypocrisy.32ȱ
Notȱ surprisingly,ȱ heȱ represented,ȱ indeed,ȱ theȱ deeplyȱ troublingȱ senseȱ ofȱ fear
amongȱallȱpeopleȱofȱbeingȱduped,ȱdeceived,ȱcheated,ȱabused,ȱfooled,ȱandȱbadly
treatedȱbyȱaȱthief,ȱorȱanyȱkindȱofȱcriminal,ȱespeciallyȱifȱthisȱgenericȱcrimeȱisȱcarried
outȱbyȱaȱmemberȱofȱtheȱclergyȱorȱtheȱsecularȱauthorities.ȱLittleȱwonderȱthenȱthat
weȱfindȱalmostȱcountlessȱimagesȱofȱthisȱnotoriousȱfoxȱinȱaȱmyriadȱofȱmedieval
artworks,ȱsuchȱasȱinȱmisericords,ȱstoneȱcapitals,ȱminiatures,ȱcorbels,ȱspandrels,
woodenȱdoorframes,ȱtapestry,ȱpewȱends,ȱstainedȱglasses,ȱandȱelsewhere.33ȱ
Althoughȱmanyȱscholarsȱhaveȱalreadyȱcommentedȱonȱtheȱentireȱcorpusȱofȱthis
beastȱfable,ȱandȱsoȱhaveȱobservedȱtheȱincredibleȱextentȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱfoxȱsteals,
rapes,ȱlies,ȱandȱrulesȱcontraryȱtoȱallȱmoralȱandȱethicalȱstandards,34ȱhereȱIȱwillȱrevisit
30
HansȱRobertȱJauss,ȱUntersuchungenȱzurȱmittelalterlichenȱTierdichtung.ȱBeihefteȱzurȱZeitschriftȱfür
romanischeȱPhilologie,ȱ100ȱ(Tübingen:ȱNiemeyer,ȱ1959),ȱ295.ȱAroundȱ1050ȱanȱanonymousȱauthor
composedȱtheȱLatinȱtextȱEcbasisȱcuiusdamȱcaptiviȱperȱtropologiamȱinȱtheȱregionȱofȱLorraine,ȱfollowed
byȱanotherȱLatinȱversion,ȱYsengrimus,ȱca.ȱ1150,ȱcomposedȱinȱGentȱbyȱaȱMasterȱNivardus,ȱwhoȱwas
theȱfirstȱtoȱassignȱnamesȱtoȱtheȱindividualȱanimals.ȱForȱaȱconvenientȱintroductionȱtoȱtheȱindividual
narratives,ȱ seeȱ Thomasȱ W.ȱ Best,ȱ Reynardȱ theȱ Fox.ȱ Twayne’sȱ Authorȱ Seriesȱ (Boston:ȱ Twayne
Publishers,ȱ1983).
31
QuotedȱfromȱFlinn,ȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱRenart,ȱ690ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ29).
32
Flinn,ȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱRenart,ȱ690–91ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ29).ȱHeinrichsȱReinhardȱFuchs,”ȱSchamȱundȱSchamlosigkeit
(seeȱnoteȱ8),ȱ97–130,ȱwarmsȱagainstȱaȱreductionistȱreadingȱofȱtheȱfoxȱasȱtheȱdevil,ȱ122–24.
33
Kennethȱ Varty,ȱ Reynard,ȱ Renart,ȱ Reinaertȱ andȱ Otherȱ Foxesȱ inȱ Medievalȱ England:ȱ theȱ Iconographic
Evidence.ȱAȱStudyȱofȱtheȱIllustratingȱofȱFoxȱLoreȱandȱReynardȱtheȱFoxȱStoriesȱinȱEnglandȱDuringȱthe
MiddleȱAgesȱ(Amsterdam:ȱAmsterdamȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1999).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱexcellentȱcatalogȱfor
theȱexhibition,ȱReinekeȱFuchs:ȱEinȱeuropäischesȱEpos.ȱEineȱAusstellungȱdesȱGoetheȬMuseumsȱDüsseldorf,
ed.ȱJörnȱGöres.ȱCatalogueȱbyȱHorstȱKlitzingȱ(Düsseldorf:ȱGoetheȬMuseumȱDüsseldorf,ȱAntonȬundȬ
KatharinaȬKippenbergȬStiftung,ȱ1989).
34
ForȱaȱpanȬEuropeanȱsummary,ȱseeȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“RomanȱdeȱRenart,”ȱEncyclopediaȱofȱMedieval
theȱtextȱbyȱtheȱAlsatianȬGermanȱauthorȱtoȱprobeȱhowȱmuchȱthereȱisȱaȱsenseȱofȱthe
devastatingȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ criminalityȱ andȱ howȱ Heinrichȱ viewedȱ theȱ social
interactionsȱbetweenȱhisȱprotagonistȱandȱallȱtheȱotherȱanimals,ȱthatȱis,ȱtheȱother
socialȱestates.ȱSubsequentlyȱIȱwillȱexamineȱwhatȱWernherȱtheȱGardenerȱhadȱtoȱsay
aboutȱcriminalȱbehaviorȱandȱwhatȱconsequencesȱsocietyȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱfaceȱifȱit
wentȱunchecked.
Theȱ narratorȱ inȱ Reinhardȱ Fuchsȱ immediatelyȱ warnsȱ hisȱ audienceȱ aboutȱ his
protagonist,ȱtheȱevilȱfox,ȱwhomȱheȱidentifiesȱasȱaȱ“tiereȱwilde”ȱ(3;ȱwildȱanimal)
whoseȱintentionsȱwereȱallȱdirectedȱatȱcommittingȱcrimesȱagainstȱeveryoneȱbyȱway
ofȱdeceptionȱandȱtrickeryȱ(7).ȱSubsequently,ȱheȱprovidesȱanȱexampleȱforȱReinhard’s
cunningȱandȱevilȱnature,ȱthoughȱitȱdealsȱonlyȱwithȱtheȱfox’sȱkillingȱaȱchicken,ȱa
veryȱ commonȱ situationȱ inȱ reality,ȱ whichȱ manyȱ fableȱ authorsȱ haveȱ discussed
throughoutȱtime.ȱIntriguingly,ȱhowever,ȱhereȱweȱobserveȱhowȱmuchȱtheȱfoxȱknows
howȱtoȱutilizeȱtheȱpowerȱofȱrhetoric,ȱdrawingȱfromȱtraditionalȱcourtlyȱlanguageȱin
orderȱtoȱputȱtheȱroosterȱoffȱguardȱandȱtoȱpuffȱupȱhisȱarrogance,ȱwhichȱthenȱallows
himȱtoȱcatchȱandȱkillȱhisȱvictim.ȱClaimingȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱgoodȱfriendȱwithȱthe
rooster’sȱ fatherȱ Sengelinȱ whoȱ usedȱ toȱ upholdȱ traditionalȱ courtlyȱ mannersȱ and
displayedȱhonorableȱbehaviorȱevenȱtowardȱinferiors,ȱReinhardȱsucceedsȱinȱluring
theȱson,ȱSchantecler,ȱdownȱfromȱtheȱtree,ȱtoȱcloseȱhisȱeyes,ȱtoȱflapȱhisȱwings,ȱand
toȱ singȱ “alsȱ einȱ vrolichezȱ hvn”ȱ (125;ȱ asȱ aȱ happyȱ chicken,ȱ i.e.,ȱ rooster).ȱ Theȱ fox
wouldȱhaveȱenjoyedȱhisȱprey,ȱifȱtheȱroosterȱhadȱnotȱengagedȱhimȱinȱaȱconversation,
forcingȱtheȱfoxȱtoȱopenȱhisȱmouth,ȱwhichȱallowsȱSchanteclerȱtoȱpullȱoutȱhisȱneck
andȱtoȱescape.ȱ
Asȱhilariousȱasȱtheȱentireȱsceneȱmightȱbe,ȱtheȱstrategyȱemployedȱbyȱtheȱfoxȱis
predicatedȱonȱtheȱassumptionȱthatȱcourtlyȱvaluesȱhaveȱdisappearedȱinȱpracticeȱand
yetȱstillȱareȱregardedȱhighlyȱasȱidealsȱfromȱtheȱpast.ȱByȱimplyingȱthatȱtheȱrooster
mightȱ notȱ maintainȱ theȱ sameȱ degreeȱ ofȱ civilityȱ andȱ politenessȱ asȱ hisȱ father,
Reinhardȱknowsȱhowȱtoȱteaseȱtheȱsimpletonȱofȱaȱroosterȱdownȱfromȱhisȱtreeȱand
thusȱ toȱ becomeȱ hisȱ victim.ȱ Ofȱ course,ȱ theȱ foxȱ himselfȱ betraysȱ theseȱ idealsȱ by
pretendingȱtoȱbeȱaȱcriticȱofȱtheȱdeclineȱofȱpublicȱmores,ȱechoingȱgeneralȱlaments
aboutȱtheȱdisappearanceȱofȱanȱoldȱworld.ȱButȱReinhardȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱtheȱworst
offenderȱandȱtoȱbeȱtheȱcrucialȱcatalystȱforȱbringingȱdownȱtheȱcourtlyȱidealsȱbecause
heȱpervertsȱthemȱsoȱbadlyȱandȱruthlessly.
HavingȱlostȱhisȱmealȱbecauseȱSchanteclerȱhasȱregainedȱhisȱfreedom,ȱReinhard
triesȱtoȱconvinceȱaȱtitmouseȱtoȱgiveȱhimȱaȱkiss,ȱhopingȱthatȱheȱmightȱbiteȱandȱkill
itȱatȱthatȱveryȱmoment.ȱUnfortunatelyȱforȱhim,ȱtheȱbirdȱseesȱthroughȱhisȱcunning
Literature,ȱed.ȱJayȱRuudȱ(NewȱYork:ȱFactsȱonȱFile,ȱ2006),ȱ549–50.ȱHansȱRudolfȱVelten,ȱ“Schamlose
Bilderȱ–ȱschamlosesȱSprechenȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8),ȱ97–130,ȱdiscussesȱtheȱlossȱofȱshameȱandȱhonorȱinȱthis
text,ȱbutȱalsoȱpointsȱoutȱtheȱintricateȱpairingȱofȱshameȱandȱshamelessness.
andȱdeceivesȱhimȱinȱturn,ȱandȱgetsȱawayȱwithoutȱhavingȱbeenȱhurtȱbyȱtheȱfox.ȱAs
sillyȱasȱtheȱentireȱsceneȱmightȱbe,ȱtheȱnarratorȱhasȱpredicatedȱitȱonȱtheȱimportant
politicalȱcustomȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱthatȱmembersȱofȱaȱfamilyȱorȱaȱsocialȱgroup
giveȱkissesȱtoȱeachȱotherȱasȱanȱexpressionȱofȱtheirȱloyaltyȱandȱkinship.ȱAmong
theologians,ȱtheȱkissȱrepresentedȱpeace,ȱcommunity,ȱandȱagreement;ȱforȱlawyers
theȱkissȱsealedȱaȱcontract;ȱamongȱtheȱrulingȱclassȱtheȱkissȱservedȱasȱanȱexpression
ofȱsubservienceȱandȱkingship.ȱAccordingȱtoȱBernardȱofȱClairvauxȱtheȱkissȱwasȱa
signȱofȱpeace,ȱandȱforȱWilliamȱofȱSaintȬThierryȱkissingȱallowedȱthoseȱinvolvedȱto
expressȱ theirȱ spiritualȱ commitmentȱ toȱ formȱ aȱ community.ȱ Thoseȱ whoȱ kissed
signaledȱtheirȱmutualȱsolidarity.35ȱ
Theȱfoxȱdeliberatelyȱreliesȱonȱthisȱsetȱofȱculturalȱassumptions,ȱtriesȱtoȱforceȱthe
titmouseȱtoȱabideȱbyȱthem,ȱbutȱheȱisȱcompletelyȱreadyȱtoȱbetrayȱthemȱforȱhisȱown
advantage,ȱ noȱ longerȱ caringȱ aboutȱ anyȱ traditionalȱ valueȱ systems,ȱ whichȱ he
(ab)usesȱ onlyȱ forȱ hisȱ ownȱ advantage.ȱ Whatȱ quicklyȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ central
strategyȱthroughoutȱtheȱentireȱnarrativeȱcarryingȱtheȱdidacticȱmessage,ȱHeinrich
reflectsȱ globallyȱ andȱ inȱ detailȱ onȱ theȱ wideȱ rangeȱ ofȱ courtlyȱ idealsȱ and
demonstrates,ȱthroughȱReinhard’sȱbehavior,ȱhowȱanȱindividualȱwithȱaȱcriminal
mindȱcanȱeasilyȱundermineȱthemȱandȱturnȱthemȱupsideȱdown.ȱMoreover,ȱinȱthe
caseȱofȱtheȱraven,ȱwhoȱbecomesȱtheȱfox’sȱnextȱvictim,ȱsingingȱisȱnoȱlongerȱvalued
asȱinȱtheȱpast;ȱinstead,ȱtheȱraven’sȱattemptȱtoȱliveȱupȱtoȱtheȱexpectationsȱraisedȱby
Reinhardȱ travestiesȱ allȱ courtlyȱ singing;ȱ henceȱ courtlyȱ loveȱ andȱ culture,ȱ as
representedȱinȱtheȱManesseȱmanuscript.ȱ
Theȱ foxȱ cleverlyȱ playsȱ withȱ theȱ conceptȱ ofȱ love,ȱ especiallyȱ withȱ painȱ that
regularlyȱresultsȱfromȱunrequitedȱlove,ȱclaimingȱthatȱtheȱcheeseȱthatȱhadȱfallen
fromȱtheȱbranchȱwhereȱtheȱravenȱhadȱwantedȱtoȱeatȱitȱwouldȱhurtȱhisȱwoundȱeven
furtherȱthroughȱitsȱstrongȱsmell.ȱReinhardȱ knowsȱonlyȱtooȱwellȱhowȱtoȱutilize
courtlyȱlanguage,ȱclaimingȱ“ichȱwartȱhivteȱvroweȱwunt”ȱ(260;ȱIȱbecameȱwounded
byȱaȱladyȱtoday).ȱAppealingȱtoȱtheȱravenȱtoȱrememberȱtheȱ“triwe”ȱ(265),ȱorȱloyalty,
whichȱhisȱfatherȱwouldȱhaveȱdisplayedȱwithȱnoȱdelayȱinȱsuchȱaȱcase,36ȱheȱcanȱlure
himȱdownȱtoȱtheȱground,ȱwhereȱheȱalmostȱmanagesȱtoȱcaptureȱtheȱsillyȱbirdȱand
devourȱit.ȱButȱthenȱReinhardȱhasȱtoȱrunȱawayȱbecauseȱaȱhunterȱwithȱtwoȱdogs
picksȱonȱhisȱtrail,ȱwhichȱallowsȱtheȱravenȱtoȱexpressȱhisȱdisgustȱandȱirritationȱabout
theȱfox’sȱmeanȱspiritȱandȱdeceptiveȱbehaviorȱthatȱalmostȱcostȱhimȱhisȱlife.ȱThe
35
KlausȱSchreiner,ȱ“‘ErȱküsseȱmichȱmitȱdemȱKußȱseinesȱMundes’ȱ(Osculeturȱmeȱosculoȱorisȱsui,ȱCant
1,ȱ 1):ȱ Metaphorik,ȱ kommunikativeȱ undȱ herrschaftlicheȱ Funktionenȱ einerȱ symbolischen
Handlung,”ȱHöfischeȱReprässentation:ȱDasȱZeremoniellȱundȱdieȱZeichen,ȱed.ȱHeddaȱRagotzkyȱand
HorstȱWenzelȱ(Tübingen:ȱNiemeyer,ȱ1990),ȱ89–132.
36
ForȱaȱdetailedȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱessentialȱcourtlyȱvaluesȱandȱtheirȱspecificȱtermsȱinȱMiddleȱHigh
German,ȱseeȱOtfridȱEhrismann,ȱwithȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱWinderȱMcConnellȱetȱal.,ȱEhreȱundȱMut,
ÂventiureȱundȱMinne:ȱHöfischeȱWortgeschichtenȱausȱdemȱMittelalterȱ(Munich:ȱC.ȱH.ȱBeck,ȱ1995).ȱFor
“triuwe,”ȱseeȱ211–16.
termsȱthatȱheȱusesȱtoȱcommentȱonȱhisȱopponent’sȱtreacheryȱareȱimportantȱforȱtheir
culturalȬhistoricalȱrelevance:ȱ“erȱsprach:ȱ‘dazȱeinȱgebvreȱdemȱandernȱtvt,ȱ/ȱKvmt
dickeȱlon,ȱdesȱhoreȱichȱiehen.ȱ/ȱneve,ȱalsoȱistȱvchȱgeschehen”ȱ(298–300;ȱheȱsaid:
“whatȱoneȱpeasantȱdoesȱtoȱanother,ȱoftenȱcomesȱaroundȱtoȱhim,ȱasȱIȱhaveȱheard.
Cousin,ȱthat’sȱwhatȱhasȱhappenedȱtoȱyou).ȱ
Althoughȱheȱonlyȱintendsȱtoȱmockȱtheȱfoxȱandȱtoȱexposeȱhisȱevilȱcharacter,ȱhe
resortsȱ toȱ theȱ termȱ ‘peasant’ȱ toȱ indicateȱ theȱ profoundȱ transgressionȱ thatȱ has
affectedȱtheȱentireȱcourtlyȱsociety,ȱperhapsȱbestȱexpressedȱinȱtheȱpoemsȱbyȱthe
contemporaryȱ AustrianȬBavarianȱ Neidhartȱ (ca.ȱ 1220–ca.ȱ 1240).ȱ Inȱ hisȱ Summer
songsȱtheȱpeasantȱwomenȱareȱdrivenȱbyȱsheerȱsexualȱlustȱtoȱrunȱafterȱtheȱknight
ofȱ Reuental,ȱ whereasȱ inȱ theȱ Winterȱ songsȱ hisȱ chancesȱ inȱ mattersȱ ofȱ loveȱ have
dimmedȱbecauseȱtheȱstrongȱandȱresourcefulȱpeasantȱladsȱhaveȱcutȱhimȱoutȱofȱthe
competitionȱ andȱ ridiculeȱ himȱ asȱ anȱ impoverishedȱ knight.37ȱ Inȱ ourȱ context,ȱ the
ravenȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱworldȱofȱpeasantsȱbecauseȱReinhard’sȱtrickeryȱalmostȱhadȱcost
himȱhisȱlife,ȱsoȱheȱhasȱgoodȱreasonȱtoȱcharacterizeȱhimȱasȱaȱcrudeȱandȱviolent
personȱwhoȱdeservedlyȱsuffersȱnowȱfromȱtheȱhunter’sȱdogs.
AsȱsoonȱasȱtheȱfoxȱencountersȱtheȱcatȱDiprecht,ȱheȱdrawsȱonȱanotherȱtraditional
courtlyȱvalue,ȱloyalȱservice,ȱwhichȱtheȱformerȱisȱonlyȱtooȱhappyȱtoȱprovide:ȱ“‘.ȱ.ȱ.
minȱdienstȱsolȱdirȱsinȱbereit’”ȱ(324;ȱIȱamȱreadyȱtoȱserveȱyou).ȱReinhardȱdoesȱnot
care,ȱ however,ȱ aboutȱ anyȱ ofȱ thoseȱ valuesȱ andȱ brutallyȱ andȱ gleefullyȱ abuses
Diprecht’sȱbeliefȱinȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱthoseȱvalues,ȱleadingȱhimȱtoȱaȱtrapȱsetȱbyȱa
hunter.ȱYet,ȱinȱthisȱcase,ȱheȱmeetsȱhisȱmatchȱbecauseȱtheȱcatȱisȱfullyȱawareȱofȱthe
dangerȱandȱjumpsȱoverȱtheȱtrapȱandȱsoȱavoidsȱtheȱdanger.ȱWorseȱevenȱforȱtheȱfox,
theȱcatȱlaterȱpushesȱhimȱintoȱtheȱtrap,ȱmakingȱsureȱthatȱReinhard’sȱfootȱgetsȱcaught
(355),ȱ andȱ thenȱ runsȱ away:ȱ “Vndeȱ bevalchȱ inȱ Lvcifere”ȱ (357;ȱ entrustedȱ himȱ to
Lucifer).ȱButȱthisȱis,ȱofȱcourse,ȱnotȱReinhard’sȱendȱbecauseȱheȱdeceivesȱtheȱpeasant
whoȱ laterȱ arrivesȱ toȱ checkȱ onȱ hisȱ trap,ȱ pretendingȱ toȱ beȱ dead,ȱ andȱ whenȱ the
peasantȱhitsȱatȱhim,ȱheȱmovesȱhisȱheadȱsoȱthatȱtheȱtrapȱisȱstruck,ȱliberatingȱits
victim.ȱ Theȱ complexityȱ ofȱ theȱ fableȱ narrativeȱ comesȱ toȱ theȱ foreȱ particularly
drasticallyȱhereȱbecauseȱtheȱfox’sȱdeviousȱactionsȱareȱintriguinglyȱmatchedȱwith
scoffingȱremarksȱaboutȱtheȱlowȱintellectȱofȱtheȱpeasantȱclass—aȱpervasiveȱattitude
throughoutȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.38
37
GüntherȱSchweikle,ȱNeidhart.ȱSammlungȱMetzler,ȱ253ȱ(Stuttgart:ȱMetzler,ȱ1990);ȱNeidhartȬLieder:
TexteȱundȱMelodienȱsämtlicherȱHandschriftenȱundȱDrucke,ȱed.ȱUlrichȱMüller,ȱIngridȱBennewitz,ȱand
FranzȱViktorȱSpechtler.ȱ3ȱvols.ȱSalzburgerȱNeidhartȬEdition,ȱ1–3ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalter
deȱGruyter,ȱ2007).
38
See,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Europeanȱ Peasantsȱ andȱ Theirȱ Markets:ȱ Essaysȱ inȱ Agrarian
EconomicȱHistory,ȱed.ȱWilliamȱNelsonȱParkerȱandȱE.ȱL.ȱJonesȱ(Princeton,ȱNJ:ȱPrincetonȱUniversity
Press,ȱ 1975);ȱ andȱ toȱ Landlords,ȱ Peasants,ȱ andȱ Politicsȱ inȱ Medievalȱ England,ȱ ed.ȱ T.ȱ H.ȱ Aston
(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1987);ȱseeȱalsoȱPieroȱCamporesi,ȱBauern,
Priester,ȱPossenreisser:ȱVolkskulturȱundȱKulturȱderȱElitenȱimȱMittelalterȱundȱinȱderȱfrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱtrans.
fromȱtheȱItalianȱbyȱKarlȱF.ȱHauberȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCampusȱVerlag,1997);ȱPaulȱH.
Next,ȱtheȱfoxȱmeetsȱtheȱwolfȱYsengrimȱtoȱwhomȱheȱoffersȱhisȱservice,ȱthatȱis,ȱhis
cunningȱasȱaȱpoliticalȱstrategyȱasȱaȱperfectȱcomplementȱtoȱtheȱother’sȱ physical
strengthȱ(yetȱalsoȱlackȱofȱintelligence!).ȱTogether,ȱtheyȱwouldȱbeȱableȱtoȱovercome
allȱotherȱanimals:ȱ“‘.ȱ.ȱ.ȱIchȱbinȱlistic,ȱsoȱsitȱstarcȱir.ȱ/ȱirȱmohtetȱgvtenȱtrostȱhanȱzv
mir.ȱ/ȱVonȱiwerȱkraftȱvndȱvonȱminenȱlistenȱ/ȱkondeȱsichȱnihtȱgevristen.ȱ/ȱIchȱkonde
einȱbvrcȱwolȱzebrechen’”ȱ(397–401;ȱ“Iȱamȱsophisticated,ȱandȱyouȱareȱstrong.ȱYou
canȱwellȱtrustȱme.ȱNoȱoneȱwillȱbeȱableȱtoȱresistȱyourȱstrengthȱandȱmyȱcunning.ȱI
canȱeasilyȱbreakȱaȱcastle).ȱ
Inȱ conformityȱ withȱ muchȱ courtlyȱ criticism,ȱ voicedȱ moreȱ orȱ less
contemporaneouoslyȱbothȱbyȱclericsȱsuchȱasȱWalterȱMap,ȱGeraldȱofȱWales,ȱand
JohnȱofȱSalisbury,ȱandȱbyȱvernacularȱpoetsȱsuchȱasȱDerȱarmeȱHartmann,ȱHeinrich
vonȱMelk,ȱWernerȱvonȱElmendorf,ȱandȱTheȱStricker,ȱandȱmostȱfacetiouslyȱbyȱthe
anonymousȱFrenchȱauthorȱofȱtheȱchantefableȱAucassinȱetȱNicolette,39ȱHeinrichȱsignals
inȱunmistakableȱtermsȱhowȱdangerousȱthisȱnewȱmemberȱofȱtheȱwolf’sȱcourtȱsoon
turnsȱ outȱ toȱ be:ȱ “Dazȱ erȱ inȱ zeȱ gevaternȱ namȱ do,ȱ /ȱ desȱ wartȱ erȱ sintȱ vilȱ vnvro”
(405–06;ȱ heȱ becameȱ veryȱ unhappyȱ laterȱ thatȱ heȱ acceptedȱ himȱ asȱ his
cousin/courtier).ȱAsȱsoonȱasȱReinhardȱisȱaloneȱwithȱYsengrim’sȱwifeȱHersante,ȱhe
triesȱ toȱ seduceȱ her,ȱ butȱ heȱ doesȱ notȱ succeedȱ atȱ first.ȱ Later,ȱ however,ȱ weȱ learn
throughȱanȱindirectȱreportȱthatȱtheȱfoxȱhadȱrapedȱher,ȱwhichȱcausesȱherȱhusband
greatȱpainȱsinceȱheȱhasȱnoȱwayȱofȱgettingȱhisȱrevengeȱ(586–90).ȱTheȱsituationȱfor
Ysengrimȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱparticularlyȱhurtfulȱbecauseȱheȱlovesȱhisȱwifeȱandȱsingsȱa
songȱinȱpraiseȱofȱherȱjustȱbeforeȱheȱisȱinformedȱaboutȱherȱsexualȱviolationȱ(565–76).ȱ
AtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱYsengrimȱasȱtheȱrulerȱofȱhisȱcourtȱalsoȱbehavesȱegoisticallyȱand
rudely,ȱdisregardingȱhisȱservantȱReinhard,ȱnotȱsharingȱfoodȱwithȱhim,ȱwhichȱthe
latterȱavengesȱinȱhisȱtypicalȱfashionȱbyȱleadingȱtheȱwolfȱintoȱaȱdangerousȱsituation
inȱwhichȱheȱalmostȱlosesȱhisȱlife.ȱTheȱnarrator’sȱcriticismȱisȱhenceȱdirectedȱbothȱat
theȱrulersȱandȱtheirȱcourtiers,ȱbothȱgroupsȱmakingȱaȱshamȱofȱallȱtraditionalȱcourtly
values,ȱideals,ȱethicalȱnorms,ȱandȱmoralȱcriteria.ȱJeanȬMarcȱPastréȱrecognizesȱin
thisȱsceneȱandȱmanyȱothersȱclearȱallusionsȱtoȱtheȱpoliticalȱandȱmilitaryȱsituationȱin
contemporaryȱGermanyȱruledȱbyȱtheȱHohenstaufenȱfamily:ȱ
Freedman,ȱTheȱImagesȱofȱtheȱMedievalȱPeasant.ȱFiguraeȱ(Stanford,ȱCA:ȱStanfordȱUniversityȱPress,
1999).ȱTheȱmostȱimportantȱstudy,ȱhowever,ȱcontinuesȱtoȱbeȱWernerȱRösener,ȱPeasantsȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Ages.ȱTranslatedȱandȱwithȱforewordȱandȱglossaryȱbyȱAlexanderȱStützerȱ(1985;ȱCambridge:ȱPolity,
1992).ȱThisȱtopicȱnowȱfindsȱfullȱconsiderationȱinȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱtheȱvolumeȱRuralȱSpaceȱinȱthe
MiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTime,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarly
ModernȱCulture,ȱ9ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2012).
39
C.ȱStephenȱJaeger,ȱTheȱOriginsȱofȱCourtliness:ȱCivilizingȱTrendsȱandȱtheȱFormationȱofȱCourtlyȱIdeals
939–1210.ȱTheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1985),ȱ54–66;
JoachimȱBumke,ȱHöfischeȱKultur:ȱLiteraturȱundȱGesellschaftȱimȱhohenȱMittelalter.ȱVol.ȱ2ȱ(Munich:
DeutscherȱTaschenbuchȱVerlag,ȱ1986),ȱ583–94.
Itȱisȱtheȱliteraryȱandȱsatiricalȱoutlookȱofȱtheȱmoralistȱwhichȱgovernsȱtheȱadventurous
careerȱofȱReinhart,ȱaȱcynicalȱlittleȱlord,ȱambitiousȱandȱunscrupulousȱwho,ȱatȱtheȱrisk
ofȱlosingȱhisȱlifeȱtries,ȱatȱfirstȱinȱvain,ȱthenȱwithȱsuccess,ȱtoȱquenchȱanȱinextinguishable
thirstȱ forȱ power,ȱ exploitingȱ oneȱ afterȱ theȱ otherȱ familyȱ ties,ȱ courtliness,ȱ religion,
medicine,ȱuntilȱheȱreachesȱhisȱgoal.ȱAsȱaȱcourtier,ȱReinhartȱcouldȱwellȱrepresentȱthat
socialȱ groupȱ which,ȱ inȱ Germany,ȱ supplantedȱ theȱ oldȱ aristocracyȱ ofȱ Germanic
conquerors,ȱaȱcaricatureȱofȱthoseȱerrantȱknightsȱinȱsearchȱofȱgoodnessȱandȱhonour,ȱand
whoseȱnewȱcultureȱwasȱcourtliness.ȱReinhartȱwouldȱbeȱtheȱsatiricalȱmirrorȬimageȱofȱa
certainȱGermanȱaristocracyȱwhoseȱriseȱcorrespondsȱtoȱtheȱculturalȱflourishingȱofȱthe
yearsȱ1180ȱtoȱ1200.40
However,ȱtheȱfoundationȱofȱtheȱentireȱnarrativeȱbyȱHeinrichȱandȱofȱtheȱlongȱpanȬ
Europeanȱliteraryȱtraditionȱrestsȱonȱaȱmostȱtroublesomeȱrealizationȱthatȱtheȱpublic
idealsȱandȱvaluesȱareȱnoȱlongerȱupheldȱandȱthatȱcriminalityȱandȱviolenceȱdominate
allȱaspectsȱofȱsocialȱlife.ȱNeitherȱlordsȱnorȱtheirȱinferiorsȱareȱtoȱbeȱtrusted,ȱand
everyoneȱ isȱ onlyȱ onȱ theȱ lookoutȱ forȱ his/herȱ ownȱ wellȬbeing,ȱ disregardingȱ any
ethicalȱorȱmoralȱstandards.ȱ
Asȱ theȱ subsequentȱ eventsȱ makeȱ abundantlyȱ clear,ȱ bruteȱ forceȱ (Ysengrim)ȱ is
curiouslyȱ coupledȱ withȱ amazingȱ ignoranceȱ andȱ naivete,ȱ ifȱ notȱ stupidity.ȱ Not
surprisingly,ȱ theȱ greedyȱ wolfȱ repeatedlyȱ becomesȱ theȱ fox’sȱ victimȱ andȱ barely
escapesȱalive.ȱTheȱwolfȱsuffersȱphysicalȱpainȱandȱlossȱofȱlimbsȱasȱtheȱdirectȱresults
ofȱtheȱsnaresȱsetȱforȱhimȱbyȱtheȱevilȬmindedȱfoxȱwhoȱcaresȱlittleȱaboutȱhisȱvictim/s
andȱpursuesȱhisȱstrategiesȱmostlyȱsimplyȱoutȱofȱenjoymentȱinȱcausingȱhurt,ȱand
doingȱevilȱtoȱhisȱneighbors.ȱViolenceȱrules,ȱpowerfullyȱandȱskillfullyȱmanipulated
byȱReinhardȱwhoȱconstantlyȱdevicesȱnewȱstrategiesȱtoȱgetȱtheȱwolfȱintoȱdanger,
particularly,ȱitȱseems,ȱbecauseȱheȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱaȱfoolȱandȱalwaysȱfallsȱpreyȱtoȱthe
fox’sȱmaliciousȱoperations:ȱ“Isengrin,ȱderȱtvmme”ȱ(984;ȱYsengrim,ȱtheȱstupidȱone).
Significantly,ȱwhateverȱReinhardȱconceivesȱasȱpromisingȱplansȱforȱhisȱ‘lord’ȱleads
toȱ theȱ wolfȱ sufferingȱ terribleȱ physicalȱ pain,ȱ thoughȱ weȱ doȱ notȱ reallyȱ feelȱ any
sympathyȱ forȱ himȱ eitherȱ becauseȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ socialȱ crudenessȱ andȱ intellectual
ignorance,ȱandȱespeciallyȱhisȱextraordinaryȱselfishnessȱandȱbrutalityȱtowardȱall
peopleȱunderȱhisȱreign.ȱ
Notȱsurprisingly,ȱwhenȱtheȱfoxȱconvincesȱhimȱtoȱcatchȱfishȱinȱtheȱiceȬcoldȱlake
withȱtheȱhelpȱofȱhisȱtail,ȱwhichȱheȱultimatelyȱlosesȱbecauseȱtheȱwaterȱfreezesȱover
duringȱtheȱnight,ȱtrappingȱtheȱdumbȱbeastȱwhoȱcanȱlaterȱsaveȱhisȱneckȱonlyȱby
tearingȱ theȱ bodyȱ awayȱ fromȱ theȱ tail,ȱ theȱ narratorȱ comments:ȱ “Ysengrinȱ phlac
tvmbirȱsinne”ȱ(749;ȱYsengrimȱdisplayedȱaȱstupidȱmind).ȱNotȱthatȱReinhardȱdoes
notȱfallȱpreyȱtoȱhisȱownȱlackȱofȱreasonȱatȱtimes,ȱdrivenȱbyȱhisȱloveȱforȱhisȱwife
40
JeanȬMarcȱPastré,ȱ“Morals,ȱJusticeȱandȱGeopoliticsȱinȱtheȱReinhartȱFuchsȱofȱtheȱAlsatianȱHeinrich
derȱGlichezaere,”ȱReynhardȱtheȱFox:ȱSocialȱEngagementȱandȱCulturalȱMetamorphosesȱinȱtheȱBeastȱEpic
fromȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ toȱ theȱ Present,ȱ ed.ȱ Kennethȱ Varty.ȱ Polygons:ȱ Culturalȱ Diversitiesȱ and
Intersections,ȱ1ȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱOxford:ȱBerghahnȱBooks,ȱ2000),ȱ37–53;ȱhereȱ52.
whomȱheȱbelievesȱtoȱseeȱatȱtheȱbottomȱofȱaȱwellȱ(848).ȱButȱheȱsurvives,ȱandȱthen
canȱutilizeȱtheȱwolfȱforȱhisȱownȱrescueȱlongȱbeforeȱtheȱownersȱofȱtheȱwellȱarrive
andȱ giveȱ Ysengrimȱ aȱ rough,ȱ almostȱ deadly,ȱ beating.ȱ Theȱ wolfȱ hadȱ foolishly
believedȱtheȱfox’sȱfalseȱexplanationȱaboutȱhisȱreasonsȱforȱbeingȱdeepȱinȱthatȱhole
andȱsoȱhadȱplacedȱhimselfȱintoȱoneȱofȱtheȱbuckets.ȱHisȱweightȱdragsȱhimȱdown,
whichȱallowsȱReinhardȱtoȱbeȱelevatedȱtoȱtheȱtopȱagain,ȱwhereuponȱheȱabandons
theȱotherȱtoȱhisȱgrimȱdestiny.
Thisȱepisodeȱisȱwellȱknownȱandȱhasȱbeenȱreproduced,ȱadapted,ȱandȱtranslated
inȱ manyȱ subsequentȱ versionsȱ ofȱ thisȱ text,ȱ andȱ weȱ canȱ easilyȱ laughȱ aboutȱ it,
entertainedȱasȱbyȱtheȱotherȱscenesȱwithȱtheȱfoxȱtriumphingȱoverȱtheȱwolf.ȱButȱthe
situationȱhereȱgainsȱadditionalȱintensityȱbecauseȱofȱReinhard’sȱdeviousȱplayȱonȱthe
basicȱChristianȱteachings,ȱreferringȱtoȱParadiseȱandȱHell,ȱluringȱhisȱvictimȱtoȱthe
bottomȱofȱtheȱwellȱwhereȱheȱwouldȱnotȱonlyȱmeetȱhisȱbelovedȱwife,ȱbutȱwould,
aboveȱall,ȱenjoyȱtheȱgloriesȱofȱHeavenȱwhereȱheȱcouldȱfindȱanȱendlessȱamountȱof
preyȱtoȱsatisfyȱhisȱhungerȱ(923–26).ȱWhenȱtheȱwolfȱasksȱwhatȱtheȱgleamingȱlights
mightȱbeȱthatȱheȱobserves,ȱtheȱfoxȱpretendsȱthatȱhisȱownȱeyesȱrepresentȱgemsȱand
jewelsȱthatȱshineȱallȱbyȱthemselvesȱasȱpartȱofȱtheȱparadisiacalȱsetting.41ȱ
Althoughȱ Reinhardȱisȱstuckȱ inȱhisȱmiserableȱposition,ȱbarelyȱ survivingȱfrom
drowning,ȱheȱhasȱmaintainedȱallȱhisȱintellectȱandȱknowsȱexceedinglyȱwellȱhowȱto
manipulateȱ hisȱ listener,ȱ pretendingȱ thatȱ bothȱ worldsȱ ofȱ Heavenȱ andȱ Hellȱ are
situatedȱ closelyȱ togetherȱ downȱ atȱ theȱ bottomȱ ofȱ theȱ well.ȱ Ironically,ȱ theȱ well
belongsȱ toȱ aȱ monastery,ȱ soȱ theȱ foxȱ playsȱ withȱ theȱ religiousȱ juxtapositionȱ ofȱ a
Christianȱstrongholdȱwithȱtheȱsiteȱofȱhisȱmiseryȱtoȱcreateȱanȱillusionȱforȱtheȱwolf
whichȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱsoȱattractiveȱthatȱheȱwantsȱtoȱjoinȱhimȱinȱtheȱdepthȱofȱtheȱwell.
Theȱauthorȱobviouslyȱreflectsȱsarcasticallyȱonȱtheȱevilȱstrategiesȱemployedȱbyȱthe
clergy,ȱasȱheȱperceivedȱit,ȱtoȱprojectȱapocalypticȱimagesȱandȱtoȱpresentȱtoȱtheir
audiencesȱ simpleȬmindedȱ conceptsȱ ofȱ goodȱ andȱ evil,ȱ withȱ theȱ formerȱ actually
easilyȱaccessibleȱinȱreturnȱforȱaȱsmallȱpayment,ȱsuchȱasȱindulgences.ȱThisȱfindsȱits
perfectȱillustrationȱinȱtheȱwolf’sȱvoluntaryȱdescentȱintoȱtheȱdepthȱwhereȱtheȱfox
thenȱcanȱabandonȱhimȱandȱexposeȱhim,ȱonceȱtheȱwolfȱhasȱbeenȱpulledȱupȱagainȱby
theȱmonks,ȱtoȱterribleȱbeatingȱbecauseȱtheyȱtryȱtoȱkillȱhim,ȱofȱcourseȱasȱanȱevil
animal.ȱTheȱentireȱworldȱofȱspiritualityȱandȱtheologyȱisȱtravestiedȱandȱexposedȱas
aȱ sham.ȱ Andȱ thoseȱ whoȱ preachȱ aboutȱ theȱ afterworldȱ areȱ caricaturedȱ asȱ evilȬ
mindedȱ trickstersȱ whoȱ onlyȱ thinkȱ ofȱ theirȱ ownȱ wellȬbeingȱ andȱ howȱ theyȱ can
exploitȱtheirȱparishionersȱforȱtheirȱselfishȱandȱegoisticalȱschemes.ȱ
Hereȱweȱfaceȱanȱexplicitȱexampleȱofȱanticlericalism,ȱactuallyȱaȱveryȱearlyȱone,
andȱyetȱalreadyȱharsh,ȱpainful,ȱandȱaggressive,ȱwithȱtheȱfoxȱridiculingȱevenȱthe
41
ChristelȱMeier,ȱGemmaȱspiritalis:ȱMethodeȱundȱGebrauchȱderȱEdelsteinallegoreseȱvomȱfrühenȱChristentum
bisȱinsȱ18.ȱJahrhundert.ȱMünsterscheȱMittelalterȬSchriften,ȱ34.1ȱ(Munich:ȱW.ȱFink,ȱ1977),ȱprovides
aȱdetailedȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱsymbolicȱmeaningȱofȱgemsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.
basicȱtenetsȱofȱtheȱChurchȱregardingȱbothȱParadiseȱandȱHell,ȱespeciallyȱsinceȱthe
foxȱgoesȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱclaimȱthatȱeveryoneȱwhoȱwantsȱtoȱenterȱtheȱformerȱfirstȱneeds
toȱexperienceȱtheȱlatterȱwhereȱoneȱlosesȱskinȱandȱhairȱfromȱtheȱheatȱofȱtheȱfire
(910–14).42ȱ Butȱ theȱ promiseȱ ofȱ anȱ endlessȱ amountȱ ofȱ foodȱ makesȱ theȱ decisive
differenceȱforȱtheȱwolfȱwhoȱthenȱisȱreadyȱtoȱjumpȱintoȱtheȱbucketȱasȱinstructedȱby
theȱfox,ȱandȱsoȱendsȱupȱinȱtheȱhellishȱholeȱwhileȱtheȱruthlessȱfoxȱsailsȱtoȱtheȱtop
andȱ isȱ rescued,ȱ evenȱ thoughȱ heȱ sarcasticallyȱ describesȱ theȱ situationȱ inȱ justȱ the
oppositeȱway:ȱ“‘.ȱ.ȱ.ȱhieȱzvȱhimelricheȱ/ȱSoltvȱminenȱstvlȱhan,ȱ/ȱwanȱichȱdirsȱvilȱwol
gan.ȱ/ȱIchȱwilȱvzȱinȱdazȱlant,ȱ/ȱdvȱdemȱtevfelȱinȱdieȱhant’”ȱ(948–52;ȱhereȱinȱtheȱrealm
ofȱheavenȱyouȱoughtȱtoȱhaveȱmyȱchair,ȱwhichȱIȱhappilyȱcedeȱtoȱyou.ȱIȱwantȱtoȱgo
outȱtoȱtheȱworldȱthatȱbelongsȱtoȱtheȱdevil).ȱ
Surprisingly,ȱHeinrichȱdoesȱnotȱdirectlyȱattackȱtheȱmonks,ȱandȱonlyȱmentions
theirȱeffortsȱtoȱkillȱtheȱwolfȱwhoseȱmiserableȱconditionȱtheyȱregardȱasȱtheȱresultȱof
God’sȱvengeanceȱ(973).ȱMoreover,ȱhisȱbroadȱcriticismȱfindsȱexpressionȱonlyȱwhen
Reinhardȱassumesȱtheȱroleȱofȱaȱmonkȱasȱaȱpreacherȱandȱthusȱluresȱhisȱopponent
intoȱtheȱwell,ȱalmostȱlikeȱtheȱdevilȱwhoȱtendsȱtoȱdeceiveȱhisȱvictimsȱbyȱpresenting
theȱfoulȱunderworldȱasȱmoreȱbeautifulȱthanȱHeaven.ȱTheȱauthorȱridicules,ȱinȱother
words,ȱprimarilyȱthoseȱwhoȱuseȱsermonsȱasȱaȱcatalystȱtoȱdupeȱtheirȱparishioners
and,ȱ ofȱ course,ȱ alsoȱ theȱ layȱ peopleȱ whoȱ allowȱ suchȱ abuseȱ toȱ happen.ȱ Asȱ the
narratorȱexplicitlyȱcommentsȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱthisȱepisode,ȱequatingȱYsengrimȱwith
theȱordinaryȱperson,ȱ“dieȱveltȱstentȱnochȱalsustȱhie,ȱ/ȱDazȱmanicȱmanȱmitȱvalscheit
/ȱvberwantȱsinȱarbeitȱ/ȱBazȱdanneȱeiner,ȱderȱderȱtriwenȱpflac”ȱ(992–95;ȱtheȱworld
isȱthusȱthatȱmanyȱovercomeȱtheirȱchallengesȱbyȱmeansȱofȱdeception,ȱbetterȱthan
thoseȱwhoȱpursuedȱloyalty).ȱ
HardlyȱbyȱcoincidenceȱtheȱfamousȱminstrelȱWaltherȱvonȱderȱVogelweideȱ(ca.
1200–1220)ȱformulatedȱveryȱsimilarȱcriticism,ȱclaimingȱthatȱtheȱessentialȱandȱgood
valuesȱhaveȱlostȱallȱchancesȱandȱcannotȱprevailȱanymoreȱbecauseȱ“stîgȱundȱwege
sintȱinȱbenomen”ȱ(2,ȱ20;ȱpeopleȱtookȱawayȱtheirȱpathsȱandȱroads).ȱTheȱmainȱreason
forȱthisȱmisery,ȱasȱWaltherȱemphasizes,ȱresultsȱfromȱtheȱruleȱofȱ“untriuwe”ȱ(21;
disloyalty)ȱthatȱlurksȱbehindȱtheȱcornerȱofȱeverything.ȱHeȱknowsȱonlyȱtoȱlament:
“gewaltȱvertȱûfȱderȱstrâze,ȱ/ȱfrideȱundȱrehtȱsintȱsêreȱwunt”ȱ(22–23;ȱviolentȱforce
dominatesȱtheȱroad,ȱpeaceȱandȱjusticeȱareȱbadlyȱwounded).43ȱ
42
Seeȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Anticlericalismȱ inȱ Lateȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Europe,ȱ ed.ȱ Peterȱ A.
DykemaȱandȱHeikoȱA.ȱOberman.ȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱandȱReformationȱThought,ȱLIȱ(Leiden,ȱNew
York,ȱandȱCologne:ȱE.ȱJ.ȱBrill,ȱ1993);ȱseeȱalsoȱBirgitȱBeine,ȱDerȱWolfȱinȱderȱKutte:ȱGeistlicheȱinȱden
MärenȱdesȱdeutschenȱMittelalters.ȱBraunschweigerȱBeiträgeȱzurȱdeutschenȱSpracheȱundȱLiteratur,
2ȱ(Bielefeld:ȱVerlagȱfürȱRegionalgeschichte,ȱ1999).ȱOnlyȱHelmutȱBrall,ȱ“‘Wahrlich,ȱdieȱPfaffenȱsind
schlimmerȱalsȱderȱTeufel!’:ȱZurȱEntstehungȱderȱdeutschenȱSchwankdichtungȱimȱ13.ȱJahrhundert,”
Euphorionȱ94.3ȱ(2000):ȱ319–34,ȱalsoȱrefers,ȱthoughȱjustȱinȱpassing,ȱtoȱtheȱReinhardȱFuchsȱtradition
(323).
43
WaltherȱvonȱderȱVogelweide,ȱLeich,ȱLieder,ȱSangsprüche.ȱ14th,ȱcompletelyȱnewȱed.ȱofȱtheȱoneȱby
Karlȱ Lachmann,ȱ ed.ȱ Christophȱ Cormeauȱ (Berlinȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Walterȱ deȱ Gruyter,ȱ 1996),
Ironically,ȱ however,ȱ whenȱ Ysengrimȱ subsequentlyȱ triesȱ toȱ findȱ justiceȱ atȱ the
courtȱofȱtheȱlionȱbyȱlegalȱmeans,ȱallȱhisȱeffortsȱandȱthoseȱofȱhisȱcompanions,ȱwho
haveȱsimilarlyȱsufferedȱfromȱReinhard’sȱcountlessȱevilȱdeeds,ȱultimatelyȱturnȱto
nought.ȱThoseȱwhoȱhaveȱsuedȱhimȱcomeȱtoȱrealizeȱinȱtheȱendȱthatȱtheyȱhaveȱonly
sufferedȱasȱaȱresultȱandȱthenȱhaveȱbeenȱabusedȱasȱsteppingȱstonesȱforȱtheȱfoxȱon
hisȱclimbȱupȱtheȱsocialȱladder.ȱInȱfact,ȱtheȱbiggestȱcriminalȱturnsȱoutȱtoȱbeȱtheȱmost
powerfulȱpersonȱinȱtheȱstateȱwhoȱevenȱdisrespectsȱtheȱruler.ȱInȱfact,ȱonceȱReinhard
hasȱdefeatedȱallȱhisȱopponents,ȱhavingȱconvincedȱtheȱkingȱthatȱheȱneedsȱsome
partsȱofȱtheirȱbodiesȱforȱhisȱownȱhealingȱprocess,ȱheȱtakesȱtheȱfinalȱstep,ȱbrewsȱa
deadlyȱpoison,ȱandȱthusȱkillsȱtheȱkingȱwhoȱrealizesȱtheȱbetrayalȱtooȱlateȱwhenȱhe
bitterlyȱcomplainsȱaboutȱtheȱdownfallȱofȱsocialȱandȱethicalȱmores:ȱ“‘.ȱ.ȱ.ȱswerȱsich
anȱdenȱvngetruwenȱlat,ȱ/ȱDemȱwirtȱizȱleit,ȱdesȱmvzȱichȱiehen,ȱ/ȱalsamȱistȱovchȱnv
mirȱgeschehen’”ȱ(2238–40;ȱheȱwhoȱtrustsȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱdisloyalȱwillȱexperience
suffering,ȱasȱIȱmustȱsay,ȱsinceȱitȱhasȱhappenedȱtoȱme).ȱ
Similarly,ȱtheȱnarratorȱcommentsȱonȱtheȱcamel’sȱdestinyȱwhichȱconfirmsȱthis
maximȱ asȱ well,ȱ especiallyȱ becauseȱ sheȱ hadȱ servedȱ asȱ theȱ fox’sȱ advocateȱ atȱ the
king’sȱ court.ȱ Reinhardȱ hadȱ subsequentlyȱ askedȱ theȱ kingȱ toȱ appointȱ herȱ asȱ the
abbessȱofȱtheȱconventȱofȱErstein,ȱbutȱsinceȱtheȱnunsȱrevoltedȱagainstȱthatȱdecision
andȱkilledȱtheȱcamelȱoutȱofȱprotest,ȱweȱareȱgivenȱtheȱsameȱcommentsȱaboutȱtheȱevil
natureȱofȱrottenȱcharactersȱsuchȱasȱtheȱfox:ȱ“Izȱistȱovchȱnochȱalsoȱgetan,ȱ/ȱswer
hilfetȱeinemȱvngetrevwenȱman,ȱ/ȱDazȱerȱsineȱnotȱvberwindet,ȱ/ȱdazȱerȱdochȱanȱim
vindetȱ /ȱ Valschs,ȱ desȱ hanȱ wirȱ gnvcȱ gesehen,ȱ /ȱ vndȱ mvzȱ ovchȱ dickeȱ alsam
geschehen”ȱ (2157–62;ȱ Thisȱ isȱ theȱ wayȱ howȱ itȱ happensȱ untilȱ today:ȱ whoever
providesȱhelpȱtoȱanȱuntrustworthyȱmanȱtoȱovercomeȱsufferingȱwillȱfindȱinȱhim
falseness,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱobservedȱoftenȱenoughȱandȱasȱitȱwillȱalsoȱhappenȱmanyȱtimes
inȱtheȱfuture).44ȱ
Asȱ scholarshipȱ hasȱ noticedȱ numerousȱ times,ȱ theȱ referencesȱ toȱ thatȱ political
appointment,ȱ similarlyȱ toȱ theȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ elephantȱ asȱ theȱ kingȱ ofȱ Bohemia
(2097–2116),ȱbothȱofȱwhichȱresultedȱinȱdeadlyȱconsequencesȱforȱtheȱnewȱhonoree,
canȱbeȱreadȱasȱallusionsȱtoȱspecificȱhistoricalȱeventsȱinȱGermanȱimperialȱpoliticsȱat
theȱendȱofȱtheȱtwelfthȱcenturyȱwhenȱchaosȱandȱviolenceȱunderminedȱallȱtraditional
legalȱandȱpoliticalȱstructures.45ȱAfterȱall,ȱatȱtheȱendȱReinhardȱevenȱturnsȱagainstȱthe
“Reichston”ȱno.ȱ2,ȱorȱL.ȱ8.4,ȱhereȱ11.ȱSeeȱalsoȱWaltherȱvonȱderȱVogelweide,ȱTheȱSingleȬStanzaȱLyrics,
ed.ȱandȱtrans.,ȱwithȱintroductionȱandȱcommentaryȱbyȱFrederickȱGoldinȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:
Routledge,ȱ2003),ȱno.ȱ27,ȱ141.ȱIȱpreferȱtoȱuseȱmyȱownȱtranslationȱwhichȱstaysȱcloserȱtoȱtheȱoriginal.
ThisȱisȱnotȱsupposedȱtoȱbeȱaȱcriticismȱofȱGoldin’sȱversion,ȱbutȱheȱpursuedȱaȱdifferentȱpurposeȱin
hisȱapproach,ȱmakingȱWalther’sȱtextsȱasȱunderstandableȱandȱpalatableȱasȱpossible.
44
Toȱavoidȱerrors,ȱhereȱIȱwriteȱoutȱallȱsuperscriptaȱthatȱserveȱasȱtypographicalȱcuesȱforȱumlauts.
45
UteȱSchwab,ȱZurȱDatierungȱundȱInterpretationȱdesȱReinhartȱFuchs.ȱMitȱeinemȱtextkritischenȱBeitrag
vonȱKlausȱDüwel.ȱQuaderniȱdellaȱsezioneȱlinguisticaȱdegliȱAnnaliȱVȱ(Napels:ȱCymba,ȱ1967),ȱ31ff.
(seeȱnowȱrpt.ȱwithȱanȱepilogueȱandȱaȱlistȱofȱcorrigenda,ȱLorch:ȱErikaȱKümmerle,ȱ2010);ȱKlaus
Düwel,ȱ“NamenȱundȱÖrtlichkeiten,”ȱDerȱReinhartȱFuchs,ȱXXVII–XXIXȱ(seeȱnoteȱ27);ȱWidmaier,ȱDas
kingȱandȱpoisonsȱhim,ȱdemonstratingȱhowȱfarȱtraitorsȱareȱwillingȱtoȱgo:ȱ“Derȱartzet
wasȱ mitȱ valscheȱ da,ȱ /ȱ denȱ kvnicȱ verrietȱ erȱ sa”ȱ (2165–66;ȱ Theȱ medicalȱ doctor
proceededȱwithȱdeception;ȱheȱbetrayedȱtheȱking).ȱThisȱservesȱasȱaȱgeneralȱwarning
againstȱ theȱ cataclysmicȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ criminalityȱ andȱ violenceȱ ifȱ theyȱ go
uncheckedȱforȱaȱlongȱtime.ȱTheȱkingȱhimselfȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱrapid
declineȱofȱhisȱkingdomȱbecauseȱheȱdoesȱnotȱcareȱaboutȱjusticeȱandȱpeace,ȱconsiders
onlyȱhisȱownȱneeds,ȱandȱdisplaysȱgreed,ȱselfishness,ȱandȱrecklessness.ȱForȱhimȱthe
sufferingȱofȱhisȱpeopleȱmeansȱlittle,ȱorȱnothing,ȱalthoughȱheȱisȱstillȱwillingȱtoȱsetȱup
courtȱandȱdemandsȱtheȱfoxȱtoȱappearȱbeforeȱhisȱjudges.ȱButȱweȱalsoȱrecognizeȱhow
littleȱtheȱlegalȱsystemȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱworkingȱbecauseȱtheȱbiggestȱperpetratorȱfinds
theȱbestȱlawyersȱandȱcanȱthusȱturnȱallȱtheȱcourtȱproceedingsȱtotallyȱaroundȱbyȱway
ofȱplayingȱsmartlyȱtheȱrolesȱofȱaȱpenitent,ȱaȱmedicalȱdoctor,ȱandȱaȱpilgrim.ȱHe
appealsȱ toȱ theȱ king’sȱ baseȱ instinctsȱ sinceȱ heȱ needsȱ helpȱ toȱ overcomeȱ physical
problemsȱandȱquicklyȱforgetsȱtheȱactualȱcriesȱforȱhelpȱofȱhisȱsubjectsȱwhoȱareȱin
needȱofȱprotectionȱagainstȱtheȱarchȱvillain,ȱtheȱfoxȱReinhard.ȱ
Curiously,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱtrueȱandȱfullȱcriticismȱisȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱdirectedȱagainst
theȱevilȱfox,ȱtheȱruthlessȱcriminal.ȱSurely,ȱeveryoneȱaroundȱhim,ȱexceptȱforȱhisȱown
family,ȱexpressesȱtheirȱdeepȱangerȱandȱevenȱfuryȱaboutȱhisȱendlessȱmisdeeds.ȱFor
thatȱ reasonȱ theyȱ soughtȱ helpȱ atȱ theȱ royalȱ court.ȱ Andȱ forȱ thatȱ reasonȱ theyȱ so
diligentlyȱpursueȱlegalȱredress.ȱUltimately,ȱhowever,ȱandȱthisȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱthe
trulyȱcriticalȱpointȱofȱHeinrich’sȱfableȱnarrative,ȱKingȱVrevelȱfailsȱinȱhisȱobligations
bothȱasȱkingȱandȱasȱjudge,ȱbeingȱconcernedȱonlyȱwithȱhisȱownȱneedsȱandȱdesires,
abandoningȱthoseȱwhoȱhaveȱsufferedȱfromȱReinhard’sȱmaliciousnessȱandȱcruelty,
andȱthenȱevenȱheapsȱpraise,ȱhonor,ȱandȱwealthȱuponȱtheȱtrickster,ȱdeceiver,ȱand
assassinȱwhoȱfinallyȱmanagesȱtoȱkillȱtheȱking.ȱWhetherȱitȱmightȱbeȱjustified,ȱas
CoraȱDietlȱhasȱrecentlyȱsuggested,ȱthatȱtheȱviolenceȱexertedȱbyȱtheȱkingȱdiffers
fromȱtheȱfox’sȱviolenceȱonlyȱinȱtheȱwayȱthatȱitȱisȱpresentedȱinȱpublic,ȱseemsȱto
stretchȱtheȱargumentȱaȱlittle,ȱbutȱitȱisȱstillȱworthyȱofȱfurtherȱexamination:ȱ
Dieȱ Opferȱ undȱ dieȱ eigentlicheȱ Gewaltanwendungȱ werdenȱ beiȱ derȱ Ausübungȱ von
potentiaȱausgeblendet.ȱIndemȱHeinrichȱdieseȱTechnikȱderȱabsichtlichenȱAusblendung
geradezuȱ plakativȱ anwendet,ȱ legtȱ erȱ offen,ȱ wieȱ sehrȱ dieȱ Herrscherȱ vonȱ einer
entsprechendenȱDarstellungȱihrerȱMachtȱabhängigȱsind.46
[Theȱvictimsȱandȱtheȱactualȱexertionȱofȱviolenceȱareȱbeingȱoccludedȱwhenȱtheȱpotestas
isȱenacted.ȱByȱdrasticallyȱemployingȱtheȱtechniqueȱofȱintentionalȱocclusion,ȱheȱreveals
howȱmuchȱrulersȱdependȱonȱtheȱappropriateȱrepresentationȱofȱtheirȱpower.]
Recht,ȱ214–16ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).
46
Coraȱ Dietl,ȱ “Violentiaȱ undȱ potestas:ȱ Einȱ füchsischerȱ Blickȱ aufȱ ritterlicheȱ Tugendȱ undȱ gerechte
Herrschaftȱimȱ‘ReinhartȱFuchs’,”ȱDichtungȱundȱDidaxe:ȱLehrhaftesȱSprechenȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteratur
desȱMittelalters,ȱed.ȱHenrikeȱLähnemannȱandȱSandraȱLindenȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱde
Gruyter,ȱ2009),ȱ41–54;ȱhereȱ54.
Theȱ foxȱ hasȱ transgressedȱ notȱ onlyȱ theȱ basicȱ normsȱ ofȱ hisȱ society,ȱ heȱ hasȱ also
disregardedȱ theȱ generalȱ callȱ forȱ peaceȱ announcedȱ byȱ theȱ kingȱ (1239–41).47ȱ The
manyȱ crimesȱ committedȱ byȱ Reinhardȱ wouldȱ normallyȱ beȱ treatedȱ asȱ egregious
transgressions,ȱleadingȱtoȱhisȱimprisonment,ȱifȱnotȱexecution.ȱButȱthatȱisȱnotȱthe
case.ȱInstead,ȱweȱencounterȱaȱkingȱwhoȱcarries,ȱinȱtheȱfirstȱplace,ȱaȱcuriousȱname,
Vrevel:ȱ“Einȱlewe,ȱderȱwasȱVrevelȱgenant”ȱ(1241).ȱTheȱmeaningȱcouldȱbeȱquite
diverse,ȱ implyingȱ bothȱ criminality,ȱ arrogance,ȱ andȱ hubris,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ courage,
boldness,ȱandȱlackȱofȱfear.ȱInȱtheȱFrenchȱversionsȱtheȱkingȱisȱidentifiedȱasȱ“Noble,”
whereasȱ hereȱ inȱ theȱ Germanȱ narrativeȱ Heinrichȱ deliberatelyȱ playedȱ withȱ the
duplicityȱofȱtheȱking’sȱname,ȱsignalingȱtherebyȱtheȱlossȱofȱaȱuniversalȱsystemȱof
valuesȱandȱidealsȱbecauseȱtheȱoneȱcentralȱinstitution,ȱtheȱroyalȱcourt,ȱhasȱfailedȱto
upholdȱitsȱendȱofȱtheȱbargain,ȱwhichȱsubsequentlyȱallowsȱtheȱcriminalsȱtoȱtake
totalȱcontrol.48ȱ
Ifȱ weȱ didȱ notȱ knowȱ thatȱ Heinrichȱ hadȱ composedȱ thisȱ textȱ atȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ the
twelfthȱcentury,ȱweȱcouldȱeasilyȱimagineȱitȱasȱaȱmodernȱnovelȱaboutȱtheȱpervasive
intertwiningȱofȱtheȱMafiaȱwithȱtheȱstateȱgovernment,ȱandȱofȱcorruptionȱpermeating
everyȱstrataȱofȱsociety.ȱThisȱnarrativeȱinȱtheȱfableȱtraditionȱveryȱmuchȱreadsȱlike
aȱstatementȱreflectingȱutterȱdespairȱbecauseȱallȱlegal,ȱpolitical,ȱethical,ȱmoral,ȱand
religiousȱideals,ȱvalues,ȱandȱstandardsȱhaveȱbrokenȱdown,ȱwithȱnoȱhopeȱleftȱforȱa
recoveryȱandȱtheȱreestablishmentȱofȱaȱsocietyȱdeterminedȱbyȱlaws,ȱlegality,ȱaȱfair
andȱjustȱpoliticalȱsystem.ȱ
Althoughȱallȱanimalsȱdecryȱtheȱking’sȱdeath,ȱaȱvictimȱofȱanȱassassinationȱattack
byȱtheȱfox,ȱbutȱalsoȱaȱvictimȱofȱhisȱownȱfoolishness,ȱegoism,ȱlackȱofȱmorality,ȱand
disregardȱ ofȱ theȱ laws,ȱ theȱ foxȱ Reinhardȱ goesȱ scotȬfreeȱ andȱ fearsȱ noȱ oneȱ and
nothing:ȱ “Sieȱ dreuwetenȱ alleȱ harteȱ /ȱ demȱ gvtenȱ Reinharte”ȱ (2247–48;ȱ Theyȱ all
seriouslyȱthreatenedȱtheȱgoodȱ[powerful]ȱReinhard).ȱIfȱweȱeverȱdaredȱtoȱlaugh
aboutȱtheȱfoolishnessȱofȱsomeȱofȱthoseȱanimalsȱinȱthisȱfableȱnarrative,ȱthisȱfinal
realizationȱ mustȱ certainlyȱ chokeȱ itȱ completely.ȱ Thisȱ Alsatianȱ authorȱ obviously
harboredȱmostȱcynicalȱperspectivesȱandȱdidȱnotȱhaveȱanyȱhopeȱforȱaȱbrightȱfuture
becauseȱevilȱpeopleȱruledȱuncheckedȱandȱhadȱgainedȱcontrolȱoverȱallȱinstitutions
andȱpersonalitiesȱdominatingȱtheirȱworld.
Letȱusȱaddȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱaȱfairlyȱsimilarȱtextȱfromȱca.ȱ1260–1274ȱwhereȱcriminality
alsoȱ constitutesȱ theȱ centralȱ theme,ȱ atȱ firstȱ destroyingȱ allȱ hopeȱ forȱ justiceȱ and
47
Forȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱthisȱpeaceȱmovement,ȱseeȱElmarȱWadl,ȱLandfrieden,ȱStrafe,ȱRecht:ȱzwölfȱStudien
zumȱ Mittelalter.ȱ Schriftenȱ zurȱ europäischenȱ RechtsȬȱ undȱ Verfassungsgeschichte,ȱ 37ȱ (Berlin:
Dunckerȱ&ȱHumblot,ȱ2001);ȱandȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱArnoȱBuschmann,ȱLandfrieden:ȱAnspruchȱund
Wirklichkeit.ȱGörresȬGesellschaftȱzurȱPflegeȱderȱWissenschaft:ȱNeueȱFolge,ȱ98ȱ(Paderborn,ȱMunich,
etȱal.:ȱFerdinandȱSchöningh,ȱ2002).ȱ
48
KlausȱDüwel,ȱed.,ȱReinhartȱFuchs,ȱ71,ȱnoteȱtoȱversȱ1241ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ27).
protection.ȱHowever,ȱhereȱatȱleastȱpunishmentȱcatchesȱupȱwithȱtheȱcriminalȱinȱthe
end,ȱandȱtheȱreaderȱcanȱbreatheȱaȱsighȱofȱreliefȱbecause,ȱdespiteȱtheȱenormityȱof
violenceȱexertedȱbyȱtheȱprotagonist,theȱauthoritiesȱstepȱinȱandȱreconstituteȱthe
laws.ȱWernherȱderȱGärtner,ȱorȱGartenære,ȱisȱnotȱeasilyȱidentifiableȱforȱus,ȱbutȱhe
wasȱcertainlyȱaȱminstrelȱofȱinferiorȱsocialȱrankȱwhoȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱworkedȱasȱa
gardener,ȱ henceȱ hisȱ epithet.49ȱ Hisȱ Helmbrechtȱ hasȱ survivedȱ inȱ onlyȱ two
manuscripts,ȱfirstȱandȱforemostȱinȱtheȱmanuscriptȱA,ȱAmbraserȱHeldenbuchȱ(Vienna,
cod.ȱser.ȱnovaȱ2663,ȱ225rb–29rb),ȱwhichȱwasȱcopiedȱbetweenȱ1504ȱandȱ1515ȱby
HansȱRiedȱforȱEmperorȱMaximilianȱI,ȱsecondȱinȱtheȱBerlinȱmanuscriptȱBȱ(mgfȱ470,
229va–40vb),ȱwrittenȱinȱtheȱfirstȱquarterȱofȱtheȱfifteenthȱcenturyȱforȱtheȱwealthy
knightȱLeonhardȱMeurlȱzuȱLeonbachȱinȱTraungau,ȱUpperȱAustria.50ȱTheȱformer
manuscriptȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ mostȱ reliableȱ one,ȱ butȱ theȱ finalȱ judgmentȱ isȱ still
outstanding.ȱ Theȱ datingȱ ofȱ Helmbrechtȱ remainsȱ vague,ȱ andȱ itȱ couldȱ haveȱ been
composedȱasȱlateȱasȱca.ȱ1273–1278,ȱalthoughȱtheȱyearsȱbetweenȱ1260ȱandȱ1274ȱseem
mostȱ likely.51ȱ Scholarshipȱ hasȱ dealtȱ withȱ thisȱ textȱ inȱ numerousȱ fashionsȱ and
approachedȱitȱfromȱaȱvarietyȱofȱperspectives,ȱusingȱbothȱsociologicalȱandȱpoliticalȬ
ethicalȱconcepts.ȱWeȱhaveȱavailableȱtodayȱbothȱaȱtrustworthyȱcriticalȱedition,52ȱa
solidȱcommentary,53ȱandȱmanyȱscholarlyȱstudiesȱthatȱilluminateȱvirtuallyȱevery
aspectȱrelevantȱofȱthisȱtext.54ȱ
49
AdolfȱStelzl,ȱMeierȱHelmbrechtȱvonȱWernherȱdemȱGartenaere:ȱEineȱSpurensucheȱ(Riedȱi.ȱI.:ȱMoserbauer
Druckȱ&ȱVerlag,ȱ2001),ȱmadeȱanȱinterestingȱeffortȱtoȱidentifyȱtheȱpoetȱasȱaȱmemberȱofȱtheȱformer
AugustinianȱconventȱofȱRanshofen,ȱfirstȱmentionedȱinȱ788,ȱinȱBraunau,ȱUpperȱAustria,ȱbutȱthisȱis
basicallyȱ nothingȱ butȱ aȱ positivisticȱ approachȱ andȱ hasȱ notȱ muchȱ scholarlyȱ validity.ȱ Seeȱ also
http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stift_Ranshofenȱ(lastȱaccessȱonȱAug.ȱ23,ȱ2010)
50
Thisȱ importantȱ manuscriptȱ hasȱ beenȱ discussedȱ manyȱ timesȱ inȱ aȱ varietyȱ ofȱ contexts,ȱ see,ȱ for
instance,ȱDietrichsȱFlucht.ȱTextgeschichtlicheȱAusgabe,ȱed.ȱElisabethȱLienertȱandȱGertrudȱBeck.
TexteȱundȱStudienȱzurȱmittelhochdeutschenȱHeldenepik,ȱ1ȱ(Tübingen:ȱNiemeyer,ȱ2003),ȱXV–XVIII,
withȱanȱextensiveȱbibliography.
51
FritzȱPeterȱKnapp,ȱ“WernherȱderȱGärtner,”ȱDieȱdeutscheȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters:ȱVerfasserlexikon.
2ndȱcompl.ȱrev.ȱed.ȱbyȱBurghartȱWachingerȱetȱal.ȱVol.ȱ10.3/4ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱde
Gruyter,ȱ1998),ȱ927–36.ȱEnglishȱreadersȱareȱwellȱservedȱbyȱLindaȱB.ȱParshall’sȱintroductionȱto
Wernherȱ derȱ Gartenaere,ȱ Helmbrecht,ȱ intro.ȱ andȱ trans.ȱ byȱ eadem.ȱ Germanȱ editionȱ byȱ Ulrich
Seelbach.ȱGarlandȱLibraryȱofȱMedievalȱLiterature,ȱSeriesȱA,ȱ28ȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱGarland,
1987),ȱix–xlvi;ȱseeȱalsoȱLindaȱB.ȱParshall,ȱ“WernherȱderȱGartenaere,”ȱGermanȱWritersȱandȱWorksȱof
theȱ Highȱ Middleȱ Ages:ȱ 1170–1280,ȱ ed.ȱ Jamesȱ Hardinȱ andȱ Willȱ Hasty.ȱ Dictionaryȱ ofȱ Literary
Biography,ȱ138ȱ(Detroit,ȱWashington,ȱDC,ȱandȱLondon:ȱGaleȱResearch,ȱ1994),ȱ170–77.
52
WernherȱderȱGartenære,ȱHelmbrecht,ȱed.ȱFriedrichȱPanzerȱandȱKurtȱRuh.ȱ10thȱed.ȱbyȱHansȬJoachim
Ziegeler.ȱAltdeutscheȱTextbibliothek,ȱ11ȱ(Tübingen:ȱNiemeyer,ȱ1993).
53
UlrichȱSeelbach,ȱKommentarȱzumȱ“Helmbrecht”ȱvonȱWernherȱdemȱGartenære.ȱGöppingerȱArbeitenȱzur
Germanistik,ȱ469ȱ(Göppingen:ȱKümmerle,ȱ1987).
54
UlrichȱSeelbach,ȱSpäthöfischeȱLiteraturȱundȱihreȱRezeptionȱimȱspätenȱMittelalter:ȱStudienȱzumȱPublikum
desȱ‘Helmbrecht’ȱvonȱWernherȱdemȱGartenaere.ȱPhilologischeȱStudienȱundȱQuellen,ȱ115ȱ(Berlin:ȱErich
Schmidt,ȱ1987);ȱPetraȱMenke,ȱRechtȱundȱOrdoȬGedankeȱimȱHelmbrecht.ȱGermanistischeȱArbeitenȱzu
SpracheȱundȱKulturgeschichte,ȱ24ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.,ȱBerlin,ȱetȱal.:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ1993;ȱforȱtheȱolder
secondaryȱliterature,ȱseeȱUlrichȱSeelbach,ȱBibliographieȱzuȱWernherȱderȱGartenaere.ȱBibliographien
TheȱdidacticȱintentionsȱofȱWernher’sȱtextsȱareȱveryȱeasyȱtoȱrecognize,ȱdealing
withȱtheȱyoungȱsonȱofȱaȱwealthyȱfarmerȱwhoȱintendsȱtoȱriseȱaboveȱhisȱownȱsocial
classȱ andȱ turnsȱ intoȱ aȱ robberȱ knight.ȱ Afterȱ havingȱ spentȱ aȱ considerableȱ time
robbing,ȱpillaging,ȱlooting,ȱkilling,ȱandȱstealingȱfreelyȱwithoutȱanyoneȱintervening,
youngȱ Helmbrechtȱ isȱ finallyȱ apprehendedȱ byȱ theȱ authoritiesȱ andȱ quickly
punished,ȱlosingȱbothȱhisȱeyes,ȱhisȱrightȱarm,ȱandȱhisȱleftȱfoot,ȱdebilitatingȱhimȱso
completelyȱthatȱheȱcanȱnoȱlongerȱstepȱintoȱaȱstirrupȱtoȱrideȱonȱaȱhorseȱorȱwieldȱa
sword.ȱ Aȱ yearȱ laterȱ peasantsȱ whoȱ hadȱ formerlyȱ sufferedȱ fromȱ hisȱ rampageȱ of
violenceȱ apprehendȱ himȱ andȱ quicklyȱ lynchȱ him,ȱ thusȱ ventilatingȱ theirȱ deep
frustrationȱandȱwrathȱaboutȱtheirȱtotalȱhelplessnessȱinȱtheȱpreviousȱsituation.ȱ
Theȱfamilyȱstructureȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱtheȱfirstȱvictim,ȱwithȱtheȱparentsȱbeingȱalmost
asȱguiltyȱasȱtheirȱsonȱinȱhelpingȱhimȱtoȱequipȱhimselfȱproperlyȱforȱtheȱlifeȱofȱa
robberȱknight.ȱMuchȱmoreȱpainfulȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱtheȱcollapseȱofȱtheȱcommunicative
communityȱthatȱformsȱtheȱessentialȱbondȱamongȱpeople.ȱAlthoughȱfatherȱandȱson
engageȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱponderousȱconversations,ȱtheȱelderȱHelmbrechtȱtryingȱto
warnȱhisȱsonȱaboutȱtheȱdireȱconsequencesȱofȱhisȱrebellingȱagainstȱtheȱconstraints
ofȱfeudalȱsociety,ȱultimatelyȱhisȱsonȱdismissesȱallȱpropheciesȱandȱadmonishments.
HeȱcontinuesȱtoȱenjoyȱtheȱnewȬfoundȱwealthȱandȱseeminglyȱpowerfulȱposition,ȱyet
heȱ isȱ thenȱ apprehendedȱ byȱ theȱ authoritiesȱ andȱ receivesȱ aȱ nearlyȱ deadly
punishment,55ȱsoonȱfollowedȱbyȱhisȱexecutionȱatȱtheȱhandsȱofȱtheȱirateȱpeasants
whoȱareȱdeterminedȱtoȱeliminateȱthisȱmostȱviolentȱelementȱofȱtheirȱsociety.
Despiteȱtheȱfather’sȱdesperateȱattemptsȱtoȱdissuadeȱhisȱsonȱfromȱhisȱdangerous
careerȱplans,ȱyoungȱHelmbrechtȱdisregardsȱallȱandȱeveryȱadvice,ȱentirelyȱbentȱon
gainingȱwealthȱandȱesteemȱasȱquicklyȱasȱpossible.ȱNoneȱofȱhisȱfather’sȱsuggestions
toȱmarryȱaȱwealthyȱbride,ȱforȱinstance,ȱappealȱtoȱhimȱanyȱlongerȱ(279–98)ȱbecause
heȱalmostȱseemsȱdeliriousȱwithȱtheȱideaȱofȱjoiningȱcourtlyȱsocietyȱandȱdismissing
allȱtracesȱofȱhisȱformerȱpeasantȱexistenceȱ(299–328).ȱHeȱdoesȱnotȱrealize,ȱhowever,
andȱprobablyȱneverȱlearnsȱthatȱtheȱmilitaryȱserviceȱthatȱheȱwillȱenterȱconstitutes
nothingȱbutȱtheȱbasestȱandȱdirtiestȱpartȱofȱknightlyȱactivities,ȱnotȱevenȱworthyȱof
theȱnameȱofȱaȱknight.56ȱNevertheless,ȱheȱenjoysȱanȱincredibleȱrushȱofȱadrenalinȱthat
turnsȱ himȱ intoȱ aȱ berserkȬlikeȱ robberȱ knightȱ whoȱ doesȱ notȱ spareȱ anyoneȱ or
anything,ȱ grabbingȱ everythingȱ availableȱ toȱ him,ȱ andȱ delightingȱ inȱ theȱ total
freedomȱthatȱthisȱviolenceȱgrantsȱhimȱtemporarily.ȱ
zurȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters,ȱ8ȱ(Berlin:ȱErichȱSchmidt,ȱ1981).
55
Forȱaȱcommunicativeȱapproachȱtoȱthisȱnarrative,ȱseeȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱVerzweiflungȱundȱHoffnung:
DieȱSucheȱnachȱderȱkommunikativenȱGemeinschaftȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters.ȱBeihefte
zurȱMediaevistik,ȱ1ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.,ȱBerlin,ȱetȱal.:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2002),ȱ359–99.
56
Fritzȱ Peterȱ Knapp,ȱ “Standesverräterȱ undȱ Heimatverächterȱ inȱ derȱ bayerischȬösterreichischen
Literaturȱ desȱ Spätmittelalters,”ȱ Wernherȱ derȱ Gärtner:ȱ ‘Helmbrecht’.ȱ Dieȱ Beiträgeȱ desȱ HelmbrechtȬ
SymposionsȱinȱBurghausenȱ2001,ȱed.ȱTheodorȱNolteȱandȱTobiasȱSchneiderȱ(Stuttgart:ȱS.ȱHirzel,ȱ2001),
9–24;ȱhereȱ11.
AsȱyoungȱHelmbrechtȱreportsȱduringȱhisȱfirstȱvisitȱhome,ȱnewȱcourtlyȱcustoms
haveȱbeenȱintroduced,ȱreplacingȱtheȱtraditionalȱvaluesȱofȱwooingȱforȱlove,ȱsinging,
andȱ dancing.ȱ Nowadays,ȱ asȱ heȱ brags,ȱ courtlyȱ lifestyleȱ hasȱ turnedȱ intoȱ wild
‘fraternityȱparties’,ȱasȱweȱmightȱsayȱtoday,ȱwithȱexcessȱofȱdrinkingȱ(984–1006),ȱand
withȱlyingȱandȱdeceivingȱenjoyingȱtheȱhighestȱrecognitionȱ(1007–12).ȱTraditional
tournamentsȱhaveȱbeenȱreplacedȱbyȱactualȱhuntingȱofȱinnocentȱpeople,ȱcuttingȱoff
theirȱlimbsȱandȱkillingȱthem,ȱtakingȱhostages,ȱwhateverȱmightȱbeȱpossibleȱtoȱgain
profitsȱ (1023–36).ȱ Thisȱ robberȱ knightȱ hasȱ foundȱ similarlyȬmindedȱ fellowsȱ who
proveȱtoȱbeȱnothingȱbutȱtheȱworstȱkindsȱofȱcriminals,ȱpridingȱthemselvesȱonȱbeing
theȱbestȱthievesȱandȱkillersȱfarȱandȱwideȱ(1185–1230).ȱHeȱhimselfȱbragsȱaboutȱthe
extentȱofȱviolenceȱ withȱwhichȱheȱhasȱtreatedȱhisȱcountlessȱvictimsȱinȱtheȱmost
brutalȱmannerȱ(1235–56).ȱ
Peevishlyȱ theȱ fatherȱ triesȱ toȱ warnȱ himȱ aboutȱ theȱ direȱ consequences,ȱ butȱ the
youngȱmanȱonlyȱconsidersȱthisȱasȱanȱinsultȱandȱtellsȱhimȱthatȱheȱwillȱfromȱthenȱon
noȱlongerȱprotectȱhisȱownȱfamilyȱfromȱhisȱfriends’ȱcriminalȱbehaviorȱandȱviolence
(1265–92).ȱIndeed,ȱthatȱisȱtheȱcaseȱforȱaȱwhile,ȱandȱtheȱfeastsȱwhichȱtheȱrobbers
celebrateȱbyȱfarȱoutdoȱthose,ȱasȱtheȱnarratorȱemphasizes,ȱwhichȱKingȱArthurȱused
toȱenjoyȱ(1478–81).ȱAllȱtheȱfoodȱandȱtheȱvaluableȱgoods,ȱhowever,ȱareȱnoȱlonger
legitimatelyȱacquired,ȱorȱfreelyȱgiven,ȱorȱraisedȱthroughȱjustifiedȱtaxation.ȱOnȱthe
contrary,ȱasȱtheȱnarratorȱunderscores,ȱ“manecȱwiteweȱundeȱweiseȱ/ȱanȱguoteȱwart
geletzetȱ/ȱundȱriuwecȱgesetzet”ȱ(1464–66;ȱmanyȱaȱwidowȱandȱorphanȱlostȱitsȱgoods
andȱcastȱintoȱsorrow).ȱTheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱchivalryȱandȱknighthood,ȱinȱtheȱname
ofȱKingȱArthur,ȱareȱbadlyȱtransgressedȱbecauseȱcriminalȱmindsȱcontrolȱtheȱlands.
Theȱyoungȱmenȱroamȱfreelyȱandȱlootȱwhereverȱtheyȱcan,ȱnotȱcaringȱaboutȱany
person’sȱconditions,ȱneeds,ȱpoverty,ȱorȱailment.ȱ
Aȱveritableȱnightmareȱhasȱbeenȱunleashedȱuponȱtheȱland,ȱandȱnoȱoneȱseems
capableȱofȱpreventingȱthisȱwaveȱofȱcrimeȱorȱofȱarrestingȱtheȱgangȱofȱcriminals,
whomȱHelmbrechtȱproudlyȱcountsȱamongȱhisȱfriends.ȱMoreover,ȱheȱobviously
exceedsȱeveryoneȱinȱbrutality,ȱrapaciousness,ȱandȱviolentȱbehavior,ȱnotȱsparing
evenȱhisȱpreviousȱneighborsȱandȱperhapsȱrelatives.ȱHeȱgoesȱevenȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱmarry
offȱhisȱsisterȱtoȱoneȱofȱthem,ȱLemberslindȱ(DevourerȱofȱLambs).ȱNotȱsurprisingly,
Wernherȱhasȱchosenȱmostȱtellingȱnamesȱforȱsomeȱofȱtheȱrobbersȱwhoȱdevourȱtheir
foodȱatȱtheȱweddingȱfeastȱlikeȱwolves:ȱ“WolvesguomeȱundȱWolvesdarmȱ/ȱunde
Wolvesdrüzzelȱ/ȱlârtenȱmanegeȱschüzzelȱ/ȱundȱmanegenȱbecherȱwîtenȱ/ȱzeȱden
selbenȱhôchzîten”ȱ(1552–56;ȱMouthȱofȱaȱWolfȱandȱGutȱofȱaȱWolf,ȱandȱsoȱThroatȱof
aȱ Wolf,ȱ theyȱ allȱ emptiedȱ manyȱ dishesȱ andȱ manyȱ largeȱ cupsȱ atȱ thatȱ feast).
Obviously,ȱhereȱtheyȱallȱbecomeȱguiltyȱofȱoneȱofȱtheȱsevenȱdeadlyȱsins,ȱgluttony,
andȱthusȱbetrayȱthemselvesȱasȱsomeȱofȱtheȱworstȱsinners,ȱorȱtransgressors,ȱofȱtheir
society.57ȱ
57
MortonȱWȱBloomfield,ȱTheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSins:ȱanȱIntroductionȱtoȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱaȱReligiousȱConcept,
Truly,ȱsomeȱofȱtheȱsevenȱdeadlyȱsinsȱseemȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱpersonifiedȱhere,ȱall
servingȱ asȱ aȱ severeȱ warningȱ againstȱ theȱ ghastlyȱ transgressionȱ committedȱ by
Helmbrechtȱandȱhisȱgangȱofȱaccomplices.ȱTheyȱdoȱnotȱknowȱanyȱlimits,ȱtheyȱcare
onlyȱaboutȱthemselves,ȱtheyȱhaveȱlostȱanyȱsenseȱofȱsocialȱobligation,ȱtheyȱlootȱthe
entireȱcountry,ȱdevourȱallȱfoodȱandȱdrink,ȱalthoughȱtheyȱreallyȱtakeȱmostly,ȱifȱnot
exclusively,ȱfromȱtheirȱownȱkinȱandȱneverȱengageȱinȱanyȱ(!)ȱknightlyȱcombatȱor
fightȱagainstȱanyȱnobleman.ȱHelmbrechtȱhadȱonlyȱsparedȱhisȱownȱintimateȱfamily
backȱhomeȱforȱaȱwhile,ȱbutȱnow,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱenjoyȱaȱfeastȱwithoutȱanyȱsenseȱofȱselfȬ
containmentȱ (mâze),ȱ heȱ andȱ theȱ othersȱ simplyȱ takeȱ whateverȱ theyȱ canȱ grab
indiscriminatelyȱwithȱnoȱconcernȱforȱtheȱsufferingȱtheyȱcreateȱeverywhereȱinȱthe
countryside.ȱ Notȱ surprisingly,ȱ however,ȱ theȱ narratorȱ describesȱ thisȱ sceneȱ as
tantamountȱ toȱ theȱ lastȱ mealȱ aȱ prisonerȱ onȱ deathȱ rowȱ mightȱ enjoy:ȱ “ezȱ wasȱ ir
jungestezȱmaz,ȱ/ȱdazȱsiȱimmerȱmêȱgâzenȱ/ȱoderȱfrœlîcheȱgesâzen”ȱ(1572–74;ȱitȱwas
theirȱlastȱmealȱthatȱtheyȱeverȱcouldȱeatȱorȱwhereȱtheyȱcouldȱsitȱcarefree).ȱAsȱso
oftenȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱevenȱtheȱmealȱcarriedȱaȱdeeplyȱsymbolicȱmeaning,ȱhere
reflectingȱuponȱtheȱtotalȱdisregardȱofȱallȱvirtuesȱandȱvalues.58ȱInȱtheȱnextȱscene
suddenlyȱ theȱ judgeȱ withȱ fourȱ ofȱ hisȱ constablesȱ arrivesȱ andȱ arrestsȱ theȱ entire
criminalȱ company,ȱ bringingȱ themȱ allȱ toȱ justice,ȱ anȱ actȱ whichȱ couldȱ easilyȱ be
comparedȱtoȱChrist’sȱLastȱJudgmentȱ(1612–30).59
WeȱmightȱbeȱwellȱadvisedȱtoȱexamineȱtheȱlegalȬhistoricalȱgroundingȱofȱtheȱentire
narrativeȱframework,ȱasȱPetraȱMenkeȱhasȱalreadyȱoutlinedȱinȱgreatȱdetail.60ȱButȱfor
usȱitȱonlyȱmattersȱthatȱWernherȱreflectsȱuponȱtheȱwidespreadȱcriminalityȱinȱhis
societyȱandȱpresentsȱtheȱextremeȱexampleȱofȱHelmbrechtȱasȱaȱdrasticȱwarning.
Afterȱall,ȱeveryoneȱofȱhisȱaccomplicesȱmeetsȱhisȱdeath,ȱwhereasȱtheȱprotagonistȱis
sparedȱhisȱlife,ȱthoughȱheȱlosesȱhisȱeyes,ȱtheȱrightȱhand,ȱandȱtheȱleftȱfoot.ȱHisȱsister
Gotelintȱisȱshamedȱandȱmightȱwellȱhaveȱbeenȱrapedȱasȱaȱformȱofȱpunishment,
althoughȱtheȱtextȱisȱnotȱallȱthatȱclearȱaboutȱit:ȱ“Gotelintȱverlôsȱirȱbriutegewant;ȱ/ȱbî
einemȱzûneȱmanȱsieȱvantȱ/ȱinȱvilȱswacherȱküste.ȱ/ȱsiȱhêtȱirȱbeideȱbrüsteȱ/ȱmitȱhanden
verdecket:ȱ/ȱsiȱwasȱunsanfteȱerschrecket”ȱ(1631–36;ȱGotelintȱlostȱherȱbridalȱgown.
Oneȱcouldȱseeȱherȱstandingȱatȱaȱfenceȱinȱveryȱpoorȱshape.ȱSheȱcoveredȱbothȱher
breastsȱwithȱtheȱhands:ȱSheȱwasȱcrudelyȱfrightened).ȱTheȱnarratorȱsubsequently
wondersȱhimselfȱwhetherȱanythingȱworseȱmightȱhaveȱhappenedȱtoȱher,ȱbutȱhe
withȱSpecialȱReferenceȱtoȱMedievalȱEnglishȱLiterature.ȱMichiganȱStateȱCollegeȱofȱAgricultureȱand
AppliedȱScience,ȱEastȱLansing.ȱStudiesȱinȱLanguageȱandȱLiteratureȱ([EastȱLansing,ȱMI:]ȱMichigan
Stateȱ Collegeȱ Press,ȱ 1952);ȱ seeȱ nowȱ alsoȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Theȱ Sevenȱ Deadlyȱ Sins:ȱ From
Communitiesȱ toȱ Individuals,ȱ ed.ȱ Richardȱ Newhauser.ȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Reformation
Traditions,ȱ123ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBosten:ȱBrill,ȱ2007).
58
Trudeȱ Ehlert,ȱ “Zurȱ Semantisierungȱ vonȱ Essenȱ undȱ Trinkenȱ inȱ Wernhersȱ desȱ Gartenære
‘Helmbrecht’,”ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱdeutschesȱAltertumȱundȱdeutscheȱLiteraturȱ138.1ȱ(2009):ȱ1–16.
59
Seelbach,ȱKommentar,ȱ188–89,ȱdiscussesȱtheȱentireȱsettingȱonlyȱinȱlegalȬhistoricalȱtermsȱandȱignores
theȱmoralȬtheologicalȱdimension.
60
Menke,ȱRechtȱundȱOrdoȬGedanke,ȱ170–74ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ54)
refusesȱtoȱspecifyȱit,ȱprobablyȱbecauseȱheȱwantedȱtoȱintimateȱthatȱsheȱhadȱsuffered
sexualȱviolationȱ(1637–38).
ȱ Mostȱimportantly,ȱhowever,ȱWernherȱemphasizesȱthatȱnoȱcriminalȱwouldȱever
haveȱ aȱ chanceȱ againstȱ judges,ȱ orȱ constables,ȱ sinceȱ theseȱ wereȱ God’sȱ own
instruments,ȱwhoȱwouldȱneverȱtolerateȱanyȱcrimeȱtoȱcontinueȱforȱanȱextended
period,ȱ“sôȱgotȱderȱrâcheȱwilȱselbeȱphlegen”ȱ(1650;ȱwhenȱGodȱwantsȱtoȱcarryȱout
hisȱrevengeȱHimself).ȱHelmbrecht’sȱsufferingȱafterȱhisȱreleaseȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱbrutal,
beingȱblind,ȱhavingȱlostȱtwoȱofȱhisȱmajorȱlimbs,ȱandȱfinallyȱheȱfallsȱintoȱtheȱhands
ofȱhisȱformerȱvictimsȱwhoȱquicklyȱlynchȱhimȱbyȱhanging.ȱTragically,ȱinȱtheȱepisode
beforeȱthat,ȱtheȱyoungȱcriminalȱtriesȱtoȱfindȱrefugeȱinȱhisȱfather’sȱfarm,ȱbutȱtheȱlaws
ofȱtheȱlandȱprohibitȱthat,ȱasȱmuchȱasȱtheȱoldȱman’sȱheartȱthreatensȱtoȱbreakȱwith
deepȱpainȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱtoȱrejectȱhisȱownȱsonȱ(1776).61ȱ
Theȱ narrativeȱ concludesȱ withȱ someȱ finalȱ didacticȱ commentsȱ regardingȱ the
exemplaryȱ natureȱ ofȱ thisȱ account.ȱ Wernherȱ clearlyȱ formulatesȱ hisȱ warningȱ to
anyoneȱamongȱtheȱyoungȱgenerationȱwhoȱmightȱconsiderȱfollowingȱtheȱsameȱpath
asȱ theȱ oneȱ whichȱ Helmbrechtȱ hadȱ chosen.ȱ Clearlyȱ reminiscentȱ ofȱ theȱ Fourth
Commandment,ȱtheȱclosingȱremarksȱprofileȱtheȱhorribleȱconsequencesȱoneȱmore
timeȱ andȱ signalȱ thatȱ thereȱ isȱ justice,ȱ thatȱ punishmentȱ willȱ followȱ suitȱ uponȱ a
perpetration.ȱ Lookingȱ around,ȱ Wernherȱ observesȱ thatȱ violenceȱ andȱ highway
robberyȱhaveȱcomeȱtoȱanȱendȱbecauseȱtheȱcriminalȱHelmbrechtȱhasȱbeenȱhanged
(1919–22).ȱThisȱmightȱwellȱhaveȱbeenȱintendedȱasȱaȱdirectȱresponseȱtoȱtheȱprofound
lamentȱ utteredȱ byȱ Waltherȱ vonȱ derȱ Vogelweideȱ regardingȱ theȱ insecurity
everywhere,ȱ theȱ rampantȱ violence,ȱ andȱ theȱ endlessȱ crimeȱ thatȱ allȱ undermined
peaceȱ andȱ theȱ loveȱ ofȱ God.ȱ Ifȱ anyoneȱ mightȱ considerȱ followingȱ Helmbrecht’s
example,ȱheȱwouldȱsurelyȱexperience,ȱsoȱWernherȱcontends,ȱtheȱsameȱdestinyȱand
endȱupȱonȱtheȱgallows:ȱ“siȱkomenȱouchȱdanneȱanȱdieȱwide”ȱ(1930;ȱtheyȱwillȱbe
liftedȱupȱatȱtheȱwillowȱtree).
Letȱ usȱ concludeȱ withȱ someȱ reflectionsȱ uponȱ theȱ similaritiesȱ andȱ differences
betweenȱbothȱverseȱnarratives,ȱseparatedȱbyȱca.ȱeightyȱtoȱninetyȱyears,ȱtheȱolder
oneȱcomposedȱinȱAlsaceȱ(thenȱinȱtheȱwesternȱpartsȱofȱtheȱGermanȱEmpire),ȱthe
laterȱoneȱcreatedȱinȱtheȱareaȱofȱUpperȱAustriaȱ(territoryȱofȱtheȱHapsburgians,ȱinȱthe
southeasternȱ parts).ȱ Bothȱ areȱ predicatedȱ onȱ theȱ realizationȱ thatȱ violenceȱ and
criminalityȱhaveȱgainedȱtheȱupperȱhandȱinȱtheirȱsociety.ȱOnceȱrobbery,ȱmurder,
andȱrapeȱhaveȱbecomeȱtheȱnormȱinȱeverydayȱlife,ȱallȱotherȱvaluesȱandȱidealsȱare
seriouslyȱendangered.ȱViolenceȱandȱcrimeȱaffectȱeveryoneȱandȱare,ȱasȱbothȱauthors
suggest,ȱtoȱbeȱregardedȱasȱaȱcancerȱthatȱkillsȱtheȱsocialȱbodyȱaltogether.ȱButȱthere
areȱ alsoȱ significantȱ differences.ȱ Whileȱ Heinrichȱ espousedȱ aȱ mostȱ pessimistic
61
WernerȱSchröder,ȱ“ZurȱTragikȱdesȱVatersȱimȱ‘Helmbrecht’ȱWernhersȱdesȱGärtners,”ȱJahrbuchȱfür
internationaleȱGermanistikȱ34.2ȱ(2002):ȱ183–205.
outlookȱandȱexpressedȱaȱcynicalȱopinionȱregardingȱtheȱneededȱhelpȱfromȱtheȱking,
orȱanyȱotherȱauthorityȱfigure,ȱWernherȱdescribedȱtheȱoutbreakȱofȱviolenceȱonlyȱas
aȱtemporaryȱphenomenonȱthatȱcanȱbeȱcontainedȱandȱovercomeȱinȱtheȱendȱbecause
aȱlegalȱsystemȱisȱinȱplaceȱwithȱsufficientȱenergy,ȱpower,ȱandȱauthorityȱtoȱenforce
theȱlaws.ȱ
Nevertheless,ȱheȱalsoȱrecognizedȱtheȱenormousȱpainȱandȱsufferingȱthatȱaffected
everyoneȱ inȱ theȱ peasantȱ communitiesȱ whereȱ theȱ robberȱ knightsȱ ravagedȱ and
looted.ȱButȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱHeinrich,ȱtheȱAustrianȱauthorȱbelievesȱinȱtheȱauthority
figures,ȱheȱtrustsȱinȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱjudges,ȱandȱisȱconfidentȱthatȱGodȱwillȱcome
toȱtheȱhelpȱofȱallȱHisȱpeople,ȱespeciallyȱinȱsuchȱtimesȱofȱsuffering.62ȱTheȱAlsatian
writerȱexpressesȱnoȱinterestȱinȱtheȱChurchȱandȱdemonstratesȱnoȱconfidenceȱinȱthe
clergy,ȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱtheyȱproveȱtoȱbeȱpartȱofȱtheȱcriminalȱsystemȱandȱareȱjust
asȱcorruptȱasȱeveryoneȱelse.ȱ
Onȱ theȱ otherȱ hand,ȱ weȱ haveȱ toȱ beȱ carefulȱ inȱ ourȱ assessmentȱ ofȱ theȱ literary
strategiesȱpursuedȱbyȱbothȱauthors.ȱBothȱclearlyȱopposedȱviolenceȱandȱcriminality,
butȱwhereasȱtheȱoneȱperceivedȱtheȱfoxȱasȱanȱindefatigableȱforceȱbecauseȱofȱhis
absoluteȱruthlessnessȱandȱlackȱofȱconscience,ȱtheȱotherȱutilizedȱhisȱtaleȱasȱaȱdidactic
instrumentȱtoȱpreventȱtheȱfutureȱgenerationȱfromȱgettingȱtrappedȱinȱthatȱkindȱof
mindȬsetȱ andȱ behavioralȱ patterns.ȱ Weȱ couldȱ almostȱ characterizeȱ Helmbrechtȱ as
pedagogicallyȱmotivated,ȱwhereasȱReinhardȱFuchsȱemergesȱasȱaȱpieceȱofȱpolitical
reflection,ȱdiscountingȱorȱquestioningȱanyȱexistingȱauthorityȱandȱventingȱaȱdeepȬ
seatedȱ mistrustȱ inȱ anyȱ pretenseȱ orȱ illusionsȱ byȱ theȱ representativesȱ ofȱ theȱ legal
system.ȱDespiteȱallȱtheȱdifferences,ȱhowever,ȱweȱsuddenlyȱgraspȱaȱmajorȱdiscourse
onȱ theȱ effectivenessȱ ofȱ theȱ laws,ȱ theȱ courts,ȱ andȱ theȱ enforcementȱ officers
(constables,ȱlawyers,ȱetc.)ȱthatȱragedȱduringȱtheȱtwelfthȱandȱthirteenthȱcenturies.
ForȱWernherȱtheȱfeudalȱordoȱwasȱstill,ȱorȱratherȱagain,ȱtheȱsupremeȱidealȱthatȱhad
toȱbeȱprotectedȱatȱallȱcosts,ȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱhisȱprotagonistȱevenȱtransgressed
againstȱ theȱ ruleȱ ofȱ peaceȱ andȱ theȱ lawsȱ ofȱ theȱ land.63ȱ Forȱ theȱ cynicȱ Heinrich
criminalityȱ hasȱ alreadyȱ takenȱ overȱ allȱ controls,ȱ hasȱ permeatedȱ allȱ echelonsȱ of
society,ȱandȱevenȱtheȱbestȱcourtiersȱandȱlawyersȱhaveȱlostȱallȱchancesȱtoȱdefend
justiceȱ andȱ peaceȱ againstȱ thoseȱ brutalȱ andȱ recklessȱ perpetratorsȱ amongstȱ their
ranks.ȱInȱReinhardȱFuchsȱevenȱtheȱking,ȱtheȱlastȱbeaconȱofȱhopeȱinȱaȱseaȱofȱviolence
andȱ corruption,ȱ succumbsȱ toȱ theȱ fox’sȱ everȱ changingȱ trickery,ȱ cunning,ȱ and
deceptionȱbecauseȱheȱdisplaysȱaȱweakȱcharacterȱandȱaȱtendencyȱtowardȱtyranny.
Inȱ Helmbrecht,ȱ onȱ theȱ otherȱ hand,ȱ theȱ judgeȱ finallyȱ appears,ȱ theȱ criminalsȱ are
apprehended,ȱ judgmentsȱ areȱ metedȱ out,ȱ andȱ violenceȱ comesȱ toȱ anȱ end,ȱ even
62
CorneliaȱWilhelmȬGraf,ȱ“RichterȱundȱGerichteȱimȱHelmbrecht,”ȱRechtȱundȱJuristenȱimȱBildȱder
Literatur,ȱed.ȱHermannȱWeberȱ(Berlin:ȱWissenschaftlicherȱVerlag,ȱ2005),ȱ1–7.
63
HannesȱKästner,ȱ“‘Frideȱundȱreht’ȱimȱ‘Helmbrecht’:ȱWernhersȱmæreȱimȱKontextȱzeitgenössischer
franziskanischerȱGesellschaftsȬȱundȱOrdnungsvorstellungen,”ȱWernherȱderȱGärtner:ȱ‘Helmbrecht’,
25–43;ȱhereȱ37ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ56).
thoughȱtheȱpeasantsȱultimatelyȱhaveȱtoȱresortȱtoȱvengeanceȱtoȱdealȱwithȱtheȱyoung
erstwhileȱrobberȱknightȱtheȱwayȱheȱdeserves,ȱatȱleastȱinȱtheirȱopinion.ȱ
ContemporaryȱauthorsȱsuchȱasȱtheȱAngloȬNormanȱwriterȱMarieȱdeȱFranceȱand
Middleȱ Highȱ Germanȱ Theȱ Strickerȱ alsoȱ voicedȱ theirȱ fearȱ ofȱ rampantȱ violence,
especiallyȱ ifȱ originatingȱ fromȱ theȱ kingȱ himself.64ȱ Probingȱ theȱ issueȱ further,ȱ we
wouldȱhaveȱnoȱdifficultiesȱdetectingȱmanyȱotherȱliteraryȱexamplesȱconcerningȱthe
discourseȱonȱcriminality.ȱThisȱdoesȱnot,ȱhowever,ȱmakeȱtheȱworldȱofȱtheȱtwelfth
andȱ thirteenthȱ centuriesȱ theȱ ‘darkȱ ages.’ȱ Onȱ theȱ contrary,ȱ theȱ moreȱ individual
writersȱ cameȱ toȱ termsȱ withȱ theseȱ fundamentalȱ conflictsȱ andȱ pervasive
perpetrationsȱ ofȱ violence,ȱ theȱ moreȱ theirȱ literaryȱ documentsȱ servedȱ asȱ critical
mediaȱtoȱreflectȱonȱviolenceȱandȱinvitedȱtheȱaudienceȱtoȱtakeȱchargeȱagainstȱthe
criminalsȱandȱtoȱfendȱoffȱtheȱbreakersȱofȱtheȱlaw.ȱ
Despiteȱ Heinrich’sȱ almostȱ devastatingȱ cynicism,ȱ leavingȱ noȱ realȱ hopeȱ for
recoveryȱofȱjusticeȱandȱtheȱfairȱdistributionȱofȱpower,ȱhisȱfableȱnarrativeȱReinhard
Fuchsȱ alsoȱ addedȱ toȱ thatȱ discourseȱ andȱ encouragedȱ theȱ audienceȱ toȱ oppose
criminalȱtransgressors,ȱtoȱfightȱagainstȱcorruption,ȱtoȱsecureȱaȱbetterȱlegalȱsystem,
andȱtoȱkeepȱaȱwatchfulȱeyeȱonȱtheirȱpolitical,ȱmilitary,ȱandȱreligiousȱleaders.ȱThe
negativeȱexamplesȱprovidedȱbyȱHeinrichȱwereȱterrifyingȱenoughȱtoȱmakeȱpeople
springȱtoȱaction.ȱAsȱpolemicalȱasȱhisȱfableȱaccountȱmightȱbe,ȱpursuingȱaȱstrongly
antiȬHohenstaufenȱagenda,ȱitȱisȱdeterminedȱbyȱglobalȱmessagesȱaboutȱtheȱdangers
ofȱ theȱ fallȬoutȱ fromȱ uncontrolledȱ violenceȱ andȱ abuseȱ ofȱ theȱ politicalȱ system.
Althoughȱcrimeȱhereȱseemsȱtoȱpayȱoff,ȱtheȱtextȱactuallyȱexpressesȱhopeȱthatȱpeople
willȱstandȱupȱandȱdefendȱthemselvesȱinȱtimeȱagainstȱtheȱdownfallȱofȱtheirȱworld.
Theȱhorrorȱconveyedȱhereȱwasȱsupposedȱtoȱringȱanȱalarmȱbell,ȱandȱtheȱoutcome
ofȱHeinrich’sȱaccountȱcertainlyȱprovesȱhisȱpoint.65
64
Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Theȱ Peopleȱ Riseȱ Upȱ againstȱ theȱ Tyrantsȱ inȱ theȱ Courtlyȱ World:ȱ Johnȱ of
Salisbury’sȱ Policraticus,ȱ theȱ Fablesȱ byȱ Marieȱ deȱ Franceȱ andȱ theȱ anonymousȱ Maiȱ undȱ Beaflor,”
Neoheliconȱ35.1ȱ(2008):ȱ17–29.
65
Dean,ȱCrimeȱinȱMedievalȱEurope,ȱ144–59ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7),ȱrightlyȱalertsȱusȱtoȱtheȱdangerȱofȱcorrelating
tooȱcloselyȱaȱliteraryȱaccountȱaboutȱaȱcrimeȱorȱaȱcriminalȱwithȱaȱhistoricalȱcase.ȱNevertheless,
literaryȱexamplesȱaboutȱcriminalȱbehaviorȱresonateȱwithȱtheȱaudienceȱorȱserveȱasȱaȱmirrorȱof
criminalȱcases,ȱorȱasȱwarningsȱaboutȱtheȱominousȱthreatsȱresultingȱfromȱuncontrolled,ȱbrutal
violence.
Chapterȱ7
JohnȱP.ȱGough
(NewȱYorkȱUniversity)ȱ
TheȱFunctionȱofȱProjectedȱPain:ȱTheȱPoetryȱofȱ
FrançoisȱVillonȱandȱtheȱGiftȱofȱSelf1
Inȱ theȱ workȱ ofȱ theȱ lateȱ fifteenthȬcenturyȱ Frenchȱ poetȱ Françoisȱ Villon,ȱ pain
manifestsȱitselfȱunderȱvariousȱguisesȱandȱforms.ȱToȱreadȱandȱdrawȱaȱthreadȱfrom
oneȱinstanceȱofȱpainȱtoȱanotherȱinȱtheȱpoemsȱisȱdifficult;ȱeachȱinstanceȱstandsȱalone
whileȱretainingȱanȱinherentlyȱphysicalȱsubstantiveȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱwhole.ȱToȱwhat
endȱdoesȱVillonȱincludeȱtheȱvariousȱinstancesȱofȱpain,ȱpunishmentȱandȱtorture?
Whatȱpurposeȱdoȱtheyȱserveȱinȱtheȱbroaderȱframeworkȱofȱtheȱpoems?ȱItȱwillȱbe
arguedȱhereȱthatȱVillonȱusesȱpainȱandȱsufferingȱtoȱelucidateȱtheȱcontrast,ȱtransition,
andȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ lifeȱ andȱ death,ȱ toȱ exploreȱ theȱ destructiveȱ and
reconstructiveȱnatureȱofȱpain,ȱandȱtoȱtransmitȱaȱfundamentallyȱinaccessibleȱpart
ofȱ selfȱ throughȱ actsȱ ofȱ painȱ willedȱ orȱ gifted.ȱ ȱ Toȱ illustrateȱ thisȱ argument,ȱ the
followingȱ isȱ anȱ examinationȱ ofȱ threeȱ aspectsȱ ofȱ Villon’sȱ poetry:ȱ theȱ Balladeȱ des
pendus,ȱ theȱ prisonȱ atȱ Meung,ȱ andȱ finallyȱ painȱ asȱ itȱ isȱ furtherȱ manifestȱ inȱ the
Testament.ȱThisȱwillȱbeȱprefacedȱby:ȱaȱshortȱdiscussionȱofȱVillonȱandȱhisȱauthorship
ofȱ theȱ poems,ȱ painȱ andȱ itsȱ definition,ȱ andȱ aȱ briefȱ portraitȱ ofȱ pain,ȱ death,ȱ and
punishmentȱinȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱParis.ȱ
Beforeȱweȱturnȱtoȱourȱprincipalȱtopic,ȱitȱisȱnecessaryȱthatȱweȱclarifyȱsomeȱpoints
ofȱscholarlyȱdisputeȱasȱtoȱtheȱautobiographicalȱnatureȱofȱtheȱcorpusȱofȱVillon’s
work.ȱThereȱisȱaȱlengthyȱandȱcontinuedȱdebateȱsurroundingȱVillonȱpertainingȱto
theȱactualȱidentityȱofȱ‘Villonȱtheȱauthor’ȱasȱopposedȱtoȱ‘Villonȱtheȱcharacter.’ȱLittle
1
Iȱ wouldȱ likeȱ toȱ expressȱ myȱ appreciationȱ toȱ Connieȱ Scarborough,ȱ Texasȱ Techȱ University,ȱ and
AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱUniversityȱofȱArizona,ȱforȱhavingȱreadȱandȱeditedȱthisȱarticle.ȱAlso,ȱmyȱthanks
toȱEvelynȱBirgeȱVitzȱandȱNancyȱFreemanȱRegalado,ȱNewȱYorkȱUniversity,ȱforȱtheirȱinvaluableȱand
continuedȱsupportȱinȱtheȱrealizationȱofȱthisȱproject.ȱFinally,ȱmyȱgratitudeȱtoȱaȱlovingȱfamilyȱand
beautifulȱwife,ȱTanya.
160 JohnȱP.ȱGough
isȱknownȱaboutȱtheȱmanȱwhoȱsignsȱhisȱnameȱFrançoisȱVillon;ȱtimeȱandȱlossȱofȱclear
historicalȱdataȱhaveȱobscuredȱhisȱtrueȱidentity.ȱTheoriesȱrangeȱwidelyȱandȱhave
investedȱtheȱnameȱ‘Villon’ȱwithȱaȱsenseȱofȱmystiqueȱandȱtoȱsomeȱdegreeȱanȱalmost
cavalierȱqualityȱreminiscentȱofȱsomethingȱoneȱmightȱexpectȱfromȱaȱRobinȱHood.ȱ
TheȱtrueȱidentityȱofȱVillonȱwillȱnotȱconcernȱusȱhere.ȱWhatȱfollowsȱwillȱnotȱdepend
onȱtheȱaccuracyȱofȱanȱautobiographicalȱinterpretation,ȱbutȱwillȱratherȱfocusȱonȱthe
poetryȱitself.ȱWhatȱisȱimportantȱtoȱunderstandȱbeforeȱproceedingȱisȱthatȱthereȱwas
anȱauthorȱwhoȱcalledȱhimselfȱVillonȱwhoȱdevelopedȱthisȱ‘Villon’ȱintoȱtheȱcharacter
thatȱweȱencounterȱthroughȱhisȱworks.ȱWeȱcanȱbeȱcertainȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱwasȱvery
familiarȱ withȱ theȱ Parisȱ ofȱ theȱ fifteenthȬcentury,ȱ andȱ thatȱ thisȱ Parisȱ servedȱ asȱ a
sourceȱofȱinspirationȱandȱasȱaȱplatformȱforȱhisȱpoems.ȱAutobiographicalȱorȱnot,ȱthe
poemsȱ areȱ stillȱ deliberatelyȱ constructedȱ andȱ intentionallyȱ organizedȱ intoȱ a
narrative,ȱrecountingȱeventsȱinȱtheȱlifeȱofȱthisȱ‘Villon.’ȱ
Theȱdefinitionȱofȱpainȱasȱitȱwillȱbeȱusedȱinȱthisȱarticleȱincludes:ȱaffliction,ȱagony,
anguish,ȱfear,ȱhumiliation,ȱhurt,ȱinjury,ȱpunishment,ȱsorrow,ȱandȱsuffering.ȱPain
isȱanyȱnegativeȱaction,ȱemotion,ȱorȱsensationȱthatȱisȱimposedȱeitherȱvoluntarily,ȱor
involuntaryȱ uponȱ anyȱ particularȱ individualȱ orȱ groupȱ ofȱ individualsȱ byȱ forces
interiorȱorȱexterior,ȱwhichȱareȱoftenȱbeyondȱtheȱcapabilityȱofȱthoseȱexperiencing
themȱtoȱcontrol.ȱȱPainȱisȱmostȱfrequentlyȱsomethingȱinflictedȱandȱwhichȱisȱendured.
Granted,ȱthisȱisȱaȱbroadȱdefinition,ȱbutȱaȱdefinitionȱnonethelessȱthatȱwillȱprovide
usȱwithȱtheȱnecessaryȱlatitudeȱtoȱexploreȱtheȱvariousȱtypesȱandȱinstancesȱofȱpain
inȱtheȱworksȱofȱVillon.2ȱTheȱinabilityȱtoȱcontrolȱpersonalȱpain—painȱenduredȱby
theȱindividual—willȱbeȱofȱparticularȱinterestȱtoȱusȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱtransformation
whichȱoccursȱfromȱaȱpreȬȱtoȱpostȬpainȱstate.
WhenȱoneȱthinksȱofȱpainȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱitȱisȱdifficultȱtoȱdisassociateȱthe
notionsȱofȱdeath,ȱdisease,ȱandȱpunishment,ȱfromȱtheȱword.ȱOnlyȱseveralȱdecades
afterȱtheȱconflictȱthatȱlaterȱcameȱtoȱbeȱknownȱasȱtheȱHundredȱYearsȱWar,ȱVillon
wasȱ writingȱ inȱ aȱ timeȱ whenȱ manifestationsȱ ofȱ painȱ wereȱ veryȱ realȱ andȱ quite
frequentlyȱacutelyȱpresentȱinȱeverydayȱlife.ȱȱHavingȱstatedȱthatȱParisȱservedȱasȱa
backdropȱtoȱtheȱpoems,ȱletȱusȱexploreȱtheȱParisȱofȱtheȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱbyȱlooking
atȱaȱsingularȱformȱofȱpunishmentȱknownȱasȱgibbetingȱ(orȱhanging)ȱwhichȱwillȱthen
leadȱusȱtoȱoneȱofȱourȱprincipleȱpointsȱofȱinterest:ȱtheȱBalladeȱdesȱpendus.ȱ
2
ThisȱisȱnotȱaȱdefinitionȱofȱpainȱasȱitȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱunderstoodȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȬcentury,ȱbut
ratherȱaȱdefinitionȱofȱtheȱwordȱasȱitȱwillȱbeȱusedȱinȱthisȱarticle.ȱForȱfurtherȱscholarshipȱonȱpainȱin
theȱMiddleȱAges,ȱseeȱScottȱE.ȱPincikowski,ȱBodiesȱofȱPain:ȱSufferingȱinȱtheȱWorksȱofȱHartmannȱvon
Aue.ȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱHistoryȱandȱCultureȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2002);ȱcf.ȱalso
theȱcontributionsȱtoȱPiacereȱeȱdolore:ȱmaterialiȱperȱunaȱstoriaȱdelleȱpassioniȱnelȱMedioevo,ȱed.ȱCarla
CasagrandeȱandȱSilvanaȱVecchio.ȱMicrologus’ȱLibrary,ȱ29ȱ(Florence:ȱSISMEL,ȱEd.ȱdelȱGalluzzo,
2009);ȱSchmerzȱinȱderȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelaltersȱundȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱed.ȱHansȬJochenȱSchiewer,
StefanȱSeeber,ȱandȱMarkusȱStock.ȱTransatlantischeȱStudienȱzuȱMittelalterȱundȱFrüherȱNeuzeit,ȱ4ȱ
(Göttingen:ȱVȱ&ȱRȱUnipress,ȱ2010).
TheȱPoetryȱofȱFrançoisȱVillonȱandȱtheȱGiftȱofȱSelf 161
Theȱ practiceȱ ofȱ gibbetingȱ wasȱ wellȱ establishedȱ inȱ theȱ Parisȱ ofȱ theȱ fifteenthȬ
century.ȱThis,ȱalongȱwithȱotherȱformsȱofȱexecution,ȱwasȱdesignedȱtoȱdeterȱcriminal
activity.ȱDeathȱbyȱhangingȱwasȱaȱpublicȱspectacleȱandȱanȱexceptionallyȱenduring
oneȱatȱthat,ȱasȱtheȱcorpsesȱofȱtheȱmalefactorsȱwereȱgenerallyȱleftȱhangingȱonȱdisplay
untilȱdecompositionȱhadȱrunȱitsȱcourse,ȱreducingȱtheȱbodiesȱtoȱbone.ȱHanging
victimsȱ wereȱ notȱ theȱ onlyȱ bodiesȱ displayedȱ duringȱ thisȱ period,ȱ inȱ factȱ most
executionsȱwereȱpublicȱwithȱtheȱremainsȱofȱtheȱexecutedȱexhibitedȱthroughoutȱthe
city,ȱeitherȱatȱtheȱplaceȱofȱexecution,ȱorȱnearȱtheȱplaceȱwhereȱtheȱinitialȱcriminalȱact
hadȱbeenȱcarriedȱout.ȱBecauseȱofȱthis,ȱtheȱParisȱofȱVillonȱcouldȱhaveȱhadȱatȱany
givenȱtimeȱanyȱnumberȱofȱcorpsesȱatȱvariousȱstagesȱofȱdecompositionȱpublicly
placedȱ inȱ theȱ squaresȱ andȱ quartiersȱ ofȱ theȱ city.ȱ Theȱ enduringȱ natureȱ ofȱ public
displayȱ afterȱ executionȱ extendedȱ theȱ punishmentȱ beyondȱ theȱ initiallyȱ painful
momentsȱofȱdeathȱtoȱtheȱindignityȱofȱpublicȱdecomposition.ȱTheȱdeadȱliterally
coexistedȱwithȱtheȱlivingȱinȱanȱimmediateȱandȱdirectȱsense.ȱThisȱdirectnessȱcould
onlyȱ haveȱ beenȱ forȱ theȱ benefitȱ ofȱ theȱ living;ȱ theȱ deadȱ beingȱ beyondȱ feeling.3
However,ȱtheȱlivingȱwouldȱbeȱremindedȱofȱtheȱpainfulȱdeathȱactȱeachȱtimeȱthey
passedȱtheȱputridȱexemplarsȱofȱtheȱParisianȱcriminalȱjusticeȱsystem.ȱThisȱpainȱwas
notȱtheȱpainȱofȱdirectȱexperience,ȱhowever,ȱbutȱsympatheticȱpainȱasȱexperienced
byȱ theȱ spectator.ȱ Thoughȱ theȱ spectatorȱ doesȱ notȱ feelȱ pain,ȱ theȱ imaginedȱ and
inherentȱpainȱasȱexercisedȱthroughȱtheȱbodyȱofȱanotherȱcouldȱhaveȱexertedȱjustȱas
powerfulȱ (ifȱ notȱ greater)ȱ anȱ effectȱ asȱ havingȱ experiencedȱ theȱ actualȱ deathȱ act
oneself.
Inȱ1893,ȱAlbertȱHartshorneȱpublishedȱaȱworkȱentitledȱHangingȱinȱChains.ȱHisȱtext
providesȱanȱexcellentȱstudyȱofȱtheȱpracticeȱandȱhistoryȱofȱgibbetingȱinȱEurope.
Hartshorne’sȱdescriptionȱofȱthisȱmethodȱofȱexecutionȱinȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱParisȱis
rivetingȱandȱinformative,ȱjustifyingȱitsȱreproductionȱhere:ȱ
Itȱ isȱ certainȱ thatȱ thereȱ wasȱ alreadyȱ atȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ twelfthȱ centuryȱ aȱ great
monumentalȱ gibbetȱ onȱ theȱ eminenceȱ ofȱ Montfaucon,ȱ betweenȱ theȱ faubourgsȱ ofȱ St.
MartinȱandȱtheȱTemple,ȱinȱParis.ȱSauvalȱgivesȱaȱremarkableȱdescriptionȱofȱitȱasȱatȱthat
period,ȱ and,ȱ althoughȱ heȱ doesȱ notȱ giveȱ hisȱ authoritiesȱ quiteȱ inȱ theȱ wayȱ English
antiquariesȱmightȱwish,ȱthereȱcanȱbeȱnoȱdoubt,ȱfromȱtheȱdocumentsȱofȱtheȱthirteenth
century,ȱthatȱtheȱmonumentȱwasȱasȱSauvalȱdescribesȱit.ȱȱItȱunderwentȱextensiveȱrepairs,
ifȱnotȱpartialȱreȬbuildingȱinȱ1425,ȱwhenȱfortyȬeightȱoldȱbeamsȱwereȱreplacedȱbyȱnew
ones.ȱItȱisȱalsoȱrecordedȱthatȱinȱ1466ȱ“atȱtheȱGreatȱJusticeȱofȱParisȱwereȱattachedȱand
nailedȱfiftyȬtwoȱironȱchainsȱtoȱhangȱandȱstrangleȱtheȱmalefactorsȱwhoȱhaveȱbeenȱand
shallȱbeȱsentȱhereȱbyȱorderȱofȱjustice.”ȱEightȱnewȱladdersȱwereȱsubsequentlyȱadded,
andȱallȱtheseȱdetailsȱareȱcorroboratedȱbyȱaȱrepresentationȱinȱanȱoldȱtapestryȱatȱtheȱHotel
deȱVilleȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheȱfourth,ȱorȱopenȱside,ȱallowedȱaccessȱtoȱtheȱinteriorȱbyȱaȱbroadȱflightȱof
3
HenriettaȱBenveniste,ȱ“DeadȱBody,ȱPublicȱBody:ȱNotesȱonȱDeathȱbyȱExecutionȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Ages,”ȱLawȱandȱCritiqueȱ4.1ȱ(1993):ȱ21–42;ȱhereȱ26.
162 JohnȱP.ȱGough
stepsȱleadingȱtoȱaȱwideȱplatformȱonȱwhatȱmayȱbeȱcalledȱtheȱfirstȱfloor,ȱrunningȱround
theȱ sidesȱ ofȱ theȱ interior.ȱ Uponȱ thisȱ platformȱ theȱ executioner,ȱ withȱ hisȱ laddersȱ and
assistants,ȱperformedȱhisȱoffice.ȱ
Thisȱarrangementȱenabledȱtheȱdesignerȱofȱtheȱbuildingȱtoȱformȱaȱvaultȱinȱtheȱcenter,
lightedȱbyȱaȱsmallȱloop.ȱItȱhadȱanȱentrance,ȱorȱ“eye,”ȱinȱtheȱcrown,ȱatȱtheȱcrossingȱofȱthe
ribs,ȱthroughȱwhichȱwereȱsweptȱfromȱtimeȱtoȱtimeȱtheȱbonesȱandȱfragmentsȱthatȱfell
fromȱabove,ȱtheȱossuarium,ȱorȱcharnelȬhouse,ȱbeingȱclearedȱout,ȱasȱnecessityȱdictated,
throughȱaȱdoorwayȱlevelȱwithȱtheȱoutsideȱgroundȱonȱtheȱfurtherȱorȱsinisterȱsideȱofȱthe
building.ȱItȱmustȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱthingȱquiteȱuniqueȱinȱtheȱworld,ȱsomewhatȱrecallingȱthe
TowersȱofȱSilenceȱofȱtheȱParsees.ȱ
Theȱmodeȱofȱoperationȱwasȱasȱfollows:ȱ
Theȱexecutioner,ȱinȱhisȱrayedȱandȱpartyȬcoloredȱhabitȱofȱredȱandȱyellow,ȱmountedȱthe
ladder,ȱplacedȱoppositeȱaȱconvenientȱspace,ȱbackwards,ȱholdingȱinȱhisȱhandȱtheȱslack
endsȱ ofȱ theȱ threeȱ cordsȱ placedȱ roundȱ theȱ culprit’sȱ neck;ȱ twoȱ ofȱ theȱ cords,ȱ “les
totouses,”ȱhadȱslipȬknots.ȱTheȱwretchȱunderȱtreatmentȱwasȱencouragedȱtoȱfollowȱ“le
maistreȱ desȱ haultesȱ oeuvres,”ȱ drivenȱ upȱ afterȱ him—noȱ doubtȱ withȱ blowsȱ and
execrations,ȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱGallicȱfashion—andȱdrawnȱforwardȱbyȱmeansȱofȱaȱthird
cord,ȱ“leȱjet.”ȱArrivedȱatȱtheȱproperȱheight,ȱtheȱoperator,ȱtheȱmediaevalȱ“Monseiurȱde
Paris,”ȱrapidlyȱattachedȱtheȱ“tortouses”ȱtoȱtheȱgallows,ȱorȱchainȱpendentȱfromȱit,ȱand,
twistingȱtheȱ“jet”ȱfirmlyȱroundȱhisȱarm,ȱbyȱmeansȱofȱthis,ȱandȱtheȱactionȱofȱhisȱknee,
threwȱtheȱculpritȱoffȱtheȱladderȱintoȱmidȬair;ȱtheȱknotsȱofȱtheȱ“tortouses”ȱranȱhome,ȱand
theȱmanȱwasȱstrangled.ȱTheȱexecutionerȱthenȱgrippedȱtheȱcrossbeam,ȱand,ȱplacingȱhis
feetȱinȱtheȱloopȱformedȱbyȱtheȱboundȱhandsȱofȱtheȱpatient,ȱbyȱdintȱofȱrepeatedȱvigorous
shocksȱterminatedȱhisȱsufferings.
Itȱmayȱnotȱbeȱquestionedȱthatȱdeathȱunderȱtheȱcircumstancesȱandȱtheȱcomplicated
conditionsȱaboveȱdescribedȱcannotȱhaveȱbeenȱotherȱthanȱaȱveryȱshockingȱspectacle,ȱand
particularlyȱ whenȱ itȱ isȱ noticedȱ fromȱ theȱ arrangementȱ ofȱ theȱ chainsȱ thatȱ manyȱ a
malefactorȱmayȱinȱhisȱagonyȱhaveȱbrokenȱlooseȱfromȱhisȱbonds,ȱandȱclutchedȱand
grappledȱinȱhisȱlastȱmomentsȱwithȱaȱdecayingȱcarcassȱatȱhisȱside.ȱ
WeȱcanȱgatherȱaȱfurtherȱideaȱofȱtheȱstrangeȱandȱdismalȱappearanceȱofȱtheȱGibbetȱof
Montfaucon,ȱifȱweȱconsiderȱthatȱtheȱquantityȱofȱbodiesȱattachedȱtoȱit,ȱandȱceaselessly
renewed,ȱattractedȱthousandsȱofȱcarrionȱbirdsȱtoȱtheȱspot.ȱButȱthatȱitsȱhideousȱaspect
ofȱpestilentialȱsurroundingsȱpreventedȱnotȱtheȱestablishment,ȱinȱitsȱimmediateȱvicinity,
ofȱplacesȱofȱamusementȱandȱdebauch,ȱoneȱwouldȱalmostȱhaveȱbeenȱslowȱtoȱbelieve
wereȱitȱnotȱforȱtheȱtestimonyȱofȱancientȱpoetry:ȱ
Pourȱpasserȱtempsȱjoyeuesement,
Raconterȱvueilȱuneȱrepeue
Quiȱfutȱfaicteȱsubtillement
PrèsȱMontfaulcon,ȱc’estȱchoseȱsceüe,
Tantȱparlèrentȱduȱbasȱmestier,
Quiȱfutȱconclud,ȱparȱleurȱfaçon,
Qu’ilsȱyroyent,ȱceȱsoirȬlà,ȱcoucher
PrèsȱleȱgibetȱdeȱMontfaulcon,
Etȱauroyentȱpourȱprovision,
Ungȱpastéȱdeȱfaçonȱsubtile,
Etȱȱmenroyent,ȱenȱconclusion,
Avecȱeulxȱchascunȱuneȱfille.”4ȱ
[Toȱpassȱtheȱtimeȱmerrily,
Iȱwishȱtoȱtellȱyouȱofȱaȱmeal
Whichȱwasȱsubtlyȱhad
NearȱMontfaulcon,ȱ‘tisȱwellȱknown,
Muchȱbespokeȱofȱtheȱlowȱlivelihood,
Whichȱwasȱconducted,ȱbyȱtheirȱfashion,
Theyȱwent,ȱthatȱnight,ȱtoȱlie
NearȱtheȱgibbetȱofȱMontfaulcon,
Andȱhadȱforȱprovision,
Aȱpastryȱofȱsubtleȱfashion,
Andȱbrought,ȱinȱtheȱend,
Withȱthemȱeachȱoneȱaȱgirl.]
Hartshorneȱ continuesȱ byȱ attributingȱ theȱ aboveȱ poemȱ toȱ Villonȱ himself,ȱ while
modernȱ scholarshipȱ hasȱ notȱ acceptedȱ itȱ asȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ œuvreȱ thatȱ canȱ be
authenticatedȱasȱhavingȱbeenȱtrulyȱcomposedȱbyȱthatȱpoet.ȱWhetherȱthisȱbeȱthe
caseȱ orȱ not,ȱ itȱ isȱ clearȱ thatȱ Villonȱ wouldȱ haveȱ beenȱ familiarȱ withȱ theȱ gibbetȱ at
Montfaucon.ȱ Itȱ isȱ anȱ intriguingȱ prospectȱ toȱ visualizeȱ Montfauconȱ inȱ theȱ midȬ
fifteenthȬcentury;ȱtheȱdeadȱhangingȱasȱwatchmenȱoverȱtheȱplacesȱofȱamusement
andȱdebauch;ȱitȱseemsȱaȱfittingȱambianceȱforȱmuchȱofȱwhatȱVillonȱdepictsȱinȱthe
LaisȱandȱagainȱlaterȱinȱtheȱTestament.ȱ
WithȱthisȱvisionȱofȱParisȱandȱthisȱformȱofȱexecutionȱfreshlyȱimprintedȱonȱour
minds,ȱletȱusȱnowȱturnȱourȱattentionȱtoȱtheȱBalladeȱdesȱpendus.ȱPerhapsȱtheȱmost
conventionalȱuseȱofȱpainȱisȱfoundȱinȱthisȱballad,ȱcombiningȱseveralȱformsȱofȱpain:
physical,ȱpsychological,ȱandȱemotional,ȱtoȱcreateȱaȱwrenchingȱentreatyȱfromȱthe
deadȱtoȱtheȱliving,ȱillustratingȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱlifeȱandȱdeathȱinȱaȱmoving
mementoȱ mori.ȱ Theȱ centralȱ subjectsȱ areȱ presumablyȱ criminals,ȱ strungȱ upȱ as
cautionaryȱsentinelsȱtoȱwarnȱtheȱpasserȱby:ȱ“Vousȱnousȱvoiezȱcyȱattachés,ȱcinq,ȱsix”
(“Youȱseeȱusȱhereȱattached,ȱfive,ȱsix”).ȱVillonȱgraphicallyȱdescribesȱtheȱprocessȱof
decompositionȱandȱdecayȱinȱtheȱcorpsesȱofȱtheȱhangedȱmenȱbyȱreferringȱtoȱthe
flesh:ȱ
4
Theȱentireȱpassage,ȱincludingȱtheȱverses,ȱisȱcopiedȱfromȱAlbertȱHartshorne,ȱHangingȱinȱChains
(NewȱYork:ȱTheȱCastleȱPublishingȱCompany,ȱ1893),ȱ32–38.ȱTheȱtranslationsȱareȱallȱmyȱown,ȱbut
seeȱnowȱalsoȱFrançoisȱVillon,ȱCompleteȱPoems,ȱed.ȱwithȱEnglishȱtrans.ȱandȱcommentaryȱbyȱBarbara
N.ȱSargentȬBaur.ȱTorontoȱMedievalȱTextsȱandȱTranslations,ȱ9ȱ(Toronto,ȱBuffalo,ȱandȱLondon:
UniversityȱofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ1994).
164 JohnȱP.ȱGough
Quantȱdeȱlaȱchairȱqueȱtropȱavonsȱnourrie,
Elleȱestȱpieçaȱdevoreeȱetȱpourrie,
Etȱnous,ȱlesȱos,ȱdevenonsȱcendreȱetȱpouldreȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.5
[Asȱforȱtheȱfleshȱwhichȱweȱoverȱnourished,ȱ
Itȱisȱeatenȱandȱrotted,
Andȱwe,ȱtheȱbones,ȱhaveȱbecomeȱashesȱandȱdustȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]
Laȱpluyeȱnousȱaȱdebuezȱetȱlavez
Etȱleȱsoleilȱdeceschezȱetȱnoriciz.
Pies,ȱcorbeauxȱnousȱontȱlesȱyeulxȱcavez
Etȱarrachéȱlaȱbarbeȱetȱlesȱsourcilzȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.6
[Theȱrainȱhasȱcleanedȱandȱwashedȱus
Andȱtheȱsunȱdriedȱandȱturnedȱblack.
Magpies,ȱravensȱhaveȱpeckedȱoutȱourȱeyes
Andȱtornȱoutȱourȱbeardsȱandȱeyebrowsȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]
Theȱpoemȱisȱwrittenȱinȱtheȱfirstȱperson.ȱTheseȱareȱnotȱbodiesȬinanimate,ȱfreedȱof
theirȱ consciousȱ selves,ȱ butȱ ratherȱ inhabitedȱ corpsesȱ withȱ cognizanceȱ andȱ selfȬ
awareness,ȱ capableȱ ofȱ sayingȱ nousȱ andȱ interactingȱ withȱ thoseȱ stillȱ living.
Understandingȱthatȱtheseȱmalefactorsȱareȱyetȱconscious,ȱitȱbecomesȱdifficultȱto
removeȱtheȱconceptȱofȱpainȱfromȱtheȱdecayȱtheirȱbodiesȱareȱundergoing7;ȱitȱisȱasȱif
theyȱareȱexperiencingȱtheirȱownȱdecay.ȱTheȱimploration,ȱ“Carȱseȱpitiéȱdeȱnous
povresȱavez,”ȱ(“Haveȱpityȱforȱusȱwretches”)ȱstrikesȱhomeȱwithȱgreaterȱforceȱasȱone
comprehendsȱthatȱtheseȱcorpsesȱareȱsufferingȱindividuals;ȱtheseȱareȱpeopleȱinȱpain.
Theȱpresenceȱofȱphysicalȱpainȱinȱtheȱballadȱisȱaccompaniedȱbyȱtheȱunderpinnings
ofȱemotionalȱpainȱcontainedȱwithinȱtheȱtext.ȱInȱtheȱscholarlyȱliteratureȱsurrounding
Villonȱ muchȱ hasȱ beenȱ writtenȱ aboutȱ theȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ theȱ physical
sufferingȱportrayedȱandȱitsȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱreligiousȱmodelsȱofȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAges;
theȱwordsȱpurgatoryȱandȱhellȱsurfaceȱconstantlyȱinȱtheȱdebateȱasȱthemesȱofȱgreat
interest.ȱItȱisȱtrueȱthatȱthisȱballadȱisȱsteepedȱinȱreligiousȱsignificance.ȱItȱisȱaȱplea
fromȱtheȱdead—whomȱweȱcanȱassumeȱfindȱthemselvesȱinȱaȱstateȱofȱpurgatory—to
theȱliving.8ȱTheȱtermȱpurgatoryȱisȱfittingȱbecauseȱtheseȱindividualsȱareȱinȱanȱinȬ
5
FrançoisȱVillon,ȱLais,ȱTestament,ȱPoésiesȱDiverses,ȱed.ȱJeanȬClaudeȱMühlethalerȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,
2004),ȱ300.ȱAllȱcitationsȱfromȱtheȱLais,ȱTestament,ȱandȱBalladeȱdesȱpendusȱareȱfromȱthisȱedition.ȱ
6
Villon,ȱLais,ȱTestament,ȱPoésiesȱDiverses,ȱ300ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).
7
Beveniste,ȱ“DeadȱBody,ȱPublicȱBody,”ȱexplains:ȱ“Itȱisȱremarkableȱthatȱtheȱpenalȱritualȱgoesȱbeyond
theȱadministrationȱofȱdeath.ȱTheȱdeadȱbodyȱisȱbroughtȱtoȱtheȱgibbet.ȱ.ȱ.Death,ȱtheȱremovalȱofȱlife,
seemsȱtoȱrecedeȱintoȱtheȱbackground.ȱTheȱdeadȱbodyȱisȱforegrounded.ȱTheȱenemyȱisȱreducedȱto
hisȱdeadȱbody”ȱ(32;ȱseeȱnoteȱ3)ȱAsȱtheȱenemyȱisȱreducedȱtoȱhisȱdeadȱbody,ȱhisȱidentity,ȱorȱessence,
becomesȱlockedȱwithinȱtheȱcorporalityȱofȱhisȱownȱdeadȱflesh.ȱWhateverȱtranspiresȱthenȱtoȱthe
corpse,ȱcouldȱbeȱviewedȱasȱhavingȱtranspiredȱagainstȱtheȱindividual.ȱ
8
Benveniste,ȱ“DeadȱBody,ȱPublicȱBody,”ȱ29–30ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱȱ
betweenȱ state.ȱ Theyȱ areȱ noȱ longerȱ “living”ȱ inȱ theȱ conventionalȱ senseȱ asȱ their
bodiesȱareȱvisiblyȱdecayedȱbeforeȱtheȱspectator,ȱhowever,ȱitȱwouldȱseemȱthatȱthey
haveȱ notȱ yetȱ achievedȱ theirȱ finalȱ stateȱ ofȱ existenceȱ inȱ thatȱ theyȱ pleadȱ for
intercession,ȱ implyingȱ theȱ possibilityȱ ofȱ yetȱ anotherȱ transition.ȱ Itȱ isȱ aȱ warning
againstȱgluttonyȱandȱavarice,ȱasȱwellȱasȱaȱpetitionȱforȱpityȱandȱprayer.ȱScenesȱof
physicalȱpain,ȱpunishment,ȱandȱdegradationȱareȱjuxtaposedȱwithȱspiritualȱhopes
andȱlongings.ȱ
Thisȱ isȱ aȱ supplicationȱ forȱ theȱ cessationȱ ofȱ painȱ throughȱ intercessoryȱ prayer:
“MaisȱpriezȱDieuȱqueȱtousȱnousȱveuilleȱabsouldre!”ȱ(“ButȱprayȱtoȱGodȱthatȱweȱall
beȱ absolved!”)ȱ Thereȱ isȱ aȱ senseȱ ofȱ hopeȱ inȱ theȱ ballad,ȱ hopeȱ ofȱ aȱ releaseȱ from
sufferingȱthroughȱtheȱimplorationȱandȱprayersȱofȱothers.ȱThisȱpoemȱisȱalsoȱdistilled
intoȱaȱsimple,ȱunadornedȱadmonition.ȱTheȱjesterȱandȱtheȱsatiristȱdisappear,ȱandȱthe
readerȱisȱintroducedȱtoȱaȱseeminglyȱcontemplativeȱVillon,ȱoneȱwhoȱisȱconcerned
withȱtheȱafterlifeȱandȱitsȱpredeterminationȱinȱthisȱlife.ȱWhereȱtheȱreferencesȱtoȱpain
inȱVillon’sȱworkȱareȱpredominantlyȱconcernedȱwithȱmortalityȱandȱtheȱtransition
betweenȱlifeȱandȱdeath,ȱhere,ȱpainȱisȱdetailedȱasȱitȱisȱexperiencedȱbeyondȱdeathȱand
broughtȱ fromȱ aȱ futureȱ nonȬcorporealȱ experienceȱ andȱ joinedȱ toȱ theȱ present
corporeal.ȱ
Thoughȱ speakingȱ throughȱ theȱ deadȱ isȱ notȱ uniqueȱ toȱ Villon,ȱ theȱ minimalist
approachȱheȱtakesȱleavesȱtheȱreaderȱwithȱaȱsenseȱofȱimmediacy,ȱasȱifȱtheȱdead
reallyȱ didȱ sufferȱ inȱ andȱ throughȱ theirȱ decomposedȱ corpses.ȱ Itȱ becomesȱ aȱ dual
suffering,ȱtheȱsufferingȱofȱtheȱsoul9ȱ(whereverȱorȱwhateverȱthatȱsoulȱmayȱbe)ȱand
theȱdestructionȱofȱtheȱphysicalȱremnantsȱleftȱbehind;ȱtheȱsoulȱstillȱconnectedȱtoȱthe
bodyȱ whoseȱ dissipationȱ compoundsȱ andȱ magnifiesȱ theȱ torment,ȱ allowingȱ the
suffererȱaȱsufficientȱfootholdȱinȱmortalityȱtoȱtransmitȱhisȱurgentȱmessage.ȱPain
becomesȱaȱtimelessȱandȱuniversalȱmodeȱofȱcommunication,ȱitsȱelucidationȱand
declarationȱtranscendingȱtheȱseeminglyȱfixedȱlimitsȱofȱlifeȱandȱdeath,ȱpastȱand
present.10
Theȱ primaryȱ functionȱ ofȱ painȱ inȱ thisȱ balladȱ isȱ toȱ motivate.ȱ Justȱ asȱ theȱ actual
hangingȱandȱpublicȱdisplayȱofȱ decompositionȱwasȱmeantȱbyȱtheȱauthoritiesȱto
motivateȱaȱmoreȱlawȱabidingȱcitizenry,ȱpainȱbecomesȱaȱmotivationȱforȱtheȱreader;
aȱmotivationȱtoȱabstainȱfromȱtheȱsinsȱofȱtheȱflesh,ȱmotivationȱtoȱlookȱtoȱaȱcontinued
existenceȱ beyondȱ theȱ grave,ȱ andȱ finally,ȱ motivationȱ toȱ prayȱ forȱ thoseȱ already
departedȱthatȱtheirȱpainȱmayȱbeȱalleviated.ȱ
Theȱpainȱofȱaȱspiritualȱpurgatoryȱorȱcaptivityȱasȱaȱthemeȱisȱparalleledȱinȱthe
Testamentȱ asȱ theȱ authorȱ describesȱ aȱ periodȱ ofȱ physicalȱ captivityȱ inȱ prison.ȱ The
Testamentȱbeginsȱwithȱanȱassertionȱthatȱ‘Villon’ȱhasȱsuffered:ȱ
9
SeeȱEstherȱCohen,ȱ“TheȱAnimatedȱBodyȱofȱPain,”ȱTheȱAmericanȱHistoricalȱReviewȱ105.1ȱ(2000):
30–68,ȱforȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱrelationȱbetweenȱbody,ȱpain,ȱandȱsoul.
10
RobertȱMills,ȱSuspendedȱAnimationȱ(London:ȱReaktionȱBooks,ȱ2005),ȱ31.ȱ
166 JohnȱP.ȱGough
[E]nȱl’anȱdeȱmonȱtrentiesmeȱaage
Queȱtoutesȱmesȱhontesȱj’euzȱbeues,
Neȱdeȱtoutȱfolȱneȱduȱtoutȱsaige,
Nonȱobstantȱmaintesȱpeinesȱeues,
Lesquellesȱj’ayȱtoutesȱreceues
SoubzȱlaȱmainȱThibaultȱd’Aucignyȱ.ȱ.ȱ.11ȱ
[Inȱmyȱthirtiethȱyear
Havingȱdrunkenȱallȱofȱmyȱshame,
Neitherȱcompletelyȱfoolishȱnorȱcompletelyȱwise,
Despiteȱhavingȱsufferedȱmanyȱpunishments,
AllȱofȱwhichȱIȱreceived
AtȱtheȱhandȱofȱThibaultȱd’Aucignyȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]
ThisȱovertureȱtoȱtheȱTestamentȱisȱstriking.ȱItȱisȱdifficultȱtoȱdismissȱtheȱsignificance
ofȱtheȱproximityȱbetweenȱtheȱnameȱThibaultȱd’Aucignyȱandȱthisȱdeclarationȱof
suffering.ȱItsȱimportanceȱisȱfurtherȱunderlinedȱbyȱitsȱprominentȱpositionȱatȱthe
headȱofȱwhatȱisȱtoȱfollow.ȱItsȱintroductionȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱisȱanȱintentionalȱchoice.
BecauseȱtheȱTestamentȱtakesȱtheȱformȱofȱaȱlegalȱwillȱandȱtestament,ȱthisȱisȱwhere
oneȱwouldȱnaturallyȱexpectȱaȱdeclarationȱofȱintentȱorȱanȱassertionȱofȱidentity.ȱThe
authorȱbeginsȱbyȱrecountingȱtheȱcharacter’sȱbiography;ȱoutȱofȱallȱofȱtheȱexperiences
ofȱaȱlifetime,ȱthatȱwhichȱstandsȱout,ȱandȱthatȱwhichȱheȱchoosesȱtoȱopenȱwhatȱis
presumablyȱ hisȱ lastȱ will—hisȱ lastȱ declarationȱ toȱ theȱ worldȱ ofȱ theȱ living—isȱ a
descriptionȱofȱhisȱagonyȱinȱprison.ȱOtherȱthanȱtheȱgeneralȱstatementsȱreferringȱto
theȱagoniesȱandȱtormentsȱsufferedȱunderȱtheȱhandȱofȱThibaultȱd’Aucigny,ȱweȱfind
twoȱdistinctȱpassagesȱthatȱoutlineȱspecificsȱofȱtheȱprisonȱexperience:ȱ
Peuȱm’aȱd’uneȱpetiteȱmiche
Etȱdeȱfroideȱeau(e)ȱtoutȱungȱesté:
Largeȱouȱestroit,ȱmoultȱmeȱfutȱchiche—
TelȱluyȱsoitȱDieuȱqu’ilȱm’aȱesté!12
[Withȱnotȱbutȱaȱsmallȱloaf
Andȱcoldȱwaterȱheȱfedȱmeȱforȱaȱsummer:ȱ
Largeȱorȱnarrow,ȱheȱwasȱstingyȱwithȱme
MayȱGodȱbeȱtoȱhimȱasȱheȱhasȱbeenȱtoȱme!]
DieuȱmercyȱetȱTacqueȱThibault,
Quiȱtantȱd’eaueȱfroideȱm’aȱfaitȱboire
Enȱungȱbas,ȱnonȱpasȱenȱungȱhault,
11
12
Mengierȱd’angoisseȱmainteȱpoire,
EnferréȱQuantȱj’enȱayȱmemoire13
[GodȱbeȱthankedȱandȱTacqueȱThibault,
Whoȱmadeȱmeȱdrinkȱmuchȱcoldȱwater
Inȱaȱlowȱplace,ȱandȱnotȱaȱhighȱone,
Toȱconsumeȱwithȱagonyȱmanyȱpears,
ShackledȱsuchȱasȱIȱrememberȱit]
Theȱfirstȱexcerptȱisȱwhatȱoneȱmightȱexpectȱfromȱaȱconventionalȱprisonȱstay:ȱbad
food,ȱstingyȱjailors,ȱandȱaȱsenseȱofȱlostȱtimeȱwithȱtheȱpassageȱofȱtheȱseasons.ȱThe
second,ȱhowever,ȱisȱslightlyȱmoreȱsinister.ȱWeȱreadȱthatȱtheȱprisonerȱwasȱkeptȱin
‘aȱlowȱplace’;ȱthisȱmeansȱmostȱlikelyȱthatȱheȱwasȱkeptȱinȱaȱdungeonȱandȱnotȱgiven
theȱquarters,ȱtower,ȱorȱprivilegesȱofȱnobler,ȱmoreȱimportantȱprisoners.ȱThereȱisȱa
senseȱofȱinterment,ȱofȱbeingȱhidden,ȱorȱburied,ȱbelowȱgroundȱinȱaȱdeepȱplace.ȱThe
repetitionȱofȱtheȱdrinkingȱofȱcoldȱwaterȱmarksȱaȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱtheȱwaterȱof
alimentationȱandȱthisȱsecondȱwater;ȱwhichȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱservedȱaȱmoreȱsinister
purposeȱinȱthatȱitȱwasȱforcedȱuponȱinȱhimȱinȱlargeȱquantities.ȱTheȱforcedȱdrinking
ofȱ waterȱ isȱ aȱ methodȱ ofȱ tortureȱ stillȱ practicedȱ today.ȱ Asȱ withȱ theȱ gibbet,ȱ to
understandȱVillonȱfullyȱoneȱmustȱunderstandȱtheȱgrimȱdetailsȱofȱthatȱwhichȱhe
invokes.ȱThoughȱfewȱaccountsȱofȱtheȱpracticeȱhaveȱsurvivedȱfromȱtheȱfifteenthȬ
century,ȱthereȱisȱaȱdetailedȱaccountȱdatingȱtoȱtheȱearlyȱseventeenthȬcentury.ȱInȱthe
1620’s,ȱ Scottishȱ travelerȱ andȱ adventurerȱ Williamȱ Lithgowȱ wasȱ capturedȱ and
detainedȱinȱSpainȱwhereȱheȱunderwentȱvariousȱtorturesȱincludingȱthatȱofȱwater
torture.ȱHeȱrecounts:ȱ
ThenȱtheȱTormentorȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱwentȱtoȱanȱearthenȱJarreȱstandingȱfullȱofȱwater,ȱaȱlittleȱbeneath
myȱhead:ȱfromȱwhenceȱcarryingȱaȱpotȱfullȱofȱwater;ȱinȱȱtheȱbottomeȱwhereof,ȱthereȱwas
anȱincisedȱhole,ȱwhichȱbeingȱstopdȱbyȱhisȱthumb,ȱtillȱitȱcameȱtoȱmyȱmouth,ȱheeȱdid
powerȱitȱinȱmyȱbellieȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.TheȱȱfirstȱandȱsecondȱservicesȱIȱgladlyȱreceived,ȱsuchȱwasȱthe
scorchingȱdrouthȱofȱmyȱtormentingȱpayne,ȱandȱlikewiseȱIȱhadȱdrunkeȱnoneȱforȱthree
daysȱbefore.ȱButȱafterward,ȱatȱtheȱthirdȱcharge,ȱperceivingȱtheseȱmeasuresȱofȱwaterȱto
beȱinflictedȱuponȱmeȱasȱtortures,ȱOȱstranglingȱtortures!ȱIȱclosedȱmyȱlips,ȱgaineȬstanding
thatȱeagerȱcrudelity.ȱWhereatȱtheȱAlcaldeȱinraging,ȱsetȱmyȱteethȱasunderȱwithȱaȱpayre
ofȱ ironȱ cadges,ȱ detainingȱ themȱ there,ȱ atȱ everyȱ severallȱ turne,ȱ bothȱ mainelyȱ and
manually;ȱ whereuponȱ myȱ hungerȬclungedȱ bellieȱ waxingȱ great,ȱ grewȱ DrumȬlike
imbolstered:ȱ forȱ itȱ beingȱ aȱ suffocatingȱ payne,ȱ inȱ regardȱ ofȱ myȱ headȱ hanging
downeward,ȱandȱtheȱwaterȱreingorgingȱitȱselfeȱinȱmyȱthroatȱwithȱtheȱstrugglingȱforce;
itȱstrangledȱandȱswallowedȱupȱmyȱbreathȱfromȱyoulingȱandȱgroaning.14ȱȱ
13
14
Williamȱ Lithgow,ȱ Theȱ Totallȱ Discourseȱ ofȱ Theȱ Rareȱ Adventuresȱ &ȱ Painefullȱ Peregrinationsȱ ofȱ long
NineteeneȱYearesȱTravaylesȱfromȱScotlandȱtoȱtheȱmostȱfamousȱKingdomesȱinȱEurope,ȱAsisaȱandȱAfrica
(Glasgow:ȱJamesȱMacLehouseȱ&ȱSons,ȱ1906),ȱ403–04.
168 JohnȱP.ȱGough
Thisȱtortureȱisȱalsoȱaccomplishedȱbyȱforcingȱtheȱvictimȱtoȱswallowȱaȱthinȱcloth,ȱor
wrappingȱtheirȱfaceȱinȱclothȱtoȱavoidȱwaterȱescaping,ȱandȱslowlyȱadministering
waterȱuntilȱitȱisȱsaturated,ȱforcingȱtheȱvictimȱtoȱswallowȱlargeȱquantitiesȱofȱliquid
overȱaȱperiodȱofȱtimeȱsimulatingȱdrowning.ȱForȱtheȱprisoner—asȱisȱmadeȱobvious
inȱLithgow’sȱaccount—thisȱisȱaȱhorrificȱexperience.ȱThoughȱweȱdoȱnotȱhaveȱsuch
anȱexplicitȱaccountȱinȱwhatȱweȱreadȱinȱtheȱTestament,ȱitȱisȱclearȱthatȱthisȱexperience
withȱwaterȱheldȱnoȱsmallȱsignificanceȱforȱtheȱsufferer.ȱ
Aȱ secondȱ portionȱ ofȱ theȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ confinementȱ standsȱ outȱ asȱ oneȱ reads
“Mengierȱd’angoisseȱmainteȱpoire”ȱ(“Toȱconsumeȱwithȱagonyȱmanyȱpears”).ȱThis
canȱbeȱunderstoodȱinȱtwoȱdifferentȱways.ȱItȱcanȱfirstȱbeȱunderstoodȱasȱaȱfigureȱof
speech.ȱ Inȱ oldȱ French,ȱ “toȱ eatȱ anȱ anguishȱ pear”ȱ [deȱ bienȱ mangerȱ desȱ poires
d’angoisse]ȱmeantȱthatȱoneȱwasȱinȱaȱmiserableȱstateȱofȱsufferingȱorȱcaptivity.15ȱThe
second,ȱmoreȱliteral,ȱreferenceȱisȱtoȱanȱactualȱpoireȱd’angoisseȱ [pearȱofȱanguish],
whichȱwasȱaȱmedievalȱtortureȱdevice.ȱTheȱpoireȱd’angoisseȱisȱaȱpearȱshapedȱdevice
whichȱfunctionsȱonȱaȱcorkscrewȱactionȱopeningȱgraduallyȱlikeȱaȱflowerȱblossom,
theȱ edgesȱ ofȱ whichȱ areȱ sharpened,ȱ taperingȱ downȱ toȱ aȱ point.16ȱ Thisȱ wouldȱ be
insertedȱintoȱanyȱnumberȱofȱorificesȱinȱtheȱvictim’sȱbodyȱandȱopenedȱgradually,
tearingȱsoftȱtissueȱandȱmembrane,ȱuntilȱtheȱdesiredȱaffectȱhadȱbeenȱachieved.17ȱThis
deviceȱ wasȱ generallyȱ reservedȱ forȱ witches,ȱ womenȱ accusedȱ ofȱ abortion,
homosexuals,ȱandȱindividualsȱofȱwhomȱaȱconfessionȱwasȱrequiredȱbutȱnoȱoutward
signsȱofȱcompulsionȱwereȱdesired.18ȱThatȱisȱnotȱtoȱinferȱthatȱVillonȱisȱtryingȱto
makeȱaȱstatementȱaboutȱtheȱreasonȱforȱhisȱincarcerationȱ(whichȱisȱneverȱclearly
explained)ȱbutȱratherȱthatȱtheȱprisonerȱportrayedȱinȱtheȱTestamentȱsufferedȱquite
excruciatingly.ȱ
Theȱ lifeȱ Villonȱ portraysȱ asȱ beingȱ hisȱ priorȱ toȱ theȱ creationȱ ofȱ hisȱ ‘will’ȱ (the
Testament)ȱisȱthusȱrepresentedȱbyȱaȱcaptivity;ȱanȱexclusionȱfromȱlifeȱinȱaȱliving
interment.ȱTheȱrepeatedȱreferencesȱtoȱhisȱtormentor,ȱThibaultȱd’Aucigny,ȱshowȱon
theȱpartȱofȱVillonȱanȱimportantȱandȱperhapsȱcomplexȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱhimself
andȱhisȱcaptor.ȱȱDuringȱthisȱperiodȱofȱconfinement,ȱpain,ȱandȱtortureȱaȱ‘new’ȱVillon
willȱemergeȱwho—asȱweȱhaveȱstated—willȱhaveȱgainedȱtheȱnecessaryȱknowledge,
discernment,ȱandȱvisionȱtoȱproceedȱwithȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheȱTestament.ȱTheȱideaȱofȱa
15
AntoineȱFuretiere,ȱDictionnaireȱUniversel,ȱPoireȱd’Angoisse,ȱTomeȱIIIȱ(LaȱHaye:ȱPierreȱHusson,
1727).ȱIȱhaveȱreliedȱonȱtheȱgoogleȱbookȱdigitizedȱversionȱwhichȱhasȱnoȱpagination.
16
Philipȱ M.ȱ Parker,ȱ Chokes:ȱ Webster’sȱ Quotations,ȱ Facts,ȱ andȱ Phrasesȱ (Sanȱ Diego:ȱ ICONȱ Group
International,ȱ2008),ȱ123.
17
LaȱCurneȱdeȱSainteȬPalaye,ȱDictionnaireȱHistoriqueȱdeȱl’AncienȱLangueȱFrançois,ȱed.ȱL.ȱFavreȱNoirt,
TomeȱXȱ(Paris:ȱH.ȱChampion,ȱ1882),ȱ334.
18
PhilipȱM.ȱParker,ȱAnguishing:ȱWebster’sȱQuotations,ȱFacts,ȱandȱPhrasesȱ(SanȱDiego:ȱICONȱGroup
International,ȱ2008),ȱ115.ȱSeeȱalsoȱM.ȱA.ȱdeȱChesnel,ȱDictionnaireȱdesȱSuperstitions,ȱErreurs,ȱPréjugés,
etȱTraditionsȱPopulairesȱ(Paris:ȱM.ȱJ.ȬP.ȱMigne,ȱ1836),ȱ915;ȱJoaquinȱdeȱlaȱSierra,ȱTheȱPearȱofȱAnguish,
http://www.medievality.com/pearȬofȬanguish.htmlȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱMarchȱ5,ȱ2012).ȱ
‘new’ȱVillonȱorȱtheȱreȬbirthȱofȱtheȱVillonȱcharacterȱthroughȱimprisonmentȱandȱpain
isȱanȱinterestingȱone.ȱWeȱfindȱevidenceȱthatȱVillonȱthinksȱinȱtermsȱofȱdeathȱand
rebirthȱwhenȱweȱread:ȱ
Etȱescriptȱl’anȱsoixanteȱetȱung,ȱ
Lorsȱqueȱleȱroyȱmeȱdelivra
DeȱlaȱdureȱprisonȱdeȱMehun
Etȱqueȱviëȱmeȱrecouvraȱ.ȱ.ȱ.19
[WrittenȱinȱtheȱyearȱsixtyȬandȬone,
AfterȱtheȱKingȱhadȱmeȱdelivered
FromȱtheȱhardȱprisonȱatȱMeung
Andȱhadȱreturnedȱmeȱtoȱlifeȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱ
TheȱKingȱfreesȱVillonȱfromȱprison,ȱwhichȱfreedomȱheȱdescribesȱasȱaȱreturnȱtoȱlife.
Itȱisȱnotȱaȱfarȱstretchȱtoȱcallȱthisȱ‘returnȱtoȱlife’ȱaȱrebirth.ȱTheȱdescentȱtoȱprisonȱis
thenȱakinȱtoȱphysicalȱdeath;ȱtheȱmanȱdisappearsȱfromȱtheȱlightȱofȱtheȱsurfaceȱand
isȱlostȱtoȱtheȱdarknessȱofȱ‘aȱlowȱplace.’ȱThisȱ‘lowȱplace’ȱisȱaȱperiodȱofȱtransition,ȱa
sortȱ ofȱ purgatoryȱ (ifȱ theȱ termȱ mayȱ beȱ borrowedȱ forȱ ourȱ purposes)ȱ inȱ whichȱ a
transformationȱ isȱ enactedȱ uponȱ theȱ captiveȱ throughȱ painȱ beforeȱ heȱ isȱ again
releasedȱandȱreintroducedȱintoȱtheȱlightȱofȱsocietyȱaȱ‘changed’ȱman:20
Orȱestȱvrayȱqu(e)’ȱaprésȱplainsȱetȱpleurs
Etȱangoisseuxȱgemissemens,
Aprésȱtristessesȱetȱdouleurs,
Laboursȱetȱgrief[s]ȱcheminemens,
Travailȱmesȱlubresȱsentemens,
Esguisezȱcommeȱuneȱpelocte,
M’ouvristȱplusȱqueȱtousȱlesȱcommens
D’AverroÿsȱsurȱArristote.21
[It’sȱtrueȱthatȱafterȱlaments
Andȱtearsȱandȱgroansȱofȱanguish
Afterȱsadnessȱandȱsorrows
Hardȱlaborȱandȱbitterȱdaysȱonȱtheȱroad
Sufferingȱunlockedȱmyȱtangledȱfeelings
19
20
GuyȱGeltner,ȱTheȱMedievalȱPrisonȱ(Princeton:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2008).ȱGeltnerȱwrites
concerningȱ theȱ prisonȱ experience:ȱ “Putȱ differently,ȱ whenȱ Purgatoryȱ wasȱ imaginedȱ inȱ the
thirteenthȱcentury,ȱtheȱprisonȱwasȱoneȱofȱitsȱobviousȱmodels;ȱbutȱifȱPurgatoryȱwasȱGod’sȱgreat
prison,ȱcouldȱtheȱearthlyȱprisonȱbecomeȱanȱearthlyȱPurgatory?”ȱ(90).ȱPainȱisȱinherentȱinȱtheȱnotion
ofȱPurgatoryȱasȱtheȱsoulsȱofȱmenȱareȱchastenedȱandȱrefined;ȱpurgedȱfromȱsin.ȱSoȱto,ȱinȱaȱway,
prisonȱbecomesȱaȱplaceȱofȱpurging,ȱaȱplaceȱofȱreȬcreationȱthroughȱsuffering.ȱItȱisȱunclearȱifȱthis
purgingȱconsistsȱofȱanȱexpiationȱofȱsinȱforȱtheȱ“Augustinian”ȱsoul,ȱorȱratherȱofȱaȱreȬcreationȱof
personalȱidentityȱasȱFoucaultȱwillȱlaterȱdescribeȱit.
21
170 JohnȱP.ȱGough
Aboutȱasȱsharpȱasȱaȱballȱofȱwool
MoreȱthanȱallȱtheȱCommentaries
OfȱAverroësȱopenedȱAristotle.]22
Afterȱtheȱanguish,ȱsorrow,ȱpain,ȱlabor,ȱandȱgriefȱofȱprison,ȱVillonȱfoundȱhimself
opened,ȱandȱhisȱunderstandingȱsharpened.ȱItȱisȱperhapsȱfromȱthisȱovertureȱthat
Villonȱclaimsȱtheȱauthorityȱtoȱmakeȱtheȱassertionsȱandȱpassȱtheȱjudgmentsȱthat
seemȱsoȱreadilyȱandȱsoȱeagerlyȱtoȱflowȱfromȱhisȱpen.ȱNowȱthatȱheȱcanȱsee,ȱnowȱthat
hisȱsoulȱhasȱbeenȱshapedȱandȱdefined,ȱnowȱthatȱheȱhasȱbeenȱbornȱintoȱtheȱworld
throughȱtheȱpainȱofȱhisȱownȱsuffering,ȱheȱcanȱlookȱuponȱParisȱwithȱtheȱdiscerning
eyesȱofȱaȱmanȱ“neȱdeȱtoutȱfolȱneȱduȱtoutȱsaige”ȱ(“neitherȱcompletelyȱfoolishȱnor
completelyȱwise”).
ȱ Fromȱ theseȱ fewȱ versesȱ inȱ theȱ Testamentȱ weȱ learnȱ muchȱ aboutȱ theȱ Villon
characterȱ andȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ painȱ inȱ theȱ formationȱ ofȱ hisȱ identity.ȱ Theȱ tortureȱ of
Meungȱcouldȱbeȱviewedȱasȱaȱtransformationȱofȱsorts,ȱanȱinitiationȱfromȱanȱoldȱlife
toȱaȱnew.ȱFreedȱbyȱtheȱking,ȱVillon’sȱemergenceȱfromȱtheȱprisonȱrepresentsȱtheȱreȬ
birthȱofȱtheȱindividual;ȱhisȱreintroductionȱtoȱcivilizationȱwithȱhisȱnewlyȬforged
soul.ȱ Thisȱ wouldȱ explainȱ theȱ emphasisȱ placedȱ onȱ theseȱ experiencesȱ andȱ their
inclusionȱinȱtheȱTestament,ȱforȱtheyȱinȱlargeȱmeasureȱrepresentȱVillon’sȱidentity.ȱ
Passingȱnowȱfromȱtheȱroleȱofȱpainȱinȱconfinement,ȱletȱusȱexamineȱtheȱpurpose
ofȱpainȱasȱitȱisȱinflictedȱuponȱothers.ȱSeveralȱexceptionalȱinstancesȱofȱpainȱappear
underȱ theȱ guiseȱ ofȱ objectsȱ willedȱ inȱ theȱ Testament.ȱ Anȱ exampleȱ thatȱ isȱ atȱ once
humorousȱandȱpainfulȱisȱasȱfollows:ȱ
Item,ȱaȱmaistreȱJehanȱLaurens,
Quiȱaȱlesȱpovresȱyeulxȱsiȱrouges
Pourȱleȱpechiéȱdeȱsesȱparens
Quiȱboiventȱenȱbarisȱetȱcourges,
Jeȱdonneȱl’enversȱdeȱmesȱbouges
Pourȱtousȱlesȱmatinsȱlesȱtorcher.
S’ilȱfu[s]tȱarcevesqueȱdeȱBourges,
Duȱcendailȱeust,ȱmaisȱilȱestȱcher.23
[Item,ȱtoȱMasterȱJehanȱLaurens,
Whoseȱpoorȱeyesȱareȱsoȱred
Forȱtheȱsinȱofȱhisȱparents
Whoȱdrinkȱfromȱbothȱbarrelsȱandȱgourds
Iȱgiveȱtheȱinteriorȱofȱmyȱunderpants
Forȱwithȱtoȱwipeȱthemȱeveryȱmorning,
22
GalwayȱKinnell,ȱTheȱPoemsȱofȱFrançoisȱVillonȱ(London:ȱUniversityȱPressȱofȱNewȱEngland,ȱ1977),
31–33.ȱ
23
IfȱonlyȱheȱhadȱbeenȱarchbishopȱofȱBourges,
Heȱwouldȱhaveȱhadȱsilk,ȱbutȱitȱisȱtooȱexpensive.]ȱ
Thisȱ instanceȱ ofȱ anȱ objectȱ willedȱ isȱ almostȱ comic.ȱ Theȱ notionȱ ofȱ aȱ dyingȱ man
bequeathingȱtheȱinteriorȱofȱhisȱunderpantsȱasȱaȱbandageȱforȱredȱandȱinflamedȱeyes
hasȱanȱabsurdȱringȱtoȱit.ȱHowever,ȱthereȱisȱalsoȱaȱdeeplyȱpainfulȱandȱhumiliating
sideȱ toȱ whatȱ Villonȱ requestsȱ beȱ doneȱ here.ȱ Itȱ isȱ possibleȱ thatȱ whatȱ weȱ are
witnessingȱisȱaȱtongueȱinȱcheekȱjabȱatȱJehanȱasȱheȱcouldȱhaveȱbeenȱconnectedȱwith
theȱinterrogationȱofȱaȱrobberyȱinȱ1458ȱinȱwhichȱitȱisȱbelievedȱseveralȱofȱVillon’s
circleȱparticipated,ȱifȱnotȱVillonȱhimself.24ȱIfȱthisȱisȱtheȱcase,ȱthenȱitȱisȱquiteȱprobable
thatȱVillonȱisȱtakingȱaȱcomicȱstandȱagainstȱtheȱinterrogatorȱofȱaȱfellowȱconspirator.
Weȱcannot,ȱhowever,ȱverifyȱthisȱrelationship,ȱwhichȱleavesȱusȱlittleȱchoiceȱbutȱto
takeȱtheȱtextȱatȱfaceȱvalue.ȱWhatȱweȱunderstandȱthenȱisȱthatȱthereȱisȱaȱman,ȱwho,
dueȱtoȱtheȱfaultsȱofȱhisȱparentsȱ(beȱitȱhisȱactualȱparentsȱorȱaȱveiledȱreferenceȱto
Adam,ȱEve,ȱandȱmortalityȱthroughȱtheȱfall)ȱhasȱaȱconditionȱofȱtheȱeyeȱcausing
rednessȱ andȱ presumablyȱ inflammation.ȱ Villonȱ proposesȱ theȱ interiorȱ ofȱ his
undergarmentȱasȱaȱremedy.ȱTheȱimageȱofȱanyoneȱwipingȱirritatedȱeyesȱonȱthe
underpantsȱ ofȱ aȱ deadȱ manȱ isȱ aȱ painfulȱ oneȱ indeed.ȱ Beforeȱ attemptingȱ an
explanationȱofȱthisȱuniqueȱbestowal,ȱletȱusȱexamineȱanotherȱapparitionȱofȱpainȱin
theȱTestament.ȱ
Thisȱ instanceȱ ofȱ painȱ isȱ foundȱ inȱ theȱ Balladeȱ desȱ languesȱ ennuyeusesȱ withȱ its
graphicȱdescriptions;ȱweȱread:ȱ
Enȱrïagal,ȱenȱalcenicȱrocher,
Enȱorpiment,ȱ[en]ȱsalpestreȱetȱchaulxȱvive,ȱ
Enȱplombȱboulant,ȱpourȱmieulxȱlesȱesmorcher,
Enȱsuyeȱetȱpoixȱdestrempeeȱdeȱlessive
Faicteȱd’estroncȱetȱdeȱpissatȱdeȱJuisve,
Enȱlavaillesȱdeȱjambsȱaȱmeseaux,
Enȱraclureȱdeȱpiezȱetȱvieulxȱhouzeaux,
Enȱsangȱd’aspicȱetȱdrocquesȱvenimeuses,
Enȱfielȱdeȱloups,ȱdeȱregnars,ȱdeȱblereaux,
Soientȱfrictesȱcesȱlanguesȱennuyeuses!25
[Inȱsmokeȱofȱminerals,ȱinȱarsenic
Inȱorpiment,ȱsaltpeter,ȱandȱquicklime
Inȱboilingȱleadȱtheyȱshouldȱbeȱparboiled
Inȱsootȱandȱpitchȱmarinatedȱinȱlye
MadeȱfromȱtheȱturdsȱandȱpissȱofȱJews
Inȱoldȱwashwaterȱfromȱlepers’ȱlegs
Inȱitemsȱscrapedȱoffȱfeetȱandȱshoeȱsoles
24
25
172 JohnȱP.ȱGough
Inȱbloodȱofȱaspsȱandȱpoisonousȱdrugs
Inȱwolf,ȱfox,ȱandȱpolecatȱgall
Theseȱevilȱtonguesȱshouldȱbeȱfried.]26ȱ
Whatȱaȱhorrificȱstrophe!ȱOftenȱwhenȱreadingȱthisȱballadȱtheȱtongueȱisȱvisualized
asȱ beingȱ separateȱ fromȱ theȱ bodyȱ asȱ itȱ isȱ objectified.ȱ However,ȱ nowhereȱ inȱ the
balladȱdoȱweȱfindȱanȱexplicitȱacknowledgmentȱthatȱtheseȱtonguesȱareȱseveredȱfrom
theȱ bodiesȱ ofȱ theirȱ proprietors.ȱ Thatȱ beingȱ said,ȱ oneȱ cannotȱ excludeȱ thatȱ what
Villonȱsuggestsȱinȱthisȱballadȱisȱnotȱonlyȱhappeningȱtoȱtheȱtonguesȱofȱhisȱvictims,
butȱisȱalsoȱpresumablyȱlocalizedȱwithinȱtheirȱmouths.ȱTheȱpainfullyȱabhorrentȱacts
describedȱinȱthisȱballadȱseemȱtoȱbeȱusedȱasȱaȱmeansȱofȱretributionȱforȱoffenses
offeredȱbyȱtheȱtonguesȱofȱthoseȱsoȱtortured.ȱHowever,ȱthisȱballadȱandȱtheȱother
instancesȱofȱgiftedȱpainȱseemȱtoȱextendȱbeyondȱthisȱsimpleȱexplanationȱandȱbeg
furtherȱjustification.ȱ
ItȱisȱveryȱdifficultȱtoȱattemptȱanȱoverȬarchingȱassimilationȱorȱinterpretationȱof
painȱ withinȱ theȱ corpusȱ ofȱ Villon.ȱ Eachȱ occurrenceȱ standingȱ aloneȱ inȱ its
individualityȱandȱpurpose;ȱhowever,ȱthereȱisȱperhapsȱoneȱcharacteristicȱofȱpain
thatȱ runsȱ throughoutȱ theȱ workȱ thatȱ allowsȱ usȱ toȱ forgeȱ atȱ leastȱ aȱ partial
interpretationȱ ofȱ theȱ existenceȱ ofȱ thisȱ almostȱ indefinableȱ aspectȱ ofȱ theȱ human
experience.ȱPersonalȱphysicalȱpainȱcannotȱbeȱsharedȱandȱthusȱbecomesȱoneȱofȱthe
mostȱintimateȱaspectsȱofȱindividualityȱinȱthatȱitȱcanȱneverȱbeȱfullyȱcommunicated
orȱ expressedȱ toȱ thoseȱ otherȱ thanȱ theȱ sufferer.27ȱ Itȱ becomesȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ most
influentialȱ shapingȱ agentsȱ ofȱ identityȱ andȱ possiblyȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ difficultȱ to
understandȱbecauseȱitȱcannotȱbeȱproperlyȱsharedȱwithȱothers.
Theȱgiftingȱofȱpainȱthroughȱaȱwillȱseems,ȱthen,ȱtoȱremoveȱitȱfromȱtheȱ‘unsharable’
individualȱ instance,ȱ andȱ placeȱ itȱ withinȱ theȱ forgedȱ comraderyȱ ofȱ mutual
experience.ȱInȱaȱsense,ȱoneȱcouldȱsayȱthatȱVillonȱisȱbequeathingȱthatȱwhichȱisȱat
onceȱtheȱmostȱinnate,ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱmostȱspecificallyȱpersonal,ȱpartȱofȱhimselfȱin
theȱ Testament:ȱ personalȱ painȱ beingȱ amongstȱ theȱ mostȱ essentialȱ definingȱ and
creativeȱelementsȱofȱtheȱindividualȱ(asȱseenȱinȱtheȱprisonȱexperience)ȱandȱalsoȱthe
mostȱdifficultȱtoȱcommunicate.ȱInȱaȱwayȱreachingȱoutȱandȱsaying:ȱ“Iȱsuffered,ȱthis
isȱwhatȱIȱbecameȱthroughȱsuffering,ȱthisȱisȱVillon.”ȱThoughȱtheȱcausesȱofȱpain
differ,ȱtheȱessentialȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱthatȱpainȱisȱexperienced.ȱEvenȱifȱȱisȱtrueȱthatȱthese
instances,ȱ asȱ theyȱ appearȱ inȱ theȱ Testament,ȱ mayȱ beȱ butȱ retributionsȱ forȱ past
offences,ȱ oneȱ cannotȱ ignoreȱ theȱ overtureȱ ofȱ Villon’sȱ personalȱ experienceȱ and
reformationȱwithȱhisȱownȱexperienceȱinȱpain.ȱIfȱtheseȱareȱsimpleȱactsȱofȱrevenge,
thoughȱtheyȱbeȱmerited—asȱVillon’sȱimprisonmentȱmayȱwellȱhaveȱbeen—isȱitȱnot
plausibleȱthatȱtheȱpainȱwilledȱuponȱtheseȱindividualsȱwasȱmeantȱtoȱserveȱtheȱsame
26
Kinnell,ȱTheȱPoemsȱofȱFrançoisȱVillonȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).ȱ
27
ElaineȱScarry,ȱTheȱBodyȱinȱPainȱ(NewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1985),ȱ4.
reformativeȱ functionȱ asȱ experiencedȱ byȱ Villon?ȱ Thusȱ theȱ perceptionȱ ofȱ the
recipientȱ wouldȱ alignȱ withȱ thatȱ ofȱ theȱ giverȱ throughȱ thatȱ seemingly
noncommunicableȱpartȱofȱself—pain.ȱPassingȱintoȱtheȱrealmȱofȱsharedȱexperience,
theȱindividualȱexperienceȱwouldȱthusȱbeȱsharedȱandȱtheȱselfȱmultiplied.ȱItȱisȱa
surprisinglyȱpositiveȱfunction,ȱtheȱpainȱ‘willed’ȱbecomingȱVillon’sȱgiftȱofȱselfȱto
others.ȱ
Weȱ haveȱ seenȱ thatȱ painȱ servesȱ variousȱ functionsȱ inȱ Villon’sȱ work,ȱ fromȱ the
conventionalȱemotiveȱmementoȱmoriȱofȱtheȱBalladeȱdesȱpendus,ȱtoȱtheȱdestructiveȱand
reconstructiveȱeffectȱuponȱtheȱidentityȱofȱtheȱindividualȱasȱdescribedȱinȱtheȱprison
experience,ȱ toȱ theȱ originalityȱ ofȱ painȱ giftedȱ inȱ theȱ Testamentȱ asȱ aȱ profound
transmission,ȱ indeedȱ gift,ȱ ofȱ self.ȱ Villonȱ usesȱ painȱ toȱ elucidateȱ theȱ contrast,
transition,ȱandȱrelationshipȱ betweenȱlifeȱandȱdeath,ȱbothȱtheȱphysical,ȱandȱthe
fracturedȱinternalȱexpirationsȱandȱreȬcreationsȱofȱtheȱsufferer.ȱTheȱpoemsȱareȱan
expositionȱofȱtheȱdestructiveȱandȱreconstructiveȱnatureȱofȱpain,ȱleadingȱfinallyȱto
theȱ extensionȱ ofȱ interiorȱ painȱ andȱ theȱ renewedȱ perceptionȱ gainedȱ throughȱ its
experienceȱtoȱothers.ȱ
Chapterȱ8
JeanȱE.ȱJostȱ
(BradleyȱUniversity,ȱPeoria,ȱIL)ȱȱ
RetributionȱinȱGamelyn:ȱAȱCaseȱinȱtheȱCourts
ȱȱȱ
Fromȱtheȱtwelfthȱcenturyȱonwards,ȱEnglishȱcriminal
lawȱ andȱ procedureȱ hadȱ divergedȱ fromȱ continental
Europeȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱTheȱkeyȱdifferenceȱliesȱinȱtheȱreception
andȱ influenceȱ ofȱ Romanȱ law:ȱ withoutȱ thisȱ asȱ an
anchorȱ andȱ inspiration,ȱ Englishȱ lawȱ developedȱ its
ownȱ categoriesȱ andȱ methods,ȱ whichȱ vestedȱ much
moreȱinfluenceȱinȱjudgesȱandȱcustom,ȱandȱmuchȱless
inȱ codifiedȱ legislationȱ orȱ learnedȱ lawyers.ȱ (Trevor
Dean)1
ThisȱsummaryȱbyȱTrevorȱDeanȱreflectsȱoneȱlegalȱbasisȱonȱwhichȱtheȱtrialȱofȱSir
GamelynȱandȱhisȱbrotherȱSirȱOteȱwasȱbased,ȱbutȱinȱfact,ȱgreatȱviolenceȱbetween
localȱandȱmonarchicalȱauthorityȱisȱevidentȱthroughoutȱtheȱlatterȱpartȱofȱtheȱtale.
TheȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱpopularȱepicȱGamelyn,ȱwhatȱLeeȱC.ȱRamseyȱhasȱcalledȱone
ofȱ theȱ roughȱ andȱ readyȱ “rebelȱ romances,”2ȱ reliesȱ onȱ theȱ systemȱ ofȱ justice
commonlyȱenactedȱatȱtheȱtime.ȱUntilȱtheȱlateȱtwelfthȱandȱthirteenthȱcenturiesȱin
Europe,ȱ crimesȱ cameȱ toȱ courtȱ throughȱ privateȱ accusation,ȱ andȱ contestsȱ of
prosecutionȱandȱdefenseȱbyȱtheȱadversarialȱpartiesȱwereȱplayedȱoutȱasȱaȱdebate.3
TheȱcourtȬappointedȱcompurgationȱorȱ“oathȬhelpers”ȱswearingȱtoȱtheȱaccused’s
innocence,ȱorȱstipulatedȱanȱordealȱofȱfire,ȱwater,ȱorȱcombat.ȱAfterȱthatȱtime,ȱthree
1
TrevorȱDean,ȱCrimeȱinȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ1200–1550ȱ(Harlow,ȱLondon,ȱNewȱYork,ȱetȱal.:ȱLongman,
2001),ȱ5.ȱ
2
LeeȱC.ȱRamsey,ȱChivalricȱRomancesȱ(Bloomington:ȱIndianaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1983),ȱ93.
3
SeeȱtheȱintroductionȱofȱConnieȱL.ȱScarborough’sȱarticleȱ“WomenȱasȱVictimsȱandȱCriminalsȱinȱthe
SieteȱPartidas”ȱinȱthisȱvolumeȱforȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱAlfonsoȱX’sȱdevelopmentȱofȱlawȱinȱthirteenthȬ
centuryȱSpain.
176 JeanȱE.ȱJost
substitutesȱ replacedȱ thisȱ methodȱ asȱ universityȬtrainedȱ lawyersȱ positedȱ “a

procedureȱ basedȱ onȱ evidenceȱ andȱ argument;”ȱ secondly,ȱ “theȱ growthȱ ofȱ royal
powerȱledȱtoȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱdenunciationȱasȱaȱmeansȱofȱprosecutingȱcriminals;”
andȱthirdly,ȱtheȱinquisitorialȱmethodȱofȱtortureȱandȱprosecutionȱwasȱincludedȱin
theȱjudicialȱarmory.4ȱEnglandȱsomewhatȱmodifiedȱthisȱEuropeanȱsystem,ȱusing
juries,ȱasȱinȱGamelyn,ȱtoȱdenounceȱseriousȱcrimeȱratherȱthanȱemployingȱtheȱordeal,
inquisitorialȱ methodsȱ orȱ compensationȱ payments.5ȱ Further,ȱ “thereȱ wasȱ an
overlappingȱstructureȱofȱlocal,ȱcounty,ȱandȱcentralȱcourts,ȱandȱanȱevolvingȱpattern
ofȱsupervisionȱandȱinterventionȱinȱtheȱshires,”6ȱalsoȱrevealedȱinȱtheȱromance,ȱas
willȱbecomeȱevident.ȱInȱfact,ȱGamelynȱrevealsȱtheȱviolenceȱandȱcorruptionȱrampant
atȱeveryȱlevelȱofȱjudicialȱgovernmentȱinȱthisȱmostȱvehementȱdepictionȱofȱlawȱand
order
Theȱ anonymousȱ Gamelynȱ poetȱ situatesȱ hisȱ fictitiousȱ taleȱ onȱ theȱ borderlands
belongingȱtoȱoneȱwidowedȱknight,ȱonȱanȱEnglishȱmanorȱNorthȱofȱLondon,ȱwhere
SirȱJohnȱBoundis,ȱonȱhisȱdeathbed,ȱattemptsȱtoȱdistributeȱhisȱlandsȱequitablyȱtoȱhis
threeȱsons.ȱAccordingȱtoȱRobertȱC.ȱPalmer,ȱ“Primogenitureȱwasȱsensibleȱcustom
beforeȱitȱwasȱaȱruleȱofȱlaw.ȱȱButȱasȱcustomȱitȱwasȱnotȱaȱrule:ȱanȱunacceptableȱeldest
sonȱwouldȱbeȱrejectedȱinȱfavorȱofȱanother,ȱbutȱacceptableȱdescendent,ȱnowȱheirȱ.
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱTheȱrightȱthusȱwasȱnotȱinȱaȱpersonȱdesignatedȱbyȱabstractȱlaw,ȱevenȱthough
thereȱcertainlyȱwereȱcustomsȱforȱpreference.”7ȱAlthoughȱSirȱJohnȱBoundisȱdidȱnot
followȱprimogenitureȱorȱadhereȱtoȱwhatȱC.ȱW.ȱDunnȱnotesȱisȱtheȱfolkloreȱmotifȱof
maltreatmentȱofȱtheȱyoungestȱchildȱorȱfairȱunknown,8ȱȱhisȱeldestȱsonȱisȱdisposed
toȱtreatȱhisȱyoungerȱbrotherȱpoorly.ȱInȱthisȱcase,ȱSirȱJohnȱBoundisȱchoseȱhisȱthree
sonsȱasȱdescendants,ȱnotȱhisȱfirstborn.9ȱInȱthisȱendeavor,
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱsentȱheȱintoȱcountréȱȱȱafterȱwiseȱknightes
Toȱhelpeȱdelenȱhisȱlondesȱȱȱandȱdressedȱ[divided]ȱhemȱtoȱrightes.10
4
Dean,ȱCrimeȱinȱMedievalȱEurope,ȱchapterȱ1,ȱespeciallyȱ6ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
5
Dean,ȱCrimeȱinȱMedievalȱEurope,ȱ7ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
6
7
RobertȱC.ȱPalmer,ȱ“TheȱOriginsȱofȱPropertyȱinȱEngland,”ȱLawȱandȱHistoryȱReviewȱ3ȱ(1985):ȱ1–50;
hereȱ6,ȱn.ȱ20.
8
C.ȱW.ȱDunn,ȱ“RomancesȱDerivedȱfromȱEnglishȱLegend,”ȱManuelȱofȱWritingsȱinȱMiddleȱEnglish,
1050–1500.ȱVol.ȱI.ȱRomances,ȱed.ȱJ.ȱBurkeȱSeversȱ(NewȱHaven:ȱTheȱConnecticutȱAcademyȱofȱArts
andȱSciences,ȱ1967),ȱ17–37.
9
AlbrechtȱClassenȱpointsȱtoȱbloodȬfeuds,ȱinternecineȱstrife,ȱriots,ȱandȱrebellionȱinȱhisȱarticleȱinȱthis
volumeȱentitledȱ“CrimeȱandȱViolenceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱTheȱCasesȱofȱHeinrichȱderȱGlichezare’s
ReinhardȱFuchsȱandȱWernerȱderȱGartenære’sȱHelmbrecht.”
10
DonaldȱB.ȱSands,ȱed.ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomancesȱ(NewȱYork,ȱChicago,ȱetȱal.:ȱRinehartȱand
Winston,ȱInc,ȱ1966),ȱ154–81;ȱhereȱ157.
RetributionȱinȱGamelyn:ȱAȱCaseȱinȱtheȱCourts 177
Asȱ thoughȱ prescient,ȱ theȱ widelyȱ traveled,ȱ worldlyȱ wiseȱ Sirȱ Johnȱ anticipates
hostilitiesȱ amongȱ hisȱ sonsȱ andȱ evenȱ whereȱ theseȱ hostilitiesȱ mayȱ lie.11ȱ Thusȱ he
especiallyȱrequestsȱthatȱhisȱyoungestȱsonȱGamelynȱnotȱbeȱforgotten,ȱforȱ“Seldeȱye
seeȱonyȱeirȱȱȱhelpenȱhisȱbrother”ȱ(40).ȱUnfortunately,ȱtheȱoldȱman’sȱpremonitions
areȱprovenȱright.ȱInȱaȱsomewhatȱlawlessȱsocietyȱinȱwhichȱviolenceȱmayȱoverrule
right,ȱorȱconfirmȱit,ȱbehaviorȱisȱoftenȱambiguous.ȱInȱtheȱmatterȱofȱtheȱlaw,ȱthe
fatherȱknowsȱhisȱsons—SirȱJohnȱtheȱaggressor,ȱ“aȱmocheȱshewe”ȱ(6),ȱSirȱOteȱthe
compassionate,ȱandȱtheȱyoungest,ȱfavoredȱsonȱSirȱGamelyn.ȱȱ
Thisȱrollicking,ȱviolentȱMiddleȱEnglishȱverseȱromanceȱofȱca.ȱ1350ȱ(albeitȱwithȱa
somewhatȱ earlierȱ setting)ȱ isȱ neitherȱ chivalricȱ norȱ amatory;ȱ ratherȱ itȱ disregards
socialȱ authority,ȱ utilizesȱ brutality,ȱ criminality,ȱ andȱ physicalȱ force,ȱ thus
foreshadowingȱtheȱhistoricȱandȱliteraryȱbreakdownȱofȱlawȱandȱorderȱmarkingȱthe
fifteenthȱcentury.ȱInȱaȱprototypicalȱRobinȱHoodȱscenario,ȱGamelynȱsometimesȱeven
retreatsȱtoȱtheȱgreenwood,ȱlivingȱasȱanȱoutlaw,ȱquiteȱunlikeȱtheȱmoreȱtraditionally
romanticȱescapeȱofȱTristanȱtoȱtheȱwoodland.ȱButȱGamelyn’sȱcontextȱisȱnotȱchivalric,
forȱhisȱknightedȱfatherȱdoesȱnotȱcomeȱfromȱnobilityȱorȱroyalty,ȱbutȱwonȱhisȱlands
byȱpurchase,ȱnotȱinheritance.ȱNorȱisȱtheȱcharacterȱorȱbehaviorȱofȱtheȱcharacters
remotelyȱchivalric.ȱAlthoughȱGamelynȱofȱca.ȱ1350ȱisȱnotȱtheȱprototypeȱofȱRobinȱin
theȱlaterȱRobinȱHoodȱBallads,ȱsinceȱGamelynȱoftenȱappearsȱasȱRobin’sȱequalȱor
rival,ȱavengesȱRobin’sȱmurderȱinȱ“RobinȱandȱGamelyn,”ȱorȱjoinsȱhisȱbandȱasȱWill
Scarlet,ȱsimilarȱlegalȱissuesȱappearȱinȱbothȱtheȱromanceȱandȱtheȱballads.12ȱ
Asȱ Christineȱ Chismȱ indicates,ȱ theȱ Robinȱ Hoodȱ “outlawȱ balladsȱ critiqueȱ the
exerciseȱofȱjudicialȱauthorityȱinȱaȱvarietyȱofȱwaysȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ[particularly]ȱtheȱlocalization
ofȱlawȱenforcementȱthatȱaccompaniedȱtheȱcentralizationȱofȱmonarchicalȱauthority
overȱtheȱlaw.”13ȱInȱsimilarȱfashion,ȱtheȱearlierȱGamelynȱromanceȱpresentsȱconflicting
sourcesȱofȱauthorityȱtoȱresolveȱitsȱlegalȱconflicts.ȱForȱexample,ȱGamelynȱandȱAȱGest
ofȱRobinȱHoodȱbothȱtakeȱissueȱwithȱwhatȱChismȱcallsȱ“theȱnetworksȱthatȱboundȱthe
provincialȱeliteȱandȱwithȱtheȱforgedȱtiesȱbetweenȱlocalȱofficialsȱandȱroyalȱauthority
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ[including]ȱtheȱlocalȱmonopolyȱformedȱbyȱtheȱabbot,ȱtheȱsheriff,ȱtheȱlocal
lordings,ȱandȱtheȱking’sȱjustice.”14ȱTheȱlegalȱprovisionsȱofȱinheritance,ȱconfusion
ofȱtheȱseatsȱofȱpower,ȱandȱanȱawarenessȱofȱtheȱviolentȱtimesȱperhapsȱmotivateȱSir
11
ThomasȱWillardȱdescribesȱtheȱcomparableȱpracticeȱofȱ“cozenage,”ȱrelatingȱtoȱtheȱdeliberateȱgreedȬ
basedȱ fraudȱ perpetratedȱ betweenȱ closeȱ relativesȱ prevalentȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ sixteenthȱ andȱ early
seventeenthȱcenturyȱinȱhisȱarticleȱ“PimpingȱforȱtheȱFairyȱQueen:ȱSomeȱCozenersȱinȱShakespeare’s
England”ȱinȱthisȱvolume.
12
Sands,ȱed.ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ155ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
13
Christineȱ Chism,ȱ “Robinȱ Hood:ȱ Thinkingȱ Globally,ȱ Actingȱ Locallyȱ inȱ theȱ FifteenthȬCentury
Ballads,”ȱTheȱLetterȱofȱtheȱLaw:ȱLegalȱPracticeȱandȱLiteraryȱProductionȱinȱMedievalȱEngland,ȱed.ȱEmily
SteinerȱandȱCandaceȱBarringtonȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY,ȱandȱLondon:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2002),ȱ12–39;
hereȱ12–13.
14
Chism,ȱ“RobinȱHood,”ȱ13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13).
178 JeanȱE.ȱJost
John’sȱownȱdesireȱtoȱensureȱtheȱlawsȱofȱinheritanceȱforȱhisȱsons.ȱȱInȱtheȱromance,
behaviorȱisȱnotȱgenteelȱorȱrefined,ȱbutȱroughȱandȱbrutish.ȱȱAsȱRichardȱW.ȱKaeuper
pointsȱout,ȱ
Incidentsȱ ofȱ violenceȱ crowdȱ theȱ linesȱ ofȱ theȱ romanceȱ andȱ createȱ anȱ atmosphere
punctuatedȱ byȱ theȱ soundȱ ofȱ oakenȱ stavesȱ thwackingȱ ribsȱ andȱ crackingȱ bonesȱ .ȱ .ȱ .
[Violenceȱin]ȱthisȱtaleȱofȱrepeatedȱbeatings,ȱgraphicallyȱandȱevenȱgleefullyȱtoldȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱis
peculiarȱ toȱ XIVȬcenturyȱ England.ȱ Itȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ characteristicȱ ofȱ oneȱ particularȱ (if
broad)ȱstratumȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheȱactionȱtakesȱplaceȱonȱfoot,ȱ[and]ȱtheȱweaponȱisȱtheȱhumbleȱstaff
inȱtheȱlateȱmediaevalȱEnglishȱcountrysideȱwhereȱtheȱcountryȱgentryȱandȱyeomanȱare
theȱactors.15ȱȱ
ButȱSirȱJohn’sȱawarenessȱandȱforesightȱofȱtheȱsituationȱproveȱtoȱbeȱinȱvainȱasȱthe
designatedȱ councilȱ ofȱ elders,ȱ ratherȱ unchivalricȱ knights,ȱ failȱ toȱ understandȱ his
concern.ȱWhileȱpityingȱhisȱimminentȱdemise,ȱtheyȱmissȱhisȱmessage:ȱ“distribute
myȱwealthȱtoȱ eachȱofȱmyȱsons.”ȱThinkingȱtheyȱunderstoodȱhisȱcomplaint,ȱand
beingȱpowerȬhungryȱthemselves,ȱtheyȱareȱdeterminedȱtoȱusurpȱtheȱdyingȱman’s
powerȱandȱignoreȱhisȱlastȱwishes;ȱtheyȱareȱasȱcravenȱasȱanyȱ“eir.”ȱNoȱoneȱrespects
theȱlaw.ȱWhenȱtheseȱknightsȱwentȱintoȱcouncilȱtoȱapportionȱhisȱlands,ȱthen,
Forȱtoȱdelenȱhemȱalleȱȱȱtoȱoonȱ,ȱthatȱwasȱherȱthought.ȱ
AndȱforȱGamelynȱwasȱtheȱyongest,ȱȱȱheȱshouldȱhaveȱnoughtȱ
Allȱtheȱlondȱthatȱtherȱwasȱȱȱtheyȱdaltenȱitȱinȱtwoȱ
AndȱleetenȱGamelynȱtheȱyongeȱȱȱwithouteȱlondȱgo.16
TheȱfirstȱcrimeȱofȱtheȱromanceȱisȱthusȱmisapplyingȱSirȱJohn’sȱlastȬstatedȱwillȱand
testamentȱbyȱnotȱequallyȱdistributingȱhisȱproperty.ȱWhenȱtheȱailingȱSirȱJohnȱlearns
aboutȱtheȱimpendingȱdispositionȱofȱhisȱlands,ȱheȱswearsȱbyȱSt.ȱMartinȱthatȱtheȱland
isȱstillȱhis,ȱbecomingȱfuriousȱandȱyellingȱȱ
ForȱGodesȱloveȱneihebours,ȱȱȱstondethȱalleȱstille,
AndȱIȱwillȱdeleȱmyȱlondȱȱȱafterȱmyȱwille.
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱȱIȱbisekeȱyou,ȱȱȱgoodeȱmen,ȱȱȱthatȱlawȱconneȱofȱlonde,
ForȱGamelynesȱloveȱȱȱThatȱmyȱquestȱstonde.17ȱ
Theȱtaleȱexaminesȱtheȱconsequencesȱofȱtheseȱfalseȱjudiciaries’ȱactions,ȱtooȱoftenȱthe
stuffȱofȱactualȱlegalȱpractices,ȱandȱhowȱpunishmentȱfinallyȱredoundsȱuponȱthe
violators.
TheȱwilyȱeldestȱsonȱJohnȱneverthelessȱbeguilesȱhisȱyoungȱbrother,ȱkeepingȱhim
onȱJohn’sȱland,ȱlettingȱGamelyn’sȱproperty,ȱparks,ȱandȱwoodsȱfallȱintoȱdisarray.ȱ
15
RichardȱW.ȱKaeuper,ȱ“AnȱHistorian’sȱReadingȱofȱTheȱTaleȱofȱGamelyn,”ȱMediumȱAevumȱ52ȱ(1983):
51–62;ȱhereȱ52.
16
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ43–46ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
17
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ55–56;ȱ63–64ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
Hisȱ deer,ȱ hisȱ houses,ȱ hisȱ steedsȱ areȱ allȱ lostȱ orȱ ruined.ȱ Theȱ dismayedȱ Gamelyn
standsȱfingeringȱhisȱbeard,ȱlamentingȱhisȱplight,ȱandȱrefusingȱtoȱcookȱJohn’sȱmeals.
Heȱlistsȱallȱtheȱabusesȱheȱhasȱsufferedȱandȱcursesȱtheȱbrotherȱresponsibleȱforȱhis
situation,ȱ eruptingȱ intoȱ righteousȱ anger.ȱ Perhapsȱ hisȱ laterȱ disdainȱ forȱ theȱ law
occursȱbecauseȱhisȱownȱrightsȱwereȱconsistentlyȱtrampledȱon.ȱWithȱnoȱroleȱmodels
whoȱrespectȱtheȱlaw,ȱisȱitȱanyȱwonderȱtheȱyoungȱmanȱdisdainsȱlegalȱauthority?ȱThe
quickȬtemperedȱJohnȱcallsȱGamelynȱnamesȱandȱordersȱhisȱmenȱtoȱbeatȱtheȱyoung
manȱsenseless.ȱThisȱkindȱofȱnegativeȱcamaraderieȱreinforcesȱcruelȱbehavior,ȱand
ultimatelyȱ willȱ sendȱ Gamelynȱ toȱ theȱ outliers,ȱ theȱ outlaws,ȱ thoseȱ outȱ ofȱ the
mainstream.ȱȱButȱhereȱtheȱyoung,ȱstrongȱGamelynȱfindsȱaȱpestleȱtoȱuseȱasȱdefense
and,ȱ likeȱ aȱ wildȱ lion,ȱ leavesȱ theȱ menȱ inȱ aȱ heap.ȱ Whenȱ theȱ fearfulȱ Johnȱ asks
Gamelynȱtoȱlayȱdownȱhisȱarms,ȱheȱremindsȱhisȱyoungerȱbrotherȱthatȱheȱcould
breakȱGamelyn’sȱbones.ȱJohnȱdefendsȱhisȱownȱillegitimateȱbullyingȱasȱmerelyȱaȱtest
ofȱGamelyn’sȱstrengthȱandȱacceptsȱGamelyn’sȱrequestȱforȱhisȱproperȱinheritance
andȱtheȱbrothersȱappearȱreconciled.ȱȱButȱhisȱacceptanceȱisȱaȱsham,ȱfor:
ThusȱsaideȱtheȱknightȱȱȱtoȱGamelynȱwithȱmouthe
Andȱthoughtȱeekȱofȱfalsnesȱȱȱasȱheȱwellȱcouthe.
TheȱknightȱthoughtȱonȱtresounȱȱȱandȱGamelynȱonȱnoon.18
Theȱ familyȱ disputeȱ endsȱ withȱ aȱ treasonousȱ kissȱ fromȱ John,ȱ leadingȱ toȱ further
violence.ȱTheȱnaiveȱGamelynȱdoesȱnotȱrealizeȱtheȱextentȱofȱhisȱbrother’sȱmalice
whichȱlaterȱcomesȱasȱaȱshockȱandȱinfluencesȱhisȱownȱbehaviorȱandȱattitudes.
Whenȱaȱwrestlingȱmatchȱisȱannounced,ȱtheȱstrongȬmuscledȱGamelynȱdecidesȱto
enterȱtheȱcompetitionȱbutȱJohnȱlocksȱtheȱgateȱafterȱGamelynȱhasȱriddenȱaway,ȱand
praysȱthatȱhisȱbrotherȱwillȱbreakȱhisȱneck.ȱButȱGamelyn,ȱ“theȱ‘maleȱCinderella’
provesȱhisȱworthȱinȱanȱathleticȱcontest,”19ȱasȱSandsȱnotes,ȱovercomesȱtheȱwrestling
champion,ȱandȱwinsȱtheȱprize.ȱWhenȱheȱandȱhisȱcompanionsȱreturnȱhome,ȱheȱfinds
thatȱJohnȱhasȱmaliciouslyȱbarredȱandȱlockedȱtheȱgateȱagainstȱhim:ȱ“thanneȱwasȱit
yshetȱȱȱfasteȱwithȱaȱpin.”20ȱWithȱemotional,ȱfamilialȱtiesȱsundered,ȱhisȱcomradesȱare
theȱ firstȱ supportȱ systemȱ Gamelynȱ finds.ȱ Thoseȱ companions–“allȱ manner
men”—admireȱhisȱanimalȱstrength.ȱInȱretributionȱforȱbeingȱlockedȱout,ȱtheȱangry
Gamelynȱ“smoteȱtheȱwiketȱwithȱhisȱfootȱandȱbrakeȱawayȱtheȱpin”21ȱbeforeȱkilling
theȱporter—
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱgertȱhimȱinȱtheȱneckeȱȱȱthatȱtheȱbonȱtobrack
Andȱtookȱhimȱbyȱthatȱoonȱarmȱȱȱandȱthrewȱhimȱinȱaȱwelle—
Sevenȱfadmenȱitȱwasȱdeep.22ȱȱȱ
18
19
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ154ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
20
21
22
180 JeanȱE.ȱJost
TheȱcoldȬbloodedȱmurder,ȱtheȱsecondȱmajorȱcrimeȱofȱtheȱromance,ȱcomplicatesȱthe
taleȱandȱdoesȱnothingȱtoȱstirȱaudienceȱsympathyȱforȱtheȱexcessivelyȱstrongȱhero,
despiteȱtheȱinjusticeȱdoneȱhim.ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱmainstreamȱcultureȱisȱrepresentedȱby
hisȱbrotherȱJohn,ȱasȱlordȱofȱtheȱmanorȱhouse.ȱInȱoppositionȱtoȱtheȱoutlawsȱofȱthe
forest,ȱJohnȱneverthelessȱrecallsȱtheȱlawlessȱviciousnessȱofȱforestsȱwhereȱbandits
andȱ brigandsȱ ruthlesslyȱ murderedȱ victims.ȱ Andȱ Gamelyn’sȱ personalȱ familial
cultureȱhasȱdoneȱnothingȱtoȱnurtureȱorȱsupportȱhim.ȱSurelyȱGamelynȱfindsȱgreater
affinityȱwithȱtheȱforestȱoutlawsȱandȱbrigandsȱtoȱwhomȱheȱridesȱwhenȱheȱisȱbarred
fromȱhisȱhomeȱthanȱwithȱthoseȱinȱtheȱsupposedȱnormȱofȱsocietyȱfromȱtheȱmanor
andȱtown.ȱHowȱdoȱtheȱtwoȱcultures,ȱtheȱmainstreamȱinȱtheȱtown,ȱincludingȱhis
brotherȱJohn,ȱȱandȱtheȱmarginalȱinȱtheȱforest,ȱcoexist?ȱȱWhatȱisȱtheȱsocialȱandȱlegal
relationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱtwo?ȱThoseȱinȱtheȱmainstream,ȱsuchȱasȱJohn,ȱandȱthose
marginalȱbeggarsȱoutsideȱofȱit,ȱsuchȱasȱGemelyn?ȱȱBarbaraȱHanawaltȱanswersȱthis
way:
Medievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱsocietyȱwasȱtolerantȱofȱthoseȱoutsideȱtheȱmainstreamȱuntil
theyȱ cameȱ toȱ theȱ attentionȱ ofȱ authoritiesȱ orȱ untilȱ theȱ publicȱ becameȱ frightenedȱ of
personalȱ violenceȱ orȱ beganȱ toȱ feelȱ thatȱ theirȱ spaceȱ wasȱ somehowȱ pollutedȱ byȱ the
presenceȱofȱmarginals.ȱTheȱlocalȱneighborhoodȱbeggarȱwasȱaȱfigureȱofȱpityȱandȱcharity
butȱwhenȱtheȱpopulationȱofȱEuropeȱbeganȱtoȱmoveȱaroundȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury,ȱand
toȱ floodȱ theȱ cities,ȱ urbanȱ andȱ royalȱ authoritiesȱ beganȱ toȱ promulgateȱ lawsȱ against
“sturdyȱbeggars”ȱwhoȱwereȱdisruptiveȱandȱunproductive.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱAȱtraditionalȱtolerance
forȱthoseȱlivingȱdangerouslyȱandȱoutsideȱtheȱnormalȱconstraintsȱofȱsocietyȱbeganȱto
changeȱinȱtheȱlaterȱMiddleȱAgesȱasȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱcentralȱstateȱgrewȱstronger.23ȱȱ
Thus,ȱasȱtheȱcentralȱgovernmentȱstrengthened,ȱacceptanceȱofȱthatȱoutlawȱsociety
improvedȱ becauseȱ thoseȱ withinȱ theȱ marginsȱ didȱ notȱ fearȱ theȱ powerȱ ofȱ the
outsiders,ȱhavingȱaȱcentralizedȱgovernmentȱuponȱwhichȱtoȱrelyȱforȱprotection.ȱWill
theȱ hero,ȱ “Gamelynȱ theȱ yonge,”ȱ beȱ punishedȱ forȱ hisȱ brazenȱ andȱ unwarranted
crueltyȱtoȱtheȱporterȱinȱthisȱtimeȱofȱsocialȱunrest?ȱIsȱheȱpartȱofȱsociety,ȱasȱaȱmember
ofȱhisȱaffluentȱfamily,ȱanȱoutsiderȱasȱaȱmemberȱofȱtheȱoutlaws,ȱorȱboth?ȱTolerated
orȱpunished?ȱCuriously,ȱtheȱmetaphorȱforȱrepeatedȱbrutalityȱthroughoutȱtheȱpoem
isȱ ironicallyȱ thatȱ ofȱ “play”:ȱ “.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ Gamelynȱ theȱ yongeȱ ȱ ȱ thusȱ haddeȱ plaidȱ his
play”24—destructiveȱplayȱindeed.ȱInȱretributionȱagainstȱJohnȱforȱlockingȱhimȱoutȱofȱthe
castle,ȱ Gamelynȱ invitesȱ allȱ hisȱ companyȱ toȱ partakeȱ ofȱ hisȱ brother’sȱ foodȱ andȱ drink.ȱ As
Kaeuperȱ pointsȱ out,ȱ theseȱ charactersȱ areȱ fromȱ “theȱ amorphousȱ socialȱ levelȱ ofȱ minor
landowners,ȱlesserȱknightsȱandȱretainers–thoseȱwhoȱmightȱatȱmostȱhobnobȱwithȱtheȱprior
ofȱ aȱ nearbyȱ religiousȱ houseȱ andȱ knowȱ theȱ sheriff,ȱ butȱ whoseȱ horizonsȱ areȱ essentially
23
ȱ Barbaraȱ Hanawalt,ȱ “Introduction,”ȱ Livingȱ Dangerously:ȱ Onȱ theȱ Marginsȱ inȱ Medievalȱ andȱEarly
Modernȱ Europe,ȱ ed.ȱ Barbaraȱ Hanawaltȱ andȱ Annaȱ Grotansȱ (Notreȱ Dame,ȱ IN:ȱ Notreȱ Dame
UniversityȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱ2,ȱ3.
24
local.”25ȱGamelyn’sȱcompanionsȱareȱnotȱtheȱsocialȱeliteȱorȱrepresentativesȱofȱthe
rulingȱelite.ȱGamelynȱchallengesȱJohnȱtoȱcomplain,ȱandȱcursesȱhimȱwhenȱheȱdoes.
Heȱwhoȱgrumblesȱshallȱjoinȱtheȱporter!ȱ
Aȱweekȱlater,ȱwhenȱtheȱsatedȱcompanionsȱleaveȱtheȱcastle,ȱ“Hisȱbrotherȱthought
onȱ[Gamelyn]ȱbeȱwrekeȱȱȱWithȱhisȱtreccherie,”26ȱbutȱGamelynȱjustifiesȱhisȱactions
byȱnotingȱthatȱtheȱfruitsȱofȱtheȱfeastȱcameȱfromȱlandsȱhisȱfatherȱhadȱbequeathed
him—notȱ John.ȱ Therefore,ȱ hisȱ bountyȱ toȱ hisȱ friendsȱ wasȱ notȱ theft.ȱ Whenȱ John
duplicitouslyȱpromisesȱtoȱmakeȱGamelynȱhisȱheir,ȱaȱtemporaryȱtruceȱisȱreached.
ButȱsoonȱtheȱguilefulȱJohnȱliesȱtoȱGamelynȱclaimingȱthatȱheȱpreviouslyȱvowedȱto
bindȱGamelynȱhandȱandȱfootȱforȱkillingȱtheȱporter,ȱandȱwishesȱnotȱbeȱforesworn.ȱ
Respectingȱhisȱbrother’sȱputativeȱvow,ȱGamelynȱfoolishlyȱallowsȱhimselfȱtoȱbe
bound.ȱToȱGamelyn’sȱshockedȱamazement,ȱJohnȱtellsȱtheȱcastleȱvisitorsȱGamelyn
hasȱgoneȱinsaneȱandȱmustȱbeȱconfined.ȱȱBoundȱtoȱaȱhallȱpostȱwithoutȱfoodȱorȱdrink
forȱtwoȱdaysȱandȱnights,ȱGamelynȱaccuses:
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱthouȱartȱaȱpartyȱfals;ȱ
ȱ HadȱIȱwistȱthatȱtresounȱȱȱthatȱthouȱhastȱfound,
ȱȱȱ IȱwoldeȱhaveȱyeveȱtheeȱstrokesȱȱȱOrȱIȱhadȱbeȱbounde.”27ȱ
FinallyȱGamelynȱconvincesȱAdamȱSpencer,ȱhisȱfather’sȱandȱbrother’sȱservant,ȱto
stealȱtheȱkeysȱandȱfreeȱhim,ȱdespiteȱAdam’sȱfearȱofȱbeingȱaccusedȱofȱtreasonȱby
John.ȱ Hereȱ beginsȱ aȱ kindȱ ofȱ homosocialȱ bondingȱ andȱ secondȱ supportȱ system
whereinȱGamelynȱandȱAdamȱshareȱtheirȱactions,ȱtheirȱplans,ȱtheirȱresistanceȱto
authorityȱofȱtheȱlaw,ȱandȱtheirȱfearȱofȱitsȱconsequences.ȱOnceȱfreed,ȱGamelyn’s
immediateȱresponseȱisȱvindictive.ȱȱHeȱvowsȱtoȱcutȱoffȱJohn’sȱhead,ȱbutȱtheȱwiser
Adamȱrestrainsȱhimȱbyȱsuggestingȱaȱmilder,ȱsmarterȱmethodȱtoȱeffectȱtheirȱplan.
AlthoughȱAdamȱhadȱunlockedȱhisȱchains,ȱtheȱyoungȱGamelynȱfeignsȱbondageȱand
begsȱtheȱclergy,ȱ“abbotesȱandȱpriours”28ȱforȱfreedomȱwhenȱtheyȱcomeȱtoȱaȱbanquet.
Theȱ clergyȱ willȱ eitherȱ freeȱ Gamelynȱ orȱ beȱ beatenȱ withȱ staffsȱ byȱ Adamȱ and
Gamelynȱforȱtheirȱfailureȱtoȱdoȱso.ȱOfȱcourseȱtheȱviciousȱclergyȱdenyȱGamelyn
help,ȱevenȱclaimingȱ“IȱwoldȱthinȱheedȱwereȱoffȱȱȱThoughȱthouȱwereȱmyȱbrother;”29
“Itȱisȱmocheȱskathe,ȱboy,ȱȱȱthatȱthouȱareȱonȱlive.”30ȱ
Inȱretribution,ȱAdamȱandȱGamelynȱsoundlyȱbeatȱthemȱwithȱtheirȱstaffs,ȱ“For
theyȱ hadȱ noȱ rewtheȱ ȱ ȱ ofȱ menȱ ofȱ holyȱ chercheȱ /ȱ Abbotȱ orȱ priour,ȱ ȱ ȱ monkȱ or
25
Kaeuper,ȱ“AnȱHistorian’sȱReading,”ȱ52ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).ȱ
26
27
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ392–94ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
28
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ435ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
29
30
182 JeanȱE.ȱJost
chanoun.“31ȱWhyȱshouldȱtheyȱbeȱpitied,ȱwhenȱtheyȱthemselvesȱexhibitedȱnoȱsuch
pityȱ orȱ concernȱ forȱ Gamelyn,ȱ supposedlyȱ madȱ andȱ inȱ chains.ȱ ȱ Adamȱ suggests
Gamelynȱ“brekȱbotheȱherȱleggesȱȱȱandȱsithenȱhereȱarmes,”32ȱfurtherȱescalatingȱthe
levelȱofȱviolence.ȱThusȱretributiveȱjusticeȱultimatelyȱwins,ȱforȱtheȱclericsȱ“came
thereȱridingȱjauntilyȱwithȱtheirȱservantsȱandȱwereȱbroughtȱbackȱ[unconscious]ȱin
cartsȱandȱwagons.”33ȱ
Gamelyn’sȱvengeanceȱagainstȱhisȱbrotherȱisȱequallyȱdamaging:ȱwithȱhisȱstaffȱhe
“girtȱhimȱinȱtheȱneckeȱȱȱthatȱheȱoverthrewȱ(suchȱthatȱheȱfellȱdown).ȱȱAȱlitelȱabove
theȱgirdelȱȱȱTheȱriggebonȱtobarstȱ(theȱbackboneȱbroke).”34ȱSittingȱJohnȱinȱfettersȱlike
thoseȱinȱwhichȱheȱwasȱlockedȱ“Forȱtoȱcolinȱthyȱblod,ȱȱȱasȱIȱdidȱmin”35ȱtheȱyouth
avengesȱhisȱbrother’sȱcruelty.ȱButȱsoonȱtwentyȬfourȱofȱtheȱsheriff’sȱhostileȱdeputies
arriveȱtoȱswearȱvengeanceȱonȱGamelyn,ȱhavingȱheardȱofȱtheȱviolentȱmeleeȱatȱthe
castle.ȱ Althoughȱ Adamȱ andȱ Gamelynȱ defeatȱ fiveȱ foesȱ andȱ theȱ othersȱ flee,ȱ the
sheriffȱ himself,ȱ representingȱ theȱ localȱ legalȱ establishment,ȱ arrivesȱ withȱ aȱ large
posseȱtoȱextractȱvengeance.ȱȱTheȱtwoȱmenȱareȱforcedȱtoȱescapeȱintoȱtheȱforestȱlest
theyȱbeȱcaught.ȱȱThereȱtheyȱcomeȱuponȱaȱbandȱofȱoutlawsȱwithȱwhomȱtheyȱmake
friendsȱandȱshareȱfood.ȱTheȱlocusȱofȱescape,ȱtheȱpersonaȱofȱtheȱchasingȱsheriff,ȱand
theȱfriendlyȱoutlawsȱwhomȱGamelynȱcallsȱ“hisȱmerryȱmen”36areȱclearlyȱparallelȱto
thoseȱelementsȱinȱtheȱRobinȱHoodȱstories.ȱEventuallyȱGamelynȱisȱ“Madeȱmaister
outlaweȱȱȱandȱcrounedȱherȱking”37overȱthoseȱoutlawsȱwhoȱhaveȱbecomeȱhisȱthird
sourceȱofȱcomfort–aȱkindȱofȱpersonalȱandȱantiȬestablishmentȱinstitution.ȱButȱJohn
soonȱsupercedesȱGamelyn’sȱpower:ȱ
Theȱfalsȱknightȱhisȱbrotherȱȱȱwasȱsherreveȱandȱsireȱ
Andȱleetȱhisȱbrotherȱenditeȱȱȱforȱhateȱandȱforȱire.ȱ38ȱ
Hisȱ cohortsȱ warnȱ himȱ “Nowȱ isȱ thyȱ brotherȱ sherreveȱ ȱ andȱ hathȱ theȱ baillie”39
(709)—fromȱwhichȱofficeȱheȱindictsȱGamelyn.ȱThusȱformalȱlegalȱproceedingsȱare
initiatedȱ andȱ tensionsȱ growȱ betweenȱ localȱ (John)ȱ andȱ monarchicalȱ authority.
Ironically,ȱtheȱlegitimateȱking,ȱthroughȱhisȱlocalȱminions,ȱisȱindictingȱtheȱkingȱof
theȱoutlaws.ȱHearingȱofȱhisȱindictmentȱbyȱthisȱlocalȱagent,ȱhisȱbrotherȱtheȱsheriff,
31
32
33
ȱ Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱnoteȱ527–28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
34
35
36
37
38
39
“Allas,”ȱsaideȱGamelyn,ȱȱȱ“thatȱeverȱIȱwasȱsoȱslak
ThatȱIȱneȱhaddeȱbrokeȱhisȱneckeȱȱȱThoȱhisȱriggeȱbrak!”40ȱȱȱ
[WhenȱIȱbrokeȱhisȱback]
Gamelyn’sȱaggressiveȱstanceȱmarksȱtheȱlatterȱsegmentȱofȱtheȱromance,ȱhisȱfraternal
experiencesȱ generatingȱ hisȱ evolutionȱ fromȱ mildȬmannered,ȱ lightȬhearted,
cooperativeȱbrotherȱtoȱvindictive,ȱcoldȬhearted,ȱcontrollingȱmachine.ȱMarching
boldlyȱintoȱJohn’sȱassemblyȱhallȱtoȱwhichȱheȱhasȱbeenȱcalled,ȱGamelynȱcursesȱthe
indignitiesȱheapedȱuponȱhimȱbyȱhisȱbrother,ȱtheȱlocalȱlawȱestablishment.ȱHeȱrails
againstȱtheȱindictment,ȱasȱwellȱasȱJohn’sȱorderȱsettingȱhisȱlifeȱatȱtheȱvalueȱofȱaȱwolf,
“Andȱallȱhisȱgoodȱrevedȱȱȱandȱhisȱmenȱshent”41ȱ(hisȱpropertyȱdespoiledȱandȱhis
menȱpoorlyȱtreated).ȱFirstȱGamelynȱremovesȱhisȱhoodȱasȱaȱsymbolicȱgestureȱof
respectȱtoȱtheȱlordsȱpresent,ȱexceptȱhisȱdeceitfulȱbrother,ȱgreetingȱthemȱwithȱ
“Godȱsaveȱyouȱalle,ȱlordings,ȱthatȱnowȱhereȱbe,ȱȱ
Butȱbrokebakȱsherreve—ȱȱȱevilȱmotȱthouȱthee!”42ȱ
Gamelyn’sȱangerȱpromptsȱJohnȱtoȱseizeȱhim,ȱandȱGamelynȱatȱlastȱvengefullyȱ“Was
castȱintoȱprisounȱȱȱandȱfetteredȱfullȱfast.”43ȱTheȱnatureȱandȱdegreeȱofȱseriousness
ofȱJohn’sȱviolentlyȱcriminalȱbehavior,ȱhisȱconformityȱtoȱlaw,ȱorȱtheȱlegitimacyȱof
hisȱ vengeanceȱ isȱ notȱ alwaysȱ clear.ȱ Perhapsȱ Sirȱ Oteȱ representsȱ theȱ bestȱ balance
betweenȱ civilȱ disobedienceȱ andȱ accommodationȱ withȱ hisȱ measured,ȱ reasoned
manner.ȱHereȱtheȱgoodȱSirȱOte,ȱGamelyn’sȱappropriatelyȱ“ȱmiddle”ȱbrotherȱ(inȱage
andȱrelationshipȱtoȱtheȱotherȱtwo),ȱintervenes,ȱsayingȱtoȱJohn:
WeȱbeenȱbutȱthreeȱbrethrenȱȱȱShullȱweȱneverȱbeȱmo—
Andȱthouȱhasȱyprisonedȱȱȱtheȱbestȱofȱusȱalleȱ
Swicheȱanotherȱbrotherȱȱȱivilȱmotȱhimȱbifalle.ȱ44ȱ
[evilȱtoȱanyȱbrotherȱsuchȱasȱyou]
TheȱvindictiveȱJohnȱclaimsȱ
ByȱGodȱforȱthyȱwordes,ȱȱȱheȱshallȱfareȱtheȱwurs!ȱ
ToȱtheȱkingesȱprisounȱȱȱanonȱisȱheȱyȬnome.ȱ45
BecauseȱofȱOte’sȱcurse,ȱGamelynȱisȱsummarilyȱtakenȱtoȱtheȱking’sȱprisonȱ“tillȱthe
justiceȱcome.”46ȱTheȱpunishmentȱreflectsȱbothȱlocalȱandȱmonarchialȱauthorityȱsince
heȱisȱimprisonedȱonȱordersȱofȱtheȱlocalȱsheriffȱandȱhousedȱinȱtheȱking’sȱprison.ȱIt
40
41
42
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱȱ719–20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
43
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱȱ726ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
44
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱȱ736–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
45
46
184 JeanȱE.ȱJost
isȱthusȱduallyȱinstituted.ȱFromȱthisȱpointȱon,ȱtheȱlegalȱdimensionȱofȱthisȱromance
willȱshapeȱitsȱresolution.ȱAȱrepresentativeȱofȱtheȱmonarchyȱpossessesȱtheȱgreatest
authorityȱandȱsubjugationȱoverȱGamelyn,ȱperhapsȱinȱconjunctionȱwithȱJohn,ȱthe
newlyȱappointedȱsheriff.ȱAsȱDeanȱpointsȱout,ȱ“inȱtheȱlateȱtwelfthȱandȱthirteenth
centuries,ȱroyalȱjudgesȱwereȱsentȱoutȱfromȱcentralȱcourtsȱinȱcircuitsȱofȱgroupsȱof
countiesȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱAfterȱthisȱsystemȱbrokeȱdownȱthroughȱoverloadȱinȱtheȱyearsȱaround
1300,ȱaȱcombinationȱofȱcentralȱandȱlocalȱjudgesȱeventuallyȱtookȱitsȱplace:ȱcentral
judgesȱonȱcircuitȱandȱlocalȱ‘JusticesȱofȱtheȱPeace’ȱinȱeachȱcountyȱheldȱregularȱcourt
sessions.”47ȱThisȱromanceȱappearsȱtoȱdrawȱfromȱtheȱsecondȱtraditionȱasȱcentralȱand
localȱauthorityȱcollude.ȱWaitingȱforȱtheȱarrivalȱofȱaȱcentralizedȱtravelingȱjudge
wouldȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱregularȱoccurrence.ȱȱHowever,ȱinȱtheȱmeantimeȱOteȱdemands
bailȱbeȱsetȱforȱGamelynȱ(“mainpris”48)ȱwithȱȱhimselfȱasȱcollateralȱuntilȱtheȱnext
legalȱhearing,ȱwhenȱaȱtravelingȱjusticeȱarrivesȱfromȱtheȱKing’sȱretinue.ȱJohnȱgrants
thisȱrequest,ȱremindingȱOte:
“Brother,ȱinȱswichȱaȱforthward,ȱȱȱIȱtakeȱhimȱtoȱthee;
Andȱbyȱthyȱfaderȱsouleȱȱȱthatȱtheeȱbegatȱandȱme
ButȬifȱheȱbeȱredyȱȱȱwhanȱtheȱjusticeȱsitte,
Thouȱshaltȱbereȱtheȱjuggementȱȱȱforȱalleȱthyȱgreteȱwitte.”ȱ49ȱ
OteȱfearsȱGamelynȱwillȱnotȱreturnȱwhenȱheȱvisitsȱhisȱoutlawȱband,ȱandȱOte,ȱhis
surety,ȱwillȱbeȱpunished.ȱWhenȱheȱbegsȱ“Godȱshildeȱtheeȱfromȱshame;ȱ/ȱComȱwhan
thouȱ seestȱ timeȱ ȱ ȱ andȱ bringȱ usȱ outȱ ofȱ blame,”50ȱ Gamelynȱ reassuresȱ himȱ ofȱ his
fidelityȱandȱpromisesȱhisȱfaithful,ȱtimelyȱreturn.ȱ
TheȱissueȱofȱtheȱgreenȱorȱtheȱforestȱtoȱwhichȱGamelynȱtemporarilyȱreturnsȱhadȱalso
becomeȱaȱlegalȱconcernȱofȱdemarcatingȱsocialȱclassesȱbyȱnow.ȱTheȱforestȱisȱaȱplace
ofȱ potentialȱ criminalȱ activityȱ involvingȱ thoseȱ belowȱ theȱ nobleȱ class,ȱ especially
regardingȱhuntingȱregulations.ȱAsȱWilliamȱPerryȱMarvinȱnotes:ȱ
Whereasȱhuntingȱreservesȱdelineatedȱtheȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱlicitȱandȱcriminalȱactivity
accordingȱtoȱrealȱtopographicalȱcriteria,ȱtheȱgameȱlawȱdrawsȱaȱboundaryȱatȱpoints
contrivedȱtoȱmarkȱaȱcleavageȱinȱtheȱsocialȱhierarchy,ȱdemarcatingȱaȱlevelȱofȱnominal
orȱperformativeȱgentilityȱbelowȱwhichȱaȱlargeȱpartȱofȱtheȱhuntingȱpublicȱwasȱatȱbestȱto
beȱdisenfranchisedȱandȱatȱworstȱcriminalized.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱTheȱgameȱlaw,ȱinȱthatȱitȱrevokedȱthe
individualȱrightȱtoȱhuntȱfromȱpersonsȱwhoȱdidȱnotȱmeetȱtheȱpropertyȱqualificationsȱit
47
48
49
ȱ Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ747–50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
50
established,ȱ inȱ effectȱ legallyȱ closedȱ theȱ commonȱ chaseȱ toȱ theȱ majorityȱ ofȱ the
population.51
ȱ
Gamelynȱandȱcertainlyȱhisȱcomradesȱwouldȱhaveȱfallenȱbelowȱtheȱlevelȱofȱgentility
neededȱtoȱfrequentȱtheȱgreen.ȱNevertheless,ȱGamelynȱretreatsȱtoȱtheȱforestȱtoȱjoin
hisȱsupportiveȱcompanions,ȱignoringȱgameȱlawsȱinȱeffect.ȱ
Meanwhile,ȱSheriffȱJohnȱisȱbusilyȱtryingȱtoȱbribeȱwitnesses:
Forȱheȱwasȱfastȱaboutȱȱȱbotheȱdayȱandȱother
ȱ Forȱtoȱhireȱtheȱquestȱȱȱtoȱhangenȱhisȱbrother.52ȱ
Thisȱillegalȱbehaviorȱbyȱoneȱofȱtheȱlocalȱofficialsȱagainstȱhisȱownȱfleshȱandȱblood
isȱhighlighted;ȱifȱtheȱaudienceȱdidȱnotȱknowȱalready,ȱtheyȱwouldȱnowȱbeȱfully
awareȱofȱhisȱulteriorȱmotives.
Gamelynȱtellsȱhisȱmenȱtheyȱwillȱnowȱreturnȱtoȱcourt,ȱforȱheȱhasȱpledgedȱthisȱto
hisȱ brotherȱ Ote,ȱ havingȱ promisedȱ hisȱ returnȱ toȱ sitȱ inȱ judgmentȱ lestȱ Oteȱ be
punished.ȱButȱJohn,ȱinȱhisȱcapacityȱofȱsheriff,ȱwouldȱpunishȱOteȱifȱnotȱGamelyn:
TheȱfalsȱknightȱhisȱbrotherȱȱȱForyatȱheȱnatȱthat
Toȱhuireȱmenȱtheȱmenȱonȱhisȱquestȱȱȱtoȱhangenȱhisȱbrother;ȱ
[bribeȱmenȱonȱtheȱinquest]
ȱȱȱ Thoughȱheȱhaddeȱnoughtȱthatȱoon,ȱȱȱheȱwoldeȱhaveȱthatȱother.53ȱ
ȱȱȱ
Johnȱwillȱmakeȱtheȱbrotherȱwhoȱstandsȱsuretyȱforȱtheȱbailȱpayȱifȱtheȱother,ȱnamely
Gamelyn,ȱisȱnotȱnearbyȱasȱsoonȱasȱtheȱjusticeȱarrives.ȱAsȱallȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱcourtȱwith
theȱjustice’sȱarrival,ȱAdamȱentersȱtheȱhallȱandȱscopesȱoutȱtheȱsituation,ȱfeelingȱ“as
heȱwereȱagast”54ȱatȱOte’sȱconfinementȱinȱfetters–theȱverdictȱwasȱgivenȱthatȱOte,
Gamelyn’sȱ surety,ȱ beȱ hangedȱ inȱ Gamelyn’sȱ placeȱ becauseȱ Gamelynȱ hasȱ yetȱ to
arrive.ȱGamelyn,ȱdiscoveringȱhisȱbrotherȱOteȱ“fetteredȱwellȱfast”55ȱinȱtheȱassembly
hall,ȱvowsȱrevenge:ȱ“Heȱshallȱitȱabeggeȱȱȱthatȱbroughteȱthertoo.”56ȱAdamȱsuggests
vengeance–inȱfactȱdecapitation—ofȱtheȱentireȱgroup,ȱbutȱGamelynȱwisely,ȱand
legally,ȱsaysȱ
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱweȱwilneȱnoughtȱdonȱso
Weȱwillȱsleeȱtheȱgiltifȱ[theȱbribed]ȱȱȱandȱletȱtheȱotherȱgo.
51
ȱ WilliamȱPerryȱMarvin,ȱ“SlaughterȱandȱRomance:ȱHuntingȱReservesȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱEngland,”
MedievalȱCrimeȱandȱSocialȱControl,ȱed.ȱBarbaraȱA.ȱHanawaltȱandȱDavidȱWallaceȱ(Minneapolisȱand
London:ȱUniversityȱofȱMinnesotaȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ224–52;ȱhereȱ229.
52
53
54
55
56
186 JeanȱE.ȱJost
Iȱwillȱintoȱtheȱhalleȱȱȱandȱwithȱtheȱjusticeȱspeke
OnȱthemȱthatȱbeenȱgiltifȱȱȱIȱwillȱbeenȱawreke.”57 (821–24)
Heȱmoreȱmoderatelyȱconcludesȱ“Iȱwillȱbeȱjusticeȱthisȱdayȱȱȱdomesȱtoȱdeme./ȱGod
spedeȱmeȱthisȱdayȱatȱmyȱneweȱwerk!”58ȱInȱthisȱrealmȱofȱphysicalȱviolence,ȱinȱa
courtȱpresidedȱoverȱbyȱaȱvengefulȱsheriffȱwhoȱstoopsȱtoȱbribery,ȱaȱkindȱofȱrough
justiceȱwillȱprevail.ȱGamelynȱentersȱtheȱassemblyȱhallȱwhereȱtheȱking’sȱjusticeȱsits,
andȱ unfettersȱ hisȱ innocentȱ brotherȱ Oteȱ whenȱ learningȱ heȱ wasȱ scheduledȱ toȱ be
hanged.ȱGamelynȱkeepsȱhisȱpromiseȱtoȱpunishȱtheȱbriberȱandȱtheȱbribed:
“Thisȱdayȱtheyȱshulnȱbeenȱhangedȱȱȱthatȱbeenȱonȱthyȱquestȱȱ
[inquest];
Andȱtheȱjusticeȱbothe,ȱȱȱthatȱisȱjuggeȬman,
Andȱtheȱsherreveȱbothe—ȱȱȱthurghȱhimȱitȱbigan.”59ȱ
ȱ
BoldlyȱGamelynȱchallengesȱtheȱmonarchicalȱjudgeȱforȱhisȱfalseȱdecisionȱbasedȱon
bribery,ȱandȱsaysȱthatȱheȱwillȱsitȱasȱjusticeȱinȱtheȱjudge’sȱplace:ȱ
“Nowȱisȱthyȱpowerȱydon;ȱȱȱthouȱmustȱnedesȱarise;
Thouȱhasȱyevenȱdomesȱȱȱthatȱbenȱivelȱdight;
Iȱwolȱsittenȱinȱthyȱseteȱȱȱandȱdressenȱhemȱaright.”60
Gettingȱnoȱresponse,ȱGamelynȱviolentlyȱoustsȱtheȱjudge,ȱ“clevedeȱhisȱcheekeȱboon
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ/ȱthrewȱhimȱoverȱtheȱbarreȱȱȱandȱhisȱarmȱtobrak,”61ȱfrighteningȱeveryoneȱelse
inȱtheȱroom.ȱThenȱheȱsitsȱdownȱinȱtheȱjudge’sȱseatȱandȱproclaimsȱtheȱpunishments:
heȱfettersȱtheȱking’sȱjusticeȱandȱtheȱlocalȱsheriff,ȱhisȱbrotherȱJohn,ȱusurpingȱboth
kinglyȱandȱlocalȱpower.ȱHeȱthenȱinquiresȱaboutȱwhoȱwasȱonȱtheȱjury,ȱdeliberates
longȱandȱhard,ȱfettersȱtheȱjurorsȱasȱwell,ȱandȱoffersȱjudgmentȱonȱthemȱall.ȱJustȱsuch
aȱcaseȱofȱjurorsȱindictingȱtheȱaccusedȱandȱhangingȱhimȱisȱdescribedȱbyȱTrevorȱDean
inȱaȱsimilarȱhistoricȱcase:
[I]nȱLondon,ȱinȱJanuaryȱ1417,ȱ‘EdmundȱateȱChapell’ȱofȱFinsburyȱwasȱindictedȱbefore
theȱsheriffsȱandȱcoronerȱofȱrobbingȱJohnȱStoweȱofȱNorwichȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱDecemberȱof
aȱwhiteȱhorse,ȱfourȱboltsȱofȱcloth,ȱaȱknife,ȱaȱfurȱandȱotherȱgoods.ȱHeȱpleadedȱnotȱguilty,
andȱoptedȱforȱjuryȱtrial.ȱAȱjuryȱwasȱsummonedȱandȱswornȱin.ȱTheyȱsaidȱonȱoathȱthat
Edmundȱwasȱguilty,ȱsoȱheȱwasȱsentencedȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱhanging.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱInȱEngland,ȱaȱjury
ofȱlocalȱmenȱsimplyȱgaveȱaȱverdict,ȱapparentlyȱwithoutȱmuchȱinȱtheȱwayȱofȱhearing
evidenceȱorȱwitnesses,ȱandȱtheȱjudgeȱissuedȱtheȱsentence.62ȱȱ
57
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ821–24(seeȱnoteȱ10).
58
59
60
61
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ850,ȱ852ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
62
Dean,ȱCrimeȱinȱMedievalȱEurope,ȱ2,ȱ3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱOriginalȱsourceȱisȱinȱtheȱCalendarȱofȱPleaȱand
MemorandaȱRollsȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱofȱtheȱCityȱofȱLondonȱADȱ1413–1437,ȱed.ȱA.ȱH.ȱThomasȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridge
Gamelynȱrulesȱthatȱtheȱlocalȱsheriffȱisȱaȱrogue,ȱtheȱmonarch’sȱjusticeȱflawedȱand
thatȱtheȱtwelveȱjurymenȱhadȱbeenȱbribed.ȱȱ
Theȱjusticeȱandȱsherreveȱȱȱbothȱhongedȱhieȱ
ȱ Toȱwaivenȱwithȱropesȱȱȱandȱwithȱtheȱwindȱdrie
Andȱtheȱtwelveȱsisours—ȱȱȱsorrowȱhaveȱthatȱrecke!—
Alleȱtheyȱwereȱhangedȱȱȱfastȱbyȱtheȱnecke.ȱ63
Gamelyn’sȱ conclusion,ȱ however,ȱ contradictsȱ Sirȱ Johnȱ Fortescue’sȱ reasoning,ȱ as

summarizedȱbyȱTrevorȱDean:
Jurorsȱcanȱnotȱeasilyȱbeȱcorruptedȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱbecauseȱtheyȱareȱlocalȱpropertyȱholders,ȱnot
greedyȱpaupers.ȱSuspectsȱcanȱobjectȱtoȱindividualȱjurorsȱwhoȱwillȱthenȱbeȱreplaced,
thusȱinsuringȱimpartiality.ȱTheȱfactȱthatȱwitnessesȱhaveȱtoȱdeliverȱtheirȱstatements
beforeȱaȱjuryȱofȱtwelveȱneighbours,ȱwhoȱknowȱthemȱandȱtheirȱcredibility,ȱensuresȱthat
falseȱchargesȱcannotȱeasilyȱbeȱsustained.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱTheȱuseȱofȱneighbours,ȱ“soundȱinȱrepute
andȱfairȬminded,”ȱisȱthusȱcontrastedȱtoȱtheȱuseȱofȱsubornedȱwitnesses,ȱ“unreliable
hirelings,ȱpaupers,ȱandȱvagrants.”ȱȱ“WhoȱthenȱinȱEnglandȱcanȱdieȱunjustlyȱforȱaȱcrime,
whenȱheȱcanȱhaveȱsoȱmanyȱaidsȱinȱfavorȱofȱhisȱlife,ȱandȱnoneȱsaveȱhisȱneighboursȱcan
condemnȱhim?”64ȱ
TheȱlikelihoodȱthatȱOteȱhadȱtheȱopportunityȱtoȱrejectȱaȱpeerȱisȱslight;ȱthatȱhisȱpeers
areȱimpartialȱneighbors,ȱnotȱbribedȱhirelingsȱisȱimpossible,ȱasȱtheȱtaleȱtells.ȱAfter
anȱinquestȱintoȱJohn’sȱactivitiesȱbyȱaȱjuryȱofȱmenȱchosenȱbyȱGamelyn,ȱaboutȱas
impartialȱasȱtheȱformerȱjuryȱhandȬpickedȱbyȱJohn,ȱretributiveȱjusticeȱwinsȱoutȱandȱ
Thusȱendedȱtheȱfalsȱknightȱȱȱwithȱhisȱtreccherie
ThatȱeverȱhadȱyȬladȱhisȱlifȱȱȱinȱfalsnesȱandȱfolie.65ȱ
Inȱtheȱcaseȱofȱbribingȱjurorsȱandȱlegalȱcorruption,ȱDonaldȱB.ȱSandsȱaffirmsȱthat,ȱ
Inȱgovernmentȱrecordsȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱcenturyȱinȱparticular,ȱthereȱareȱinstancesȱof
corruptȱjudgesȱandȱbribedȱjuriesȱbeingȱcalledȱtoȱaccountȱandȱultimatelyȱsufferingȱfor
theirȱmisdeeds.ȱAndȱtheȱfinalȱsceneȱinȱGamelynȱprobablyȱarises,ȱnotȱfromȱoneȱparticular
legalȱscandal,ȱbutȱfromȱtheȱgeneralȱimpressionȱmanyȱsuchȱlegalȱcrisesȱwouldȱhaveȱhad
onȱanyȱrightȬthinkingȱonlooker.ȱ66
Aȱconcordanceȱwithȱtheȱkingȱconcludesȱtheȱtale,ȱconfirmingȱtheȱharshȱjusticeȱofȱthe
punishmentȱagainstȱbothȱlocalȱandȱmonarchicalȱrepresentativesȱwhichȱGamelyn
UniversityȱPress,ȱ1943),ȱ54–55.
63
64
Dean,ȱ Crimeȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Europe,ȱ 4ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1),ȱ quotingȱ Sirȱ Johnȱ Fortescue,ȱ Onȱ theȱ Lawsȱ and
GovernanceȱofȱEngland,ȱed.ȱShelleyȱLockwoodȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1997),
30–47.
65
66
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ155ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
188 JeanȱE.ȱJost
theȱjudgeȱmetedȱoutȱtoȱtheȱking’sȱjustice,ȱtheȱlocalȱjusticeȱ(hisȱbrotherȱJohn),ȱthe
peers,ȱandȱtheȱporterȱheȱearlierȱkilled.ȱItȱexoneratesȱGamelynȱandȱhisȱcohortsȱof
anyȱ otherȱ potentialȱ crimesȱ suchȱ asȱ usurpingȱ hisȱ brother’sȱ meatȱ andȱ drink;ȱ it
rewardsȱ Oteȱ byȱ conferringȱ onȱ himȱ theȱ localȱ positionȱ andȱ titleȱ ofȱ “justice”ȱ and
Gamelynȱtheȱmonarchical,ȱnationalȱpositionȱandȱtitleȱofȱ“chiefȱjusticeȱofȱtheȱland,”
thusȱ replacingȱ bothȱ localȱ andȱ nationalȱ authorities.ȱ Further,ȱ itȱ acquitsȱ hisȱ loyal
outlawsȱofȱwrongdoing:
ȱ
ThusȱwanȱGamelynȱȱȱhisȱlondȱandȱleedeȱ[tenants]
Andȱwrackȱ[avenge]ȱhimȱofȱhisȱenemiesȱȱȱandȱquitȱhemȱofȱhereȱ
meede.ȱ67
Theȱtaleȱofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱhasȱcomeȱfullȱcircle,ȱestablishingȱpunishmentȱfor
theȱguiltyȱandȱexonerationȱofȱtheȱinnocent.ȱȱItȱrecognizesȱandȱdulyȱaccordsȱthe
localȱandȱkinglyȱjudiciaryȱpositionsȱofȱlegalȱauthority.ȱGamelynȱandȱOteȱareȱnow
metedȱoutȱrestorativeȱjusticeȱsufficientȱtoȱoffsetȱtheȱunwarrantedȱpunishmentȱthey
underwentȱfromȱtheirȱbrotherȱJohn,ȱtheȱmalevolentȱlocalȱsheriff,ȱandȱtheȱequally
corruptȱmonarchicalȱchiefȱjustice.ȱThisȱpattern,ȱlikeȱotherȱcorrespondencesȱnoted
above,ȱcanȱlikewiseȱbeȱfoundȱinȱcertainȱRobinȱHoodȱtales.ȱForȱexample,ȱGamelyn,
likeȱAȱGestȱofȱRobinȱHood,ȱasȱChismȱnotes,
inȱeffectȱworksȱsimultaneouslyȱasȱanȱethicalȱandȱasȱanȱaffectiveȱcondemnationȱofȱlocal
andȱmonarchicalȱlegalȱauthority,ȱandȱthisȱsuggestsȱthatȱitȱisȱpreciselyȱtheȱdeficiencyȱof
theȱaffectiveȱthatȱrendersȱauthorityȱimpotentȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ[T]hisȱimpotenceȱresultsȱfromȱthe
unchivalricȱneedȱtoȱplayȱthingsȱsafe,ȱtoȱanchorȱnetworksȱofȱassociationȱwithȱhardȱcash,
ratherȱthanȱtoȱdistributeȱtheȱkindȱofȱcontinuallyȱnegotiatedȱlargesseȱthatȱanimatesȱthe
economyȱofȱtheȱgreenwoodȱ(whereȱnoȱassociationȱisȱentirelyȱsafeȱbutȱwhereȱmany
proveȱbeyondȱexpectationȱtoȱbeȱtrue).68
Whenȱlawȱandȱviolenceȱcollide,ȱhistoryȱandȱliteratureȱcolludeȱinȱtheȱexploration,
andȱsometimesȱrestoration,ȱhere,ȱofȱsomeȱkindȱofȱEnglishȱjustice,ȱinȱthisȱfineȱtale
ofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishment.ȱRichardȱKaeuperȱconcludesȱthatȱthisȱpoetȱ“portrays
violenceȱandȱrevengeȱonȱtheȱedgesȱofȱprivilegedȱsocietyȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ[he]ȱexpertlyȱconveys
theȱ toneȱ ofȱ countryȱ societyȱ andȱ faithfullyȱ mirrorsȱ contemporaryȱ practicesȱ and
attitudesȱ regardingȱ lawȱ andȱ order.”69ȱ Inȱ thisȱ taleȱ aȱ youngȱ unprivilegedȱ son
achievesȱ victoryȱ throughȱ persistence,ȱ strengthȱ andȱ aȱ coterieȱ ofȱ supportive
colleagues.ȱThisȱroughȬandȬtumbleȱexposéȱofȱjusticeȱinȱlateȱmedievalȱEnglandȱis
poeticallyȱconveyedȱtoȱanȱaudienceȱappreciativeȱofȱvindictive,ȱpunitiveȱretribution
inȱaȱbrutallyȱrealistic,ȱyetȱhistoricȱfashion.
67
Sands,ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱVerseȱRomances,ȱ“Gamelyn,”ȱ895–96.
68
ȱ Chism,ȱ“RobinȱHood,”ȱ13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13).
69
Kaeuper,ȱ“AnȱHistorian’sȱReading,”ȱ53ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
Chapterȱ9
JolantaȱN.ȱKomornicka
(BostonȱUniversity)
ContraȱSignumȱNostrum:ȱTheȱSymbolismȱofȱLèseȬmajesté
underȱPhilipȱVIȱValois
TheȱumbrellaȱtermȱlèseȬmajestéȱwasȱcomingȱintoȱuseȱinȱFranceȱinȱtheȱlateȱthirteenth
centuryȱtoȱdesignateȱallȱcrimesȱthatȱinfringedȱuponȱtheȱroyalȱmajesty.ȱNotȱaȱnew
phrase,ȱitȱhadȱitsȱoriginsȱinȱthreeȱlegalȱsources.ȱFirst,ȱtheȱRomanȱlawȱofȱcrimenȱlaesae
majestatis,ȱ codifiedȱ inȱ theȱ sixthȱ centuryȱ inȱ theȱ Digestȱ andȱ Codeȱ ofȱ theȱ Emperor
Justinianȱandȱonlyȱrediscoveredȱinȱtheȱtwelfth,ȱidentifiedȱtreasonȱas,ȱonȱtheȱone
hand,ȱcrimesȱcommittedȱagainstȱtheȱcommonȱgoodȱand,ȱonȱtheȱother,ȱcrimesȱthat
harmedȱtheȱpersonȱorȱmajestasȱofȱtheȱruler.ȱSecond,ȱCarolingianȱlawȱandȱthatȱofȱthe
Germanicȱtribesȱunderstoodȱtreasonȱasȱinfidelity,ȱaȱbreachȱofȱtheȱmostȱsacredȱtrust
withinȱsociety.ȱFinally,ȱcanonȱlawyersȱhadȱreinterpretedȱtheȱlèseȬmajestéȱofȱRoman
lawȱinȱorderȱtoȱadvanceȱpapalȱmajesty,ȱinȱtheȱprocessȱbindingȱitȱmoreȱcloselyȱtoȱthe
Christianȱideasȱofȱsacrilegeȱandȱblasphemy.ȱ
Theȱmultiplicityȱofȱperspectivesȱprovidedȱbyȱtheseȱthreeȱantecedentsȱresultedȱin
lèseȬmajestéȱ developingȱ aȱ uniqueȱ characterȱ inȱ lateȱ medievalȱ France,ȱ oneȱ which
addressedȱ aȱ broadȱ spectrumȱ ofȱ crimesȱ andȱ victims.ȱ Theȱ kingȱ ceasedȱ toȱ beȱ the
primaryȱfocusȱofȱtheȱcriminalȱact.ȱByȱtheȱtimeȱPhilipȱVIȱassumedȱtheȱthroneȱinȱ1328
asȱtheȱfirstȱValoisȱking,ȱlèseȬmajestéȱservedȱasȱaȱrubricȱforȱcrimesȱthatȱcanȱappearȱto
usȱasȱremoteȱandȱdisconnectedȱfromȱtheȱinterests,ȱnotȱtoȱmentionȱtheȱperson,ȱofȱthe
monarch.ȱCrimesȱlikeȱkidnappingȱwereȱconsideredȱasȱseriousȱandȱinjuriousȱtoȱthe
royalȱmajestyȱasȱrebellion.ȱSometimes,ȱtheȱcriminalȱregistersȱofȱtheȱParlementȱof
ParisȱlabelȱtheseȱcrimesȱasȱtreasonȱorȱlèseȬmajesté,ȱbutȱmoreȱoftenȱtheyȱwereȱsimply
identifiedȱinȱtermsȱofȱtheȱprincipalȱcriminalȱactivity.ȱ
TheȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱjuristȱPhilippeȱdeȱBeaumanoirȱstatesȱinȱhisȱcompilationȱof
localȱlaws,ȱtheȱCoutumesȱdeȱBeauvaisis,ȱthatȱ“asȱnotȱallȱcrimesȱareȱtheȱsame,ȱnotȱall
190 JolantaȱN.ȱKomornicka
punishmentsȱareȱtheȱsame.”1ȱCrimesȱareȱunequalȱnotȱonlyȱinȱtheȱgravityȱofȱtheir
offenseȱ andȱ attendantȱ punishment,ȱ butȱ alsoȱ inȱ theirȱ perpetratorsȱ andȱ victims.
Beaumanoir’sȱdiscussionȱopensȱhisȱchapterȱonȱsevereȱcrimesȱinȱwhichȱheȱexamines
treasonȱandȱotherȱoffenses.ȱBeaumanoirȱexaminesȱtheseȱcrimesȱfromȱaȱvarietyȱof
anglesȱappropriateȱtoȱhisȱbackgroundȱasȱaȱjuristȱandȱbailiffȱofȱClermont:ȱtheȱsocial
stationȱofȱoffenderȱandȱvictim,ȱtheȱintentionȱandȱmotiveȱbehindȱtheȱoffense,ȱand
theȱdesignatedȱauthorityȱappropriateȱtoȱhandleȱtheȱcase.ȱThereȱisȱlittleȱsurprising
inȱtheseȱattentions,ȱasȱBeaumanoirȱwroteȱaȱworkȱofȱreferenceȱforȱtheȱcustomary
lawsȱofȱhisȱlocale.ȱ
Nevertheless,ȱtheȱfactȱtheȱCoutumesȱwereȱintendedȱasȱmoreȱofȱaȱguideȱthanȱa
workȱofȱlegalȱtheoryȱmeansȱthatȱotherȱelements,ȱjustȱasȱpertinentȱtoȱunderstanding
crimeȱandȱcriminality,ȱwereȱleftȱout.ȱIȱbeginȱwithȱBeaumanoirȱbecause,ȱalthough
heȱwroteȱinȱtheȱ1280sȱandȱwhatȱconcernsȱmeȱhereȱisȱtheȱsecondȱquarterȱofȱthe
fourteenthȱcentury,ȱhisȱworkȱwasȱoneȱofȱonlyȱaȱhandfulȱusedȱbyȱtheȱParlementȱof
Parisȱ inȱ makingsȱ itsȱ judgments.ȱ Likeȱ theseȱ otherȱ texts,ȱ Beaumanoirȱ paysȱ scant
attentionȱtoȱtheȱsymbolismȱthatȱcoloredȱaȱgivenȱcrime,ȱyetȱsymbolismȱfeatures
heavilyȱ inȱ anyȱ understandingȱ ofȱ lèseȬmajesté.ȱ Beaumanoir’sȱ chapterȱ onȱ severe
crimesȱ encompassesȱ lèseȬmajesté,ȱ butȱ aȱ handbookȱ ofȱ theȱ lawȱ hadȱ noȱ roomȱ for
discoursesȱonȱtheory.ȱTheȱcourtȱhadȱtoȱrelyȱuponȱmoreȱthanȱstrictȱdefinitionsȱof
crimesȱtoȱequateȱkidnappingȱwithȱtreason.ȱ
Thisȱpaperȱexploresȱthatȱequivalenceȱinȱhowȱtheȱcrimesȱwereȱtriedȱandȱpunished.
Doingȱ soȱ willȱ showȱ howȱ theȱ analogiesȱ createdȱ betweenȱ typesȱ ofȱ crime
strengthenedȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱkingȱandȱhisȱcourt2ȱinȱtheȱshortȱterm,ȱandȱhow,ȱin
theȱlongȱterm,ȱsuchȱanalogizingȱsowedȱtheȱseedsȱforȱunderstandingȱtheȱcrimeȱas
moreȱimportantȱthanȱtheȱpersonȱbyȱorȱagainstȱwhomȱitȱwasȱcommitted.
I.ȱTheȱRubricȱofȱLèseȬMajesté
Thoughȱthereȱexistedȱnoȱuniversalȱlistȱofȱcrimesȱthatȱeveryoneȱagreedȱconstituted
lèseȬmajesté,ȱweȱcan,ȱhowever,ȱapproximateȱsuchȱaȱlistȱbyȱcompilingȱthoseȱfromȱthe
variousȱlegalȱtextsȱusedȱmostȱcommonlyȱbyȱtheȱParlementȱofȱParis.ȱDoingȱsoȱgives
usȱtheȱfollowingȱoffenses:ȱarmedȱrobbery,ȱanyȱcrimeȱcommittedȱonȱaȱroyalȱroad,
betrayalȱofȱone’sȱlord,ȱbreachȱofȱanȱassurément,ȱcounterfeiting,ȱforgery,ȱtheȱillicit
1
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱcarȱaussiȱcommeȱliȱmesfetȱneȱsontȱpasȱonni,ȱneȱsontȱpasȱlesȱvenjancesȱonnies.”ȱPhilippeȱde
RemiȱBeaumanoir,ȱCoutumesȱdeȱBeauvaisis:ȱtexteȱcritiqueȱpubliéȱavecȱuneȱintroduction,ȱunȱglossaireȱet
uneȱtableȱanalytique,ȱed.ȱAmédéeȱSalmon.ȱVol.ȱ1ȱ(Paris:ȱA.ȱPicardȱetȱfils,ȱ1899),ȱ428.ȱAllȱcitations
fromȱthisȱtextȱareȱfromȱthisȱedition.
2
Unlessȱotherwiseȱnoted,ȱallȱreferencesȱtoȱtheȱcourtȱorȱtheȱking’sȱcourtȱindicateȱtheȱParlementȱof
Paris.
TheȱSymbolismȱofȱLèseȬmajestéȱunderȱPhilipȱVIȱValois 191
bearingȱofȱarms,ȱkidnapping,ȱmurderȱofȱaȱroyalȱofficer,ȱprivateȱwar,3ȱrebellion,
treason,ȱ andȱ violationsȱ againstȱ royalȱ officers,ȱ royalȱ ordinances,ȱ andȱ theȱ royal
safeguard.ȱByȱsortingȱtheȱcrimesȱintoȱtheȱcategoriesȱofȱFeudalȱandȱBreachȱofȱthe
Peace,ȱwithȱtheȱsubȬheadingsȱViolentȱandȱNonȬViolent,ȱweȱgetȱtheȱdistribution
seenȱinȱFigureȱ1ȱ(theseȱgroupsȱareȱartificialȱandȱtheȱrealityȱpresentsȱusȱwithȱaȱgreat
dealȱofȱoverlap).
Byȱ andȱ large,ȱ theȱ violentȱ crimesȱ underȱ theȱ headingȱ Feudal4ȱ requireȱ little
imaginationȱtoȱunderstandȱwhyȱtheȱhighestȱcourtȱinȱtheȱlandȱwouldȱregardȱthem
asȱdangerous.ȱTreason,ȱbeingȱaȱsynonymȱofȱlèseȬmajesté,ȱneedsȱlittleȱexplanation,
butȱitȱisȱworthȱnotingȱthatȱitȱcouldȱbeȱappliedȱtoȱfamilialȱsettings,ȱreminiscentȱof
treasonȱunderȱtheȱRomanȱlaw.ȱBetrayalȱofȱone’sȱlord,ȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱcanonist
AlanusȱAnglicusȱ(ca.ȱ1200),ȱwasȱalsoȱequivalentȱtoȱtreasonȱunderȱtheȱRomanȱlaw.5
Rebellionȱ tookȱ someȱ timeȱ toȱ riseȱ toȱ theȱ levelȱ ofȱ treason,ȱ especiallyȱ whenȱ the
uprisingȱ wasȱ notȱ againstȱ theȱ kingȱ directly.ȱ Overȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ theȱ thirteenth
century,ȱ itȱ mostȱ oftenȱ appearedȱ asȱ anȱ aggressiveȱ formȱ ofȱ politics.6ȱ Asȱ theȱ last
CapetianȱkingsȱandȱPhilipȱVIȱbeganȱtoȱmoreȱforcefullyȱassertȱtheirȱpositionȱasȱfully
sovereignȱ(rexȱfranciaeȱestȱprincepsȱinȱregnoȱsuo),ȱrebellionȱceasedȱtoȱbeȱanȱacceptable
meansȱofȱrenegotiatingȱtheȱdistributionȱofȱpowerȱinȱFrance.7ȱOnceȱjuristsȱbeganȱto
glossȱ rebellionȱ asȱ treasonȱ inȱ theȱ fourteenthȱ century,ȱ theȱ primaryȱ material
differenceȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱcrimes,ȱwhenȱbothȱwereȱexplicitlyȱdirectedȱagainstȱthe
3
Privateȱwarȱinȱsomeȱsourcesȱisȱalsoȱglossedȱasȱtheȱillicitȱcarryingȱofȱarmsȱ(portȱd’armes).ȱForȱthe
sakeȱofȱclarity,ȱIȱhaveȱchosenȱtoȱuseȱtheȱEnglishȱ“privateȱwar”ȱforȱallȱmilitaryȱactionsȱbetweenȱtwo
partiesȱofȱequalȱorȱnearȱequalȱstatus,ȱwhateverȱtheȱtermȱinȱtheȱLatinȱorȱFrench.ȱIȱhaveȱreserved
“illicitȱbearingȱofȱarms”ȱtoȱreferȱtoȱthoseȱoffensesȱthatȱinvolvedȱcarryingȱmilitaryȱweaponsȱinȱan
affrayȱorȱinȱtheȱcommissionȱofȱaȱcrime.ȱThisȱinȱturnȱoverlapsȱwithȱmainȱarmée,ȱwhichȱIȱhaveȱsplit
betweenȱ“illicitȱcarryingȱofȱarms”ȱandȱ“armedȱrobbery.”ȱForȱmoreȱonȱtheȱoverlapȱbetweenȱthese
terms,ȱseeȱErnestȱPerrot,ȱLesȱCasȱRoyaux:ȱOrigineȱetȱdéveloppementȱdeȱlaȱthéorieȱauxȱXIIIeȱetȱXIVeȱsiècles
(1910;ȱGeneva:ȱSlatkineȬMegariotisȱReprints,ȱ1975),ȱ184ȱn.ȱ2.ȱAllȱcitationsȱfromȱthisȱtextȱareȱfrom
thisȱedition.
4
Iȱhaveȱchosenȱthisȱcategoryȱnameȱforȱtheseȱoffensesȱbecauseȱtheyȱallȱhingeȱonȱanȱattackȱagainst
dulyȬconstitutedȱauthority.ȱSomeȱscholars,ȱsuchȱasȱClaudeȱGauvard,ȱdistinguishȱbetweenȱthe
politicalȱ andȱ nonȬpoliticalȱ manifestationsȱ ofȱ lèseȬmajéste.ȱ Suchȱ aȱ division,ȱ however,ȱ doesȱ not
accuratelyȱreflectȱtheȱpoliticalȱrealityȱofȱthoseȱoffensesȱdesignatedȱnonȬpolitical.
5
InȱtheȱLexȱQuisquis,ȱtreasonȱagainstȱtheȱemperorȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱsameȱtypeȱofȱoffenseȱasȱanȱattack
againstȱtheȱpaterȱfamilias,ȱthoughȱitȱwasȱofȱgreaterȱseverityȱdueȱtoȱtheȱemperor’sȱbeingȱtheȱfather
ofȱallȱtheȱpeople.ȱOnȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱpatricideȱandȱtreasonȱinȱRomanȱlaw,ȱseeȱTheodor
Mommsen,ȱRömischesȱStrafrechtȱ(Leipzig:ȱDunkerȱandȱHumbolt,ȱ1899),ȱ527.ȱByȱextension,ȱtreason
couldȱariseȱatȱallȱlevelsȱofȱtheȱsocialȱandȱpoliticalȱhierarchy.
6
JonathanȱSumption,ȱTheȱHundredȱYearsȱWar:ȱTrialȱbyȱBattle.ȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:
UniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1990),ȱ23.
7
MargueriteȱBouletȬSautel,ȱ“JeanȱdeȱBlanotȱetȱlaȱconceptionȱduȱpouvoirȱroyalȱauȱtempsȱdeȱLouis
XI,”ȱSeptièmeȱcentenaireȱdeȱlaȱmortȱdeȱSaintȱLouis:ȱactesȱdesȱcolloquesȱdeȱRoyaumontȱetȱdeȱParis,ȱ21–27
maiȱ1970ȱ(Paris:ȱBellesȱLettres,ȱ1976),ȱ57–68;ȱhereȱ64.
monarchy,8ȱwasȱoneȱofȱnumbersȱandȱviolentȱaction,ȱwithȱrebellionȱinvolvingȱmore
peopleȱandȱmilitaryȱstratagems.ȱBothȱwereȱintimatelyȱboundȱtoȱideasȱsurrounding
rightȱauthority,ȱbutȱtreasonȱemphasizedȱaȱbetrayalȱofȱtheȱrelationshipȱjoiningȱtwo
partiesȱofȱmarkedlyȱunequalȱstatus,ȱwhileȱrebellionȱexistedȱasȱaȱwholesaleȱrejection
ofȱthatȱrelationship.9ȱ
Inȱcontrast,ȱprivateȱwarȱmostȱoftenȱinvolvedȱparticipantsȱofȱequivalentȱrank.
Thoughȱfieldingȱindependentȱarmiesȱandȱrenderingȱroadsȱandȱregionsȱunsafeȱfor
travelȱ presentedȱ realȱ andȱ practicalȱ problems,ȱ Iȱ wantȱ toȱ highlightȱ theȱ symbolic
issues.ȱTheȱbreachȱofȱanȱassurémentȱ(aȱtruceȱorȱpeaceȱagreementȱmadeȱbetweenȱtwo
partiesȱ andȱ identifiedȱ asȱ lèseȬmajestéȱ onȱ theȱ basisȱ ofȱ Romanȱ law10)ȱ often
accompaniedȱprivateȱwar.ȱItsȱviolationȱofȱaȱfeudalȱcontractȱthreatenedȱnotȱonlyȱthe
king’sȱpeace,ȱbutȱtheȱfabricȱofȱsocialȱrelations.ȱWithȱonlyȱaȱfewȱexceptions,ȱonlyȱthe
kingȱwasȱsupposedȱtoȱbeȱableȱtoȱunfurlȱtheȱbannerȱofȱwar.11ȱWhenȱothersȱdidȱso,
evenȱwhenȱclaimingȱtheȱtraditionalȱgrievanceȱofȱdeniȱdeȱjustice,ȱtheyȱinfringedȱupon
theȱ royalȱ sovereignty,ȱ suggestingȱ theȱ kingȱ wasȱ littleȱ moreȱ thanȱ aȱ powerful
provincialȱlordȱandȱnotȱtheȱdivinelyȱappointedȱrulerȱofȱtheȱentireȱrealmȱwithȱjustice
overȱallȱdisputes.ȱTheȱideaȱthatȱnotȱallȱrightsȱwereȱprivateȱrightsȱwasȱaȱnewȱoneȱin
fourteenthȬcenturyȱFrance.12ȱ
Theȱking’sȱinsistenceȱonȱhisȱenlargedȱauthorityȱatȱtheȱexpenseȱofȱlongȬstanding
custom,ȱespeciallyȱduringȱtheȱwarȱinȱFlandersȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱcenturyȱand
theȱHundredȱYearsȱWarȱonlyȱaȱfewȱyearsȱlater,ȱcreatedȱaȱsoreȱpointȱbetweenȱthe
kingȱandȱhisȱnobles.ȱYetȱhoweverȱdisruptiveȱandȱdestructiveȱprivateȱwarȱcouldȱbe,
thatȱitȱhadȱitsȱfoundationsȱinȱcustomaryȱlawȱandȱinvolvedȱtheȱveryȱpeopleȱtheȱking
reliedȱonȱmostȱforȱhisȱownȱmilitaryȱendeavorsȱmeantȱthatȱtheȱmatterȱhadȱtoȱbe
handledȱmoreȱgingerly,ȱlestȱtheȱkingȱunnecessarilyȱalienateȱallies.ȱ
Thisȱwasȱlessȱtrueȱinȱcasesȱwhereȱtheȱking’sȱofficers13ȱorȱhisȱordinancesȱwere
attackedȱ outright.ȱ Theȱ kingȱ andȱ Parlementȱ viewedȱ theseȱ actsȱ asȱ inexcusable
defiancesȱofȱroyalȱauthority.ȱBecauseȱtheȱsourceȱofȱanȱordinance’sȱpower,ȱasȱwell
asȱthatȱofȱanȱofficer,ȱwasȱnoneȱotherȱthanȱtheȱking,ȱtoȱviolateȱeitherȱmeantȱaȱdirect
8
EvenȱunderȱPhilipȱVI,ȱtheȱmajorityȱofȱcasesȱinvolvingȱrebellionȱwereȱagainstȱtheȱlocalȱlordȱ(secular
orȱecclesiastic)ȱorȱroyalȱofficers.
9
ClaudeȱGauvard,ȱDeȱGraceȱEspecial:ȱCrime,ȱétatȱetȱsociétéȱenȱFranceȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱMoyenȱÂgeȱ(Paris:
PublicationsȱdeȱlaȱSorbonne,ȱ1991),ȱ22.
10
EstherȱCohen,ȱTheȱCrossroadsȱofȱJustice:ȱLawȱandȱCultureȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱFrance.ȱBrill’sȱStudiesȱin
IntellectualȱHistory,ȱ36ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱE.J.ȱBrill,ȱ1993),ȱ36.
11
SimonȱHirschȱCuttler,ȱTheȱLawȱofȱTreasonȱandȱTreasonȱTrialsȱinȱLaterȱMedievalȱFranceȱ(Cambridge:
CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ31;ȱPerrot,ȱLesȱCasȱRoyaux,ȱ150ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
12
MauriceȱHughȱKeen,ȱTheȱLawsȱofȱWarȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAges.ȱStudiesȱinȱPoliticalȱHistoryȱ(London:
RoutledgeȱandȱK.ȱPaul,ȱ1965),ȱ73.
13
Forȱmoreȱonȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱtheȱoffenseȱagainstȱroyalȱofficers,ȱseeȱPerrot,ȱLesȱCasȱRoyaux,ȱ105
(seeȱnoteȱ3).
affrontȱtoȱtheȱmonarch.14ȱViolenceȱagainstȱroyalȱofficersȱnaturallyȱincludedȱsuch
severitiesȱasȱbeatingsȱandȱmurder,ȱbutȱalsoȱencompassedȱillȬtreatment,ȱlikeȱthat
sufferedȱbyȱtheȱbailiffȱofȱSensȱandȱtheȱcourtȱcommissionersȱatȱtheȱhandsȱofȱthe
knightȱ Huguesȱ deȱ Monéteau.ȱ Theȱ officersȱ wereȱ subjectedȱ toȱ theȱ tauntsȱ of
hooligans,ȱshitheads,ȱthieves,ȱandȱtricksters,15ȱreceivedȱdeathȱthreats,ȱandȱwere
besiegedȱ forȱ twoȱ daysȱ inȱ aȱ strongȱ houseȱ whereȱ theyȱ hadȱ soughtȱ refuge.ȱ The
Parlement,ȱunamused,ȱquarteredȱsoldiersȱ(“eaters”)ȱinȱHugues’ȱhomeȱandȱsought
hisȱarrest.ȱWhetherȱphysicallyȱattackedȱorȱsimplyȱmocked,ȱtheȱcourtȱtookȱallȱinsults
toȱitsȱpersonnelȱandȱtheȱking’sȱofficersȱseriously.
HowȱtheȱcrimesȱofȱBreachȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱfromȱFigureȱ1ȱconstitutedȱtreasonȱisȱless
readilyȱapparent.ȱTheyȱaroseȱfromȱtheȱcasȱroyaux,ȱcasesȱwhichȱtheȱkingȱreservedȱfor
hisȱsoleȱjurisdictionȱandȱthatȱofȱhisȱcourt.ȱTheȱcrimesȱofȱlèseȬmajestéȱthatȱhadȱtheir
originsȱinȱcasȱroyauxȱshareȱaȱcommonȱfeature:ȱtheirȱpublicȱnature.ȱTheȱkingȱwasȱthe
guardianȱofȱtheȱcommonȱgoodȱandȱtheȱpeaceȱofȱtheȱrealm.ȱTherefore,ȱtheȱking
retainedȱjurisdictionȱinȱanyȱcaseȱthatȱthreatenedȱtheȱresȱpublica.16ȱNotȱallȱcasesȱof
homicideȱ(manslaughter)ȱhadȱaȱpublicȱcomponent,ȱandȱthoseȱwithoutȱitȱtendedȱto
remainȱunderȱtheȱpurviewȱofȱtheȱlocalȱjurisdictionȱunlessȱoneȱofȱtheȱpartiesȱsentȱan
appealȱ toȱ theȱ Parlement.17ȱ Inȱ theȱ twelfthȱ century,ȱ however,ȱ murderȱ became
incorporatedȱintoȱtreason,ȱ functioningȱlegallyȱasȱaȱpublicȱcrime.18ȱKidnapping,
becauseȱitȱinvolvedȱstealthȱ(traïson),ȱnotȱinfrequentlyȱransomȱdemands,ȱandȱthe
crossingȱofȱjurisdictionalȱboundariesȱalsoȱhadȱaȱpublicȱcomponentȱtoȱit.ȱTheȱpurest
formȱofȱaȱpublicȱcrime,ȱhowever,ȱwasȱanyȱoffenseȱcommittedȱonȱaȱroyalȱroad.19
Travelȱ inȱ theȱ fourteenthȱ centuryȱ couldȱ beȱ anȱ arduousȱ task,ȱ andȱ dangerousȱ in
troubleȬspotsȱlikeȱGasconyȱandȱBrittany.ȱTheȱmainȱthoroughfaresȱwereȱtheȱarteries
ofȱtheȱkingdom—notȱjustȱforȱtrade,ȱbutȱallȱmannerȱofȱsocialȱcommerce—andȱfell
underȱtheȱjurisdictionȱofȱtheȱking.20ȱBeaumanoirȱbelievedȱtheȱChurchȱshouldȱnever
provideȱsanctuaryȱtoȱhighwayȱrobbersȱandȱjusticeȱagainstȱthemȱshouldȱbeȱswift,
14
Perrot,ȱLesȱCasȱRoyaux,ȱ183–84,ȱ247–48ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
15
“.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ ribaldi,ȱ stercosi,ȱ latrones,ȱ ganciones.”ȱ Registresȱ Criminelȱ duȱ Parlementȱ deȱ Parisȱ (Archives
Nationales,ȱParis),ȱX2a5ȱfol.ȱ186.
16
AdhémarȱEsmein,ȱCoursȱélémentaireȱd’histoireȱduȱdroitȱFrançais:ȱaȱl’usageȱdesȱétudiantsȱdeȱpremière
année.ȱ3rdȱed.ȱ(1892;ȱParis:ȱLibraireȱdeȱlaȱsociétéȱduȱrecueilȱgénéralȱdesȱloisȱetȱdesȱarrêts,ȱ1898),
420–21.ȱ
17
Inȱ1341,ȱtheȱParlementȱgrantedȱtheȱmunicipalȱcourtsȱjurisdictionȱoverȱhomicide,ȱthoughȱitȱstill
heardȱcasesȱonȱappealȱorȱwithȱoutstandingȱcircumstances.ȱGauvard,ȱDeȱGrace,ȱ802–03ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).
18
PascalȱTexier,ȱ“Quiȱparleraȱpourȱleȱmort?ȱLesȱdroitsȱdeȱlaȱpatrieȱoffenséeȱdansȱlesȱactesȱdeȱgrâce
pénaleȱ(XIIIe–XVeȱsiècles),”ȱProcéder:ȱPasȱd’action,ȱpasȱdeȱdroitȱouȱpasȱdeȱdroit,ȱpasȱd’action?ȱed.ȱby
Jacquelineȱ HoareauȬDodinau,ȱ Guillaumeȱ Métairie,ȱ andȱ Pascalȱ Texierȱ (Limoges:ȱ Pulim,ȱ 2006),
139–53;ȱhereȱ142;ȱGauvard,ȱDeȱGrace,ȱ803ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).
19
Theȱroyalȱroadȱdenotesȱtheȱwidestȱofȱtheȱroads,ȱtermedȱcheminȱroyal,ȱbutȱcouldȱextendȱtoȱthe
smallerȱcartȱandȱanimalȱroadsȱmeantȱforȱtravelȱbetweenȱvillages,ȱtowns,ȱmarketplaces,ȱandȱcastles.
20
Perrot,ȱLesȱCasȱRoyaux,ȱ217,ȱ367ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
withoutȱtheȱusualȱproceduralȱdelays,ȱsoȱimportantȱandȱvaluableȱwasȱitȱthatȱtravel
onȱtheȱroadsȱbeȱsafe.21ȱȱ
Asȱjurisdictionȱoverȱtheȱroyalȱroadsȱfellȱtoȱtheȱking,ȱnoȱotherȱheldȱhighȱorȱlow
justiceȱoverȱoffensesȱperpetratedȱalongȱtheȱhighwayȱandȱsoȱtheseȱcasesȱfoundȱtheir
wayȱ toȱ theȱ Parlement.ȱ Anȱ attackȱ rightȱ underȱ theȱ king’sȱ nose,ȱ metaphorically
speaking,ȱconstitutedȱaȱviolationȱofȱthatȱunspokenȱprotectionȱthatȱtheȱsovereign
guaranteedȱtoȱhisȱpeopleȱasȱpartȱofȱtheȱfabricȱofȱtheȱlateȱmedievalȱstate,ȱwhich
dovetailedȱ withȱ theȱ ideaȱ thatȱ theȱ kingȱ couldȱ not,ȱ withoutȱ consultationȱ or
provocation,ȱdissolveȱaȱcontractȱwithȱhisȱvassals.22ȱAnyȱmisdeedȱalongȱtheȱroyal
roadsȱimperiledȱtheȱabilityȱofȱtheȱkingȱtoȱgovern.ȱTheȱbureaucracyȱofȱtheȱFrench
governmentȱgrewȱthroughoutȱtheȱcenturyȱasȱtheȱkingsȱinȱParisȱsoughtȱtoȱbring
moreȱ andȱ moreȱ ofȱ theȱ kingdomȱ underȱ theirȱ directȱ control.ȱ Theȱ diverse
travelers—pilgrims,ȱmessengers,ȱenvoys,ȱmerchantsȱofȱallȱstripes—wouldȱsuffer
ifȱtheȱroadsȱwereȱpoorlyȱmaintainedȱorȱlawless.ȱAllȱcrimes,ȱtherefore,ȱifȱcommitted
onȱaȱroyalȱroad,ȱfromȱpettyȱtheftȱtoȱmurder,ȱwereȱofȱequalȱmagnitudeȱinȱwhatȱthey
meantȱforȱtheȱfunctioningȱofȱtheȱrealm.ȱWhetherȱtheȱreiȱpublicaȱhadȱitsȱownȱmajestas
thatȱcouldȱbeȱviolated,ȱasȱinȱtheȱRomanȱlawȱofȱtheȱLexȱJuliaȱMajestatis,ȱorȱwhether
theȱking’sȱmajesty,ȱinȱtheȱking’sȱroleȱasȱrepresentativeȱofȱtheȱstate,ȱencompassed
theȱreiȱpublica,ȱtheȱbreachȱofȱtheȱpeaceȱonȱtheȱroadwaysȱcouldȱbeȱunderstoodȱas
nothingȱotherȱthanȱlèseȬmajesté.ȱ
Thisȱbringsȱusȱtoȱcounterfeiting.ȱTheȱcrimeȱofȱmakingȱorȱpassingȱfalseȱcurrency
bothȱsymbolicallyȱandȱmateriallyȱinjuredȱtheȱking.ȱEntireȱtownsȱcouldȱbeȱinȱonȱthe
scheme23ȱandȱaȱlackȱofȱbullionȱencouragedȱsomeȱenterprisingȱcounterfeitersȱtoȱlook
forȱopportunitiesȱabroad.24ȱFalseȱmoneyȱandȱadulteratedȱcoinsȱcirculatingȱinȱan
economyȱ stressedȱ byȱ war,ȱ famine,ȱ andȱ plagueȱ (allȱ ofȱ whichȱ tookȱ theirȱ tollȱ on
Franceȱinȱtheȱfirstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury)ȱpresentedȱproblemsȱforȱeveryone,
fromȱmerchants’ȱstrongboxesȱtoȱtheȱking’sȱtreasury.ȱCounterfeitingȱexacerbated
theseȱ tensions,ȱ whichȱ wereȱ compoundedȱ byȱ Philipȱ VI’sȱ numerousȱ currency
devaluationsȱandȱtheȱclosingȱofȱtheȱroyalȱmintsȱinȱ1335.25ȱPhilip’sȱactionsȱdidȱlittle
21
Beamanoir,ȱCoutumesȱdeȱBeauvaisis,ȱ161ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
22
Thomasȱ Aquinas,ȱ Onȱ Kingshipȱ toȱ theȱ Kingȱ ofȱ Cyprus,ȱ ed.ȱ Ignatiusȱ Theodoreȱ Eschmann,ȱ trans.
GeraldȱB.ȱPhelan.ȱMediaevalȱSourcesȱinȱTranslationȱ(Toronto:ȱPontificalȱInstituteȱofȱMedieval
Studies,ȱ1982),ȱ3–10.ȱSeeȱalsoȱKennethȱPennington,ȱ“PoliticsȱinȱWesternȱJurisprudence,”ȱTheȱJurist’s
PhilosophyȱofȱLawȱfromȱRomeȱtoȱtheȱSeventeenthȱCentury,ȱed.ȱbyȱAndreaȱPadovaniȱandȱPeterȱG.ȱStein.
AȱTreatiseȱofȱLegalȱPhilosophyȱandȱGeneralȱJurisprudenceȱ(Dordrecht:ȱSpringer,ȱ2007),ȱ157–211;
hereȱ200–02.ȱJohnȱofȱParisȱdefinesȱkingshipȱasȱ“theȱruleȱoverȱaȱperfectȱmultitudeȱbyȱoneȱmanȱfor
theȱsakeȱofȱtheȱcommonȱgood.”ȱJeanȱLeclercq,ȱJeanȱdeȱParisȱetȱl’ecclésiologieȱduȱXIIIeȱsiècleȱ(Paris:ȱJ.
Vrin,ȱ1942),ȱ189.
23
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a3ȱfol.ȱ56vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
24
25
Sumption,ȱTheȱHundredȱYearsȱWarȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6),ȱ160.ȱForȱmoreȱonȱdevaluations,ȱseeȱ ThomasȱJ.
SargentȱandȱFrançoisȱR.ȱVelde,ȱTheȱBigȱProblemȱofȱSmallȱChange.ȱPrincetonȱEconomicȱHistoryȱofȱthe
toȱhelpȱmatters,ȱasȱtheȱscarcityȱofȱbullionȱforȱtheȱnineȱyearsȱbetweenȱ1328ȱandȱ1337
sawȱalmostȱhalfȱtheȱcounterfeitingȱcasesȱ(47%)ȱforȱtheȱtwentyȬtwoȱ yearsȱ ofȱhis
reign.26ȱThatȱ47%,ȱthoughȱinȱactualȱnumbersȱisȱonlyȱnineȱoutȱofȱnineteenȱrecorded
cases,ȱrepresentsȱaȱdramaticȱincreaseȱinȱtheȱParlement’sȱconcernȱwithȱcounterȬ
feitingȱthanȱitȱhadȱshownȱunderȱpreviousȱkings.ȱFromȱ1226–1332,ȱtheȱcourtȱheard
fiveȱ casesȱ ofȱ counterfeiting—fiveȱ casesȱ inȱ 106ȱ years,ȱ comparedȱ toȱ nineteenȱ in
twentyȬtwo.
Soȱwhy,ȱunderȱPhilipȱVI,ȱwasȱcounterfeitingȱmoreȱheavilyȱprosecutedȱandȱhow
didȱitȱmoveȱfromȱtheȱperipheryȱofȱjudicialȱconcernȱtoȱbeingȱaȱcrimeȱofȱlèseȬmajesté?
Aȱcasȱroyaux,ȱcounterfeiting,ȱlikeȱkidnapping,ȱbecameȱpartȱofȱlèseȬmajestéȱdueȱin
partȱtoȱitsȱpublicȱnature,ȱbutȱalsoȱbecauseȱitȱhadȱanȱundeniableȱimpactȱonȱtheȱroyal
domain.27ȱSymbolically,ȱhowever,ȱcounterfeitingȱstartedȱoffȱasȱlèseȬmajestéȱunder
Romanȱlaw.ȱInȱtheȱLexȱCornelia,ȱactsȱofȱfabrication,ȱincludingȱcounterfeiting,ȱwere
categorizedȱ asȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ crimenȱ laesaeȱ majestatis.ȱ Similarly,ȱ inȱ theȱ Lesȱ Julia
Majestatis,ȱ itȱ wasȱ treasonousȱ toȱ meltȱ downȱ anyȱ statuesȱ orȱ likenessesȱ ofȱ the
emperor.28ȱTheȱdamageȱdoneȱtoȱtheȱemperor’sȱimageȱonȱaȱclippedȱorȱmeltedȬdown
coinȱ andȱ theȱ forgingȱ ofȱ hisȱ imageȱ onȱ aȱ counterfeitȱ coinȱ wasȱ aȱ desecration.ȱ To
defaceȱtheȱimageȱwasȱtoȱattackȱtheȱmanȱandȱtheȱoffice,ȱneitherȱofȱwhichȱRoman
emperorsȱwereȱpreparedȱtoȱtolerate.ȱWithȱtheȱrediscoveryȱofȱtheȱRomanȱlawȱand
itsȱsubsequentȱadoptionȱ inȱ FranceȱinȱtheȱHighȱMiddleȱAges,ȱthisȱideaȱcameȱto
permeateȱroyalȱthoughtȱonȱcounterfeiting.29ȱForȱPhilipȱVIȱandȱhisȱParlement,ȱthe
desireȱtoȱsaveȱface,ȱasȱitȱwere,ȱwasȱallȱtheȱstrongerȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱcontestedȱstatus
ofȱhisȱcrown,ȱasȱEdwardȱIIIȱinȱEnglandȱgraduallyȱdefiedȱhisȱsovereignȱlordȱwith
growingȱaudacity.ȱRomanȱlawȱprovidedȱtheȱprecedentȱforȱattachingȱcounterfeiting
toȱlèseȬmajesté.ȱPoliticalȱandȱeconomicȱrealitiesȱmadeȱitȱaȱpressingȱconcern.
WesternȱWorldȱ(Princeton:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2002),ȱ88–89.ȱSeeȱalsoȱH.ȱR.ȱT.ȱSummerson,
“TheȱStructureȱofȱLawȱEnforcementȱinȱThirteenthȬCenturyȱEngland,”ȱAmericanȱJournalȱofȱLegal
Historyȱ23.4ȱ(1979):ȱ313–27,ȱonȱcounterfeitingȱandȱforgeryȱasȱdiscussedȱbyȱBracton.
26
Forȱotherȱimpactsȱofȱtheȱshortage,ȱseeȱSargent,ȱTheȱBigȱProblem,ȱ135–36ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).
27
FélixȱAubert,ȱHistoireȱduȱParlementȱdeȱParisȱdeȱl’origineȱàȱFrançoisȱIer:ȱ1250–1515.ȱRpt.ȱMégariotis
Reprintsȱ(1894;ȱGeneva:ȱMégariotisȱReprints,ȱ1978),ȱ266.ȱForȱmoreȱonȱtheȱideaȱthatȱoffensesȱagainst
theȱroyalȱdomainȱorȱfiscȱwereȱglossedȱasȱlèseȬmajesté,ȱseeȱJacquesȱChiffoleau,ȱ“Surȱleȱcrimeȱde
majestéȱmédiéval,”ȱGenèseȱdeȱl’étatȱmoderneȱenȱméditerranée:ȱApprochesȱhistoriqueȱetȱanthropologique
desȱpratiquesȱetȱdesȱrepresentations.ȱActesȱdesȱtablesȱrondesȱinternationalsȱtenuesȱàȱParisȱlesȱ24,ȱ25
etȱ26ȱseptembreȱ1987ȱetȱlesȱ18ȱetȱ19ȱmarsȱ1988ȱ(Rome:ȱÉcoleȱFrançaiseȱdeȱRome,ȱ1993),ȱ183–213;
hereȱ187.
28
Digesta,ȱed.ȱbyȱTheodorȱMommsenȱandȱPaulȱKrueger,ȱtrans.ȱAlanȱWatsonȱ(1893;ȱPhiladelphia:
UniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1985),ȱXLVIIIȱ4.6.
29
Alfredȱ Hiatt,ȱ Theȱ Makingȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ Forgeries:ȱ Falseȱ Documentsȱ inȱ FifteenthȬCenturyȱ England
(London:ȱBritishȱLibraryȱandȱUniversityȱofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ2004),ȱ27;ȱNigelȱRamsay,ȱ“Forgeryȱand
theȱRiseȱofȱtheȱLondonȱScrivener’sȱCompany,”ȱFakesȱandȱFrauds:ȱVarietiesȱofȱDeceptionȱinȱPrintȱand
Manuscript,ȱed.ȱbyȱRobinȱMyersȱandȱMichaelȱHarrisȱ(Winchester:ȱSt.ȱPaul’sȱBibliographies,ȱ1989),
99–108;ȱhereȱ100.
Iȱhaveȱleftȱuntilȱlastȱtwoȱoffenses:ȱviolationȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguardȱandȱforgery.
Theyȱ representȱ theȱ heightȱ ofȱ symbolicȱ crimesȱ andȱ itȱ isȱ withȱ themȱ thatȱ the
remainderȱofȱtheȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱsymbolismȱofȱcrimeȱisȱconcerned.
II.ȱTheȱRoyalȱSafeguard
Violationȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguardȱwasȱbyȱfarȱtheȱmostȱcommonȱcrime,ȱwithȱ138ȱcases
ofȱitȱduringȱtheȱreignȱofȱPhilipȱVI.ȱToȱputȱthisȱnumberȱinȱperspective,ȱtheȱcriminal
registersȱofȱtheȱParlementȱofȱParis,ȱwhenȱaȱcrimeȱisȱspecified,30ȱrecordȱ126ȱcasesȱof
theftȱandȱfiftyȬeightȱcasesȱofȱtreason.ȱInȱlargeȱpart,ȱthisȱisȱbecauseȱviolationȱofȱthe
royalȱsafeguardȱalmostȱneverȱappearsȱinȱtheȱregistersȱasȱaȱstandȬaloneȱcrime,ȱand
whenȱitȱdoesȱtheȱcontextȱalwaysȱsuggestsȱthatȱanotherȱcrimeȱaccompaniedȱit.ȱThe
royalȱsafeguardȱplacedȱparticularȱindividuals,ȱreligiousȱhouses,ȱtowns,ȱandȱothers
underȱtheȱking’sȱprotection.31ȱItȱgaveȱpeopleȱfreedomȱtoȱtravelȱwithoutȱharassment
byȱtheȱlocalȱlordsȱorȱbailiffs,ȱofferedȱprotectionȱagainstȱaȱrivalȱlitigantȱinȱcourt,ȱand
informedȱ wouldȬbeȱ trespassersȱ thatȱ aȱ givenȱ propertyȱ satȱ underȱ theȱ eyeȱ ofȱ the
king—royalȱreprisalȱforȱinfringementȱwasȱinevitable.ȱ
Aȱbreachȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguardȱinȱtheȱcommissionȱofȱaȱcrimeȱmadeȱtheȱoffense
committedȱmoreȱsevere.32ȱToȱattackȱanȱofficerȱasȱheȱwasȱcarryingȱoutȱhisȱduties,
whileȱheȱwasȱunderȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguard,ȱwasȱmoreȱthanȱeitherȱinfractionȱonȱits
own.ȱItȱwasȱtrueȱdisobedience,ȱevenȱrebellion,ȱandȱthereforeȱindisputablyȱanȱattack
onȱtheȱkingȱandȱaȱcrimeȱofȱlèseȬmajesté.33ȱButȱtheȱaccompanyingȱoffenseȱdidȱnot
haveȱtoȱbeȱaȱseriousȱcrimeȱinȱitselfȱforȱsafegaurdȱtoȱmagnifyȱtheȱiniquity.ȱTheft
providesȱtheȱclearestȱexampleȱofȱthisȱphenomenon.ȱ
Theȱhandfulȱofȱcasesȱofȱtheftȱthatȱareȱnotȱjoinedȱtoȱanyȱotherȱcrime,ȱincludingȱthe
royalȱsafeguard,ȱalwaysȱhaveȱaȱmitigatingȱ circumstanceȱthatȱexplainsȱwhyȱthe
Parlementȱtookȱtheȱtimeȱtoȱhearȱwhatȱwasȱotherwiseȱnotȱaȱcapitalȱcrimeȱ(exceptȱin
howȱitȱwasȱpunished).ȱForȱinstance,ȱtheftȱappearedȱinȱtheȱcourtȱonȱitsȱownȱwhen
thereȱwasȱaȱdisputeȱoverȱjurisdiction,34ȱanȱappealȱofȱaȱlocalȱcourt’sȱsentenceȱwas
30
DueȱtoȱtheȱdayȬbookȱnatureȱofȱtheseȱregisters,ȱnotȱallȱcasesȱhaveȱcrimesȱattachedȱtoȱthem,ȱorȱifȱthey
do,ȱtheȱtypeȱofȱcrimeȱhasȱbeenȱleftȱunspecifiedȱbyȱtheȱscribe.ȱInȱaddition,ȱmanyȱsuchȱentriesȱareȱnot
clearlyȱassociatedȱwithȱanyȱotherȱcases,ȱthusȱprovidingȱinformationȱonlyȱonȱmoreȱprocedural
aspectsȱofȱtheȱcourtȱandȱnotȱonȱcriminality.
31
Theȱsafeguardȱcouldȱbeȱawardedȱtoȱwhomeverȱtheȱkingȱdesired,ȱbutȱparticularȱgroupsȱofȱpeople
frequentlyȱwereȱhabituallyȱunderȱtheȱsafeguardȱunlessȱitȱwasȱrevoked:ȱtheȱking’sȱarmy,ȱanyone
goingȱtoȱorȱfromȱaȱfair,ȱorphans,ȱmonestaries,ȱuniversities,ȱtheȱcounselorsȱofȱtheȱParlement,ȱand
litigantsȱbeforeȱtheȱParlement.ȱ
32
Perrot,ȱLesȱCasȱRoyaux,ȱ261–62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
33
Perrot,ȱLesȱCasȱRoyaux,ȱ139–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
34
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ122ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
madeȱbyȱeitherȱparty,35ȱorȱtheȱtheftȱwasȱcommittedȱbyȱanȱofficerȱofȱtheȱcourt.36ȱAll
otherȱcasesȱofȱtheftȱwereȱpartȱofȱotherȱcrimes,ȱmostȱoftenȱviolationsȱofȱtheȱroyal
safeguard.ȱInȱtheȱfewȱcasesȱwhereȱthereȱareȱnoȱotherȱcrimesȱbutȱtheseȱtwo,ȱthe
registryȱentriesȱmakeȱitȱclearȱthatȱtheȱtheftȱhasȱbecomeȱgraverȱdueȱtoȱtheȱattendant
violation.ȱ Oneȱ youngȱ noblemanȱ wasȱ exiledȱ forȱ stealingȱ aȱ horseȱ fromȱ aȱ man
protectedȱbyȱtheȱsafeguard.37ȱHeȱwasȱonlyȱpermittedȱreȬentryȱandȱaȱpardonȱafter
theȱking’sȱconsiderationȱofȱtheȱyoungȱman’sȱwartimeȱservice.ȱ
Inȱanotherȱcase,ȱfromȱ1349,ȱtheȱParlementȱmarshaledȱlocalȱofficersȱtoȱrespondȱto
theȱclaimȱofȱaȱlocalȱprosecutor,ȱwhoȱwasȱattacked,ȱwhileȱunderȱsafeguard,ȱbecause
heȱrefusedȱtoȱsurrenderȱhisȱhorseȱtoȱaȱthief.38ȱSimpleȱcasesȱofȱtheftȱorȱattempted
robbery,ȱwhichȱwouldȱotherwiseȱhaveȱstayedȱinȱtheȱhandsȱofȱtheȱlocalȱlord,ȱbecame
mattersȱforȱtheȱParlementȱofȱParisȱwhenȱtheȱsafeguardȱwasȱbreached,ȱthoughȱthe
crimesȱbeȱasȱfarȱawayȱasȱCotentinȱinȱNormandy,39ȱMarmoutiersȱinȱBurgundy,40ȱand
Poitiersȱ inȱ Poitou.41ȱ Whileȱ travelȱ forȱ judicialȱ purposesȱ wasȱ notȱ rareȱ inȱ the
fourteenthȱcentury,ȱaȱjourneyȱofȱnearlyȱ250ȱmilesȱ(PoitiersȱtoȱParis)ȱisȱaȱlengthyȱone
overȱtheȱmatterȱofȱaȱhorseȬthief.ȱNorȱwasȱitȱonlyȱtheȱculpritȱwhoȱmadeȱtheȱjourney.
Courtȱofficials,ȱwitnesses,ȱandȱtheȱvictimȱcouldȱallȱfindȱthemselvesȱtravelingȱtoȱand
fromȱParisȱoverȱaȱfewȱmissingȱanimals.
Unlikeȱinȱtheȱprecedingȱcases,ȱwhereȱtheȱvictim’sȱpossessionȱofȱaȱsafeguardȱwas
incidentalȱtoȱtheȱcrime,ȱinȱsomeȱcasesȱtheȱviolationȱwasȱaȱspecific,ȱviolent,ȱand
intentionalȱpartȱofȱtheȱoffense.ȱThoseȱunderȱtheȱcareȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguardȱboreȱa
signȱofȱthatȱspecialȱstatus—individualsȱcarriedȱlettersȱofȱsafeguardȱwhileȱplaces
underȱtheȱking’sȱprotectionȱhadȱplacardsȱwithȱtheȱfleurȬdeȬlysȱposted.ȱOnȱtheȱone
hand,ȱthisȱmeantȱthatȱaȱcriminalȱhadȱlittleȱchanceȱofȱclaimingȱheȱwasȱunawareȱof
hisȱvictim’sȱstatusȱ(inȱfact,ȱIȱhaveȱcomeȱacrossȱnoȱmentionȱinȱanyȱofȱtheȱregisters
ofȱaȱcriminalȱmaintainingȱhisȱignoranceȱonȱtheȱmatter).ȱOnȱtheȱother,ȱtheseȱsigns
ofȱtheȱking’sȱfavorȱcouldȱthemselvesȱbecomeȱtheȱtarget,ȱcompoundingȱtheȱoffense.
Inȱ1350,ȱanȱorderlyȱforȱtheȱViscountȱofȱCarlatȱoccupiedȱaȱprioryȱand,ȱthrowingȱthe
placardȱ proclaimingȱ theȱ royalȱ safeguardȱ toȱ theȱ ground,ȱ brokeȱ itȱ inȱ twoȱ and
trampledȱ itȱ beneathȱ hisȱ feet.42ȱ Theȱ orderly,ȱ Arnaudȱ Vigier,ȱ didȱ thisȱ (andȱ more
besides)ȱasȱanȱactȱofȱrevengeȱagainstȱtheȱprior,ȱwhoȱhadȱbroughtȱsuitȱagainstȱhim
inȱtheȱParlementȱforȱanȱearlierȱmatter.ȱTheȱbreachȱofȱtheȱsafeguardȱwasȱthusȱmuch
35
36
37
RegistresȱduȱTrésorȱdeȱChartesȱ(ArchivesȱNationales,ȱParis),ȱJJ72ȱfol.ȱ280v.
38
39
40
41
42
“.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .siguumȱ dicteȱ salueȱ gardieȱ patenterȱ existentesȱ admonerantȱ etȱ adȱ terramȱ proȱ reterantȱ ut
dilaminantumȱetȱpedibusȱconculcarant.”ȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a5ȱfol.ȱ205ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
moreȱ thanȱ theȱ brigandageȱ toȱ whichȱ Arnaudȱ subjectedȱ theȱ prioryȱ andȱ its
inhabitants.ȱArnaudȱrejectedȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱParlementȱtoȱarbitrateȱtheȱonȬ
goingȱdispute,ȱdemonstratedȱbothȱbyȱhisȱbreakingȱtheȱplacardȱandȱhisȱchasingȱout
theȱ householdȱ fromȱ theȱ prioryȱ andȱ installingȱ thereinȱ aȱ garrisonȱ comprisedȱ of
exiledȱcriminalsȱandȱEnglishmen.43ȱHisȱdeliberateȱdefianceȱofȱtheȱking’sȱprotection
ofȱ theȱ prioryȱ challengedȱ theȱ kingȱ toȱ makeȱ goodȱ onȱ theȱ promiseȱ theȱ safeguard
implied.
Moreȱ commonȱ thanȱ actsȱ thatȱ directlyȱ targetedȱ theȱ safeguardȱ wereȱ cases
concerningȱvariousȱcrimesȱinȱwhichȱitsȱviolationȱappearedȱasȱaȱmodifierȱforȱthe
otherȱoffenses.ȱFrequently,ȱafterȱaȱlistȱofȱtransgressionsȱofȱvaryingȱseverity,ȱthe
courtȱscribeȱappendedȱaȱphraseȱtoȱtheȱeffectȱofȱ“committedȱinȱspiteȱofȱtheȱroyal
safeguard.”44ȱInȱaȱcaseȱfromȱtheȱ1340s,ȱtheȱphraseȱfollowsȱanȱindictmentȱofȱillicit
assembly,ȱ conspiracy,ȱ monopoly,ȱ andȱ generalȱ offensesȱ committedȱ againstȱ the
HospitalȱofȱSt.ȱJohnȱofȱJerusalemȱinȱAquitaine,ȱandȱwhichȱresultedȱinȱtheȱmortal
woundingȱofȱoneȱofȱtheȱbrothers.45ȱThoughȱthisȱparticularȱentryȱopensȱwithȱthe
affirmationȱthatȱtheȱhouseȱwasȱunderȱtheȱprotectionȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguard,ȱless
thanȱtenȱlinesȱlaterȱtheȱscribeȱreinforcesȱtheȱmessageȱbyȱaffirmingȱthatȱtheȱattacks
onȱtheȱHospitalȱbrokeȱ(frangendo)ȱthatȱprotection.ȱOnȱotherȱoccasions,ȱhowever,ȱthe
recordȱmakesȱnoȱmentionȱasȱtoȱtheȱholdingȱofȱtheȱsafeguard,ȱsimplyȱappendingȱits
violationȱ toȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ aȱ laundryȬlistȱ ofȱ crimes.ȱ Therefore,ȱ inȱ 1349,ȱ theȱ court
recordedȱthatȱtheȱknightȱSarrasinȱd’Angleȱandȱhisȱaccomplicesȱperpetratedȱinsults,
burglary,ȱdepredations,ȱincarcerationȱinȱaȱprivateȱprison,ȱhostilities,ȱandȱexcessive
injuries,ȱ allȱ ofȱ whichȱ violatedȱ theȱ royalȱ safeguard.46ȱ Throughoutȱ theȱ criminal
registers,ȱviolationȱofȱtheȱsafeguardȱisȱtheȱoneȱactȱmostȱlikelyȱtoȱbeȱreiterated,ȱboth
withinȱaȱsingleȱentryȱandȱacrossȱmultipleȱinstallmentsȱofȱaȱcase.ȱTheȱpositionȱofȱthe
termȱinȱtheȱtextȱgivesȱtheȱsafeguardȱanȱextraȱemphasis.ȱThus,ȱwhileȱitȱactedȱasȱan
adverbȱtowardȱtheȱotherȱoffenses,ȱitȱcouldȱdominateȱtheȱregistryȱentry.ȱ
WhyȱdidȱtheȱParlementȱfocusȱsoȱheavilyȱonȱtheȱsafeguard?ȱThoughȱgranting
safeguardsȱwasȱnotȱaȱnewȱpracticeȱunderȱPhilipȱVI,ȱconcernȱoverȱitsȱviolationȱwas.
InȱtheȱregistersȱofȱtheȱOlim—whichȱcontainȱtheȱsentencesȱrenderedȱbyȱtheȱking’s
court47ȱinȱtheȱreignsȱofȱSaintȱLouis,ȱPhilipȱtheȱBold,ȱPhilipȱtheȱFair,ȱLouisȱX,ȱand
PhilipȱVȱ(1226–1322)—thereȱappearȱonlyȱtwoȱcasesȱinvolvingȱtheȱsafeguard.ȱOne,
43
Forȱaȱsimilarȱcase,ȱseeȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a5ȱfol.ȱ74ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
44
“.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .dictamȱ gardiamȱ nostramȱ [nostraȱ gardiaȱ superiali]ȱ frangendoȱ inȱ dicteȱ gardie.”ȱ Registres
Criminel,ȱX2a5ȱfol.ȱ74ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
45
46
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.pluraȱmaleficia.ȱInsultus,ȱdomorumȱfractores,ȱdepredaciones,ȱcarceresȱprivatos,ȱhostilitates.
Iniuriasȱexcessus.ȱAliosȱetȱceteriaȱsaluamȱgardiamȱnostramȱfrangendo.”ȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a5
fol.ȱ162ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
47
Thisȱcourt,ȱtheȱforerunnerȱofȱtheȱParlementȱofȱParis,ȱdidȱnotȱmeetȱindependently,ȱbeingȱmore
closelyȱboundȱtoȱtheȱpersonalȱjusticeȱofȱtheȱking.
fromȱ1309,ȱinvolvedȱanȱattackȱonȱaȱprior,ȱtheȱotherȱtheȱkidnappingȱofȱaȱknight.48
Theȱemphasisȱonȱsafeguardȱinȱtheȱregistersȱmayȱthusȱbeȱaȱfeatureȱofȱaȱnewȱfocus
onȱtheȱviolation.ȱWhenȱweȱexamineȱtheȱsafeguardȱinȱlightȱofȱtheȱlargeȱnumberȱof
peopleȱ toȱ whomȱ itȱ wasȱ awardedȱ andȱ thatȱ thoseȱ groups—evenȱ ifȱ notȱ the
individualsȱthemselves—heldȱaȱsymbolicȱrelationshipȱwithȱtheȱkingȱoutsideȱofȱthe
safeguard,ȱtheȱinterestȱinȱitȱbecomesȱlessȱthatȱofȱaȱnoveltyȱandȱmoreȱaȱconcernȱover
anȱitemȱofȱvalue.ȱTheȱcrimeȱthatȱmostȱembodiedȱtheȱideaȱofȱtheȱking’sȱenlarged
authorityȱoverȱtheȱentireȱrealm,ȱwithȱeveryȱattackȱonȱroyalȱofficersȱandȱanyȱothers
underȱ hisȱ protectionȱ interpretedȱ asȱ anȱ attackȱ onȱ theȱ kingȱ himself,ȱ naturally
garneredȱincreasedȱscrutiny.
Theȱrepetitionȱofȱtheȱsafeguard’sȱimportanceȱcanȱalsoȱbeȱreadȱasȱtheȱmenȱofȱthe
Parlementȱassertingȱtheirȱauthorityȱoverȱaȱgivenȱaffair,ȱforȱnoȱotherȱcourt,ȱsaveȱthe
kingȱhimself,ȱhadȱtheȱpowerȱtoȱtryȱsuchȱcases.ȱThisȱhadȱtoȱdoȱinȱlargeȱpartȱwithȱthe
allegoricalȱreadingȱofȱsafeguardȱthatȱmadeȱanyȱslightȱagainstȱitsȱbearerȱaȱpersonal
affrontȱagainstȱtheȱking.ȱItȱwasȱalsoȱgroundedȱinȱwhatȱtheȱking’sȱprotectionȱmeant;
absentȱanȱarmedȱretinue,ȱtheȱsafeguardȱofferedȱdefenseȱbyȱplacingȱitsȱbearerȱunder
royalȱjurisdiction.ȱAllȱjusticeȱinȱtheȱkingdom,ȱtheoretically,ȱflowedȱfromȱtheȱking.49
Atȱanyȱtimeȱtheȱkingȱcouldȱintercedeȱinȱanyȱaffair,ȱsaveȱthoseȱwhollyȱbelongingȱto
theȱChurch.ȱTheȱrealityȱwasȱnotȱalwaysȱsoȱneat.ȱ
TheȱgrantingȱofȱaȱsafeguardȱcircumventedȱtheȱneedȱforȱtheȱkingȱorȱtheȱParlement
toȱclaimȱcognizanceȱinȱaȱparticularȱcase,ȱasȱitȱwasȱtheirsȱautomatically.ȱInȱthisȱway,
theȱroyalȱsafeguardȱwasȱaȱprofoundlyȱjudicialȱmatter.ȱToȱdisregardȱitȱwasȱtoȱflout
theȱ royalȱ justiceȱ itself,ȱ anȱ inalienableȱ partȱ ofȱ sovereigntyȱ inȱ theȱ fourteenth
century.50ȱTheȱvillainyȱofȱJourdainȱdeȱl’Isle,ȱtheȱlordȱofȱCassaubon,ȱillustratesȱthe
pointȱwell,ȱthoughȱtheȱrecordȱdatesȱfromȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱCharlesȱIV’sȱreign.ȱSince
1314,ȱJourdainȱappearedȱinȱtheȱregistersȱofȱtheȱParlementȱasȱaȱscourgeȱonȱtheȱland.
Aȱmurderer,ȱthief,ȱrapist,ȱandȱallȬaroundȱbrigand,51ȱheȱwasȱaccusedȱofȱrebellionȱby
theȱking’sȱmen.52ȱ
Notȱuntilȱ1323,ȱsoonȱafterȱCharlesȱIVȱassumedȱtheȱthrone,ȱdidȱtheȱParlement
condemnȱhimȱasȱharmingȱtheȱking’sȱjustice.ȱJourdainȱhadȱkidnappedȱtwoȱmenȱwho
hadȱappealedȱtoȱtheȱkingȱagainstȱtheȱravagesȱofȱtheirȱtroublesomeȱlord.ȱTheȱking,
byȱgrantingȱthemȱbothȱsafeguards,ȱremovedȱthemȱfromȱJourdain’sȱjurisdictionȱand
48
ArthurȱAugusteȱBeugnot,ȱed.,ȱLesȱOlim,ȱouȱregistresȱdesȱarrêtsȱrendusȱparȱlaȱCourȱduȱRoiȱsousȱlesȱrègnes
deȱSaintȱLouis,ȱdeȱPhilippeȱleȱHardi,ȱdeȱPhilippeȱleȱBel,ȱdeȱLouisȱdeȱHutin,ȱetȱdeȱPhilippeȱleȱLong.ȱVol.ȱ3
(Paris:ȱImprimerieȱRoyale,ȱ1844),ȱ281–82,ȱ479–80.
49
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.etȱenȱaȱliȱroisȱlaȱconnaissance,ȱcarȱtouteȱlaȱlaieȱjuridicionȱduȱroiaumeȱestȱtenueȱduȱroiȱenȱfief
ouȱenȱarriereȱfief.”ȱBeaumanoir,ȱCoutumesȱdeȱBeauvaisis,ȱ158ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
50
JosephȱHughȱShennan,ȱTheȱParlementȱofȱParisȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1968),ȱ151.
51
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a1ȱfol.ȱ58v,ȱX2a2ȱfol.ȱ18ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
52
placedȱthemȱunderȱȱhisȱown.53ȱJourdain’sȱsubsequentȱkidnappingȱoccurredȱdespite
theȱking,ȱhisȱjurisdiction,ȱhisȱsovereignty,ȱandȱhisȱprotection.54ȱTheȱParlement’s
recordȱofȱtheȱtrialȱencouragesȱtheȱreaderȱtoȱseeȱtheȱsafeguardȱasȱtheȱextensionȱof
theȱking’sȱmajesty.ȱToȱviolateȱitȱwasȱnoneȱotherȱthanȱlèseȬmajesté.
Givenȱtheȱabundanceȱofȱpeopleȱunderȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguardȱandȱtheȱhighȱnumber
ofȱinfractions,ȱitȱmayȱbeȱtemptingȱtoȱsupposeȱthatȱtheȱkingȱandȱhisȱcourtȱwouldȱbe
happyȱtoȱseeȱanyȱofficerȱofȱtheȱlawȱorȱlocalȱjudgeȱhandleȱtheȱcaseȱandȱpunishȱthe
malefactor.ȱInȱfact,ȱtheȱkingȱjealouslyȱguardedȱhisȱright,ȱandȱthatȱofȱtheȱParlement,
toȱbeȱtheȱsoleȱarbiterȱinȱcasesȱinvolvingȱbreachȱofȱtheȱsafeguard.ȱMultipleȱtimesȱthe
criminalȱregistersȱmakeȱitȱclearȱthatȱonlyȱtheȱkingȱandȱhisȱcourtȱhadȱjurisdictionȱin
suchȱcases.55ȱInȱ1346–1347,ȱtheȱcourtȱheardȱaȱcaseȱonȱtheȱhomicideȱofȱJeanȱBoquet,
massierȱofȱtheȱbishopȱofȱNoyon,ȱroyalȱsergeantȱandȱpeerȱofȱFrance,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeen
attackedȱbyȱthreeȱmen.ȱTheseȱmenȱthenȱproceededȱtoȱbreakȱJeanȱBoquet’sȱsymbol
ofȱofficeȱandȱthreatenȱtheȱbishop,ȱhisȱmayor,ȱservantsȱandȱofficers.ȱByȱtheȱtimeȱthe
bailiffȱofȱAmiensȱreceivedȱordersȱfromȱtheȱParlementȱtoȱlookȱintoȱtheȱmatter,ȱtwo
ofȱtheȱmalefactorsȱwereȱbeingȱheldȱinȱecclesiasticalȱprison:ȱoneȱinȱtheȱprisonȱofȱthe
monksȱofȱSaintȬEloiȱinȱNoyon,ȱoneȱinȱtheȱprisonȱofȱtheȱbishopȱofȱTherouanne.ȱ
Theȱmenȱstoodȱaccused,ȱamongȱotherȱthings,ȱofȱbreachingȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguard,
overȱwhichȱtheȱkingȱaloneȱhadȱcognizance.56ȱTheȱcourtȱforbadeȱtheȱmonksȱand
bishopȱfromȱeitherȱfreeingȱorȱcondemningȱtheȱprisoners;ȱjudgmentȱwasȱtoȱbeȱmade
onlyȱbyȱtheȱking’sȱrepresentatives.57ȱNorȱwasȱthisȱkindȱofȱinjunctionȱseenȱonlyȱin
casesȱ involvingȱ aȱ peerȱ ofȱ theȱ realmȱ orȱ otherȱ individualsȱ ofȱ highȱ status,ȱ which
wouldȱsuggestȱmoreȱofȱaȱconcernȱwithȱtheȱvictimȱthanȱtheȱcrime.ȱInȱ1335,ȱtheȱcourt
sentȱaȱreminderȱthatȱknowledgeȱofȱtheȱcasesȱofȱbreachȱofȱtheȱsafeguardȱbelonged
toȱ theȱ king.ȱ Becauseȱ theȱ localȱ courtȱ hadȱ begunȱ proceduresȱ againstȱ Ulfardȱ de
Ghistellesȱandȱhisȱwifeȱoverȱtheȱhomicideȱofȱtheȱattorneyȱforȱtheȱcathedralȱchapter
ofȱTournai,ȱwhoȱheldȱaȱroyalȱsafeguard,ȱtheȱParlementȱauthorizedȱtheȱbailiffȱof
Lilleȱtoȱrevokeȱallȱactionsȱandȱdecisionsȱbyȱtheȱlowerȱcourt,ȱwhichȱhadȱbeenȱdone
inȱprejudiceȱtoȱtheȱjusticeȱandȱrightsȱofȱtheȱking.58ȱ
ThoughȱtheȱParlementȱfeltȱitȱnecessaryȱonȱoccasionȱtoȱremindȱpeopleȱwhoȱowned
theȱrightsȱtoȱhighȱjusticeȱinȱtheseȱcases,ȱtheȱrecordsȱleaveȱlittleȱroomȱforȱdoubtȱthat
53
Theȱtwoȱmenȱappealedȱtoȱtheȱkingȱandȱ“parȱvertuȱdeȱladiteȱappellacion,ȱestoientȱexemptȱduȱtout
deȱsaȱjuridictionȱetȱenȱl’especialȱgardeȱduȱroy.”ȱRegistresȱCriminelȱ(seeȱntoeȱ15),ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ177v.
54
“.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ilȱ lesȱ avoitȱ faitȱ traynerȱ etȱ pendreȱ enȱ grantȱ despitȱ duȱ royȱ etȱ deȱ saȱ juridictionȱ etȱ deȱ sa
souverainetéȱetȱdeȱsaȱgarde.”ȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ177vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
55
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a3ȱfol.ȱ23v,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ170,ȱX2a5ȱfols.ȱ3,ȱ62v,ȱ179vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
56
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱdeȱfractureȱdicteȱgardeȱnostreȱcognoscereȱetȱpunieȱpertineat.”ȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a5ȱfol.ȱ62v
(seeȱnoteȱ15).
57
58
“EtȱcumȱGardieȱnostreȱfractorusȱarmorumqueȱportantonisȱcognitioȱetȱpunitoȱadȱnosȱetȱnonȱad
aliumȱpertinent.”ȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a3ȱfol.ȱ23vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
itȱwasȱwellȬknown.ȱApartȱfromȱinstancesȱsuchȱasȱtheȱvandalizingȱofȱtheȱsafeguard
notices,ȱcriminalsȱwouldȱatȱtimesȱattemptȱtoȱcircumventȱtheȱking’sȱjusticeȱinȱaȱbid
toȱsecureȱaȱmoreȱfavorableȱoutcome.ȱSoȱinȱaȱcaseȱfromȱ1350,ȱafterȱhavingȱinvited
theȱabbotȱofȱEaucourtȬl’AbbayeȱtoȱArrasȱunderȱfalseȱpretensesȱandȱthereȱattacking
himȱ inȱ spiteȱ ofȱ theȱ royalȱ safeguard,ȱ Andréȱ deȱ Monchy59ȱ forcedȱ hisȱ victimȱ to
promiseȱthatȱheȱwouldȱnotȱaccuseȱAndréȱbeforeȱaȱlayȱtribunal,ȱwhichȱreportedȱto
theȱParlementȱandȱking.ȱRather,ȱtheȱabbotȱwasȱforcedȱtoȱpromiseȱunderȱduressȱthat
heȱwouldȱonlyȱbringȱsuitȱbeforeȱtheȱofficialȱofȱArras,ȱanȱecclesiastic,ȱinȱbreachȱof
theȱroyalȱjustice,ȱwhich,ȱtheȱscribeȱremindsȱtheȱreader,ȱhadȱsoleȱcompetenceȱin
mattersȱofȱtheȱviolationȱofȱtheȱsafeguard.60ȱTheȱabbot,ȱhowever,ȱonceȱfreeȱfrom
ArrasȱandȱAndréȱdeȱMonchy,ȱswiftlyȱaccusedȱhisȱassailantȱbeforeȱtheȱParlement
ofȱParis.ȱTheȱcourtȱannulledȱtheȱproceduresȱandȱjudgmentsȱofȱtheȱofficialȱofȱArras,
inȱtheȱprocessȱseizingȱtheȱtemporalȱjusticeȱofȱtheȱofficialȱandȱhisȱbishop,ȱthereby
preventingȱeitherȱfromȱhavingȱcognizanceȱoverȱsecularȱmatters.ȱ
Althoughȱ violationsȱ ofȱ theȱ safeguardȱ wereȱ relativelyȱ common,ȱ holdingȱ a
safeguardȱwasȱaȱnetȱbenefit.ȱEvenȱifȱitȱfailedȱinȱtheȱfirstȱinstance—protectingȱthe
bearerȱfromȱharm—itȱguaranteedȱthatȱtheȱkingȱwouldȱtakeȱaȱkeenȱinterestȱinȱseeing
thatȱtheȱattackersȱwereȱpunished.ȱWhileȱweȱcannotȱknowȱhowȱmanyȱcrimesȱthe
safeguardȱprevented,ȱtheȱnumberȱofȱpeopleȱrequestingȱitsȱprotectionȱsuggestsȱthat
theyȱtheyȱbelievedȱitȱtoȱbeȱeffectiveȱorȱotherwiseȱbeneficial.ȱHenceȱinȱ1334,ȱthe
knightȱGuiȱGrimaut,ȱimprisonedȱinȱParis,ȱrequestedȱaȱsafegaurdȱfromȱtheȱcourt.
Guiȱhadȱinȱ1328ȱparticipatedȱinȱaȱtwoȬpartȱconspiracy:ȱone,ȱtoȱcaptureȱtheȱCount
ofȱFlanders,ȱLouisȱdeȱNevers,ȱandȱtwo,ȱtoȱturnȱCharlesȱofȱValois,ȱtheȱCountȱof
Alençonȱandȱking’sȱbrother,ȱfromȱtheȱcauseȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱandȱconvinceȱhimȱtoȱally
withȱEngland.ȱOnlyȱtheȱfirstȱpartȱsucceeded.ȱGuiȱwasȱheldȱinȱtheȱChateletȱwhileȱhis
trialȱstalled,ȱasȱmanyȱofȱtheȱwitnessesȱagainstȱhimȱwereȱinȱFlandersȱandȱcouldȱnot
comeȱtoȱParis.ȱ
TheȱParlementȱinvitedȱGuiȱtoȱsendȱanȱattorneyȱnorthȱtoȱgatherȱtheȱtestimony,ȱbut
uponȱhisȱlawyer’sȱcounsel,ȱheȱrefused.ȱWhenȱtheȱcourtȱofferedȱtoȱpermitȱhimȱto
travelȱtoȱFlandersȱhimselfȱforȱthisȱpurpose,ȱGuiȱagreedȱuponȱtheȱconditionȱthatȱhe
beȱgrantedȱaȱsafeguardȱforȱtheȱjourney.61ȱTheȱcourtȱpermittedȱhimȱanȱescort,ȱwhich
satisfiedȱ theȱ prisoner.62ȱ Inȱ theȱ contextȱ ofȱ theȱ uprisingsȱ inȱ Flandersȱ againstȱ the
FrenchȱCrownȱandȱtheȱcount,ȱwhoȱspentȱmuchȱofȱhisȱtimeȱinȱexileȱatȱtheȱcourtȱof
PhilipȱVI,ȱGui’sȱdesireȱtoȱbeȱunderȱtheȱking’sȱundisputedȱjurisdictionȱisȱsurprising
unlessȱweȱassumeȱthatȱtheȱsafeguardȱhadȱaȱrealȱpowerȱasȱaȱdeterrent.
59
PossiblyȱtheȱformerȱreceveurȱgénéralȱofȱArtois.
60
61
62
Theȱbearersȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguardȱwereȱnotȱtheȱonlyȱonesȱtoȱviewȱitsȱbestowal
asȱadvantageous.ȱWithȱtheȱbreadthȱofȱpeopleȱwhoȱroutinelyȱheldȱaȱsafeguard,ȱa
greaterȱnumberȱofȱindividualsȱcameȱunderȱtheȱking’sȱdirectȱjurisdiction.ȱMoreover,
theȱinclusionȱofȱreligiousȱhousesȱmeantȱthatȱtheȱkingȱgainedȱaȱclaimȱoverȱreligious
affairs.ȱAsȱtheȱrexȱchristianissimus,ȱanointedȱwithȱtheȱholyȱchrismȱatȱSaintȬDenis,ȱthe
safeguardȱbolsteredȱtheȱking’sȱcontentionȱthatȱheȱwasȱtheȱdefenderȱofȱChristianity
(evenȱifȱrealityȱmightȱproveȱtoȱbeȱmoreȱcomplicated).ȱ
InȱcontrastȱtoȱPhilip’sȱCapetianȱpredecessorsȱ(exceptingȱperhapsȱCharlesȱIV)ȱand
theȱParlement’sȱ fitfulȱstartȱasȱanȱadȱhocȱjudicialȱassembly,ȱtheȱuseȱtoȱwhichȱthe
safeguardȱ wasȱ putȱ underȱ theȱ firstȱ Valoisȱ kingȱ suggestsȱ anȱ increasedȱ desireȱ to
ensureȱthatȱtheȱmostȱvulnerableȱsegmentsȱofȱsocietyȱandȱtheȱmostȱimportantȱforȱits
governmentȱ receivedȱ aȱ specialȱ status.ȱ Butȱ theȱ increasedȱ awareness,ȱ ifȱ notȱ use,
indicatesȱthatȱtheȱParlementȱwasȱgrowingȱmoreȱandȱmoreȱinterestedȱinȱpreserving
andȱextendingȱ theȱking’sȱauthority,ȱallȱtheȱwhileȱcentralizingȱitȱunderȱaȱsingle
judicialȱbody.ȱTheȱsafeguardȱextendedȱtheȱzoneȱofȱcrimesȱanswerableȱtoȱtheȱking,63
alongȱwithȱtheȱpeopleȱwhoȱwereȱbothȱvictimȱandȱcriminal.ȱTheȱsymbolismȱinherent
inȱtheȱsafeguardȱlegitimizedȱtheȱParlement’sȱincreaseȱofȱitsȱownȱauthorityȱover
otherȱ jurisdictions,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ king’sȱ power.ȱ Theȱ king’sȱ abilityȱ toȱ dispense
justiceȱandȱprotectȱtheȱrealmȱlayȱatȱtheȱheartȱofȱhisȱmajestas.ȱ
Withȱtheȱextensionȱofȱtheȱsafeguardȱandȱtheȱcourt’sȱgreaterȱfocusȱonȱpreserving
it,ȱ aȱ byȬproductȱ wasȱ thatȱ moreȱ crimesȱ roseȱ toȱ theȱ levelȱ ofȱ lèseȬmajesté,ȱ simply
becauseȱinȱtheȱprocessȱofȱcommittingȱtheȱcrimeȱoneȱwasȱalsoȱviolatingȱtheȱroyal
safeguard.ȱ Actsȱ ofȱ theftȱ becameȱ moreȱ serious.ȱ Breachingȱ theȱ safeguardȱ often
appearedȱasȱaȱvitalȱmodifierȱforȱtheȱotherȱcrimesȱatȱtheȱcenterȱofȱaȱcase.ȱAtȱtimes,
theȱ royalȱ safeguard’sȱ violationȱ emergedȱ fromȱ theȱ realmȱ ofȱ implicationȱ and
metaphorȱ toȱ explicitlyȱ equalȱ lèseȬmajesté.ȱ Inȱ 1348–1350,ȱ theȱ Parlementȱ ofȱ Paris
heardȱtheȱcaseȱagainstȱGuiȱd’Apremont.ȱGuiȱandȱhisȱmenȱcommittedȱaȱseriesȱof
attacks,ȱincludingȱhomicide,ȱrape,ȱtheft,ȱtorture,ȱandȱarson,ȱagainstȱtheȱprioryȱof
MoutiersȬlesȬMauxfaits.ȱ
Terribleȱasȱtheseȱcrimesȱwere,ȱwhatȱearnedȱtheȱfullȱcondemnationȱofȱtheȱcourt
wasȱ theȱ marauders’ȱ settingȱ fireȱ toȱ theȱ postȱ onȱ whichȱ theȱ royalȱ safeguardȱ was
displayed.ȱInȱnoȱuncertainȱterms,ȱtheȱParlementȱbrandedȱthatȱspecificȱactȱaȱcrime
againstȱtheȱroyalȱmajesty.64ȱButȱasȱwithȱtheȱcaseȱofȱJourdainȱdeȱl’Isleȱkidnapping
theȱtwoȱappellantsȱofȱtheȱking,ȱspurningȱtheȱroyalȱmajestyȱneedȱnotȱbeȱasȱdirectȱas
burningȱtheȱfleurȬdeȬlys.ȱInȱtheȱaffairȱofȱPierreȱdeȱTurlandeȱagainstȱtheȱlordȱof
Pierrefort,ȱtheȱcourtȱrecordedȱaȱhostȱofȱcrimesȱcommittedȱagainstȱPierreȱbyȱtheȱlord
ofȱPierrefortȱandȱhisȱmenȱwhileȱtheȱtwoȱwereȱinȱlitigationȱinȱtheȱParlement:ȱthe
homicideȱofȱaȱsergeantȱofȱPierreȱdeȱTurlande;ȱtheȱattemptedȱmurderȱofȱPierre’s
63
Gauvard,ȱDeȱGrace,ȱ180–81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).
64
“InȱfrangendoȱnostramqueȱmaestatemȱRegiam.”ȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a5ȱfol.ȱ156ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
nephew;ȱactsȱofȱbrigandageȱcommittedȱonȱlandsȱPierreȱheldȱinȱfiefȱfromȱtheȱking
asȱwellȱasȱonȱothers;ȱtheȱarmedȱassaultȱuponȱandȱcaptureȱofȱtheȱcastleȱofȱTurlande,
doneȱinȱorderȱtoȱkillȱPierre,ȱhisȱchildren,ȱandȱmembersȱofȱhisȱhousehold,ȱwhich
resultedȱ inȱ theȱ mortalȱ woundingȱ ofȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ latter;ȱ andȱ finallyȱ theȱ presence
amongȱtheȱmenȱofȱtheȱlordȱofȱPierrefortȱofȱexiledȱcriminalsȱandȱknownȱmurderers.
Theȱrecordȱdenouncesȱthisȱentireȱlistȱasȱhavingȱbeenȱdoneȱatȱtheȱexpenseȱofȱthe
publicȱgoodȱandȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsovereignty.65ȱBeforeȱtheȱscribeȱcomesȱtoȱtheȱinjuries
doneȱtoȱtheȱkingȱandȱpublic,ȱheȱcapsȱtheȱlistȱwithȱmentionȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguard.
Theȱformulationȱofȱthisȱlistȱthereforeȱencouragesȱaȱreadingȱthatȱitȱwasȱnotȱthese
actsȱaloneȱthatȱamountedȱtoȱanȱoffenseȱagainstȱtheȱroyalȱmajesty,ȱbutȱtheirȱtaking
placeȱinȱcontraventionȱofȱaȱroyalȱsafeguardȱheldȱbyȱPierreȱdeȱTurlande.ȱ
Violationȱofȱtheȱroyalȱsafeguard,ȱlikeȱtreason,ȱwasȱanotherȱwayȱofȱexpressing
lèseȬmajesté—onlyȱtheȱmeansȱareȱdifferent,ȱnotȱtheȱresult.ȱButȱunlikeȱtreasonȱor
rebellion,ȱsafeguardȱwasȱalmostȱentirelyȱaȱsymbolicȱcrime.ȱTheȱtheftȱofȱRaymond
Bernard’sȱhorseȱwasȱaȱconcrete,ȱtangibleȱact,ȱbutȱnotȱoneȱdemandingȱtheȱtimeȱof
anyoneȱ butȱ theȱ localȱ bailiffȱ orȱ seneschal;ȱ itȱ wasȱ Raymond’sȱ holdingȱ lettersȱ of
safeguardȱ thatȱ broughtȱ itȱ toȱ theȱ attentionȱ ofȱ theȱ highestȱ courtȱ inȱ theȱ land—no
matterȱRaymond’sȱrankȱasȱaȱclericȱorȱtheȱvalueȱofȱhisȱhorse.66ȱThoughȱtheȱpieceȱof
paperȱorȱplacardȱhadȱnoȱinnateȱpowerȱtoȱprotect,ȱsuccumbingȱtoȱfireȱandȱother
vandalisms,ȱ itȱ remainedȱ aȱ soughtȬafterȱ commodity.67ȱ Theȱ safeguard’sȱ effective
powerȱ layȱ notȱ onlyȱ inȱ theȱ reprisalsȱ thatȱ followedȱ uponȱ itsȱ infringement,ȱ but
dependedȱ uponȱ anȱ agreementȱ betweenȱ theȱ kingȱ andȱ hisȱ subjectsȱ thatȱ those
proclaimedȱinviolableȱwould,ȱinȱfact,ȱremainȱinviolate.ȱ
III.ȱForgery
Inȱ1339,ȱGastonȱII,ȱCountȱofȱFoix,ȱViscountȱofȱBéarnȱandȱofȱMarsan,ȱfoundȱoccasion
toȱwriteȱtoȱtheȱmenȱofȱtheȱParlementȱofȱParis.ȱSometimeȱearlier,ȱthisȱpowerfulȱcourt
hadȱimprisonedȱinȱParisȱtwoȱofȱGaston’sȱmenȱunderȱtheȱsuspicionȱthatȱtheyȱhad
forgedȱandȱotherwiseȱfalsifiedȱtheȱsealȱofȱtheȱcount.ȱGastonȱassuredȱtheȱParlement
thatȱinȱfactȱheȱhadȱsentȱtheseȱmenȱtoȱParisȱtoȱperformȱsundryȱtasks,ȱnotȱtheȱleast
ofȱwhichȱwasȱobtainingȱaȱnewȱsealȱofȱhisȱarms.ȱTheȱcountȱnotȱonlyȱrequestedȱthat
theȱcourtȱrectifyȱtheȱmatterȱandȱfreeȱhisȱmen,ȱbutȱthatȱtheyȱdoȱsoȱwithoutȱharassing
orȱinȱanyȱotherȱmannerȱmistreatingȱthem.68
65
66
RegistersȱduȱTrésor,ȱJJ72ȱfol.ȱ280vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ37).
67
Forȱ example,ȱ theȱ criminalȱ registersȱ relateȱ theȱ forgingȱ ofȱ lettersȱ ofȱ safeguardȱ andȱ theirȱ theft.
68
Theȱ Parlement’sȱ sensitivityȱ toȱ forgery,ȱ toȱ theȱ degreeȱ thatȱ itȱ wouldȱ arrest
individualsȱcarryingȱoutȱtheȱlegitimateȱordersȱofȱtheirȱlord,ȱfollowsȱfromȱforgery’s
being,ȱalongȱwithȱtheȱviolationȱofȱtheȱsafeguard,ȱtheȱquintessentialȱcrimeȱofȱlèseȬ
majesté.ȱWhileȱmostȱofȱtheȱcrimesȱunderȱtheȱrubricȱofȱlèseȬmajestéȱ(seeȱFigureȱ1)
wereȱtreasonousȱthroughȱanalogy,ȱforgeryȱwasȱaȱcrimeȱofȱanalogyȱandȱimpacted
muchȱofȱsocietyȱtheȱwayȱthatȱonlyȱkingȱandȱChurchȱwereȱmeantȱto.ȱItȱcausedȱthe
kingȱtoȱspeakȱbyȱpretendingȱtoȱbeȱhisȱownȱwordsȱandȱwishes,ȱinterferedȱwithȱthe
administrationȱofȱtheȱrealmȱandȱinȱtheȱworkingsȱofȱtheȱcourt,ȱandȱbredȱdistrust.ȱIn
thisȱway,ȱforgery,ȱthoughȱnotȱoriginallyȱaȱhighȱcrime,ȱsatȱatȱtheȱheartȱofȱlèseȬmajesté,
threateningȱtheȱexpressionȱofȱtheȱroyalȱwillȱandȱtheȱperformanceȱofȱmajesty,ȱtoȱsay
nothingȱ ofȱ theȱ abilityȱ ofȱ peopleȱ toȱ recognizeȱ thoseȱ performancesȱ asȱ authentic.
Dependentȱuponȱphysicalȱobjectsȱandȱtheirȱconventionsȱofȱuse—specificallyȱthe
sealȱandȱtheȱletter—forgeryȱwasȱaȱconcreteȱcrimeȱthatȱmanipulatedȱtheseȱobjects
asȱsymbolsȱofȱroyalȱauthority.ȱ
First,ȱthereȱisȱtheȱsymbolismȱofȱtheȱdocumentȱitself.ȱInȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,
theȱ“ceremonialȱroleȱofȱtheȱdocumentȱcontinue[d]ȱtoȱbeȱparamount”ȱasȱitȱcould
enactȱandȱreȬenactȱtheȱeventsȱdescribedȱandȱembodiedȱinȱitself.69ȱForgeryȱusurped
thisȱperformativityȱforȱtheȱforger’sȱownȱends.ȱTheȱforgerȱsimultaneouslyȱdeceived
theȱ audienceȱ andȱ becameȱ aȱ puppeteerȱ controllingȱ thoseȱ enactments.ȱ Itȱ was
preciselyȱ thisȱ combinationȱ ofȱ deceiverȱ andȱ puppeteerȱ thatȱ madeȱ forgeryȱ so
representativeȱofȱlèseȬmajesté.ȱYet,ȱwhileȱtheȱParlementȱofȱParisȱtreatedȱforgeryȱas
oneȱ ofȱ theseȱ highestȱ ofȱ highȱ crimes,ȱ writtenȱ lawȱ saidȱ nothingȱ aboutȱ it.ȱ The
customaryȱlawsȱusedȱbyȱtheȱParlementȱmakeȱnoȱmentionȱofȱtheȱoffense;ȱonlyȱby
extrapolatingȱfromȱtheȱlawsȱagainstȱcounterfeitingȱinȱtheȱRomanȱlawȱdidȱforgery
riseȱ toȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ crimenȱ laesaeȱ majestatis:ȱ theȱ defacementȱ ofȱ theȱ emperor’sȱ (or
king’s)ȱimageȱonȱaȱcoinȱbeingȱanalogousȱtoȱtheȱdefacementȱofȱtheȱroyalȱseal,ȱand
fromȱthereȱtoȱtheȱdocumentȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱsealȱwasȱattached.ȱ
LèseȬmajestéȱasȱaȱtheoryȱofȱcrimeȱandȱcriminalityȱisȱallȱaboutȱsymbolism.ȱThe
offensesȱthatȱamountedȱtoȱtheȱviolationȱofȱmajestyȱinȱtheȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱdid
soȱ primarilyȱ throughȱ metaphorȱ andȱ analogy.ȱ Forgeryȱ wasȱ notȱ simplyȱ aȱ crime
withinȱthisȱsystemȱofȱanalogy,ȱitȱwas,ȱasȱIȱsaidȱearlier,ȱaȱcrimeȱofȱanalogy.ȱItȱtook
theȱ markersȱ ofȱ kingshipȱ andȱ rightȱ governanceȱ andȱ pervertedȱ theirȱ meaning,
therebyȱputtingȱatȱriskȱtheȱstructureȱonȱwhichȱtheȱmonarchyȱandȱitsȱadministration
depended.
Forgeriesȱinjuredȱtheȱroyalȱjustice,ȱasȱdisputantsȱprofferedȱfalseȱdocumentsȱin
courtȱinȱanȱattemptȱtoȱdeceiveȱtheȱjudgesȱandȱwinȱtheirȱcases70ȱorȱtoȱchangeȱthe
jurisdictionȱofȱtheirȱtrial.71ȱForgeriesȱlikeȱtheseȱdidȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱcauseȱtheȱkingȱor
69
Hiatt,ȱTheȱMakingȱofȱMedievalȱForgeries,ȱ12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ29).
70
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a3ȱfol.ȱ56,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
71
hisȱcourtȱtoȱspeak,ȱbutȱsetȱupȱobstaclesȱinȱtheȱpathȱofȱjustice.ȱTheyȱmadeȱlifeȱharder
forȱtheȱcourtȱandȱriskedȱelevatingȱtheȱlevelȱofȱdistrustȱinȱlegalȱbattles.ȱHarmfulȱas
theseȱeffectsȱwere,ȱotherȱforgersȱtookȱtheȱinjuryȱtoȱtheȱheartȱofȱmajesty.ȱInȱ1328,
HenriȱdeȱMareuil,ȱaȱclerkȱinȱtheȱPalaisȱdeȱlaȱCité,ȱconfessedȱtoȱforgingȱaȱletterȱof
safeguardȱforȱaȱclientȱandȱfalselyȱsigningȱit.72ȱInȱlightȱofȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱtheȱroyal
safeguard,ȱaȱpromiseȱofȱtheȱking’sȱprotection,ȱtoȱforgeȱoneȱmeantȱnoȱlessȱthanȱto
unjustlyȱ bindȱ theȱ kingȱ toȱ anȱ agreementȱ heȱ neverȱ madeȱ andȱ giveȱ illegitimate
instructionsȱtoȱroyalȱandȱlocalȱofficersȱalike.ȱForgingȱlettersȱofȱcommissionȱhadȱa
similarȱeffect.ȱTheȱParlementȱregardedȱstealingȱaȱletterȱofȱcommissionȱasȱanȱoffense
againstȱlèseȬmajesté.73ȱForgingȱoneȱwasȱjustȱasȱbad,ȱifȱnotȱworse.ȱInȱtheȱprocessȱofȱthe
forgery,ȱoneȱnotȱonlyȱwroteȱforȱtheȱking,ȱbutȱcopiedȱhisȱgreatȱsealȱtoȱappendȱtoȱthe
document.ȱ
Theȱ instancesȱ ofȱ forgedȱ commissionsȱ wereȱ withoutȱ exceptionȱ treatedȱ as
extremelyȱgrave,ȱevenȱwithinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheȱoverallȱseverityȱtoȱwhichȱcasesȱof
forgeryȱinȱgeneralȱwereȱsubjectedȱ(seeȱSectionȱIVȱbelow).ȱTortureȱwasȱaȱcommon
featureȱ ofȱ theȱ proceedings.ȱ Suchȱ forgeriesȱ notȱ onlyȱ assumedȱ theȱ rightȱ toȱ issue
ordersȱinȱplaceȱofȱtheȱkingȱandȱparcelȱoutȱhisȱjusticeȱwithoutȱcauseȱorȱauthority,
theyȱcouldȱalsoȱsowȱconfusionȱandȱdistrustȱofȱtheȱbureaucracyȱbyȱleveragingȱthe
powerȱofȱclerks’ȱoffices.ȱPierreȱSamadet,ȱbelievingȱhimselfȱtoȱbeȱsergeantȱgeneral
inȱtheȱseneschallyȱofȱPerigordȱandȱQuercy,ȱfellȱvictimȱtoȱaȱforgerȱinȱ1333.ȱHeȱbore
aȱletterȱofȱhisȱappointmentȱtoȱtheȱoffice,ȱsealedȱwithȱtheȱgreatȱsealȱofȱtheȱking.ȱThe
trouble,ȱheȱlearnedȱuponȱbeingȱarrestedȱandȱimprisoned,ȱwasȱthatȱtheȱletterȱwas
aȱfake.ȱUnderȱoath,ȱPierreȱsworeȱheȱknewȱnothingȱofȱtheȱforgery;ȱheȱhadȱbought
theȱcommission74ȱfromȱoneȱAymardȱJohanninȱofȱCahors.ȱAymardȱhadȱsuppliedȱa
forgedȱletter,ȱpocketedȱtheȱsixtyȬtwoȱsoldi,ȱandȱleftȱPierreȱholdingȱtheȱbagȱwhenȱthe
Parlementȱgotȱwindȱofȱtheȱdeceit.75ȱ
Theȱtrickȱofȱforgery,ȱlikeȱthatȱofȱcounterfeiting,ȱisȱtoȱdisguiseȱeitherȱtheȱsubstance
orȱtheȱprovenance:ȱ“Aȱcounterfeitȱcoinȱbeliesȱeitherȱitsȱcontentȱorȱitsȱorigin.ȱWith
falseȱcontent,ȱtheȱcounterfeiterȱcheatsȱtheȱrecipientȱofȱtheȱcoin,ȱwhoȱreceivesȱless
thanȱheȱthought.ȱWithȱfalseȱorigin,ȱtheȱcounterfeiterȱcheatsȱtheȱmonetaryȱauthority
ofȱitsȱseigniorage.”76ȱSoȱtooȱwithȱforgery,ȱandȱoneȱcouldȱneverȱbeȱsureȱthatȱeither
oneȱwasȱgenuine.
Forgeryȱisȱfundamentallyȱaboutȱdeception.ȱSinceȱatȱleastȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱand
earlierȱdependingȱonȱlocale,ȱwrittenȱcultureȱhadȱgainedȱaȱgrowingȱfootholdȱin
Europeanȱ society.ȱ Notȱ onlyȱ wereȱ documentsȱ becomingȱ moreȱ common,ȱ slowly
72
73
74
Thisȱwasȱnotȱanȱuncommonȱpracticeȱandȱoneȱwhichȱpassedȱwithoutȱcommentȱinȱtheȱcriminal
register.
75
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ199v,ȱ200vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
76
Sargent,ȱTheȱBigȱProblem,ȱ64ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).
permeatingȱmoreȱlevelsȱofȱsociety,ȱmedievalȱsocietyȱwritȱlargeȱhadȱbegunȱtoȱgive
theȱwrittenȱwordȱgreaterȱweight,ȱparticularlyȱasȱcomparedȱtoȱmemory.77ȱKarlȱF.
Wernerȱhasȱarguedȱthatȱtheȱ“numberȱofȱforgeriesȱinȱFranceȱ[inȱtheȱtwelfthȱand
thirteenthȱcenturies]ȱreflectedȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱaȱnewȱconfidenceȱnotȱonlyȱinȱwrittenȱdocuments,
especiallyȱroyalȱcharters,ȱbutȱalsoȱinȱtheȱmonarchyȱitself.”78ȱ
Forȱ forgeryȱ toȱ beȱ profitableȱ thereȱ hadȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ marketȱ forȱ theseȱ royalȱ letters
alreadyȱ inȱ place.ȱ Atȱ theȱ sameȱ time,ȱ anȱ overȬrelianceȱ onȱ thisȱ confidenceȱ inȱ the
monarchyȱheldȱtheȱseedsȱofȱforgery’sȱownȱdestruction,ȱasȱtooȱmanyȱfakeȱroyal
lettersȱ wouldȱ resultȱ inȱ theȱ collapseȱ ofȱ theȱ documents’ȱ symbolicȱ value.ȱ Forȱ the
deceptionȱtoȱwork,ȱitȱhadȱtoȱrelyȱonȱtheȱsymbolicȱweightȱofȱtheȱthingȱforged.ȱThis
wasȱparticularlyȱtrueȱforȱtheȱforgeriesȱtriedȱbyȱtheȱParlement.ȱInȱcontrastȱtoȱtexts
suchȱ asȱ theȱ Donationȱ ofȱ Constantineȱ orȱ theȱ constructedȱ historiesȱ ofȱ monastic
houses,ȱtheseȱdocumentsȱwereȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱideaȱthatȱtheirȱaudienceȱwasȱnot
complicitȱinȱtheȱdeceit,ȱasȱPierreȱSamadetȱdiscoveredȱtoȱhisȱdismay.ȱUnlikeȱthe
moreȱfamousȱmedievalȱforgeriesȱthatȱhaveȱcomeȱdownȱtoȱus,ȱthoseȱtheȱParlement
handledȱdidȱnotȱpossessȱaȱnaturalȱ“rightness”ȱinȱtheirȱpresentationȱofȱevents.ȱThere
wasȱnoȱinherent,ȱevenȱifȱpreviouslyȱunwritten,ȱtruthȱtoȱPierreȱSamadet’sȱclaimȱthat
heȱ wasȱ theȱ sergeantȱ generalȱ ofȱ Perigordȱ andȱ Quercy.ȱ Thus,ȱ theȱ fakeȱ letterȱ of
commissionȱheȱboreȱhadȱtoȱsupplyȱaȱlevelȱofȱauthenticityȱandȱvalidityȱthroughȱits
physicalȱpresentation:ȱtheȱgreatȱsealȱofȱPhilipȱVI.79ȱ
Inȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱJohnȱofȱSalisburyȱcontemplatedȱforgeryȱandȱcameȱtoȱthe
followingȱconclusion:ȱ“theȱfalsificationȱofȱ[theȱpapal]ȱsealȱisȱaȱperilȱtoȱtheȱuniversal
Church,ȱsinceȱbyȱtheȱmarksȱofȱaȱsingleȱimpressȱtheȱmouthsȱofȱallȱtheȱpontiffsȱmay
beȱopenedȱorȱclosed.”80ȱThoughȱJohnȱwasȱspecificallyȱconcernedȱwithȱtheȱevilsȱof
clericalȱ forgery,ȱ hisȱ expressionȱ ofȱ theȱ dangerȱ inherentȱ inȱ permittingȱ forgersȱ to
operateȱ uncheckedȱ isȱ aptȱ andȱ hisȱ worriesȱ wereȱ alsoȱ thoseȱ ofȱ theȱ Parlementȱ in
regardȱtoȱtheȱking.ȱConsiderȱtheȱcaseȱofȱJacquesȱGalian.ȱWhileȱtheȱrecordȱgivesȱno
indicationȱofȱtheȱmotive,ȱtheȱfactsȱofȱtheȱcaseȱareȱthatȱJacquesȱhadȱforgedȱsealed
lettersȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱtheȱkingȱofȱAragon,ȱwhichȱheȱaddressedȱtoȱkingȱPhilipȱof
France.ȱ Heȱ wasȱ apprehendedȱ byȱ theȱ courtȱ afterȱ havingȱ engagedȱ theȱ helpȱ ofȱ a
ParisianȱsealȬmakerȱtoȱforgeȱtheȱgreatȱsealȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱking.ȱInȱhisȱconfession,
JacquesȱadmittedȱthatȱheȱdidȱsoȱbecauseȱheȱwasȱplanningȱtoȱforgeȱaȱletterȱbyȱPhilip
toȱbeȱaddressedȱtoȱtheȱkingȱofȱAragon.81ȱ
77
GilesȱConstable,ȱ “ForgeryȱandȱPlagiarismȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱArchivȱfürȱDiplomatik,ȱSchriftȬ
geschichte,ȱSiegelȬȱundȱWappenkundeȱ29ȱ(1983):ȱ1–41;ȱhereȱ22–23.
78
Constable,ȱ“ForgeryȱandȱPlagiarism”,ȱ12–13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ77).
79
80
TheȱLettersȱofȱJohnȱofȱSalisbury.ȱVol.ȱ1,ȱed.ȱbyȱWilliamȱJ.ȱMillorȱandȱHaroldȱE.ȱButler.ȱMedievalȱTexts
(London,ȱEdinburgh,ȱandȱParis:ȱT.ȱNelson,ȱ1955),ȱ95.
81
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ211v–212ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
Jacques’sȱmisappropriationȱofȱrightȱauthorityȱthroughȱtheȱsealȱandȱtheȱletter
meantȱthatȱheȱcouldȱmakeȱtheȱkingȱsayȱanythingȱatȱall.ȱUnfortunately,ȱIȱhaveȱbeen
unableȱtoȱfindȱanyȱrecordȱofȱwhatȱJacques’sȱlettersȱcontained,ȱthoughȱgivenȱthe
periodȱandȱtheȱfactȱthatȱhisȱmasterȱwasȱtheȱarchdeaconȱofȱLérida,ȱoneȱmayȱassume
thatȱitȱconcernedȱtheȱHundredȱYearsȱWar.ȱTheȱpossibilityȱthatȱJacquesȱcould,ȱinȱthe
wordsȱ ofȱ Johnȱ ofȱ Salisbury,ȱ openȱ orȱ closeȱ theȱ king’sȱ mouth,ȱ therebyȱ notȱ only
desecratingȱ theȱ royalȱ majestyȱ butȱ throwingȱ theȱ entireȱ realmȱ intoȱ perdition,
threatenedȱtheȱmonarchyȱandȱallȱitȱhopedȱtoȱrepresent.
Notȱallȱthreatsȱtoȱtheȱking’sȱmajestyȱwereȱasȱobviousȱasȱpenningȱaȱletterȱinȱthe
king’sȱ nameȱ duringȱ aȱ timeȱ ofȱ war.ȱ Someȱ moreȱ generallyȱ concernedȱ the
administrationȱofȱtheȱrealm.ȱInȱtheȱ1330s,ȱtheȱlordsȱofȱFiennesȱandȱDossemerȱwere
feudingȱ withȱ eachȱ otherȱ overȱ landȱ andȱ revenueȱ rights.ȱ Inȱ 1331,ȱ severalȱ men
belongingȱtoȱtheȱlordȱofȱDossemer,ȱledȱbyȱRobertȱAmplumus,ȱwereȱoutȱcollecting
theȱwagesȱofȱtheȱsoldiersȱofȱtheȱlordȱofȱFiennes,ȱtoȱbeȱusedȱbyȱDossemer,ȱasȱthey
hadȱbeenȱauthorizedȱtoȱdoȱbyȱaȱroyalȱletter.ȱGuillemetȱBaillésȱandȱthreeȱothersȱof
theȱlordȱofȱFiennesȱcameȱuponȱthemȱand,ȱclaimingȱtoȱpossessȱaȱletterȱrepealing
Dossemer’s,ȱdemandedȱthatȱRobertȱshowȱhisȱletter.ȱ
UnfortunatelyȱforȱGuillemet,ȱRobert’sȱwasȱtheȱmoreȱrecentȱandȱfinal,ȱasȱproved
byȱtheȱdate.ȱTheȱroyalȱletterȱRobertȱcarriedȱwasȱdatedȱtheȱ26thȱofȱApril,ȱ1331,ȱwhile
Guillemet’sȱwasȱforȱtheȱ17th.ȱSpottingȱtheȱproblem,ȱGuillemetȱproposedȱtoȱhisȱown
partyȱthatȱheȱwouldȱputȱtheȱmatterȱrightȱ(asȱoneȱofȱhisȱpartyȱconfessed,ȱGuillemet
“respondiȱqueȱilȱl’iȱmettroitȱbien”82).ȱTurningȱhisȱbackȱsoȱtheȱothersȱcouldȱnotȱsee,
Guillemetȱ insertedȱ anȱ extraȱ Romanȱ numeralȱ Xȱ intoȱ hisȱ ownȱ letter,ȱ thereby
changingȱtheȱprimacyȱofȱtheȱtwoȱdirectives.ȱThisȱactȱdidȱmoreȱthanȱopenȱandȱclose
theȱking’sȱmouth,ȱforȱchangingȱtheȱorderȱofȱtheȱissuanceȱofȱtheȱlettersȱworked
muchȱlikeȱtakingȱaȱsentenceȱoutȱofȱcontext,ȱdistortingȱtheȱmeaningȱandȱtheȱintent.
Itȱchangedȱintoȱwhoseȱhandsȱtheȱsoldiers’ȱwagesȱfell,ȱaȱmatterȱofȱparticularȱconcern
forȱtheȱking’sȱwarȱeffortȱbothȱgenerallyȱandȱinȱtheȱcontentiousȱregionȱofȱFlanders.
Yetȱ theseȱ kindsȱ ofȱ forgeriesȱ didȱ notȱ causeȱ troubleȱ onlyȱ forȱ theȱ kingȱ inȱ his
attemptsȱtoȱgovernȱtheȱrealm.ȱTheȱcourtȱitselfȱfoundȱitsȱjobȱmadeȱharderȱbyȱthe
presenceȱofȱforgeries.ȱTheȱmodificationsȱmadeȱbyȱGuillemetȱwereȱusedȱbyȱhisȱparty
toȱadvanceȱtheȱsuitȱofȱtheȱlordȱofȱFiennesȱagainstȱthatȱofȱtheȱlordȱofȱDossemer.ȱTo
makeȱtheȱParlement’sȱtaskȱallȱtheȱmoreȱdifficult,ȱpriorȱtoȱappearingȱinȱcourtȱwith
theȱletter,ȱGuillemetȱreceivedȱcoachingȱonȱhowȱtoȱmakeȱtheȱadditionȱlessȱmessy
andȱconspicuous.ȱMoreȱgenerally,ȱtheȱcourt’sȱtroublesȱwithȱforgeryȱwereȱmade
worseȱbyȱtheȱengagementȱofȱcourtȱofficersȱinȱtheȱcrime.ȱWheneverȱanȱaccusation
toȱthisȱendȱwasȱmade,ȱtheȱParlementȱpursuedȱit.ȱInȱtheȱcaseȱofȱaȱclerkȱsuspectedȱof
falsifyingȱaȱdepositionȱrecord,ȱheȱwasȱtorturedȱinȱorderȱtoȱlearnȱtheȱtruth,ȱand
82
ultimatelyȱexonerated.83ȱTheȱknightȱAdamȱd’Hordain,ȱinȱchargeȱofȱanȱinquest,ȱwas
notȱsoȱlucky.ȱChargedȱwithȱconductingȱirregularȱprocedures,ȱcorruption,ȱandȱthe
productionȱ ofȱ manyȱ forgeriesȱ andȱ falsificationsȱ inȱ theȱ caseȱ heȱ hadȱ been
investigating,ȱheȱwasȱhangedȱbyȱtheȱParlement.84ȱ
Inȱpart,ȱweȱcanȱreadȱtheȱParlement’sȱresponseȱtoȱforgeriesȱinȱitsȱownȱdomainȱas
aȱ combinationȱ ofȱ aȱ concernȱ forȱ theȱ integrityȱ ofȱ theȱ court85ȱ andȱ simplyȱ a
continuationȱofȱitsȱnormalȱpursuitȱofȱtheȱoffense.ȱYetȱtheȱproductionȱofȱforgeries
thatȱtradedȱonȱtheȱtrustȱpeopleȱgaveȱtoȱtheȱsymbolsȱofȱstateȱpowerȱhadȱtheȱbyȬ
productȱ ofȱ engenderingȱ distrustȱ ofȱ thoseȱ sameȱ symbols.ȱ Whileȱ theȱ criminal
registersȱareȱsparingȱinȱtermsȱofȱtheȱmotivesȱandȱthoughtsȱofȱtheȱpeopleȱwhoȱplead
beforeȱ theȱ court,ȱ oneȱ caseȱ fromȱ 1346ȱ betraysȱ distrustȱ towardȱ theseȱ markersȱ of
power.ȱThreeȱmenȱbroughtȱaȱsuitȱbeforeȱtheȱParlementȱallegingȱthatȱtwoȱroyal
sergeantsȱhadȱbeenȱmakingȱuseȱofȱaȱcounterfeitȱroyalȱseal;ȱtheyȱthereforeȱdeemed
theirȱordersȱandȱactionsȱsuspect,ȱifȱnotȱillicit.86ȱ
Regrettably,ȱtheȱregistersȱhavingȱnothingȱmoreȱtoȱsayȱonȱtheȱmatterȱandȱsoȱwe
cannotȱ knowȱ ifȱ theȱ allegationȱ wasȱ trueȱ orȱ whatȱ personalȱ quarrelȱ mightȱ have
promptedȱit.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱonȱvariousȱoccasionsȱlitigantsȱfeltȱtheȱneedȱto
callȱintoȱquestionȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱofficialȱdocuments87ȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheȱconfidence
inȱ theȱ monarchy,ȱ buoyedȱ byȱ theȱ documentȱ culture,ȱ wasȱ sufferingȱ fromȱ the
advantageȱforgersȱhadȱtakenȱofȱit.ȱWithinȱaȱsocietyȱinȱwhichȱmanyȱofficesȱwere
commonlyȱboughtȱandȱsold,ȱforgersȱhadȱcreatedȱaȱnicheȱforȱthemselves,ȱsettingȱup
dispensariesȱthatȱproducedȱlettersȱofȱcommissionȱandȱdebtȱreliefȱforȱaȱfee.ȱSome
wereȱmultiȬmemberȱoperations,ȱwithȱanȱinsideȱmanȱatȱtheȱking’sȱcourtȱbringingȱthe
forgersȱletters,ȱwhoȱwouldȱthenȱcopyȱthemȱandȱaffixȱnewȱseals.88ȱ
Othersȱ wereȱ conductedȱ byȱ aȱ loneȱ opportunist,ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ clerkȱ inȱ the
chancelleryȱwho,ȱoverȱtheȱcourseȱofȱsixȱyears,ȱproducedȱmoreȱthanȱaȱhundred
forgeries.89ȱTheseȱdispensariesȱnotȱonlyȱmarredȱtheȱimageȱandȱreputationȱofȱthe
royalȱoffices,ȱtheyȱoftenȱcaughtȱupȱtheȱinnocent,ȱasȱnotȱaȱfewȱindividualsȱturnȱup
inȱtheȱrecordsȱcompletelyȱunawareȱthatȱtheȱletterȱtheyȱheldȱhadȱbeenȱforgedȱand
wasȱworthless.ȱ
EvenȱtheȱParlementȱgrewȱmoreȱcautiousȱinȱtheȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱaboutȱthe
provenanceȱofȱitsȱcorrespondence.ȱSometimeȱaroundȱ1345,ȱtheȱcourtȱadoptedȱa
newȱpolicyȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtheȱinquiriesȱmadeȱonȱaȱgivenȱcase.ȱWhereasȱinȱtheȱpast
theȱParlementȱhadȱbeenȱcontentȱtoȱorderȱtheȱlocalȱofficialȱtoȱsendȱbackȱinformation
83
84
85
Shennan,ȱTheȱParlementȱofȱParis,ȱ28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ50).
86
87
88
89
toȱtheȱcourtȱonceȱitȱhadȱbeenȱgathered,ȱnowȱtheȱofficialȱwasȱexpresslyȱtoȱsendȱit
sealedȱwithȱhisȱownȱsealȱ(subȱsuoȱsigillo).ȱThisȱworryȱoverȱfalsificationsȱwithinȱthe
bureaucraticȱsystemȱwasȱnotȱentirelyȱanecdotal.ȱUnderȱtheȱreignȱofȱPhilipȱVI,ȱ24%
ofȱcasesȱofȱforgeryȱconcernedȱmisdeedsȱbyȱroyalȱofficers,ȱ14%ȱconcernedȱcourtȱor
trialȱdocuments,ȱandȱ10%ȱinvolvedȱfalseȱlettersȱofȱcommissionȱgrantingȱtheȱbearer
aȱ governmentȱ office.ȱ Norȱ wasȱ theȱ Parlementȱ solelyȱ animatedȱ byȱ falseȱ letters
potentiallyȱwindingȱtheirȱwayȱupȱfromȱbelow;ȱtheȱcourtȱalsoȱbeganȱtoȱexpressly
stateȱ thatȱ itȱ reviewedȱ theȱ royalȱ lettersȱ thatȱ cameȱ downȱ toȱ itȱ priorȱ toȱ granting
approval.ȱ
Thisȱevaluationȱofȱtheȱking’sȱcommandsȱgivesȱusȱaȱfascinatingȱglimpseȱatȱhow
theȱParlementȱperceivedȱitselfȱtoȱbeȱtheȱdefenderȱofȱroyalȱauthority;ȱthereȱwere
numerousȱtimesȱwhenȱtheȱcourtȱrejectedȱtheȱking’sȱlettersȱofȱpardonȱonȱtheȱbasis
thatȱtheyȱhadȱbeenȱforgedȱorȱgainedȱthroughȱtrickery.90ȱToȱhaveȱpermittedȱthe
wordsȱandȱjusticeȱofȱtheȱkingȱtoȱbeȱboughtȱandȱsoldȱonȱslipsȱofȱpaperȱwouldȱhave
beenȱtoȱundermineȱtheȱmonarchyȱandȱtheȱrealmȱitself.ȱForgeryȱcouldȱbeȱnothing
lessȱthanȱlèseȬmajesté.
IV.ȱPunishment
Justȱasȱcrimesȱwereȱsymbolic,ȱsoȱtooȱwereȱtheirȱpunishments.ȱWhileȱtheȱlawȱcodes
areȱ fairlyȱ unimaginativeȱ inȱ theirȱ corporalȱ punishments,ȱ prescribingȱ deathȱ by
hangingȱforȱcapitalȱcrimesȱ(includingȱtheft)ȱandȱaȱfineȱforȱeverythingȱelse,ȱwithȱthe
occasionalȱbranding,ȱchoppingȱoffȱofȱtheȱhand,ȱorȱbeingȱthrownȱintoȱboilingȱwater
addedȱin,ȱtheȱParlement’sȱactualȱsentencingȱwasȱmoreȱrobustȱ(seeȱFigureȱ2).ȱThe
fourteenthȱcenturyȱwasȱaȱtimeȱofȱincreasingȱharshnessȱinȱtheȱpenaltiesȱawarded,
aȱdevelopmentȱcoupledȱtoȱaȱrisingȱconcernȱoverȱtheȱpublicȱgood.91ȱCriminalsȱsaw
theirȱ fairȱ shareȱ ofȱ theȱ pillory,ȱ branding,ȱ mutilation,ȱ andȱ exile.ȱ Indeed,ȱ these
additionalȱpunishmentsȱwereȱnotȱinfrequentlyȱjoinedȱtoȱanȱexecutionȱorȱaȱfine.ȱThe
publicȱdisplayȱthatȱaccompaniedȱtheȱpunishmentȱservedȱtoȱinstructȱandȱwarnȱthe
localȱ population,ȱ sometimesȱ evenȱ supplyingȱ aȱ catharticȱ momentȱ forȱ the
community,92ȱ andȱ toȱ humiliateȱ theȱ offender.ȱ Beaumanoirȱ recommendedȱ that
judgesȱ takeȱ aȱ firmȱ handȱ withȱ miscreants,ȱ punishingȱ themȱ accordingȱ toȱ their
misdeedsȱandȱsoȱstrictlyȱthatȱothersȱwouldȱviewȱthemȱasȱanȱexampleȱandȱwould
90
91
EdwardȱPeters,ȱ“‘Crimenȱexceptum’:ȱTheȱHistoryȱofȱanȱIdea,”ȱProceedingsȱofȱtheȱTenthȱInternational
CongressȱofȱMedievalȱCanonȱLaw,ȱed.ȱKennethȱPennington,ȱStanleyȱChodorow,ȱKeithȱH.ȱKendall.
MonumentaȱIurisȱCanonici,ȱSeriesȱC,ȱ11ȱ(Vatican:ȱBibliotecaȱapostolicaȱvaticana,ȱ2001),ȱ137–94;
hereȱ186–87.
92
Mitchellȱ B.ȱ Merback,ȱ Theȱ Thief,ȱ theȱ Crossȱ andȱ theȱ Wheel:ȱ Painȱ andȱ theȱ Spectacleȱ ofȱ Punishmentȱ in
MedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱEuropeȱ(Chicago:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱ145–46.
themselvesȱnotȱoffend.93ȱYet,ȱhoweverȱmuchȱtheȱjudicialȱsystemȱmayȱhaveȱwished
toȱcatchȱandȱmakeȱanȱexampleȱofȱanȱoffender,ȱthisȱwasȱnotȱalwaysȱpossible.ȱIn
thoseȱinstancesȱwhenȱtheȱaccusedȱhadȱyetȱtoȱbeȱcaught,ȱbutȱhisȱorȱherȱguiltȱwas
knownȱ(eitherȱthroughȱtheȱtrialȱprocessȱorȱtheȱimpliedȱconfessionȱofȱoneȱwhoȱfled
justice),ȱaȱmedievalȱcourtȱwouldȱorderȱthatȱtheȱmalefactor,ȱifȱcaught,ȱshouldȱbe
punishedȱinȱtheȱnormalȱway.94ȱForȱcrimesȱofȱlèseȬmajesté,ȱtheȱParlementȱofȱParis
wouldȱinstructȱtheȱbailiffȱofȱseneschalȱtoȱpunishȱtheȱcontumaciousȱinȱanȱexemplary
manner.95ȱSuchȱexemplaryȱpunishmentsȱincludedȱpublicȱexecution,ȱbranding,ȱthe
pillory,ȱandȱtheȱdunceȱcap.ȱSometimes,ȱtheȱpunishmentȱreflectedȱanȱaspectȱofȱthe
crime,ȱasȱwhenȱthievesȱwouldȱhaveȱaȱhandȱcutȱoff96ȱorȱwhenȱcounterfeiters,ȱin
imitationȱofȱtheȱprocessȱofȱpreparingȱbullionȱforȱminting,ȱwouldȱbeȱboiledȱalive
priorȱtoȱhanging.97
Bothȱtheȱcriminalȱregistersȱandȱtheȱchroniclesȱtellȱusȱthatȱaȱhangingȱcouldȱstirȱthe
sentimentȱofȱtheȱcrowd,ȱevenȱifȱitȱwasȱnotȱalwaysȱinȱtheȱdesiredȱdirection.ȱRenaud
deȱPressigny,ȱlordȱofȱMarans,ȱhangedȱtheȱprovostȱNicholasȱArnaudȱonȱtheȱbasis
thatȱNicholasȱhadȱabusedȱhisȱauthorityȱandȱstolenȱfromȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱtheȱarea.
Renaud,ȱafterȱaȱfarcicalȱtrial,ȱhadȱNicholasȱdraggedȱtoȱtheȱgallowsȱandȱhanged,
withoutȱevenȱpermittingȱhimȱaȱfinalȱfarewellȱtoȱhisȱwifeȱandȱchildren.ȱHowever,
asȱ Nicholasȱ hadȱ beenȱ belovedȱ byȱ theȱ peopleȱ andȱ hadȱ takenȱ onȱ theȱ dutiesȱ of
provostȱwhenȱtheȱlordȱhadȱabandonedȱMaransȱ(whichȱsatȱuncomfortablyȱcloseȱto
theȱborderȱwithȱtheȱking’sȱenemies),ȱtheȱdemonstrationȱdidȱlittleȱtoȱwarnȱtheȱonȬ
lookersȱawayȱfromȱtheȱlifeȱledȱbyȱtheȱprovost—otherȱthanȱtoȱcautionȱthemȱagainst
incurringȱtheȱwrathȱofȱtheirȱlord.ȱRather,ȱtheyȱmournedȱtheȱlossȱofȱthisȱ“saintly
man”98ȱwhoȱhadȱcaredȱforȱtheȱpoor,ȱtheȱsickȱandȱinjured,ȱandȱorphansȱoutȱofȱhis
ownȱpocket.ȱ
TheȱexecutionȱofȱGuillaumeȱdeȱDeckenȱgarneredȱaȱdifferentȱresponse.ȱAtȱthe
beginningȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱFlandersȱunceasinglyȱrevolted
againstȱtheȱnobility,ȱwhoȱoftenȱfoundȱsupportȱinȱtheȱcountȱofȱFlandersȱandȱtheȱking
ofȱFrance.ȱAȱ peaceȱwasȱsignedȱinȱ1305ȱbetweenȱ FlandersȱandȱFrance,ȱwithȱthe
formerȱ payingȱ aȱ considerableȱ fine,ȱ provokingȱ considerableȱ unrestȱ inȱ theȱ local
population.ȱInȱ1322,ȱwhenȱLouisȱdeȱNeversȱbecameȱcount,ȱtheȱfinesȱstillȱhadȱnot
93
“Bonneȱchoseȱestȱqueȱl’enȱqueureȱauȱdevantȱdesȱmaufeteursȱetȱqu’ilȱsoientȱsiȱradementȱpuniȱet
justiciéȱseloncȱlesȱmesfesȱque,ȱpourȱlaȱdouteȱdeȱlaȱjustice,ȱliȱautresȱenȱprengnentȱessampleȱsiȱqu’il
seȱgardentȱdeȱmesfere.”ȱBeaumanoir,ȱCoutumesȱdeȱBeauvaisis,ȱ446ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
94
AdhémarȱEsmein,ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱContinenalȱCriminalȱProcedure:ȱWithȱSpecialȱReferenceȱtoȱFrance,ȱtrans.
JohnȱSimpson.ȱTheȱContinentalȱLegalȱHistoryȱSeriesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱAugustusȱM.ȱKellyȱPublishers,
1968),ȱ75–76.
95
“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱceditȱinȱexemplum,”ȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a2ȱfol.ȱ7v,ȱX2a3ȱfol.ȱ115ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
96
97
98
“Sanctum,”ȱRegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a6ȱfol.ȱ132ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
beenȱpaidȱandȱhisȱfavorableȱattitudeȱtowardȱFranceȱonlyȱfurtherȱriledȱtheȱFlemings.
Guillaumeȱ deȱ Decken,ȱ bourgmestreȱ ofȱ Bruges,ȱ ledȱ aȱ violentȱ uprisingȱ against
Franceȱandȱtheȱcount.ȱInȱ1328,ȱtheȱresistanceȱwasȱsoundlyȱdefeatedȱbyȱtheȱFrench
andȱGuillaumeȱdeȱDeckenȱwasȱarrestedȱforȱhisȱcrimesȱofȱrebellion,ȱmurder,ȱand
treason.ȱUnlikeȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱNicholasȱArnaud,ȱwhoȱhadȱcommittedȱnoȱrealȱcrime
andȱwasȱhangedȱonȱtrumpedȬupȱcharges,99ȱnoneȱquestionedȱGuillaume’sȱguilt.
Nevertheless,ȱcontemporariesȱdescribeȱhisȱexecutionȱasȱshameful100ȱandȱtheȱcruelty
ofȱhisȱdeathȱresonatedȱwithȱtheȱchroniclers,ȱasȱmanyȱofȱthemȱtakeȱtheȱunusualȱstep
ofȱdetailingȱhowȱheȱhadȱbothȱhisȱhandsȱchoppedȱoffȱbeforeȱbeingȱsentȱtoȱtheȱpillory
forȱaȱday,ȱthenȱbeingȱdrawnȱandȱhangedȱfromȱtheȱgibbetȱinȱParis.101ȱTheȱParisian
crowdȱreactedȱstronglyȱtoȱtheȱmessage,ȱthoughȱhowȱtheȱrebelsȱinȱFlandersȱfeltȱwe
doȱnotȱknow.
EvenȱtheȱnonȬcorporalȱandȱnonȬpublicȱpunishmentsȱcouldȱinvolveȱaȱsymbolic
component.ȱWhileȱprisonȱclosedȱtheȱcondemnedȱawayȱfromȱsociety,ȱproclamations
ofȱaȱperson’sȱguiltȱoftenȱincludedȱtheirȱsentence,ȱwhich,ȱevenȱifȱitȱdidȱnotȱinclude
aȱ visualȱ display,ȱ couldȱ stillȱ serveȱ anȱ admonitoryȱ purpose.ȱ Moreover,ȱ the
proclamationȱofȱbanishmentȱmeantȱthatȱwhileȱtheȱconvictȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱseenȱbyȱhis
orȱ herȱ community,ȱ theȱ communityȱ wasȱ expectedȱ toȱ reportȱ toȱ theȱ localȱ bailiff
shouldȱ theȱ exileȱ return.ȱ Theȱ largerȱ populationȱ thusȱ cameȱ toȱ playȱ aȱ partȱ inȱ the
ostracizingȱandȱshamingȱofȱtheȱindividual,ȱinȱaȱmannerȱnotȱentirelyȱdissimilarȱto
thatȱofȱtheȱpillory.ȱHoweverȱcloselyȱtiedȱtoȱtheȱbody,ȱphysicalȱpunishmentsȱdidȱnot
haveȱtoȱinvolveȱphysicalȱsuffering.ȱÉtienneȱMontanierȱdefamedȱtheȱfirstȱpresident
ofȱtheȱParlement,ȱSimonȱdeȱBucy.ȱHeȱclaimedȱthatȱSimonȱhadȱwronglyȱdecidedȱa
caseȱagainstȱhimȱandȱloudlyȱdenouncedȱandȱslanderedȱ himȱ inȱtheȱstreets.ȱThe
Parlementȱ sentencedȱ Étienneȱ toȱ askȱ pardonȱ ofȱ Simonȱ onȱ hisȱ knees,ȱ hisȱ hands
claspedȱ inȱ supplication.ȱ Inȱ addition,ȱ heȱ wasȱ toȱ promiseȱ toȱ obeyȱ theȱ sentence
alreadyȱ issuedȱ inȱ hisȱ case.ȱ Onlyȱ uponȱ doingȱ soȱ wouldȱ Étienneȱ beȱ freedȱ from
prison,ȱthoughȱshouldȱheȱfailȱtoȱkeepȱhisȱwordȱandȱreturnȱtoȱspeakingȱillȱofȱthe
president,ȱtheȱsubsequentȱreprisalȱwouldȱbeȱnotȱmerelyȱincarceration,ȱbutȱcorporal
punishmentȱ asȱ well.102ȱ Suchȱ publicȱ actsȱ ofȱ contritionȱ reliedȱ onȱ anȱ interior
99
Theȱ Parlementȱ laterȱ triedȱ andȱ executedȱ theȱ lordȱ ofȱ Maransȱ forȱ hisȱ handlingȱ ofȱ theȱ Nicholas
Arnaudȱaffair,ȱamongȱotherȱcrimes.
100
“.ȱ.ȱȱ.ȱmoultȱhonteusementȱcondamné.”ȱPaulinȱParis,ȱed.,ȱLeȱpremierȱvolumeȱdesȱgrandesȱchroniques
deȱFrance:ȱselonȱqueȱellesȱsontȱconservéesȱenȱl’égliseȱdeȱSaintȬDenisȱenȱFranceȱ(Paris:ȱTechener,ȱ1836),
1290.
101
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ180vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).ȱForȱcontemporaryȱdescriptions,ȱinȱadditionȱtoȱthe
Grandesȱchroniquesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ100),ȱseeȱGuillaumeȱdeȱNangis,ȱChroniqueȱlatineȱdeȱGuillaumeȱdeȱNangis.
Vol.ȱ2.ȱSociétéȱdeȱl’histoireȱdeȱFranceȱ(Paris:ȱRenouard,ȱ1843),ȱ103;ȱAugusteȱandȱÉmileȱMolinier,
eds.,ȱChroniqueȱnormandeȱduȱXIVeȱsiècle.ȱSociétéȱdeȱl’HistoireȱdeȱFranceȱ(Paris:ȱRenouard,ȱ1882),
33–34.
102
penitentialȱ spiritȱ thatȱ signifiedȱ theȱ criminal’sȱ turningȱ awayȱ fromȱ iniquityȱ and
resultantȱpositiveȱparticipationȱinȱtheȱpeaceȱofȱtheȱrealm.103
Punishment,ȱ howeverȱ muchȱ itȱ couldȱ serveȱ toȱ educateȱ andȱ warnȱ theȱ general
populace,ȱ ultimatelyȱ comesȱ backȱ toȱ theȱ criminalȱ andȱ crimeȱ committed.
Punishmentsȱpossessedȱaȱcorrectiveȱfunctionȱforȱtheȱcriminalȱasȱmuchȱasȱforȱthe
viewingȱaudience.ȱSufferingȱwasȱaȱdesirableȱcomponent,104ȱpartȱofȱtheȱmedieval
ethos.ȱPainȱwasȱjustice105ȱandȱaȱcriminalȱcouldȱexpectȱitȱasȱpartȱofȱhisȱsentence,ȱbut
itȱ wasȱ aȱ painȱ meantȱ equallyȱ toȱ serveȱ theȱ needsȱ ofȱ vengeanceȱ asȱ toȱ helpȱ the
condemnedȱfindȱredemption.106ȱByȱtheȱopeningȱdecadesȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,
thisȱvengeanceȱcouldȱnoȱlongerȱbeȱadministeredȱbyȱtheȱaggrievedȱparty.ȱJustice
belongedȱtoȱtheȱstate.ȱReprisalsȱnotȱsanctionedȱbyȱtheȱstateȱwereȱinherentlyȱunjust,
uninstructive,ȱandȱaȱthreatȱtoȱtheȱrealm.107ȱNicholasȱArnaud,ȱinnocentȱtoȱallȱexcept
hisȱ cruelȱ lord,ȱ sufferedȱ aȱ ChristȬlikeȱ deathȱ andȱ wasȱ praisedȱ forȱ it.ȱ Renaudȱ de
Pressigny,ȱ forȱ hisȱ part,ȱ lostȱ hisȱ lifeȱ forȱ theȱ improprietyȱ ofȱ theȱ punishment.
GuillaumeȱdeȱDecken,ȱinnocentȱinȱtheȱeyesȱofȱnoȱone,ȱunderwentȱexcruciating
torment,ȱseenȱasȱharshȱbyȱhisȱcontemporaries,ȱbutȱnotȱunjustȱorȱcruel.108
Inȱmodernȱsociety,ȱweȱlikeȱtoȱthinkȱthatȱtheȱpunishmentȱshouldȱfitȱtheȱcrime.
SuchȱanȱideaȱwasȱnotȱforeignȱtoȱlateȱmedievalȱFrance.ȱBeaumanoirȱtakesȱhisȱtime
specifyingȱ theȱ variousȱ penaltiesȱ associatedȱ withȱ theȱ offensesȱ heȱ enumerates,
providingȱharsherȱonesȱasȱtheȱcrimeȱincreasesȱinȱseverity.ȱTheȱpenaltyȱforȱaȱbeating
wasȱfiveȱdeniersȱwhenȱnoȱbloodȱhadȱbeenȱshed,ȱunlessȱitȱoccurredȱonȱaȱmarketȱday
whenȱtheȱfineȱroseȱtoȱsixtyȱsous.ȱIfȱbloodȱhadȱbeenȱspilled,ȱtheȱassailantȱwasȱtoȱbe
arrestedȱuntilȱitȱcouldȱbeȱascertainedȱthatȱtheȱvictimȱwouldȱnotȱdieȱofȱhisȱwounds.
Ifȱtheȱvictimȱrecovered,ȱtheȱfineȱwasȱsixtyȱsousȱ(moreȱonȱmarketȱdays),ȱandȱifȱhe
diedȱtheȱassailantȱwasȱdrawnȱandȱhangedȱasȱaȱhomicideȱandȱallȱhisȱgoodsȱwere
confiscated.109ȱ
AccordingȱtoȱtheȱÉtablissementsȱdeȱSaintȬLouis,ȱregardingȱminorȱtheftsȱthatȱdidȱnot
initiallyȱwarrantȱhanging,ȱtheȱculpritȱshouldȱloseȱhisȱearȱforȱtheȱfirstȱoffense,ȱupon
theȱsecondȱhisȱfoot;ȱheȱshouldȱbeȱhangedȱonlyȱafterȱthreeȱinfractions,ȱ“becauseȱone
103
ClaudeȱGauvard,ȱ“L’Honneurȱduȱroi:ȱPeinesȱetȱrituelsȱjudiciairesȱauȱParlementȱdeȱParisȱàȱlaȱfin
duȱMoyenȱÂge,”ȱLesȱritesȱdeȱlaȱjustice:ȱGestesȱetȱrituelsȱjudiciairesȱauȱMoyenȱÂge,ȱed.ȱClaudeȱGauvard
andȱRobertȱJacobȱ(Paris:ȱLeȱLéopardȱd’Or,ȱ1999),ȱ99–123;ȱhereȱ111.
104
ThomasȱAquinas,ȱSummaȱTheologica,ȱ2a2ae,ȱq.ȱ43,ȱa.ȱ7,ȱadȱ1;ȱq.ȱ66,ȱa.ȱ6,ȱad.ȱ2.
105
EstherȱCohen,ȱ“TheȱAnimatedȱPainȱofȱtheȱBody,”ȱTheȱAmericanȱHistoricalȱReviewȱ105ȱ(2000):ȱ36–48;
hereȱ47;ȱCohen,ȱTheȱCrossroads,ȱ151ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
106
Gauvard,ȱ“L’Honneurȱduȱroi,”ȱ123ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ103);ȱMerback,ȱTheȱThief,ȱ20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ92);ȱRichardȱM.
Fraher,ȱ“ConvictionȱAccordingȱtoȱConscience:ȱTheȱMedievalȱJurists’ȱDebateȱConcerningȱJudicial
DiscretionȱandȱtheȱLawȱofȱProof,”ȱLawȱandȱHistoryȱReviewȱ7ȱ(1989):ȱ23–88,ȱhereȱ588.
107
108
Onȱtheȱmedievalȱideaȱofȱcruelty,ȱseeȱDanielȱBaraz,ȱ“Seneca,ȱEthics,ȱandȱtheȱBody:ȱTheȱTreatment
ofȱCrueltyȱinȱMedievalȱThought,”ȱJournalȱofȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱIdeasȱ59ȱ(1998):ȱ195–215;ȱhereȱ199–202.
109
Beaumanoir,ȱCoutumesȱdeȱBeauvasis,ȱ432–33ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
shouldȱnotȱgoȱfromȱtheȱlargeȱlimbȱtoȱtheȱsmall,ȱbutȱfromȱtheȱsmallȱtoȱtheȱlarge.”110
WhenȱweȱcompareȱthoseȱcrimesȱofȱlèseȬmajestéȱtriedȱbyȱtheȱParlementȱagainstȱcases
theȱcourtȱheardȱthatȱdidȱnotȱinvolveȱsuchȱoffenses,ȱthisȱgeneralȱprincipleȱholdsȱ(see
Figureȱ3).ȱCasesȱthatȱhadȱnoȱlèseȬmajestéȱassociatedȱwithȱthemȱmakeȱupȱonlyȱ21%
ofȱtheȱinstancesȱofȱbanishmentȱandȱlessȱthanȱ6%ȱofȱtheȱoffendersȱsufferedȱcapital
punishment.ȱ Theseȱ sameȱ casesȱ seeȱ aȱ significantȱ numberȱ ofȱ finesȱ (aȱ monetary
penalty)ȱandȱfeesȱ(damagesȱandȱexpensesȱpaidȱtoȱtheȱopposingȱparty):ȱ30%ȱand
34%ȱ respectively.ȱ Overall,ȱ theseȱ minorȱ offensesȱ favorȱ sentencesȱ focusedȱ on
monetaryȱ andȱ generallyȱ lessȱ longȬtermȱ punishments.ȱ Theȱ harsherȱ andȱ more
permanentȱ penaltiesȱ tendȱ toȱ beȱ reservedȱ forȱ seriousȱ crimes.ȱ Asideȱ fromȱ one
instanceȱofȱmutilationȱandȱoneȱofȱwhipping,ȱbothȱinȱcasesȱofȱtheft,ȱthereȱareȱno
brandings,ȱboilings,ȱorȱdrawingsȱpriorȱtoȱhanging.ȱAsȱlessȱseriousȱinfractions,ȱthey
garnerȱlessȱseriousȱpenalties.ȱ
Thusȱ far,ȱ theȱ criminalȱ registersȱ provideȱ nothingȱ surprisingȱ aboutȱ fourteenthȬ
centuryȱ punishments.ȱ However,ȱ whenȱ theȱ dataȱ forȱ crimesȱ ofȱ lèseȬmajestéȱ is
examinedȱinȱitself,ȱweȱfindȱdisparitiesȱinȱsentencingȱseverity,ȱandȱinȱsurprising
waysȱ(seeȱFigureȱ4).ȱWhileȱweȱmightȱexpectȱinstancesȱofȱtreasonȱtoȱearnȱstrictȱand
permanentȱ sentences,ȱ theyȱ accountȱ forȱ onlyȱ 23%ȱ ofȱ theȱ executions,ȱ theȱ same
amountȱ asȱ forgery.ȱ Inȱ termsȱ ofȱ theȱ exemplaryȱ punishmentsȱ meantȱ forȱ public
consumption,ȱtreasonȱcasesȱmakeȱupȱ26%ȱofȱtheȱtotal,111ȱcomparedȱtoȱforgery’s
42%.112ȱTheȱdistributionȱofȱpunishmentsȱsuggestsȱthatȱnotȱallȱcrimesȱofȱlèseȬmajesté
areȱ createdȱ equal.ȱ Forgery,ȱ asȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ highlyȱ symbolicȱ crimesȱ ofȱ lèseȬ
majesté,ȱprovidesȱaȱtellingȱcaseȱstudy.
LetȱusȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱCountȱofȱFoix,ȱGastonȱII,ȱandȱhisȱconcernȱthatȱhisȱtwoȱmen,
apprehendedȱ byȱ theȱ Parlement,ȱ wouldȱ beȱ mistreated,ȱ evenȱ thoughȱ theyȱ had
committedȱnoȱforgeriesȱandȱhadȱactedȱonȱhisȱorders.ȱInȱlightȱofȱtheȱParlement’s
trackȱ recordȱ inȱ handlingȱ forgers,ȱ hisȱ concernȱ wouldȱ appearȱ toȱ beȱ wellȬplaced.
Unlikeȱtreason,ȱwhichȱfavorsȱexile,ȱconfiscationȱofȱproperty,ȱandȱprisonȱterms,
forgeryȱ promptsȱ moreȱ branding,ȱ pillorying,ȱ dunceȱ capping,ȱ andȱ executing.113
Comparedȱwithȱtreason,ȱtwiceȱasȱmanyȱcasesȱofȱforgeryȱresultedȱinȱtheȱParlement
torturingȱtheȱaccusedȱtoȱelicitȱaȱconfession.ȱ
110
PaulȱViollet,ȱed.,ȱLesȱÉtablissementsȱdeȱSaintȱLouis:ȱaccompagnésȱdesȱtextesȱprimitifsȱetȱdeȱtextesȱdérivés,
avecȱuneȱintroductionȱetȱdesȱnotes.ȱSociétéȱdeȱl’histoireȱdeȱFranceȱ(Paris:ȱRenouard,ȱ1881),ȱ14.
111
Thisȱ percentȱ derivesȱ fromȱ allȱ crimesȱ thatȱ wereȱ consideredȱ treason:ȱ conspiracy,ȱ lèseȬmajesté,
machinations,ȱandȱtreason—henceȱtheȱdisparityȱwithȱFigureȱ4.
112
Theseȱ percentsȱ resultȱ fromȱ severalȱ individualȱ crimesȱ beingȱ groupedȱ togetherȱ asȱ exemplary
punishment,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱpillory,ȱtheȱdunceȱcap,ȱandȱpublicȱhanging.
113
Theseȱ valuesȱ doȱ notȱ changeȱ significantlyȱ whenȱ weȱ controlȱ forȱ commonersȱ vsȱ noblesȱ as
perpetrators.
Theȱpenaltiesȱforȱforgeryȱareȱweightedȱinȱfavorȱofȱmoreȱpermanentȱandȱshameful
publicȱdisplays.ȱConsiderȱmyȱpersonalȱfavorite,ȱtheȱdunceȱcap.ȱMostȱcommonlyȱit
wasȱwornȱwhenȱaȱpersonȱwasȱbeingȱpilloried,ȱthoughȱinȱoneȱcaseȱtheȱcapȱwas
placedȱonȱtheȱheadȱofȱaȱhangingȱvictim.114ȱItȱisȱdescribedȱinȱtheȱregistersȱasȱaȱhat
orȱcrownȱmadeȱofȱparchmentȱandȱforȱmostȱcasesȱtheȱcrimesȱareȱtoȱbeȱwrittenȱinȱbig
redȱlettersȱuponȱit.115ȱInȱcasesȱofȱforgery,ȱtheȱredȬletteringȱwasȱusuallyȱreplacedȱby
theȱcapȱbeingȱmadeȱoutȱofȱtheȱforgedȱlettersȱthemselves.ȱTheȱcrimeȱitself,ȱandȱnot
justȱ theȱ criminal,ȱ wasȱ punishedȱ andȱ exposedȱ toȱ publicȱ ridicule.116ȱ Inȱ aȱ unique
instance,ȱ theȱ capȱ isȱ absent,ȱ butȱ aȱ transcriptȱ ofȱ theȱ forgeryȱ wasȱ placedȱ onȱ the
criminal’sȱforeheadȱduringȱhisȱstintȱinȱtheȱpillory.117ȱ
TheȱsymbolicȱwayȱthatȱtheȱParlementȱpunishedȱnotȱjustȱforgers,ȱbutȱtheȱvery
crimeȱ ofȱ forgeryȱ isȱ furtherȱ demonstratedȱ byȱ lookingȱ atȱ theȱ distributionȱ ofȱ the
variousȱpenaltiesȱacrossȱtypesȱofȱforgeryȱ(Figureȱ5).ȱIȱhaveȱdividedȱforgeryȱinto
fourȱcategories.ȱRoyalȱlettersȱandȱsealsȱincludeȱlettersȱofȱtheȱking,ȱhisȱsonȱtheȱduke
ofȱ Normandy,ȱ andȱ allȱ forgedȱ lettersȱ ofȱ commission.ȱ Nextȱ areȱ theȱ forgeriesȱ of
concernȱtoȱtheȱcourt.ȱNonȬcourtȱandȱnonȬroyalȱforgeries,ȱlabeledȱOther,ȱconcern
allȱotherȱkindsȱofȱforgery.118ȱTheȱfinalȱcategoryȱdenotesȱtheȱpenaltiesȱgivenȱtoȱroyal
officersȱwhoȱcommittedȱforgeriesȱofȱanyȱkind.ȱWhatȱisȱnotableȱwhenȱlookingȱatȱthe
graphȱ isȱ thatȱ theȱ royalȱ forgeriesȱ dominateȱ allȱ punishments.ȱ Thisȱ distribution,
keepingȱinȱmindȱtheȱveryȱsmallȱsampleȱsize,ȱimpliesȱthatȱthoseȱcasesȱthatȱinfringe
mostȱ onȱ theȱ monarchyȱ andȱ royalȱ authorityȱ areȱ theȱ mostȱ severelyȱ punished,
reinforcingȱtheȱideaȱthatȱforgeryȱisȱaboutȱrightȱauthorityȱandȱitsȱcommissionȱisȱan
actȱofȱlèseȬmajesté,ȱespeciallyȱwhenȱtheȱcriminalȱattemptsȱtoȱspeakȱwithȱtheȱmouth
ofȱtheȱking.
ForgeryȱisȱanȱattackȱagainstȱtheȱCrown,ȱwhichȱisȱtoȱsayȱthatȱitȱinjuresȱtheȱentirety
ofȱwhatȱtheȱkingȱandȱtheȱmonarchyȱrepresent:ȱtheȱpublicȱgood,ȱjustice,ȱtheȱpeople,
theȱkingdom.ȱTherefore,ȱforgersȱreceiveȱparticularlyȱheavyȱsentences,ȱespecially
whenȱ whatȱ theyȱ forgeȱ hasȱ directȱ bearingȱ onȱ theȱ Crown.ȱ Theȱ gradationȱ of
punishmentȱspokenȱofȱinȱtheȱÉtablissementsȱandȱtheȱCoutumesȱdeȱBeauvaisisȱholds.
Butȱtheseȱlawȱbooksȱcontainȱaȱfurtherȱelementȱofȱȱgradation:ȱdistinctionȱbetween
commonersȱandȱnobles.ȱTheȱpenaltyȱforȱstrikingȱandȱbeatingȱanotherȱmanȱwasȱfive
deniersȱforȱaȱcommoner,ȱbutȱforȱaȱnoblemanȱtenȱsous.ȱWhenȱtheȱassailantȱinȱaȱcrime
114
115
116
RegistresȱCriminel,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ146ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).ȱForȱmedievalȱpunishmentȱmoreȱgenerally,ȱ“neither
theȱcriminalȱnorȱtheȱdeedȱwasȱregardedȱasȱaȱmutuallyȱexclusiveȱtarget.”ȱMerback,ȱTheȱThief,ȱ135
(seeȱnoteȱ92).
117
RegsitresȱCriminel,ȱX2a4ȱfol.ȱ50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
118
Noneȱofȱtheȱpenaltiesȱareȱcountedȱdouble.ȱIfȱaȱcriminalȱforgedȱlettersȱofȱtheȱkingȱandȱofȱaȱcount,
thenȱIȱhaveȱcountedȱtheȱpenaltyȱunderȱroyalȱletters.ȱTheȱprecedenceȱforȱtheseȱthreeȱcategoriesȱis
Royal,ȱCourt,ȱOther.
wasȱaȱcommonerȱandȱhisȱvictimȱaȱnobleman,ȱhisȱtreatmentȱwasȱtoȱbeȱmarkedly
worseȱthanȱinȱtheȱoppositeȱinstance.ȱWhileȱthisȱfitsȱtheȱcommonȱviewȱofȱtheȱMiddle
Ages,ȱtheȱregistersȱagainȱpresentȱaȱdifferentȱpicture.ȱ
Ofȱtheȱcasesȱforȱwhichȱtheȱcriminalȱregistersȱrecordȱaȱpunishment,ȱnoblesȱand
commonersȱperpetratedȱcrimesȱagainstȱeachȱotherȱaȱsimilarȱnumberȱofȱtimes.ȱOn
nineteenȱ occasionsȱ noblesȱ committedȱ anȱ offenseȱ againstȱ aȱ commoner,ȱ versus
fifteenȱ theȱ otherȱ way.ȱ Commonersȱ sufferedȱ twentyȬsixȱ punishmentsȱ forȱ these
attacks,ȱnoblesȱtwentyȬtree.ȱWhileȱnoblesȱpaidȱmoreȱfinesȱandȱdamagesȱtoȱtheir
victims,ȱcommonersȱsufferedȱmoreȱhumiliatingȱpunishments:ȱdrawing,ȱmutilation,
theȱ pillory.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ noblesȱ wereȱ executedȱ slightlyȱ moreȱ oftenȱ forȱ crimes
againstȱcommoners.ȱPutȱinȱtheȱlargerȱcontextȱofȱtheȱpunishmentsȱsufferedȱoverall,
40%ȱ ofȱ theȱ executionsȱ ofȱ noblesȱ cameȱ inȱ casesȱ whereȱ theȱ injuredȱ partyȱ wasȱ a
commoner.ȱForȱcommoners,ȱonlyȱ8%ȱofȱexecutionsȱhappenedȱwhenȱtheirȱvictim
wasȱnoble.
Theȱregistersȱdoȱnotȱrevealȱanȱegalitarianȱorȱclasslessȱsociety—farȱfromȱit.ȱNobles
wereȱawardedȱmoreȱabsolutionsȱandȱpardonsȱforȱtheirȱcrimesȱthanȱcommoners.
Theȱdevelopingȱadministrativeȱstructureȱofȱtheȱmonarchy,ȱhowever,ȱandȱtheȱrole
ofȱtheȱParlementȱofȱParisȱasȱroyalȱcourtȱandȱtheȱfinalȱplaceȱofȱappealȱcreatedȱa
spaceȱwhereȱallȱlitigantsȱwereȱonȱmoreȱequalȱfooting.ȱClaudeȱGauvardȱhasȱargued
thatȱtheȱcrimeȱisȱnotȱinterestingȱinȱitself:ȱ“theȱheartȱofȱtheȱdebateȱisȱtheȱcriminal.”119
Yetȱtheȱinclusionȱofȱcrimesȱlikeȱforgery,ȱsafeguard,ȱandȱanyȱoffenseȱcommittedȱon
aȱ royalȱ roadȱ notȱ onlyȱ extendedȱ theȱ reachȱ ofȱ theȱ royalȱ governmentȱ andȱ pulled
disparateȱcornersȱofȱtheȱrealmȱtowardȱaȱcentralȱpoint,ȱitȱmadeȱtheȱprimaryȱconcern
theȱcrimeȱandȱnotȱtheȱstatusȱofȱtheȱcriminalȱorȱvictim.ȱ
Althoughȱ medievalȱ formsȱ ofȱ punishmentȱ soughtȱ toȱ purgeȱ theȱ evilȱ fromȱ the
criminalȱandȱreturnȱhim,ȱhumbledȱandȱsupplicating,ȱtoȱGod,ȱweȱshouldȱbeȱwary
ofȱunderstandingȱmedievalsȱasȱdistinguishingȱbetweenȱtheȱpersonȱandȱhisȱstation
inȱsociety.ȱTheȱtwoȱwereȱlargelyȱinseparable.ȱForȱtheȱheartȱofȱtheȱdebateȱtoȱbeȱthe
criminal,ȱweȱmustȱplaceȱstatusȱinȱtheȱringȱasȱwell.ȱNevertheless,ȱtheȱactionsȱofȱthe
ParlementȱofȱParisȱshowȱthatȱcriminalȱandȱstatusȱhadȱtoȱgiveȱwayȱtoȱtheȱcrime
itself.ȱTheȱdecisionsȱofȱtheȱcourtȱunderȱPhilipȱVIȱsetȱinȱmotionȱaȱslowȱandȱfitful
process,ȱoneȱthatȱneverȱhadȱtheȱabridgementȱofȱstatusȱasȱitsȱgoal.ȱYetȱtoȱachieveȱa
strongȱcentralȱmonarchyȱandȱanȱeffectiveȱjudicialȱbureaucracy,ȱaȱsideȬeffectȱwas
aȱlessȱdeferentialȱattitudeȱtowardȱprivilegium.ȱWhatȱtheȱParlementȱrecordedȱwasȱa
judicialȱcultureȱslowlyȱbeginningȱtoȱemphasizeȱcrimesȱoverȱperpetrators.
119
Gauvard’sȱargumentȱisȱmoreȱappropriateȱforȱunderstandingȱroyalȱpardons,ȱwhichȱareȱherȱmain
concern.ȱGauvard,ȱDeȱGrace,ȱ235ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).
BreachȱofȱtheȱPeace
AnyȱCrimeȱonȱtheȱRoyalȱRoad
Violent ArmedȱRobbery
Homicide
Kidnapping
Murder
NonȬViolent Counterfeiting
Forgery
Feudal
Violent PrivateȱWar
Rebellion
Treason
ViolenceȱvsȱRoyalȱOfficers
NonȬviolent BetrayalȱofȱOne’sȱLord
BreachȱofȱAssurément
ViolationȱofȱRoyalȱOrdinances
ViolationȱofȱtheȱRoyalȱSafeguard
Figureȱ1:ȱCrimesȱofȱLèseȬmajesté.
Punishment Punishment No.ȱof Percentȱof

Type Cases Cases
Monetaryȱ
Confiscation 38 21
Fee 19 11
Fine 39 22
PayingȱforȱMasses 1___ 1___
Total 97 55%
Monetary
NonȬLethal
Banishment 35 20
Branding 5 3
ConfiscationȱofȱSeals 1 1
Corporal 2 1
Punishment
Drawing/Dragging* 5 3
DunceȱCap 5 3
HonorȬFine 3 2
Ladder 1 1
LossȱofȱOffice 12 7
MilitaryȱService 1 1
Mutilation 5 3
Pillory 17 10
Prison** 52 29
RestrainingȱOrder 1 1
Torture 1 1
Whipping 1___ 1___
TotalȱNonȬ 147 87%
Lethal
Capital
Boiling 1 1
Decapitation 2 1
Drowning 1 1
Execution 7 4
Hanging 24__ 14__
Total 35 21%
Capital
Unknown
Exemplary 12 7
Punishment
Unspecified 10__ 6___
Punishment
Total 22 13%
Unknown
Figureȱ2:ȱDistributionȱofȱpunishmentsȱasȱaȱpercentȱacrossȱallȱcasesȱbearingȱa
recordedȱsentenceȱofȱtheȱParlement.ȱ
*Althoughȱdrawingȱandȱdraggingȱareȱcategorizedȱhereȱandȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱfigures
asȱnonȬlethal,ȱtheyȱwereȱalwaysȱfollowedȱbyȱaȱsentenceȱofȱhanging.ȱȱ
**Iȱhaveȱhereȱandȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱfiguresȱonlyȱcountedȱinstancesȱofȱimprisonment
thatȱclearlyȱdenoteȱaȱpostȬsentencingȱincarceration.ȱPrisonȱwasȱusedȱatȱvarious
stagesȱ ofȱ theȱ judicialȱ processȱ (e.g.,ȱ toȱ ensureȱ presenceȱ atȱ trial,ȱ toȱ coerceȱ a
confession)ȱ andȱ couldȱ beȱ ofȱ varyingȱ severityȱ andȱ duration.ȱ Iȱ haveȱ limitedȱ the
prisonȱtallyȱtoȱreflectȱonlyȱtheȱpunitiveȱdetentionȱofȱtheȱjudiciallyȱguilty.
Punishment Punishment NonȱLèseȬ LèseȬMajesté

Type Majesté
No.ȱ % No. %
Monetaryȱ
Confiscation 10 9 106 91
Fee 19 34 37 66
Fine 28 30 64 70
PayingȱforȱMasses — — 1 100
NonȬLethal
Banishment 16 21 59 79
Branding — — 17 100
Confiscationȱof — — 6 100
Seals
Corporal — — 2 100
Punishment
Drawing/Dragging — — 20 100
DunceȱCap — — 12 100
HonorȬFine 1 16 6 84
Ladder — — 1 100
LossȱofȱOffice 13 59 9 41
Mutilation 1 6 16 94
Pillory 8 26 22 74
Prison 19 14 116 86
RestrainingȱOrder — — 1 100
Whipping 1 100 — —
Capital
Boiling — — 1 100
Decapitation — — 13 100
Drowning — — 11 100
Execution 1 4 25 96
Hanging 6 8 74 92
Unknown
Exemplary 2 5 36 95
Punishment
Unspecified 5 21 19 79
Punishment
Figureȱ3:ȱInstancesȱofȱpunishmentsȱasȱaȱpercentȱbetweenȱcrimesȱofȱlèseȬmajestéȱand
not,ȱderivedȱfromȱsentencingȱdataȱofȱtheȱParlement.ȱȱThisȱandȱtheȱfollowingȱfigures
areȱderivedȱfromȱtabulatingȱtheȱnumberȱofȱinstancesȱofȱaȱparticularȱpunishment
againstȱaȱparticularȱcrime,ȱasȱopposedȱtoȱtheȱearlierȱvalues,ȱwhichȱrepresentȱthe
percentȱofȱpunishmentsȱawardedȱacrossȱcases.ȱTheȱdifferenceȱisȱthat,ȱwhenȱlooking
atȱhowȱparticularȱcrimesȱwereȱpunished,ȱwhileȱaȱcaseȱmayȱinvolveȱtwoȱindividuals
andȱcrimesȱofȱtreasonȱandȱtheft,ȱoneȱpersonȱcouldȱbeȱhangedȱforȱtheȱtheftȱwhileȱthe
otherȱwasȱbanishedȱforȱtheȱtreason.ȱInȱorderȱtoȱbeȱableȱtoȱaccuratelyȱshowȱthe
relationship,ȱ therefore,ȱ theȱ followingȱ dataȱ isȱ brokenȱ downȱ byȱ punishmentsȱ of
crimesȱawardedȱby,ȱnotȱbyȱcasesȱtriedȱbefore,ȱtheȱParlement.
ViolationȱofȱRoyalȱSafeguard
Viol.ȱofȱRoyalȱOrdinances
IllicitȱCarryingȱofȱArms
ArmedȱRobbery
Counterfeiting
RoyalȱRoadȱ
Kidnapping
PrivateȱWar
LèseȬmajesté
Rebellion
Forgery
Monetary
Confiscation 17 — 7 24 21 29 33 19 — 20 18 20
Fee 17% — 2% 6% 4% 4 33 6 8 — 9 —
Fine 17 33 — 24 4 17 33 19 — 13 21 13
Payingȱfor — — — — — — — — — — — —
Masses
NonȬLethal
Banishment — — 2 — 13 21 — 13 — 13 7 13
Branding — — 7 — — 4 — — 8 — — —
Confiscation — — — — — 4 — 6 — 7 — 7
ofȱSeals
Drawing/ — — 5 — — — — 6 8 — — —
Dragging
DunceȱCap — — 9 — 4 4 — 6 8 — — —
HonorȬFine — — — — — — — — — — 4 —
Ladder — — — — 4 4 — 6 — — — —
Lossȱof — — 7 — — — — — — — — —
Office
Mutilation — — 5 6 — 4 — 6 15 — — —
Pillory — — 11 6 4 21 — 13 8 — 2 —
Prison 33 — 9 18 29 25 — 19 — 20 28 20
ViolationȱofȱRoyalȱSafeguard
Viol.ȱofȱRoyalȱOrdinances
IllicitȱCarryingȱofȱArms
ArmedȱRobbery
Counterfeiting
RoyalȱRoadȱ
Kidnapping
PrivateȱWar
LèseȬmajesté
Rebellion
Forgery
Capital
Boiling — 33 — — — — ȬȬ — — — — —
Decapitation — — — — — 8 — — 8 — — —
Drowning — — — — 4 — — — 8 — — —
Execution — — — — — 4 — — — 7 2 7
Hanging — 33 18 — 4 21 — 6 31 — — —
Unknown
Exemplary — — — 12 17 8 — — — 13 5 13
Punishment
Unspecified 17 — — 6 8 — — — — 7 5 7
Punishment
Figureȱ 4:ȱ Showingȱ whatȱ percentȱ ofȱ aȱ givenȱ crimeȱ ofȱ lèseȬmajestéȱ receivedȱ aȱ particular
punishment.ȱ
Breachȱofȱassurément,ȱHomicide,ȱandȱMurderȱhaveȱbeenȱomittedȱasȱtheȱdataȱforȱthemȱisȱless
certain.
Royal Court Other Officers

Confiscation 50% 50% — 100%
DunceȱCap 25% 25% 50% —
Execution 50% 25% 25% 13%
Exile 100% — — 100%
LossȱofȱOffice 33% 66% — 66%
Pillory 40% 60% — 20
Figureȱ 5:ȱ Distributionȱ ofȱ penaltiesȱ asȱ percentsȱ inȱ crimesȱ ofȱ forgeryȱ acrossȱ the
categoriesȱ Forgeriesȱ ofȱ Royalȱ Lettersȱ andȱ Lettersȱ ofȱ Commission,ȱ Forgeriesȱ of
Courtȱ Documents,ȱ Allȱ Otherȱ Forgeries,ȱ andȱ Forgeriesȱ Committedȱ byȱ Royal
Officers.
Chapterȱ10
ConnieȱL.ȱScarborough
(TexasȱTechȱUniversity,ȱLubbock)
WomenȱasȱVictimsȱandȱCriminalsȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas
AccordingȱtoȱArminȱWolf,ȱtheȱlegislativeȱendeavorsȱofȱAlfonsoȱXȱinȱSpainȱwere
partȱofȱaȱtrendȱthroughoutȱEuropeȱtoȱcodifyȱlawsȱduringȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury.
Duringȱtheȱrelativelyȱbriefȱperiodȱbetweenȱ1231ȱandȱ1281ȱmajorȱlawȱcodesȱwere
compiledȱfromȱSicilyȱtoȱIceland.1ȱAlfonso,ȱlikeȱotherȱrulersȱofȱtheȱtime,ȱmadeȱa
significantȱbreakȱwithȱpreviousȱlegalȱtraditions.ȱLaws,ȱbeforeȱtheȱreignȱofȱAlfonso,
wereȱbyȱandȱlargeȱaȱhodgepodgeȱcollectionȱofȱlocalȱcustomaryȱlaws,ȱmunicipal
ordinancesȱ(someȱquiteȱextensive),ȱandȱlocalȱprivileges.2ȱAlfonsoȱXȱwasȱnotȱonly
seekingȱ uniformityȱ ofȱ lawsȱ acrossȱ hisȱ kingdomsȱ butȱ alsoȱ wantedȱ toȱ useȱ his
authorityȱ asȱ legislatorȱ toȱ strengthenȱ royalȱ powerȱ inȱ generalȱ andȱ provide
subsequentȱrulersȱwithȱtoolsȱtoȱconfrontȱlegalȱissuesȱthatȱmightȱariseȱinȱtheȱfuture.3
Asȱ manyȱ criticsȱ haveȱ pointedȱ out,ȱ itȱ isȱ noȱ coincidenceȱ thatȱ Alfonsoȱ beganȱ his
greatestȱlegislativeȱproject,ȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas,ȱinȱ1256—theȱyearȱinȱwhichȱheȱwas
firstȱapproachedȱasȱaȱcandidateȱforȱtheȱpostȱofȱHolyȱRomanȱEmperor.ȱWeȱmay
safelyȱconjectureȱthatȱAlfonsoȱwasȱthinkingȱofȱhisȱownȱandȱhisȱnation’sȱfutureȱas
aȱ leaderȱ inȱ Europe.ȱ Spainȱ wouldȱ needȱ aȱ thoroughȱ lawȱ codeȱ whichȱ would
potentiallyȱserveȱasȱaȱmodelȱforȱallȱlegislativeȱtreatisesȱthroughoutȱanȱempireȱin
whichȱSpainȱwouldȱoccupyȱaȱleadershipȱrole.4ȱ
DuringȱtheȱthirtyȬtwoȱyearsȱofȱAlfonso’sȱreignȱhisȱjudicialȱprojectȱevolvedȱin
variousȱstages.ȱTheȱfirstȱgeneralȱlawȱcodeȱenactedȱbyȱAlfonsoȱwasȱtheȱFueroȱReal.
1
ArminȱWolf,ȱ“ElȱmovimientoȱdeȱlegislaciónȱyȱdeȱcodificaciónȱenȱEuropaȱenȱtiemposȱdeȱAlfonso
Elȱ Sabio,”ȱ Alfonsoȱ Xȱ elȱ Sabio,ȱ vida,ȱ obraȱ yȱ épocaȱ I,ȱ ed.ȱ Juanȱ Carlosȱ deȱ Miguelȱ Rodríguez,ȱ et.ȱ al.
(Madrid;ȱSociedadȱEspañolaȱdeȱEstudiosȱMedievales,ȱ1989),ȱ31–37;ȱhereȱ31.
2
JuanȱManuelȱPérezȬPrendes,ȱ“LasȱleyesȱdeȱAlfonsoȱelȱSabio,”ȱRevistaȱdeȱOccidenteȱ43ȱ(1984):ȱ67–84;
hereȱ67.
3
PérezȬPrendes,ȱ“LasȱleyesȱdeȱAlfonsoȱelȱSabio,”ȱ68ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
4
PérezȬPrendes,ȱ“LasȱleyesȱdeȱAlfonsoȱelȱSabio,”ȱ83ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
226 ConnieȱL.ȱScarborough
Theȱfirstȱmanifestationȱofȱthisȱtreatiseȱinȱ1255ȱcontainedȱ550ȱlaws.ȱItsȱmainȱauthor
wasȱprobablyȱJacoboȱdeȱlasȱLeyes,ȱtheȱmostȱimportantȱjuristȱresidingȱinȱAlfonso’s
court.5ȱTheȱfourthȱsectionȱofȱtheȱFueroȱRealȱisȱaȱpenalȱcodeȱwhichȱdealsȱwithȱcrimes
rangingȱ fromȱ theftȱ toȱ illegalȱ sexualȱ activitiesȱ toȱ practicingȱ medicineȱ withoutȱ a
license.ȱItȱalsoȱlaysȱoutȱtheȱcorrespondingȱpunishmentsȱandȱcriminalȱproceedings
forȱtheseȱandȱotherȱoffenses.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱthatȱAlfonsoȱandȱhisȱjuristsȱwere
compilingȱtheȱFueroȱReal,ȱtheȱcourtȱwasȱworkingȱonȱaȱsetȱofȱjudicialȱnormsȱfor
judgesȱwithȱlegalȱjustificationsȱforȱtheȱpreceptsȱoutlined.ȱ
TheȱfirstȱversionȱofȱthisȱprojectȱwasȱtheȱEspéculo.ȱThisȱworkȱdidȱnotȱlimitȱitselfȱto
legalȱpreceptsȱasȱhadȱtheȱFueroȱReal.ȱTheȱEspéculoȱalsoȱcontainedȱphilosophicalȱand
didacticȱ commentary,ȱ explanationsȱ ofȱ legalȱ terminologyȱ andȱ institutions,ȱ and
moralȱconsiderations.6ȱButȱtheȱculminatingȱandȱmostȱcompleteȱofȱtheȱAlfonsine
lawȱcodesȱwas,ȱwithoutȱdoubt,ȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas.ȱTheȱsevenȱdivisionsȱofȱthisȱtreatise
dealȱ withȱ (1)ȱ theȱ Catholicȱ faithȱ andȱ Canonicalȱ Law,ȱ (2)ȱ theȱ organizationȱ ofȱ an
Empire,ȱespeciallyȱtheȱdutiesȱandȱproperȱbehaviorȱofȱtheȱkingȱandȱhisȱfamily,ȱ(3)
lawyers,ȱtheȱcourts,ȱandȱtheȱlegalȱsystemȱinȱgeneral,ȱ(4)ȱfamilyȱlaw,ȱ(5)ȱcivilȱand
mercantileȱobligationsȱandȱcontracts,ȱ(6)ȱwillsȱandȱtheȱrightsȱofȱinheritance,ȱandȱ(7)
penalȱlawȱforȱcrimesȱandȱcorrespondingȱpunishmentsȱandȱtheȱproperȱmannersȱfor
renderingȱjustice.7ȱ
AccordingȱtoȱTheresaȱVann,ȱAlfonso’sȱSieteȱPartidasȱ“developedȱtheȱconceptȱof
aȱpeacefulȱkingdomȱwhoseȱlawȬabidingȱmembersȱcoȬoperatedȱinȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱthe
realmȱunderȱtheȱdirectionȱofȱitsȱhead.”8ȱToȱdevelopȱaȱlawȬabidingȱcitizenryȱmeant
aȱclearȱenumerationȱofȱwhatȱactsȱwereȱdeemedȱcriminalȱandȱhowȱoffendersȱwould
beȱprosecuted.ȱThisȱpaperȱwillȱdealȱprimarilyȱwithȱlawsȱfromȱtheȱSeventhȱPartida
orȱPartȱsinceȱitȱdealsȱspecificallyȱwithȱcrimesȱandȱpunishmentsȱbutȱIȱwillȱalsoȱmake
someȱreferencesȱtoȱlawsȱinȱtheȱotherȱPartidas.ȱWithinȱtheȱwideȱscopeȱofȱcrimes
enumeratedȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidasȱIȱwantȱtoȱconfineȱmyȱremarksȱtoȱthoseȱinȱwhich
womenȱareȱtheȱperpetratorsȱorȱvictimsȱofȱcrimes.ȱIȱwillȱalsoȱciteȱexamplesȱfrom
literatureȱofȱtheȱperiodȱwhichȱdepictȱwomenȱinvolvedȱinȱlegalȱmattersȱorȱasȱvictims
orȱaccusedȱcriminals.
Womenȱareȱnotȱconsideredȱaȱhomogenousȱgroupȱwithȱregardȱtoȱcrimesȱorȱthe
administrationȱofȱjustice.ȱItȱisȱnotȱsurprisingȱthatȱwomenȱareȱmentionedȱmostȱoften
5
AntonioȱPérezȱMartín,ȱ“HaciaȱunȱDerechoȱComúnȱEuropeo:ȱlaȱobraȱjurídicaȱdeȱAlfonsoȱX,”ȱAlfonso
X:ȱAprotacionesȱdeȱunȱreyȱcastellanoȱaȱlaȱconstrucciónȱdeȱEuropa,ȱed.ȱCarlosȱEstepaȱDíez,ȱetȱal.ȱ(Murcia:
RegiónȱdeȱMurcia,ȱConsejaríaȱdeȱCulturaȱyȱEducación,ȱ1997),ȱ109–34;ȱhereȱ120.
6
PérezȱMartín,ȱ“HaciaȱunȱDerechoȱComúnȱEuropeo,”ȱ121ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).
7
PérezȱMartín,ȱ“HaciaȱunȱDerechoȱComúnȱEurpeo,”ȱ122–24ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).
8
TheresaȱM.ȱVann,ȱ“CriminalȱSettlementȱinȱMedievalȱCastilianȱTowns,”ȱTheȱFinalȱArgument:ȱThe
ImprintȱofȱViolenceȱonȱSocietyȱandȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope,ȱed.ȱDonaldȱJ.ȱKagayȱandȱL.
J.ȱAndrewȱVillalonȱ(Woodbridge,ȱSuffolk,ȱandȱRochester,ȱNY:ȱTheȱBoydellȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱ83–94;
hereȱ87.ȱ
WomenȱasȱVictimsȱandȱCriminalsȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas 227
inȱlawsȱconcerningȱsexualȱrelationshipsȱandȱmarriage.ȱHowever,ȱwomenȱareȱalso
specificallyȱnamedȱbothȱasȱdefendantsȱandȱaccusersȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱotherȱlegal
matters.ȱAlfonsoȱXȱandȱhisȱlegalȱexpertsȱrecognizedȱwomenȱasȱaȱspecialȱcategory
underȱtheȱlawȱevenȱthoughȱmostȱpunishmentsȱspecificallyȱnameȱmenȱasȱtheȱguilty
party.9ȱJustȱasȱmenȱandȱwomenȱareȱnotȱalwaysȱtreatedȱequallyȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas,
neitherȱareȱallȱwomenȱtreatedȱequally.ȱFemaleȱslavesȱareȱconsideredȱdifferently
fromȱ freeȱ virgins.ȱ Andȱ virginsȱ areȱ treatedȱ differentlyȱ fromȱ marriedȱ womenȱ or
widows.ȱFemaleȱreligiousȱformedȱanotherȱcategoryȱasȱdidȱwomenȱofȱtheȱJewishȱor
Muslimȱfaith.ȱ
Toȱaccomplishȱitsȱgoalȱofȱinclusivityȱandȱcomprehensiveness,ȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas
dealsȱ withȱ womenȱ fromȱ allȱ socialȱ classesȱ andȱ faithsȱ and,ȱ inȱ manyȱ cases,
differentiatesȱ consequencesȱ forȱ crimesȱ committedȱ byȱ orȱ againstȱ women.ȱ For
example,ȱnoȱpunishmentȱwasȱinflictedȱonȱaȱpregnantȱwomanȱuntilȱafterȱtheȱbirth
ofȱtheȱchildȱbecauseȱanȱunbornȱchildȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱpunishedȱforȱanȱoffenseȱfor
whichȱ theȱ motherȱ isȱ guilty.10ȱ And,ȱ inȱ theȱ sameȱ law,ȱ weȱ learnȱ thatȱ ifȱ anyone
knowinglyȱexecutesȱaȱpregnantȱwoman,ȱheȱwillȱsufferȱtheȱsameȱpenaltyȱasȱone
whoȱwrongfullyȱcommitsȱmurder.ȱTheseȱprotectionsȱforȱpregnantȱwomenȱwere
alsoȱpartȱofȱCanonȱLaw.ȱBut,ȱaccordingȱtoȱRichardȱSims,ȱ“Inȱtheȱmedievalȱworld.
.ȱ..expectancyȱwouldȱdoȱnothingȱmoreȱthanȱdelayȱtheȱinevitableȱand,ȱasȱaȱresult,
fewȱwomenȱwouldȱhaveȱfeignedȱpregnancy.”11ȱ
ParticularlyȱpertinentȱtoȱourȱdiscussionȱofȱwomenȱandȱAlfonsineȱlawsȱareȱthe
strictȱ provisionsȱ againstȱ abortion.ȱ Pregnantȱ womenȱ whoȱ successfullyȱ induce
themselvesȱ toȱ abortȱ eitherȱ byȱ takingȱ drugsȱ orȱ byȱ strikingȱ theȱ abdomenȱ are
condemnedȱtoȱdeath.12ȱAȱhusbandȱwhoȱstrikesȱhisȱpregnantȱwifeȱcausingȱherȱto
abortȱtheȱchildȱsuffersȱtheȱsameȱpenalty.13ȱThisȱcriminalizationȱofȱabortionȱinȱthe
Alfonsineȱlaws,ȱinterestingly,ȱdoesȱnotȱextendȱtoȱincludeȱactsȱofȱinfanticide.ȱBut,
9
AsenjoȱGonzález,ȱinȱstudyingȱtheȱFueroȱdeȱSoria,ȱexplainsȱthatȱsinceȱmenȱareȱmostȱoftenȱnamed
inȱregardȱtoȱspecificȱpunishmentsȱweȱshouldȱassumeȱthatȱthereȱwasȱnoȱdifferenceȱforȱpenalties
leviedȱonȱwomen,ȱexceptȱinȱtheȱspecialȱcasesȱofȱcrimesȱdealingȱwithȱsexualȱmattersȱinȱwhichȱthe
womanȱisȱmostȱoftenȱtheȱvictimȱofȱtheȱcrime.ȱSeeȱMaríaȱAsenjoȱGonzález,ȱ“Laȱmujerȱyȱsuȱmedio
socialȱenȱelȱFueroȱdeȱSoria,”ȱLasȱmujeresȱmedievalesȱyȱsuȱámbitoȱjurídico:ȱActasȱdeȱlasȱSegundasȱJornadas
deȱ Investigaciónȱ Interdisciplinaria,ȱ (Madrid:ȱ Seminarioȱ deȱ Estudiosȱ deȱ laȱ Mujer,ȱ Universidad
AutónomaȱdeȱMadrid,ȱ1983),ȱ45–57;ȱhereȱ48.ȱ
10
ThisȱandȱallȱsubsequentȱcitationsȱfromȱtheȱSieteȱPartidasȱareȱfromȱtheȱfiveȬvolumeȱeditionȱbyȱBurns
ofȱSamuelȱParsonsȱScott´sȱEnglishȱtranslation.ȱIȱfirstȱciteȱvolumeȱandȱpageȱnumberȱfollowedȱby
theȱPartida,ȱTitleȱandȱLawȱreferenced.ȱRobertȱIȱBurns,ȱS.J.,ȱLasȱSieteȱPartidas,ȱtrans.ȱSamuelȱParsons
Scott.ȱ5ȱvols.ȱTheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2001);ȱhere
V:ȱ1468,ȱPartidaȱVII,ȱTitleȱ31,ȱLawȱ11.
11
RichardȱJ.ȱSims,ȱ“SecondaryȱOffenders?ȱEnglishȱWomenȱandȱCrimeȱc.ȱ1220–1348,”ȱVictimsȱand
Viragos?,ȱed.ȱChristineȱMeekȱandȱCatherineȱ Lawless.ȱStudiesȱonȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModern
Women,ȱ4ȱ(Dublin:ȱFourȱCourtsȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ69–88;ȱhereȱ71.ȱ
12
V:ȱ1346–47,ȱPartidaȱVII,ȱTitleȱ8,ȱLawȱ8.ȱ
13
V:ȱ1347,ȱPartidaȱVII,ȱTitleȱ8,ȱLawȱ8.ȱ
canonicalȱdecreesȱfromȱtheȱsameȱperiodȱimposeȱ“severeȱpenaltiesȱforȱinfanticide,
forȱaccidentalȱsuffocationȱofȱinfantsȱbyȱparents,ȱandȱ evenȱforȱtheȱpossibilityȱof
negligenceȱ whenȱ aȱ childȱ diesȱ andȱ theȱ parentsȱ mayȱ notȱ haveȱ doneȱ everything
possibleȱtoȱpreventȱit.”14ȱ
Inȱ theȱ twelfthȱ century,ȱ threeȱ papalȱ rulingsȱ wereȱ issuedȱ onȱ theȱ issueȱ of
infanticide.15ȱHowever,ȱasȱBoswellȱnotes,ȱ“InȱtheȱlawȱofȱtheȱFrisians,ȱpromulgated
underȱCharlemagneȱinȱtheȱninthȱcenturyȱ(butȱreflectingȱolderȱcustoms)ȱspecifically
exemptedȱmothersȱwhoȱkilledȱtheirȱnewbornȱchildrenȱfromȱtheȱnormalȱfinesȱfor
murderȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”16ȱAndȱSimsȱassertsȱthatȱ“Infanticideȱhasȱlongȱbeenȱperceivedȱas
beingȱalmostȱexclusivelyȱinȱtheȱfemaleȱdomain.”17ȱButȱHanawalt,ȱinȱherȱstudiesȱof
MedievalȱEngland,ȱconcludesȱthatȱinfanticideȱwasȱextremelyȱrare18ȱandȱBoswell
assertsȱthatȱHanawalt’sȱfindingsȱareȱprobablyȱapplicableȱtoȱcontinentalȱEuropeȱas
well.19ȱ Sims,ȱ onȱ theȱ otherȱ hand,ȱ disputesȱ bothȱ Hanawalt’sȱ methodologyȱ and
conclusions.ȱHeȱclaimsȱthat,ȱwhenȱconsideringȱtheȱdeathȱofȱchildren,ȱweȱmustȱtake
intoȱaccountȱtheȱdeathsȱofȱolderȱchildrenȱinȱadditionȱtoȱthoseȱofȱinfants.ȱHeȱstates
thatȱ“Althoughȱ[children]ȱwereȱmoreȱlikelyȱthanȱadultsȱgenuinelyȱtoȱencounter
accidentalȱdeath,ȱthroughȱfollyȱorȱcuriosity,ȱthisȱalsoȱmeantȱthatȱtheirȱkillingsȱwere
potentiallyȱeasierȱtoȱdisguise.ȱIfȱwomenȱhadȱaȱgreaterȱabilityȱtoȱconcealȱcrimes,ȱas
manyȱ haveȱ suggested,ȱ thenȱ infanticideȱ wasȱ anȱ idealȱ opportunityȱ forȱ themȱ to
exerciseȱthisȱgift.”20ȱ
AnȱexampleȱofȱinfanticideȱisȱfoundȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱCastigosȱeȱdocumentos
delȱreyȱdonȱSancho.ȱChapterȱ82ȱofȱthisȱworkȱcontainsȱtheȱstoryȱofȱaȱwomanȱwho,
afterȱsheȱisȱwidowed,ȱhasȱsexualȱrelationsȱwithȱherȱdeceasedȱhusband’ȱsȱbrother.
Sheȱhasȱthreeȱchildrenȱbyȱhimȱandȱsheȱkillsȱeachȱoneȱshortlyȱafterȱbirthȱsoȱasȱto
concealȱherȱongoingȱrelationshipȱwithȱherȱbrotherȬinȬlaw.ȱSheȱisȱsoȱdistraughtȱby
herȱ actionsȱ thatȱ sheȱ eatsȱ aȱ poisonousȱ spiderȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ killȱ herself.ȱ Whenȱ she
beginsȱtoȱsufferȱtheȱpainfulȱeffectsȱofȱtheȱspider’sȱpoison,ȱsheȱcallsȱoutȱtoȱtheȱVirgin
toȱforgiveȱher.ȱHolyȱMaryȱreachesȱout,ȱtouchesȱtheȱwomanȱandȱcleansȱtheȱpoison
fromȱherȱbody.ȱSheȱthereafterȱlivesȱaȱliveȱofȱpenanceȱandȱserviceȱtoȱtheȱVirgin.21
Partidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ8,ȱLawȱ12ȱdoesȱnotȱreferȱtoȱwomenȱkillingȱtheirȱchildren,ȱbutȱdoes
addressȱ theȱ murderȱ ofȱ anyȱ familyȱ memberȱ byȱ another.ȱ Itȱ prescribesȱ the
14
JohnȱBoswell,ȱTheȱKindnessȱofȱStrangers:ȱTheȱAbandonmentȱofȱChildrenȱinȱWesternȱEuropeȱfromȱLate
AntiquityȱtoȱtheȱRenaissanceȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPantheonȱBooks,ȱ1988),ȱ222.
15
Boswell,ȱTheȱKindnessȱofȱStrangers,ȱ279–80ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
16
Boswell,ȱTheȱKindnessȱofȱStrangers,ȱ211ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
17
Sims,ȱ“SecondaryȱOffenders?,”ȱ72ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
18
BarbaraȱA.ȱHanawalt,ȱ“OfȱGoodȱandȱIllȱRepute”:ȱGenderȱandȱSocialȱControlȱinȱMedievalȱEnglandȱ(New
YorkȱandȱOxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱ168.
19
Boswell,ȱTheȱKindnessȱofȱStrangers,ȱ411ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
20
Sims,ȱ“SecondaryȱOfenders?,”ȱ73ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
21
Thisȱsameȱstoryȱappearsȱasȱno.ȱ201ȱinȱtheȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMaria.
punishmentȱ(accreditedȱtoȱ“theȱemperorsȱandȱtheȱlearnedȱmenȱofȱtheȱancients”)
thatȱ theȱ guiltyȱ partyȱ “shouldȱ beȱ publiclyȱ scourgedȱ inȱ theȱ presenceȱ ofȱ all,ȱ and
besidesȱshouldȱbeȱenclosedȱinȱaȱleatherȱsack,ȱalongȱwithȱaȱdog,ȱaȱcock,ȱaȱserpent,
andȱanȱape;ȱandȱafterȱheȱhadȱbeenȱplacedȱinȱitȱwithȱtheseȱfourȱanimalsȱtheȱmouth
ofȱtheȱsackȱshouldȱbeȱsewedȱup,ȱandȱtheyȱshouldȱallȱbeȱthrownȱintoȱtheȱseaȱorȱinto
theȱriverȱnearestȱtoȱtheȱplaceȱwhereȱthisȱoccurred.”22ȱRadinȱclaimsȱthatȱthisȱform
ofȱexecution,ȱknownȱasȱtheȱpoenaȱcullei,ȱisȱancientȱinȱorigins.ȱItȱappearsȱinȱtheȱLex
PompeiaȱdeȱParricidiisȱwhichȱextendedȱthisȱspecificȱpunishment,ȱearlierȱexclusively
leviedȱforȱtheȱcrimeȱofȱpartricide,ȱtoȱtheȱkillingȱofȱanyȱotherȱmembersȱofȱone’s
family.ȱBut,ȱasȱRadinȱnotes,ȱtheȱLexȱPompeiaȱincorporatedȱpartsȱofȱConstantine’s
constitutionȱandȱheȱclaimsȱthatȱtheȱintroductionȱofȱtheȱfourȱspecificȱanimalsȱtoȱthe
punishmentȱisȱactuallyȱConstantine’s.23ȱ
TheȱpunishmentȱitselfȱasȱspelledȱoutȱinȱtheȱLexȱCorneliaȱdeȱSicarrissȱ(passedȱin
B.C.E.ȱ82)ȱstatesȱthatȱtheȱguiltyȱpartyȱwasȱ“whippedȱtillȱheȱbled,ȱsewnȱupȱinȱaȱsack
withȱaȱdog,ȱcock,ȱviper,ȱandȱape,ȱandȱthrownȱintoȱtheȱsea,ȱifȱtheȱseaȱwasȱatȱhand,
andȱifȱnot,ȱbyȱaȱconstitutionȱofȱHadrian,ȱheȱwasȱexposedȱtoȱwildȱbeasts,ȱor,ȱinȱthe
timeȱofȱPaulus,ȱtoȱbeȱburnt.”24ȱByȱtheȱtimeȱofȱConstantineȱthisȱlawȱwasȱobsoleteȱand
itȱappearsȱthatȱitsȱrevivalȱcouldȱhaveȱbeenȱpartȱofȱConstantine’sȱeffortsȱtoȱdenigrate
animalsȱthatȱhadȱbeenȱassociatedȱwithȱpaganȱcultsȱorȱhadȱritualȱsignificanceȱas
instrumentsȱforȱcarryingȱoffȱtheȱsocietalȱpollutionȱassociatedȱwithȱmurder.25ȱEven
thoughȱvariousȱtheoriesȱhaveȱbeenȱpostulatedȱregardingȱtheȱanimalsȱusedȱinȱthe
poenaȱcullei,ȱRadinȱconcludesȱthatȱtheirȱsymbolicȱandȱritualȱmeaningsȱareȱtheȱmost
probable.26ȱ
WhetherȱtheȱoriginalȱpunishmentȱstipulatedȱinȱtheȱLexȱCorneliaȱdeȱSicarrisȱand
repeatedȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidasȱwasȱeverȱcarriedȱoutȱinȱSpain,ȱweȱhaveȱnoȱrecordsȱone
wayȱ orȱ theȱ other.ȱ Butȱ thisȱ extremeȱ formȱ ofȱ executionȱ isȱ gruesomeȱ enoughȱ to
substantiateȱaȱclaimȱthatȱtheȱSieteȱPartidasȱconsideredȱanyȱmurderȱwithinȱone’sȱown
22
V:ȱ1349,ȱPartidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ8,ȱLawȱ12.
23
MaxȱRadin,ȱ“TheȱLexȱPompeiaȱandȱtheȱPoenaȱCullei,”ȱTheȱJournalȱofȱRomanȱStudiesȱ10ȱ(1920):
119–30;ȱhereȱ126.ȱ
24
http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Leges_Corneliae.ht
ml#de_Sicariis.ȱMyȱthanksȱtoȱmyȱcolleague,ȱDr.ȱJasonȱBantaȱforȱthisȱreferenceȱ(lastȱaccessedȱon
Mayȱ23,ȱ2010).
25
Radin,ȱ“TheȱLexȱpompeia,”ȱ129ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23).ȱRadinȱfurtherȱexplains:ȱ“Thisȱabhorredȱthing,ȱthis
prodigium,ȱbyȱwayȱofȱabundantȱcaution,ȱisȱtoȱhaveȱitsȱevilȱforcesȱstillȱfurtherȱneutralisedȱbyȱhaving
themȱfirstȱtransferred,ȱtoȱcertainȱlivingȱanimalsȱcapableȱofȱbecomingȱvehiclesȱofȱsuchȱforces,ȱand
thenȱbyȱhavingȱtheseȱanimalsȱpromptlyȱkilled”ȱ(130).
26
Radinȱ discountsȱ otherȱ claimsȱ forȱ theȱ selectionȱ ofȱ theseȱ creaturesȱ forȱ theȱ punishmentȱ asȱ mere
guessesȱorȱfancifulȱspeculation.ȱSeeȱespeciallyȱ121–23ȱofȱhisȱarticleȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23).ȱThisȱcriticȱseesȱa
progressionȱinȱthisȱpunishmentȱfromȱtheȱmereȱtyingȱupȱinȱaȱsackȱandȱtheȱintroductionȱofȱthe
animals:ȱ“ifȱweȱassumeȱthatȱtheȱsackȱandȱitsȱritualȱwereȱancient,ȱthatȱtheȱLexȱPompeiaȱintroduced
theȱviper,ȱClaudiusȱtheȱape,ȱandȱConstantineȱtheȱdogȱandȱtheȱcock”ȱ(126).
familyȱasȱaȱmostȱgrievousȱcrime.ȱMurderȱofȱaȱfamilyȱmemberȱisȱalsoȱoneȱofȱthe
veryȱfewȱinstancesȱwhenȱaȱwomanȱcanȱbringȱanȱaccusationȱofȱdeathȱagainstȱthe
allegedȱmurderer.27ȱSlavesȱorȱservantsȱareȱalsoȱobligedȱtoȱgoȱtoȱtheȱhelpȱofȱanyone
inȱtheȱhouseholdȱifȱhe/sheȱisȱbeingȱattackedȱbyȱanotherȱmemberȱofȱtheȱfamily.ȱIf
theyȱfailȱtoȱtryȱtoȱprotectȱtheȱvictim,ȱeitherȱinterveningȱbyȱforceȱorȱseekingȱthe
interventionȱofȱtheȱauthorities,ȱtheȱservantsȱorȱslavesȱmayȱbeȱputȱtoȱdeath28ȱ
Anotherȱ matterȱ ofȱ seriousȱ concernȱ forȱ Alfonsineȱ legislationȱ isȱ prostitution.
Interesting,ȱmanyȱofȱtheȱlawsȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidasȱwhichȱdealȱwithȱprostitutionȱare
aimedȱatȱtheȱmenȱ(procurers)ȱwhoȱforceȱwomenȱintoȱprostitution.ȱProcurersȱare
dividedȱintoȱfiveȱcategories.ȱTheȱfirstȱareȱpimpsȱwhoȱsetȱupȱwomenȱinȱbrothelsȱand
keepȱpartȱofȱtheirȱearningsȱforȱthemselves.ȱTheȱsecondȱareȱbrokersȱwho,ȱforȱaȱprice,
provideȱclientsȱwithȱwomenȱwhoȱprostituteȱthemselvesȱinȱtheirȱ(theȱwomen’s)
home.ȱTheȱthirdȱkindȱofȱprocurerȱkeepsȱcaptivesȱorȱotherȱgirlsȱinȱhisȱhomeȱforȱthe
purposeȱofȱprostitutingȱthemȱandȱkeepingȱtheȱwages.ȱTheȱfourthȱisȱoneȱwhoȱisȱa
procurerȱ forȱ hisȱ ownȱ wifeȱ andȱ theȱ fifthȱ isȱ oneȱ whoȱ consentsȱ toȱ aȱ married,ȱ or
otherwiseȱhonorable,ȱwomanȱhavingȱsexualȱrelationshipsȱinȱhisȱhouseȱinȱreturnȱfor
someȱgift.ȱTheȱlawsȱstateȱthatȱallȱtheseȱprocurersȱbringȱdishonorȱuponȱtheȱwomen
whomȱ theyȱ prostituteȱ andȱ theseȱ menȱ areȱ alsoȱ responsibleȱ forȱ theȱ fightsȱ and
quarrelsȱthatȱbreakȱoutȱamongȱtheȱwomen’sȱclients.29ȱ
Ifȱaȱprocurerȱisȱconvicted,ȱheȱisȱdrivenȱoutȱofȱtownȱalongȱwithȱtheȱwomenȱwho
hadȱbeenȱhisȱprostitutes.ȱAnyoneȱwhoȱknowinglyȱrentsȱoutȱhisȱhouseȱtoȱaȱwoman
toȱserveȱasȱaȱbrothel,ȱlosesȱhisȱpropertyȱwhichȱisȱforfeitedȱtoȱtheȱroyalȱtreasury.ȱHe
alsoȱmustȱpayȱaȱfineȱofȱtenȱpoundsȱofȱgold.ȱIfȱaȱmanȱforcesȱhisȱfemaleȱslaveȱto
prostituteȱherselfȱforȱhisȱfinancialȱbenefit,ȱtheȱwomenȱshallȱbeȱsetȱfree.ȱBut,ȱifȱaȱman
forcesȱaȱfreeȱwomanȱintoȱprostitution,ȱ heȱmustȱprovideȱherȱwithȱaȱdowryȱand
arrangeȱaȱgoodȱmarriageȱforȱher.ȱIfȱheȱfailsȱtoȱdoȱso,ȱafterȱbeingȱfoundȱguiltyȱof
procurement,ȱheȱisȱsentencedȱtoȱdeath.ȱAnyȱmanȱfoundȱguiltyȱofȱprostitutingȱhis
wifeȱisȱputȱtoȱdeath.ȱDeathȱisȱalsoȱimposedȱonȱanyoneȱwhoȱactsȱisȱaȱprocurerȱfor
anyȱmarriedȱwomen,ȱvirgin,ȱnunȱorȱwidowȱofȱgoodȱreputation.30ȱTheȱveryȱlast
sentenceȱofȱthisȱTitleȱstatesȱthatȱwomenȱwhoȱserveȱasȱprocuressesȱareȱsubjectȱtoȱthe
sameȱlawsȱandȱpunishmentsȱasȱestablishedȱforȱmaleȱprocurers.ȱ
27
V:ȱ 1350,Partidaȱ 7,ȱ Titleȱ 8,ȱ Lawȱ 14.ȱ Also,ȱ Patriciaȱ Orr,ȱ “Nonȱ Potestȱ Appellumȱ Facere:ȱ Criminal
Chargesȱ Womenȱ couldȱ not—butȱ did—bringȱ inȱ ThirteenthȬCenturyȱ Englishȱ Royalȱ Courtsȱ of
Justice,”ȱTheȱFinalȱArgument,ȱ141Ȭ60;ȱhereȱ142ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).ȱOrrȱhasȱfoundȱthat,ȱalthoughȱwomen
inȱMedievalȱEnglandȱbyȱlawȱcouldȱonlyȱmakeȱcriminalȱchargesȱforȱtheȱdeathȱofȱaȱhusbandȱor
injuryȱtoȱherself,ȱthisȱrestrictionȱwasȱroutinelyȱignoredȱbyȱtheȱcourtsȱandȱwomen’sȱchargesȱwere
mostȱoftenȱheardȱandȱadjudicated.ȱ
28
29
V:ȱ1429,ȱPartidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ22,ȱLawȱ1.ȱ
30
AnȱentireȱTitle,ȱnumberȱ17,ȱisȱsetȱasideȱforȱlawsȱdealingȱwithȱadultery.ȱThisȱTitle
containsȱsixteenȱindividualȱlawsȱaboutȱaccusationsȱofȱadultery,ȱpossibleȱdefenses,
andȱpunishmentȱofȱtheȱguiltyȱparty,ȱalmostȱalwaysȱtheȱwife.ȱAdulteryȱisȱdefined
asȱ“anȱoffenseȱwhichȱaȱmanȱknowinglyȱcommitsȱbyȱlyingȱwithȱaȱmarriedȱwoman,
orȱoneȱbetrothedȱtoȱanother.”31ȱInȱtheȱsameȱlawȱwhereȱweȱfindȱthisȱdefinitionȱwe
areȱinformedȱthatȱwomen,ȱofȱcourse,ȱmayȱalsoȱcommitȱadulteryȱand,ȱbyȱsoȱdoing,
theyȱdishonorȱtheirȱhusbands.ȱButȱtheȱhusbandȱwhoȱhasȱsexȱwithȱanotherȱwoman
isȱsaidȱtoȱdoȱnoȱdishonorȱtoȱhisȱwife.ȱ
Theȱlawȱarguesȱthatȱaȱwomanȱwhoȱcommitsȱadulteryȱpotentiallyȱcouldȱgiveȱbirth
toȱ aȱ childȱ whoȱ wouldȱ inheritȱ equallyȱ withȱ herȱ andȱ herȱ husband’sȱ legitimate
offspring.ȱForȱthisȱreason,ȱamongȱothers,ȱtheȱlawȱstatesȱthatȱ“theȱhusbandȱshould
haveȱtheȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱpowerȱtoȱaccuseȱhisȱwifeȱofȱadulteryȱifȱsheȱcommitsȱit,ȱandȱthatȱshe
shouldȱ notȱ haveȱ theȱ rightȱ toȱ accuseȱ him.”32ȱ Aȱ womanȱ accusedȱ ofȱ adulteryȱ is
acquittedȱ withoutȱ theȱ needȱ toȱ putȱ upȱ aȱ defenseȱ ifȱ itȱ isȱ discoveredȱ thatȱ she
committedȱ adulteryȱ withȱ theȱ consentȱ ofȱ herȱ husbandȱ orȱ ifȱ heȱ hadȱ actedȱ asȱ a
procurerȱ forȱ hisȱ wife.33ȱ Inȱ thisȱ instance,ȱ theȱ husbandȱ suffersȱ theȱ punishment
usuallyȱleveledȱonȱtheȱadulterousȱwife,ȱi.e.ȱpublicȱscourgingȱandȱconfinementȱin
aȱmonastery.ȱIfȱaȱmanȱsuspectsȱhisȱwifeȱisȱhavingȱanȱadulterousȱaffairȱheȱshould
sendȱaȱwrittenȱstatementȱtoȱtheȱmanȱinȱquestion,ȱforbiddingȱhimȱtoȱenterȱhisȱhouse,
beȱaloneȱwithȱhisȱwifeȱinȱanyȱotherȱhouse,ȱorȱtoȱspeakȱtoȱher.ȱHeȱisȱrequiredȱto
warnȱtheȱsuspectedȱadultererȱthreeȱtimesȱinȱwriting.ȱIfȱtheȱmanȱdoesȱnotȱheedȱthe
warningȱandȱstayȱawayȱfromȱtheȱwife,ȱtheȱhusbandȱ mayȱ killȱtheȱmanȱwithout
penaltyȱifȱheȱlaterȱfindsȱhimȱaloneȱwithȱhisȱwife.34ȱ
Aȱhusbandȱcanȱkillȱwithȱimmunityȱanyȱmanȱheȱfindsȱwithȱhisȱwifeȱinȱtheȱactȱof
committingȱintercourse,ȱwhetherȱtheȱhusbandȱhadȱgivenȱhimȱpreviousȱwarningȱor
not.ȱBut,ȱinȱthisȱcase,ȱtheȱhusbandȱcannotȱkillȱhisȱwife,ȱbutȱmustȱturnȱherȱoverȱto
aȱjudgeȱtoȱpassȱsentenceȱonȱher.35ȱAlfonsineȱlegislationȱonȱthisȱpointȱdiffersȱfrom
theȱolderȱcustomaryȱlaws,ȱorȱfueros,ȱinȱSpain.ȱForȱexampleȱinȱtheȱFueroȱdeȱCuenca
andȱtheȱFueroȱdeȱSepúlveda,ȱ“theȱoffendedȱhusbandȱhasȱtheȱrightȱtoȱkillȱwithout
penaltyȱbothȱhisȱwifeȱandȱtheȱmanȱifȱdiscoveredȱinȱflagranteȱdelicto.”36ȱAndȱthis
rightȱ isȱ extendedȱ toȱ anyȱ ofȱ theȱ woman’sȱ kinsmenȱ inȱ theȱ Fueroȱ deȱ Sepúlveda.37
31
32
33
V:ȱ1414,ȱPartidaȱVII,ȱTitleȱ17,ȱLawȱ7.
34
V:ȱ1416,ȱPartidaȱVII,ȱTitleȱ17,ȱLawȱ12.ȱ
35
36
ȱHeathȱDillard,ȱ“WomenȱinȱReconquestȱCastile:ȱTheȱFuerosȱofȱSepúlvedaȱandȱCuenca,”ȱWomen
inȱMedievalȱSociety,ȱed.ȱSusanȱMosherȱStuard.ȱTheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversity
ofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1976),ȱ71–94;ȱhereȱ81.
37
Dillard,ȱ“WomenȱinȱReconquestȱCastille,”ȱ81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ36).ȱAccordingȱtoȱDillard:ȱ“neitherȱfuero
permitsȱkillingȱtheȱmanȱandȱnotȱtheȱwife,ȱthatȱis,ȱforgivingȱherȱafterȱtheȱfact.ȱItȱisȱtheȱdishonor
However,ȱwhenȱaȱfatherȱfindsȱhisȱmarriedȱdaughterȱinȱflagranteȱdelicto,ȱheȱhasȱthe
rightȱtoȱkillȱherȱandȱtheȱman.ȱFurthermore,ȱtheȱlawȱstipulatesȱthatȱheȱshouldȱnot
killȱoneȱandȱleaveȱtheȱotherȱalive.ȱ
Theȱreasonȱgivenȱforȱthisȱdictateȱisȱthatȱaȱfatherȱmayȱwantȱtoȱspareȱhisȱdaughter
but,ȱifȱheȱdoesȱso,ȱthisȱwouldȱleaveȱhisȱsonȬinȬlawȱtoȱsufferȱdishonor.38ȱWhenȱaȱman
isȱfoundȱguiltyȱofȱhavingȱcommittedȱadulteryȱwithȱanotherȱman’sȱwife,ȱheȱmustȱbe
putȱtoȱdeath.ȱButȱifȱtheȱwomanȱisȱconvictedȱsheȱisȱpunishedȱbyȱbeingȱpublically
scourgedȱandȱshutȱupȱinȱaȱconvent.ȱSheȱalsoȱlosesȱherȱdowryȱandȱherȱmarriage
giftsȱandȱtheseȱareȱforfeitedȱtoȱherȱhusband.ȱHusbandsȱalsoȱhaveȱtheȱoptionȱto
pardonȱaȱwaywardȱwifeȱwithinȱtheȱfirstȱtwoȱyearsȱofȱherȱconfinement.39ȱInȱone
aspectȱpunishmentsȱforȱmenȱandȱwomenȱinȱTitleȱ17ȱareȱtheȱsame.ȱIfȱaȱmanȱorȱa
womanȱknowinglyȱmarriesȱwhileȱhisȱfirstȱwifeȱorȱherȱfirstȱhusbandȱisȱstillȱalive,
theyȱareȱequallyȱguiltyȱofȱadulteryȱandȱbothȱareȱbanishedȱtoȱanȱislandȱforȱaȱperiod
ofȱfiveȱyears.ȱTheyȱalsoȱloseȱallȱtheirȱproperty,ȱwithȱhalfȱgoingȱtoȱanyȱchildrenȱor
grandchildrenȱ theyȱ mayȱ haveȱ andȱ theȱ otherȱ halfȱ toȱ theȱ royalȱ treasury.40
Punishmentȱ differs,ȱ however,ȱ ifȱ aȱ marriedȱ womanȱ isȱ convictedȱ ofȱ having
committedȱadulteryȱwithȱherȱslave.ȱInȱthisȱcase,ȱbothȱtheȱslaveȱandȱtheȱwomanȱare
sentencedȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱburning.41ȱ
Anȱ exampleȱ ofȱ thisȱ situationȱ isȱ foundȱ inȱ theȱ Cantigasȱ deȱ Santaȱ Maria,ȱ also
compiledȱatȱAlfonso’sȱcourt.42ȱInȱCantigaȱ186ȱaȱmotherȬinȬlawȱplansȱtheȱdeathȱofȱher
daughterȬinȬlawȱbyȱorderingȱaȱMoorishȱservantȱtoȱlieȱdownȱnextȱtoȱherȱdaughterȬ
inȬlawȱwhileȱsheȱisȱsleeping.ȱSheȱsummonsȱherȱsonȱtoȱseeȱthatȱhisȱwifeȱisȱinȱbed
withȱtheȱMoor.ȱTheȱhusbandȱwantsȱtoȱkillȱhisȱwifeȱonȱtheȱspot,ȱbutȱhisȱmother
persuadesȱhimȱtoȱaccuseȱherȱbeforeȱaȱmagistrate.ȱBothȱtheȱinnocentȱwifeȱandȱthe
Moorȱareȱsentencedȱtoȱbeȱburnedȱinȱtheȱtownȱsquareȱbutȱtheȱwomanȱcriesȱoutȱto
HolyȱMaryȱtoȱsaveȱherȱfromȱanȱunjustȱsentenceȱofȱdeath.ȱWhenȱtheȱfireȱisȱlit,ȱthe
MoorȱperishesȱbutȱtheȱfalselyȬaccusedȱwifeȱisȱmiraculouslyȱprotectedȱfromȱthe
flames.ȱInȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenlosȱporȱa.b.c.,ȱtheȱpunishmentȱassignedȱforȱadultery
isȱgougingȱoutȱofȱtheȱperpetrators’ȱeyesȱand,ȱinȱtheȱcaseȱcitedȱinȱexenploȱ224,ȱtheȱson
ofȱaȱkingȱisȱsentencedȱtoȱthisȱpunishment.43ȱ
broughtȱonȱtheȱwoman’sȱhusbandȱandȱkinsmenȱwhichȱmakesȱtheȱcrimes,ȱandȱbothȱoffenders,ȱmust
beȱpunished.”ȱ
38
39
40
V:ȱ1419–20,ȱPartidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ17,ȱLawȱ16.ȱ
41
42
AlfonsoȱXȱelȱSabio,ȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMaria,ȱed.ȱWalterȱMettmann.ȱ3ȱvols.ȱClásicosȱCastalia,ȱ134,
172,ȱ178ȱ(Madrid:ȱCastalia,ȱ1986–1989).ȱAllȱquotesȱfromȱtheȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMariaȱareȱfromȱthis
edition.ȱ
43
Clementeȱ Sánchezȱ deȱ Vercial,ȱ Libroȱ deȱ losȱ exenplosȱ porȱ a.b.c.,ȱ edȱ Johnȱ E.ȱ Kellerȱ andȱ Connieȱ L.
Scarborough.ȱEdicionesȱAcadémicas,ȱSerieȱI.ȱVol.ȱ1ȱ(Madrid:ȱArsȱLibri,ȱ2000),ȱ191.ȱAllȱreferences
toȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.ȱareȱtoȱthisȱedition.
Inȱ chapterȱ 77ȱ ofȱ theȱ Castigosȱ eȱ documentosȱ delȱ Reyȱ Donȱ Sanchoȱ adulteryȱ is
condemnedȱasȱantitheticalȱtoȱnaturalȱinclinations,ȱevenȱinȱanimals.ȱItȱcitesȱsuch
examplesȱofȱmonogamyȱasȱtheȱturtledove.ȱAsȱpunishmentȱforȱadultery,ȱitȱcitesȱthe
caseȱofȱtheȱfemaleȱswanȱwhoȱcommittedȱadulteryȱandȱwhenȱherȱmateȱdiscovered
theȱtruth,ȱheȱandȱallȱtheȱotherȱswansȱpeckedȱherȱtoȱdeath.ȱInȱanotherȱcase,ȱaȱfemale
swanȱ hasȱ anȱ adulterousȱ relationshipȱ withȱ aȱ crow.ȱ Whenȱ sheȱ laysȱ eggsȱ inȱ her
husband’sȱnestȱandȱheȱrealizesȱthatȱtheȱeggsȱareȱnotȱhis,ȱheȱthrowsȱthemȱoutȱofȱthe
nestȱandȱheȱandȱtheȱotherȱswansȱpeckȱtheȱguiltyȱwifeȱtoȱdeath.ȱThisȱsameȱchapter
ofȱtheȱCastigosȱeȱdocumentosȱlikensȱadulteryȱbyȱeitherȱtheȱhusbandȱorȱtheȱwifeȱto
robberyȱsince,ȱinȱmatrimony,ȱtheȱcoupleȱhasȱexclusiveȱrightsȱtoȱeachȱother’sȱbody.
Ifȱtheȱbodyȱisȱgivenȱtoȱanother,ȱitȱrobsȱtheȱoffendedȱpartnerȱofȱhisȱ“property.”44ȱ
InȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.,ȱnumberȱ63,ȱaȱRomanȱkillsȱhisȱwifeȱforȱmerely
lookingȱoutȱtheȱwindow,ȱevidenceȱtoȱhimȱthatȱsheȱhasȱnotȱbeenȱfaithful.ȱDonȱJuan
Manuel,ȱinȱtheȱCrónicaȱabreviada,ȱrecountsȱtheȱtaleȱofȱaȱcountȱfromȱFranceȱwho,
whileȱ onȱ pilgrimageȱ inȱ Spain,ȱ fallsȱ inȱ loveȱ withȱ aȱ Spanishȱ noblewoman,ȱ doña
Argentina,ȱwhomȱheȱtakesȱbackȱwithȱhimȱtoȱFrance.ȱDoñaȱArgentina’sȱhusband,
CountȱGarciȱFernandes,ȱenlistsȱtheȱaidȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱcount’sȱdaughterȱtoȱlocateȱhis
wifeȱ andȱ herȱ lover.ȱ Whenȱ Garciȱ Fernandesȱ findsȱ theȱ coupleȱ heȱ beheadsȱ them
both.45ȱ
TheȱnextȱtitleȱinȱPartidaȱ7,ȱnumberȱ18,ȱconcernsȱtheȱpunishmentsȱforȱthoseȱwho
haveȱintercourseȱwithȱtheirȱfemaleȱrelativesȱorȱwithȱwomenȱconnectedȱtoȱthemȱby
affinity,ȱspecificallyȱwithinȱtheȱfourthȱdegree.ȱAnyoneȱ canȱbringȱanȱaccusation
againstȱaȱmanȱforȱengagingȱinȱincestuousȱrelationships.ȱIfȱaȱmanȱisȱconvicted,ȱhe
suffersȱtheȱsameȱpunishmentȱasȱthatȱforȱadultery.ȱ
Likewiseȱanyȱwomanȱwhoȱknowinglyȱcommitsȱtheȱsameȱoffenceȱsuffersȱtheȱsame
penaltyȱsheȱwouldȱhaveȱincurredȱforȱbeingȱanȱadultress.46ȱTheȱpunishmentsȱdiffer,
however,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ rank.ȱ Althoughȱ thisȱ Titleȱ makesȱ noȱ mentionȱ ofȱ how
punishmentȱisȱadjustedȱforȱwomenȱaccordingȱtoȱsocialȱrank,ȱitȱdoesȱspecifyȱthatȱa
manȱofȱ“highȱposition”ȱwhoȱisȱconvictedȱofȱincestȱlosesȱhisȱrankȱandȱanyȱofficeȱhe
holdsȱ andȱ isȱ banishedȱ toȱ anȱ island.ȱ Ifȱ heȱ hasȱ noȱ legitimateȱ children,ȱ allȱ his
propertiesȱareȱforfeitedȱtoȱtheȱroyalȱtreasury.ȱIfȱtheȱmanȱconvictedȱisȱofȱlowȱsocial
stature,ȱheȱisȱpublicallyȱscourgedȱ(asȱwouldȱbeȱaȱwoman)ȱandȱisȱbanishedȱforȱlife.
Incestȱmeetsȱwithȱdifferentȱpunishmentsȱinȱliterature.ȱInȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱApolonio,ȱfor
44
CastigosȱéȱDocumentosȱdelȱReyȱDonȱSancho,ȱed.ȱPascualȱdeȱGayangosȱyȱArce.ȱBibliotecaȱdeȱAutores
Españoles,ȱEscritoresȱenȱprosaȱanterioresȱalȱsigloȱXV.ȱVol.ȱ51ȱ(Madrid:ȱM.ȱRivadeneyra,ȱ1860):
79–228,ȱ hereȱ 208:ȱ “.ȱ .ȱ .laȱ mujerȱ haȱ poderíoȱ sobreȱ elȱ cuerpoȱ deȱ suȱ marido,ȱ segundȱ queȱ diceȱ el
Apóstol,ȱéȱelȱmaridoȱsobreȱelȱcuerpoȱdeȱlaȱmujer,ȱéȱcualquierȱqueȱtomaȱloȱajenoȱéȱloȱdaȱáȱotro
cometeȱfurtoȱéȱesȱladronȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ
45
DonȱJuanȱManuel,ȱObrasȱcompletas,ȱed.ȱJoséȱManuelȱBlecua.ȱ2ȱvols.ȱBibliotecaȱRománicaȱHispánica
IV,ȱTextos,ȱ15ȱ(Madrid:ȱGredos,ȱ1983),ȱ2:279.ȱ
46
example,ȱaȱmanȱandȱhisȱdaughterȱwhoȱengageȱinȱanȱincestuousȱrelationshipȱare
bothȱkilledȱbyȱaȱboltȱofȱlightning.47ȱ
AȱstoryȱinȱtheȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMariaȱandȱinȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.
recountsȱhowȱaȱgrievingȱwidowȱhasȱanȱincestuousȱrelationshipȱwithȱherȱson.ȱShe
becomesȱpregnantȱbyȱherȱsonȱand,ȱevenȱthough,ȱsheȱkillsȱtheȱinfant,ȱHolyȱMary
forgivesȱherȱbothȱtheȱsinȱofȱinfanticideȱandȱofȱincest.48ȱAȱmostȱunusualȱincident
involvingȱaȱrumorȱofȱincestȱisȱfoundȱinȱtheȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMaria,ȱnumberȱ255.ȱIn
thisȱtale,ȱthereȱareȱrumorsȱthatȱaȱwomanȱisȱhavingȱanȱillicitȱrelationshipȱwithȱher
sonȬinȬlaw.ȱDespiteȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱrumorsȱareȱuntrue,ȱtheȱwomanȱhasȱherȱsonȬinȬ
lawȱ murderedȱ toȱ putȱ anȱ endȱ toȱ theȱ gossip.ȱ Whenȱ accused,ȱ theȱ motherȬinȬlaw
claimsȱthatȱsheȱhadȱbeenȱdrivenȱtoȱsuchȱaȱviolentȱactȱbecauseȱofȱherȱsonȬinȬlaw’s
aggressiveȱpursuitȱofȱher.ȱAlthoughȱthisȱisȱaȱfabrication,ȱwhenȱtheȱaccusedȱwoman
isȱbeingȱleadȱthroughȱtheȱtown,ȱclothedȱonlyȱinȱaȱshift,ȱtoȱtheȱoutskirtsȱwhereȱshe
willȱburned,ȱsheȱstopsȱandȱpraysȱforȱdeliveranceȱbeforeȱaȱstatueȱofȱHolyȱMary.ȱThe
Virginȱ miraculouslyȱ preservesȱ herȱ fromȱ beingȱ burnedȱ evenȱ thoughȱ her
executionersȱlightȱtheȱflamesȱtwice.ȱThisȱstoryȱalsoȱappearsȱinȱchapterȱ272ȱofȱthe
Libroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.ȱInȱthisȱversion,ȱtheȱwomanȱpaysȱherȱneighborsȱto
drownȱherȱsonȬinȬlawȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱrumorsȱofȱherȱrelationshipȱwithȱhim.ȱShe
confessesȱherȱsinȱtoȱaȱpriestȱbutȱtheȱpriestȱbetraysȱtheȱsecrecyȱofȱtheȱconfessional
andȱdenouncesȱherȱtoȱtheȱjudge.ȱTheȱyoungȱman’sȱrelativesȱdemandȱthatȱsheȱbe
burnedȱ toȱ death.ȱ Again,ȱ noȱ matterȱ howȱ muchȱ woodȱ theyȱ addȱ toȱ theȱ fireȱ the
womanȱescapesȱunharmedȱbecauseȱsheȱhadȱpleadedȱthatȱHolyȱMaryȱdeliverȱher.ȱ
Anotherȱtypeȱofȱincestuousȱrelationshipȱisȱrelatedȱinȱchapterȱ404ȱofȱtheȱLibroȱde
losȱ exenplosȱ porȱ a.b.c.ȱ Inȱ thisȱ taleȱ aȱ priestȱ hasȱ aȱ sexualȱ relationshipȱ withȱ his
goddaughter.ȱ Heȱ thinksȱ heȱ hasȱ gottenȱ awayȱ withȱ thisȱ sinȱ sinceȱ heȱ suffersȱ no
punishmentȱforȱit.ȱButȱafterȱsevenȱdaysȱheȱsuddenlyȱdiesȱand,ȱwhenȱheȱisȱburied,
smokeȱandȱfireȱcompletelyȱconsumeȱtheȱgraveȱandȱtheȱpriest’sȱcorpse.ȱ
InȱEnxemploȱ36ȱofȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱaȱmerchantȱgoesȱonȱaȱjourney,ȱleavingȱhis
pregnantȱwifeȱbehind.ȱHeȱspendsȱtwentyȱyearsȱawayȱfromȱhome,ȱand,ȱwhenȱhe
returnsȱtoȱhisȱhouseȱclandestinely,ȱpeeksȱthroughȱtheȱwindow,ȱandȱseesȱhisȱwife
withȱaȱyoungȱman.ȱTheȱwifeȱisȱstillȱpiningȱawayȱforȱherȱhusbandȱbutȱsheȱtakes
greatȱ comfortȱ inȱ herȱ sonȱ withȱ whomȱ sheȱ eatsȱ andȱ sleepsȱ (chastely).ȱ Whenȱ the
husbandȱseesȱtheȱpairȱinȱbedȱtogether,ȱhisȱfirstȱimpulseȱisȱtoȱkillȱthemȱboth.ȱButȱhe
wiselyȱrefrainsȱandȱsoonȱhearsȱhisȱwifeȱtellingȱtheȱyoungȱmanȱtoȱgoȱdownȱtoȱthe
portȱtheȱnextȱdayȱandȱseeȱifȱherȱhusband,ȱtheȱboy’sȱfather,ȱisȱonȱtheȱshipȱthatȱhad
justȱarrived.ȱTheȱmerchantȱthenȱrealizesȱthatȱtheȱyoungȱmanȱisȱhisȱownȱson,ȱborn
47
LibroȱdeȱApolonio,ȱed.ȱPabloȱCabañas,ȱ3rdȱed.ȱOdresȱNuevosȱ(Madrid:ȱEditorialȱCastalia,ȱ1969),ȱ76.
48
Cantigaȱ17ȱandȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.ȱchapterȱ274.ȱInȱtheȱlatterȱversion,ȱnoȱmentionȱisȱmade
ofȱtheȱbirthȱofȱaȱchildȱtoȱtheȱincestuousȱpair.
afterȱhisȱdeparture,ȱandȱrejoicesȱthatȱheȱhadȱnotȱgivenȱinȱtoȱhisȱangerȱandȱkilledȱhis
wifeȱandȱherȱcompanion.
WomenȱasȱvictimsȱfallȱintoȱaȱnumberȱofȱdifferentȱcategoriesȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas
withȱ punishmentsȱ metedȱ outȱ accordingȱ toȱ theȱ classȱ andȱ stationȱ ofȱ theȱ victim.
Punishmentsȱalsoȱdifferedȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱstatusȱofȱtheȱperpetratorȱofȱtheȱcrime.
Forȱexample,ȱifȱaȱmanȱofȱhighȱsocialȱstatusȱseducesȱaȱvirgin,ȱwidowȱorȱfemale
memberȱofȱaȱreligiousȱorder,ȱheȱlosesȱhalfȱofȱhisȱpropertyȱwhichȱisȱforfeitedȱtoȱthe
royalȱtreasury.49ȱIfȱtheȱperpetratorȱofȱtheȱseductionȱofȱtheseȱgroupsȱofȱwomenȱisȱof
aȱlowerȱcaste,ȱheȱisȱpublicallyȱscourgedȱandȱbanishedȱtoȱanȱislandȱforȱfiveȱyears.
And,ȱ ifȱ theȱ guiltyȱ manȱ isȱ aȱ slaveȱ orȱ householdȱ servantȱ heȱ isȱ burnedȱ forȱ the
offense.50
AȱcompleteȱtitleȱofȱPartidaȱSevenȱ(Titleȱ20)ȱisȱdevotedȱtoȱtheȱcrimeȱofȱrape.ȱThis
titleȱcoversȱactsȱofȱabductionȱ(raptus)ȱasȱwellȱasȱcasesȱofȱforcedȱsexualȱintercourse.
Forȱanȱactȱofȱaggressionȱtoȱbeȱconsideredȱrapeȱthisȱtitleȱstipulatesȱthatȱitȱmustȱbe
perpetratedȱ againstȱ aȱ virgin,ȱ aȱ marriedȱ woman,ȱ aȱ womanȱ whoȱ belongsȱ toȱ a
religiousȱ orderȱ orȱ aȱ widowȱ livingȱ honorably.ȱ Itȱ wasȱ extremelyȱ difficultȱ forȱ a
womanȱofȱbadȱreputationȱorȱaȱprostituteȱtoȱfileȱaȱchargeȱofȱrape.ȱWilliamsȱand
Echolsȱstateȱthatȱ“Municipalitiesȱwereȱespeciallyȱunwillingȱtoȱpursueȱcomplaints
againstȱmenȱwhoȱrapedȱladiesȱofȱtheȱevening,ȱsinceȱmostȱpeopleȱbelievedȱthatȱonly
chasteȱwomenȱcouldȱbeȱraped.”51ȱ
KimȱPhillipsȱhasȱpointedȱoutȱsomeȱofȱtheȱdifficultiesȱinȱstudyingȱrapeȱinȱthe
medievalȱperiod.ȱInȱherȱstudiesȱofȱEnglishȱlawȱfromȱtheȱtwelfthȱtoȱtheȱfifteenth
centuries,ȱ sheȱ notesȱ thatȱ rapeȱ wasȱ notȱ defined,ȱ asȱ inȱ modernȱ times,ȱ by
unconsentingȱwillȱbutȱratherȱinȱtermsȱofȱtheȱwoman’sȱassaultedȱbody.52ȱVisible
injuries,ȱ suchȱ asȱ bleedingȱ woundsȱ orȱ tornȱ clothing,ȱ wereȱ prerequisitesȱ toȱ an
accusationȱofȱrape.ȱWhileȱsuchȱsignsȱseemȱtoȱimplyȱresistanceȱonȱtheȱvictim’sȱpart,
itȱisȱinterestingȱthatȱlossȱofȱvirginityȱorȱevenȱtheȱsexualȱactȱitselfȱisȱnotȱmentioned
inȱEnglishȱcommonȱlaw.53ȱInȱcontrast,ȱtheȱAlfonsineȱstatueȱclearlyȱmentionsȱhaving
sexualȱintercourseȱwithȱaȱwomanȱbyȱforceȱinȱLawȱ3ȱofȱTitleȱ20.ȱRapeȱofȱhonorable
womenȱisȱcalledȱ“anȱactȱofȱwickedness”ȱbecauseȱ“greatȱdishonorȱisȱinflictedȱupon
theȱ relativesȱ ofȱ theȱ womanȱ whoȱ isȱ violated,ȱ andȱ greatȱ insolenceȱ isȱ displayed
49
50
V:ȱ1423–24,ȱPartidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ19,ȱLawȱ2.ȱ
51
MartyȱWilliamsȱandȱAnneȱEchols,ȱBetweenȱPitȱandȱPedestal:ȱWomenȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(Princeton,
NJ:ȱMarkusȱWienerȱPublishers,ȱ1994),ȱ95.
52
KimȱM.ȱPhllips,ȱ“WrittenȱonȱtheȱBody:ȱReadingȱRapeȱfromȱtheȱTwelfthȱtoȱFifteenthȱCenturies,”
MedievalȱWomenȱandȱtheȱLaw,ȱed.ȱNoëlȱJamesȱMenugeȱ(Woodbridge,ȱSuffolk,ȱUK:ȱTheȱBoydell
Press,ȱ2000),ȱ125–44;ȱhereȱ125.
53
Phillips,ȱ“WrittenȱonȱtheȱBody,”ȱ129ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ52).
againstȱherȱlordȱbyȱviolatingȱherȱinȱcontemptȱofȱtheȱrulerȱofȱtheȱlandȱwhereȱthisȱis
done.”54ȱ
Sinceȱaȱwoman’sȱrelativesȱareȱespeciallyȱwrongedȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱrape,ȱanyȱofȱthe
victim’sȱrelativesȱcanȱbringȱanȱaccusation.ȱIfȱtheȱrelativesȱareȱunwillingȱtoȱmakeȱthe
accusationȱanyoneȱcanȱdenounceȱtheȱattackerȱbeforeȱtheȱjudgeȱofȱtheȱdistrictȱwhere
theȱrapeȱoccurredȱorȱbeforeȱanyȱmagistrateȱwhoȱhasȱauthorityȱoverȱtheȱaccused.55
Notably,ȱ theȱ victimȱ ofȱ theȱ rapeȱ isȱ notȱ namedȱ amongȱ thoseȱ whoȱ canȱ makeȱ the
accusation.ȱ Thisȱ wasȱ alsoȱ trueȱ inȱ medievalȱ England,ȱ asȱ Hanawaltȱ hasȱ shown.
Hanawaltȱ statesȱ thatȱ aȱ rapeȱ victimȱ eitherȱ “toldȱ theȱ crimeȱ toȱ aȱ groupȱ of
neighborhoodȱmenȱwhoȱbroughtȱtheȱindictmentȱagainstȱtheȱsuspectȱinȱtheȱking’s
nameȱorȱherȱfather’sȱvoiceȱmayȱbeȱthatȱreportingȱhisȱdespoiledȱpropertyȱinȱtheȱloss
ofȱhisȱdaughter’sȱvirginity.”56ȱ
Hanawaltȱ foundȱ inȱ Englandȱ thatȱ manyȱ timesȱ malesȱ involvedȱ inȱ theȱ justice
systemȱwereȱreluctantȱtoȱimposeȱtheȱdeathȱsentenceȱonȱaȱmanȱconvictedȱofȱrape.
Furthermore,ȱtheȱlowȱrateȱofȱconvictionȱforȱrapeȱimpliesȱthatȱmaleȱjurorsȱdidȱnot
perceiveȱtheȱdamagesȱdoneȱtoȱaȱwoman,ȱevenȱifȱitȱinvolvedȱlossȱofȱvirginity,ȱwere
greatȱenoughȱtoȱimposeȱtheȱultimateȱpenalty.57ȱAlsoȱstudyingȱrapeȱinȱmedieval
England,ȱ Simsȱ concludesȱ thatȱ theȱ legalȱ apparatusȱ treatedȱ casesȱ ofȱ rapeȱ with
“apparentȱindifference.”58ȱHeȱcitesȱtheȱreluctanceȱofȱjuriesȱtoȱconvict,ȱtheȱnumber
ofȱ appealsȱ withdrawnȱ andȱ outȬofȬcourtȱ settlementsȱ madeȱ asȱ evidenceȱ ofȱ this
indifference.ȱHeȱalsoȱaddsȱthatȱ“Aȱfurtherȱimpedimentȱtoȱjusticeȱwasȱcreatedȱbyȱthe
medievalȱorthodoxyȱofȱtheȱtime,ȱespeciallyȱtheȱideaȱthatȱifȱaȱchildȱwasȱconceived,
theȱwomanȱmustȱhaveȱconsentedȱtoȱtheȱintercourse.”59ȱ
GravdalȱexaminesȱrecordsȱfromȱtheȱRegistreȱdeȱl’OfficialitéȱdeȱCerisyȱbeginningȱin
1314,ȱtheȱoldestȱextantȱdocumentȱrecordingȱrapeȱtrialsȱinȱFrance.ȱDuringȱaȱperiod
ofȱ85ȱyears,ȱtwelveȱcasesȱofȱrapeȱorȱreportedȱrapeȱareȱfoundȱinȱtheȱcourtȱrecords.
Gravdalȱstatesȱthatȱ“Theȱfigureȱisȱlow,ȱpartlyȱbecauseȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱasȱat
present,ȱmanyȱrapesȱwentȱunreportedȱandȱalsoȱbecauseȱonlyȱvirginsȱorȱhighȬstatus
rapeȱvictimsȱactuallyȱhadȱtheirȱdayȱinȱcourt.”60ȱInterestingly,ȱinȱtenȱofȱtheseȱtwelve
54
55
56
Hanawalt,ȱ“OfȱGoodȱandȱIllȱRepute,”ȱ124ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
57
Hanawalt,ȱ“OfȱGoodȱandȱIllȱRepute,”ȱ135–36ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
58
59
Sims,ȱ“SecondaryȱOffenders?,”ȱ81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱWilliamȱofȱConchesȱ(d.ȱca.ȱ1154)ȱhadȱwrittenȱthat
evenȱifȱrapeȱwasȱinitiallyȱdispleasing,ȱfemaleȱfleshȱwasȱsoȱlibidinousnessȱthatȱsheȱwouldȱultimately
giveȱintoȱtheȱpleasureȱofȱtheȱactȱandȱbecomeȱpregnant.ȱSeeȱDyanȱElliott,ȱFallenȱBodies:ȱPollution,
Sexuality,ȱandȱDemonologyȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱTheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱof
PennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ37.
60
Kathrynȱ Gravdal,ȱ Ravishingȱ Maidens:ȱ Writingȱ Rapeȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Frenchȱ Literatureȱ andȱ Law
(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPhiladelphiaȱPress,ȱ1991),ȱ125.ȱForȱaȱstudyȱofȱrapeȱasȱreflectedȱin
MiddleȱHighȱGerman,ȱLatin,ȱandȱotherȱliteratures,ȱseeȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱSexualȱViolenceȱandȱRape
casesȱidentifiedȱbyȱGravdalȱtheȱaccusedȱrapistsȱwereȱchurchmenȱand,ȱinȱallȱthese
cases,ȱtheȱfathersȱofȱtheȱaccusedȱpaidȱtheȱfinesȱleviedȱonȱtheirȱsons.ȱTheseȱfactsȱlead
Gravdalȱtoȱconcludeȱthatȱ“theseȱcollectiveȱrapesȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱsexualȱriteȱof
passage,ȱfairlyȱwellȱacceptedȱinȱtheȱcommunity.”61ȱ
WilliamsȱandȱEcholsȱargueȱthatȱinȱsomeȱareas,ȱcommunitiesȱforcedȱpriestsȱto
wedȱtoȱprotectȱwomenȱfromȱunmarriedȱclerics.ȱTheyȱconcludeȱthatȱsuchȱmeasures
wereȱwarranted,ȱcitingȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱvicarȱofȱBrent,ȱEleigh,ȱwhoȱrapedȱMargaret
Webbe.ȱThisȱclergymanȱwasȱobviouslyȱnotȱaȱfirstȬtimeȱoffenderȱbecauseȱtheȱjudge
whoȱheardȱtheȱcaseȱcalledȱhimȱaȱ“commonȱravisherȱofȱwivesȱandȱvirgins.”62ȱThe
RegistreȱCriminelȱdeȱlaȱJusticeȱdeȱSaintȬMartinȬdesȱChampsȱàȱParis63ȱ(1332–1357)ȱis
moreȱcompleteȱthanȱtheȱCerisyȱregisterȱbutȱitȱcontainsȱonlyȱsixȱrapeȱcasesȱinȱover
25ȱ yearsȱ ofȱ litigation.64ȱ Amongȱ theseȱ sixȱ accusationsȱ ofȱ rape,ȱ oneȱ resultedȱ in
impositionȱofȱtheȱdeathȱpenalty,ȱtwoȱofȱtheȱaccusedȱdisappeared,ȱandȱthreeȱwere
absolved.65ȱTheȱdeathȱpenaltyȱwasȱimposedȱforȱtheȱrapeȱofȱtwoȱtwelveȬyearȬold
girlsȱbothȱofȱwhomȱwereȱapprenticesȱtoȱaȱtailorȱwhoȱwasȱaccusedȱofȱtheirȱrape.
Thisȱpunishmentȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱimposedȱbecauseȱtheȱgirlsȱwereȱconsidered
“property”ȱplacedȱinȱtheȱcareȱofȱtheȱrapist’sȱfamily.66ȱ
Rapeȱ victimsȱ wereȱ oftenȱ requiredȱ toȱ produceȱ witnessesȱ inȱ courtȱ andȱ to
demonstrateȱthatȱtheyȱhadȱforciblyȱresistedȱtheȱattack.ȱIfȱthereȱwereȱnoȱwitnesses,
theȱnormalȱpracticeȱwasȱforȱtheȱaccusedȱtoȱbeȱabsolvedȱofȱanyȱguilt.67ȱInȱcustomary
lawȱinȱSpain,ȱtheȱFueroȱdeȱSepúlveda,ȱforȱexample,ȱstatesȱthatȱifȱaȱwomanȱisȱraped,
“sheȱmustȱwalkȱaroundȱtheȱwallsȱofȱtheȱtownȱandȱcallȱoutȱherȱcomplaintsȱandȱthe
nameȱ ofȱ theȱ rapistȱ asȱ sheȱ makesȱ herȱ wayȱ upȱ toȱ theȱ gateȱ ofȱ theȱ castle,ȱ there
summoningȱforthȱtheȱtown’sȱelectedȱofficialsȱtoȱhearȱherȱgrievances.ȱTheȱfollowing
Sundayȱsheȱissuesȱaȱcomplaintȱagainstȱtheȱmanȱwithȱtwoȱkinsmenȱandȱtwoȱother
inȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱAȱCriticalȱDiscourseȱinȱPremodernȱGermanȱandȱEuropeanȱLiterature.ȱFundamentals
ofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ7ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2011).
61
Gravdal,ȱRavishingȱMaidens,ȱ125ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60)ȱassertsȱthatȱ“SinceȱtheȱmedievalȱChurchȱwasȱmore
clementȱthanȱtheȱstateȱinȱitsȱdealingsȱwithȱrapists,ȱitȱisȱnotȱsurprisingȱtoȱdiscoverȱtheȱleniencyȱwith
whichȱChurchȱcourtsȱtreatedȱtheirȱownȱclergymenȱinȱrapeȱcases.”
62
WilliamsȱandȱEchols,ȱBetweenȱPitȱandȱPedestral,ȱ86ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51).
63
Gravdal,ȱRavishingȱMaidens,ȱ124ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60):ȱThisȱRegistreȱcontainsȱ“theȱcourtȱactaȱofȱaȱwealthy
seignorialȱcourts,ȱindependentȱofȱtheȱjurisdictionȱofȱtheȱprovostȱofȱParisȱatȱChâtelet.ȱSaintȬMartin
wasȱaȱBenedictineȱcommunityȱthatȱderivedȱenormousȱwealthȱfromȱitsȱpropertyȱandȱrentsȱinȱthe
neighborhood.ȱ.ȱ..ȱTheȱcommunityȱhiredȱsecularȱjudges,ȱcalledȱmairesȱ(mayors)ȱtoȱmanȱitsȱcourtȱand
administerȱjusticeȱinȱitsȱjurisdiction.ȱTheȱsecularȱjudgesȱappliedȱcriminalȱlaw.”ȱ
64
Gravdal,ȱRavishingȱMaidens,ȱ128ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60).
65
66
67
Gravdal,ȱRavishingȱMaidens129–30ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60).ȱGravdalȱalsoȱstatesȱthatȱ“ifȱanyȱslurȱcouldȱbe
madeȱonȱ[heȱrapeȱvictim’s]ȱcharacter,ȱorȱifȱsheȱfailedȱtoȱfollowȱcorrectȱlegalȱprocedureȱatȱanyȱpoint,
theȱcaseȱwouldȱbeȱdismissed”ȱ(130).
citizens;ȱtheȱmanȱcanȱproveȱhisȱinnocenceȱwithȱtwelveȱwitnesses.”68ȱTheȱFueroȱof
Cuencaȱgaveȱaȱwomanȱthreeȱdaysȱtoȱmakeȱaȱcomplaintȱofȱrape.ȱSheȱhadȱtoȱshowȱher
injuriesȱtoȱtheȱtownȱofficialsȱandȱtheȱaccusedȱcouldȱbeȱabsolvedȱifȱheȱproduced
twelveȱwitnessesȱtoȱsupportȱhisȱinnocence.69ȱ
Byȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱpunishmentsȱforȱrapeȱinȱbothȱcivilȱandȱcanonicalȱlaw
wereȱsevere.70ȱEcclesiasticalȱcourtsȱcouldȱimposeȱfinesȱorȱorderȱtheȱoffenderȱtoȱbe
flogged,ȱ providingȱ theȱ whippingȱ didȱ notȱ drawȱ blood.71ȱ Secularȱ courtsȱ could
imposeȱaȱvarietyȱofȱpenalties,ȱrangingȱfromȱdeath,ȱmutilationȱ(butȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas
strictlyȱforbidȱcastration,ȱwhichȱwasȱallowedȱinȱotherȱpartsȱofȱEurope),72ȱexile,ȱloss
ofȱproperty,ȱfines,ȱcompensationȱforȱtheȱvictimȱorȱherȱfamily,ȱimprisonment,ȱand
flogging.73ȱInȱLawȱ3ȱofȱTitleȱ20ȱofȱtheȱSieteȱPartidaȱaȱmanȱconvictedȱofȱrapingȱa
widowȱ ofȱ goodȱ reputation,ȱ aȱ virgin,ȱ aȱ marriedȱ woman,ȱ orȱ oneȱ belongingȱ toȱ a
religiousȱorderȱisȱsentencedȱtoȱdeathȱandȱallȱhisȱpropertyȱgoesȱtoȱtheȱwomanȱwhom
heȱviolated.74ȱ
But,ȱasȱBrundageȱandȱothersȱhaveȱobserved,ȱrapeȱwasȱveryȱrarelyȱpunishedȱwith
theȱseverityȱallowedȱbyȱcivicȱorȱcanonȱstatutes.75ȱTheȱmostȱcommonȱsentencesȱwere
fines,ȱimprisonmentȱforȱaȱshortȱtimeȱorȱsomeȱcombinationȱofȱtheȱtwo.76ȱInȱtheȱFuero
Real,ȱanotherȱAlfonsineȱlawȱcode,ȱtheȱfinesȱforȱrapeȱdependedȱonȱtheȱmaritalȱstatus
onȱtheȱvictim.ȱRapeȱofȱwidowsȱwasȱpenalizedȱatȱ200ȱsueldos,ȱtheȱrapeȱofȱaȱvirginȱat
100ȱ sueldos,ȱ andȱ theȱ violationȱ ofȱ aȱ marriedȱ womanȱ atȱ 300ȱ sueldos.77ȱ Brundage
68
Dillard,ȱ“WomenȱinȱReconquestȱCastile,”ȱ80–81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ36).
69
Dillard,ȱ“WomenȱinȱReconquestȱCastile,”ȱ81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ36).
70
Forȱanȱinterestingȱdiscussionȱofȱhowȱtheȱroyalȱandȱlegalȱconcernsȱaboutȱrapeȱchangedȱoverȱtime
fromȱthatȱofȱimposingȱroyalȱauthorityȱtoȱthatȱofȱprotectionȱofȱmen’sȱ“property”ȱrightsȱvisȬàȬvis
profitableȱmarriagesȱ(basedȱonȱtheȱdaughters’ȱvirginity),ȱseeȱPhillips,ȱ“WrittenȱonȱtheȱBody,”
71
JamesȱA.ȱBrundage,ȱLaw,ȱSex,ȱandȱChristianȱSocietyȱinȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ(Chicago:ȱTheȱUniversityȱof
ChicagoȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ471.
72
PartidaȱVII,ȱTitleȱ8,ȱLawȱ8ȱstatesȱinȱpart:ȱ“Ifȱanyȱone.ȱ.ȱ.castratesȱaȱfreemanȱorȱdirectsȱhimȱtoȱbe
castrated,ȱ weȱ orderȱ thatȱ punishmentȱ shallȱ beȱ inflictedȱ forȱ thisȱ notȱ onlyȱ uponȱ theȱ partyȱ who
committedȱtheȱact,ȱbutȱalsoȱuponȱhimȱwhoȱorderedȱitȱtoȱbeȱcommitted.ȱ.ȱ..ȱIfȱtheȱcastratedȱperson
isȱaȱslave,ȱandȱhisȱmasterȱcausedȱthisȱtoȱbeȱdone,ȱheȱshallȱloseȱhim,ȱbutȱshallȱreceiveȱnoȱother
punishment,ȱandȱtheȱslaveȱshallȱbecomeȱtheȱpropertyȱofȱtheȱroyalȱtreasury.ȱTheȱ physicianȱor
surgeonȱwhoȱcastratesȱanyȱoneȱshallȱsufferȱtheȱpenaltyȱforȱhomicide,ȱexceptȱwhereȱheȱperformed
theȱoperationȱtoȱcureȱtheȱpersonȱofȱsomeȱdiseaseȱwhichȱheȱhad,ȱorȱwhichȱheȱfearedȱthatȱheȱwould
contract”ȱ(V:ȱ1349).
73
Brundage,ȱLaw,ȱSex,ȱandȱChristianȱSociety,ȱ471ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ71).
74
V:ȱ1425.
75
76
77
AsenjoȱGonazález,ȱ“Laȱmujerȱyȱsuȱmedioȱsocial,”ȱ56ȱattributesȱtheȱlargerȱfinesȱimposedȱforȱthe
rapeȱofȱaȱwidowȱasȱopposedȱtoȱaȱvirginȱtoȱdignifyȱtheȱsocialȱpositionȱofȱtheȱwidowȱandȱpotentially
deterȱphysicalȱaggressionȱtowardsȱherȱsinceȱsheȱdidȱnotȱenjoyȱtheȱprotectionȱofȱaȱhusbandȱ(see
noteȱ9).
observesȱthatȱ“Whenȱcomparedȱwithȱtheȱsavageȱmutilationsȱandȱdeathȱsentences
routinelyȱhandedȱdownȱforȱrobberyȱandȱotherȱkindsȱofȱassault,ȱtheseȱwereȱvery
mildȱpunishmentsȱindeed.”78ȱHowever,ȱPhillipsȱfoundȱthatȱinȱmedievalȱEngland,
aȱmanȱconvictedȱofȱtheȱrapeȱofȱaȱvirginȱcouldȱbeȱsentencedȱtoȱtheȱlossȱofȱeyesȱand
testicles.ȱ Onȱ theȱ otherȱ hand,ȱ thisȱ criticȱ observesȱ thatȱ ifȱ theȱ victimȱ isȱ aȱ married
woman,ȱ widow,ȱ nun,ȱ matron,ȱ concubine,ȱ orȱ prostituteȱ theȱ perpetratorȱ was
punishedȱwithȱmuchȱlessȱseverity.79
Inȱsomeȱcasesȱtheȱwomanȱchose,ȱorȱherȱfamilyȱforcedȱher,ȱtoȱmarryȱherȱabductor
orȱrapist.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas,ȱifȱsheȱmarriedȱtheȱaccused,ȱtheȱman’s
propertyȱrevertsȱtoȱtheȱfatherȱorȱtheȱmotherȱofȱtheȱwomanȱwhoȱwasȱravishedȱif
theyȱdidȱnotȱconsentȱtoȱtheȱviolationȱorȱtheȱmarriage.ȱIfȱitȱisȱprovedȱthatȱtheȱparents
consentedȱtoȱtheirȱdaughter’sȱrapeȱorȱabduction,ȱallȱtheȱman’sȱpropertyȱisȱforfeited
toȱtheȱroyalȱtreasury.ȱIfȱtheȱwomanȱwhoȱwasȱabductedȱorȱrapedȱisȱaȱmemberȱofȱa
religiousȱorder,ȱallȱtheȱguiltyȱman’sȱpropertyȱshallȱbelongȱtoȱtheȱwoman’sȱconvent.
Brundageȱnotesȱthatȱinȱmanyȱmunicipalȱstatutes,ȱrapeȱprosecutionsȱwereȱavoided
altogetherȱ“ifȱbothȱpartiesȱwereȱunmarriedȱandȱwereȱwillingȱtoȱmarryȱeachȱother,
providedȱthatȱtheȱwoman’sȱparentsȱapprovedȱtheȱmatch.”80ȱ
Theȱlegalȱpunishmentsȱthatȱcouldȱbeȱinflictedȱuponȱmenȱguiltyȱofȱabductionȱor
rapeȱareȱalsoȱvalidȱforȱthoseȱwhoȱknowinglyȱassistȱthem.ȱButȱifȱaȱman,ȱwithȱor
withoutȱaccomplices,ȱabductsȱorȱrapesȱaȱwomanȱwhoȱisȱnotȱaȱvirgin,ȱaȱmarried
woman,ȱaȱmemberȱofȱaȱreligiousȱorder,ȱorȱanȱhonorableȱwidow,ȱaccordingȱtoȱthe
Sieteȱ Partidas,ȱ heȱ suffersȱ onlyȱ banishment.81ȱ Gravdalȱ foundȱ thatȱ inȱ medieval
Normandy,ȱwomenȱwereȱoftenȱharshlyȱpunishedȱforȱbeingȱtheȱvictimsȱofȱrape.ȱFor
example,ȱinȱ1391,ȱBertinȱQuenetȱwasȱfinedȱfiveȱsousȱforȱbreakingȱintoȱtheȱhouseȱof
Alicia,ȱaȱwidow,ȱandȱrapingȱher.ȱDespiteȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱcourtȱrecognizedȱtheȱfact
thatȱQuenetȱhadȱusedȱviolenceȱtoȱbreakȱintoȱAliciaȱhouse,ȱtheȱwidowȱwasȱfined
fifteenȱsousȱforȱallowingȱherselfȱtoȱbeȱraped.82ȱInȱanotherȱcaseȱfromȱtheȱRegistre
CriminelȱdeȱlaȱJusticeȱdeȱSaintȬMartinȬdesȱChampsȱàȱParisȱJacquelineȱlaȱCyrièreȱwas
accusedȱofȱluringȱaȱtenȬyearȬoldȱgirlȱintoȱherȱhomeȱwhereȱsheȱhelpedȱaȱLombard
soldierȱtoȱrapeȱtheȱchild.ȱJacquelineȱisȱsentencedȱtoȱbeȱburnedȱatȱtheȱstakeȱbutȱthere
isȱnoȱmentionȱmadeȱofȱtheȱLombardȱsoldier,ȱwhoȱpossiblyȱhadȱescaped.83ȱ
Rape,ȱinȱliteraryȱtextsȱfromȱSpain,ȱisȱtreatedȱquiteȱseriously.ȱForȱexample,ȱinȱthe
Libroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.,ȱweȱfindȱtheȱstoryȱofȱtheȱrapeȱofȱtheȱnobleȱRoman
woman,ȱLucrecia,ȱbyȱtheȱsonȱofȱtheȱemperor.84ȱHeȱsneaksȱintoȱherȱchamberȱwhen
78
79
Phillips,ȱ“WrittenȱonȱtheȱBody,”ȱ132ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ52).
80
81
82
83
84
ClementeȱSánchezȱdeȱVercial,ȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c,ȱ73–75ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ44).ȱ
herȱhusbandȱisȱatȱwarȱandȱputsȱaȱknifeȱtoȱherȱthroat.ȱAfterȱheȱrapesȱher,ȱLucrecia
sendsȱ lettersȱ toȱ herȱ father,ȱ brothers,ȱ andȱ husband,ȱ denouncingȱ theȱ crime,ȱ and
tellingȱ themȱ that,ȱ althoughȱ sheȱ wasȱ forced,ȱ sheȱ cannotȱ liveȱ withȱ theȱ dishonor.
Lucreciaȱkillsȱherself.ȱHerȱmaleȱrelativesȱvowȱrevengeȱandȱdriveȱtheȱemperorȱand
hisȱguiltyȱsonȱoutȱofȱRome.ȱTheyȱcaptureȱtheȱsonȱandȱslitȱhisȱthroat,ȱjustȱasȱheȱhad
threatenedȱLucreciaȱbeforeȱtheȱrape.ȱAnotherȱstoryȱofȱrape,ȱorȱattemptedȱrape,ȱis
recountedȱinȱtheȱCantigaȱdeȱSantaȱMariaȱ5.ȱInȱthisȱmiracleȱnarrative,ȱtheȱemperorȱof
Romeȱgoesȱoffȱonȱaȱcrusade,ȱleavingȱhisȱbelovedȱwifeȱbehind.ȱInȱtheȱemperor’s
absence,ȱhisȱbrotherȱtriesȱtoȱseduceȱtheȱempressȱwhoȱrefusesȱhimȱandȱlocksȱhimȱin
prison.ȱWhenȱtheȱemperorȱisȱaboutȱtoȱreturnȱhome,ȱsheȱreleasesȱtheȱbrotherȱwho
goesȱimmediatelyȱtoȱtellȱtheȱemperorȱthatȱhisȱwifeȱhadȱhimȱlockedȱawayȱbecause
heȱrefusedȱtoȱhaveȱsexȱwithȱher.ȱ Withoutȱ waitingȱtoȱfindȱoutȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱhis
brother’sȱclaim,ȱtheȱemperorȱcondemnsȱhisȱwifeȱtoȱdeath.ȱHeȱordersȱtwoȱhunters
toȱtakeȱherȱintoȱtheȱwoodsȱandȱkillȱher.ȱBeforeȱtheyȱdoȱso,ȱhowever,ȱtheyȱvowȱto
rapeȱher.ȱBut,ȱuponȱcallingȱonȱtheȱVirginȱforȱhelp,ȱsheȱisȱrescuedȱbyȱaȱcountȱwho
takesȱherȱtoȱhisȱhomeȱtoȱserveȱasȱaȱnannyȱtoȱhisȱson.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱcount’sȱbrother
soonȱtriesȱtoȱseduceȱtheȱpoorȱempressȱand,ȱwhenȱsheȱrejectsȱhim,ȱheȱcutsȱtheȱchild’s
throatȱandȱplantsȱtheȱmurderȱweaponȱonȱtheȱempress.ȱWhenȱtheȱchild’sȱbodyȱis
discovered,ȱtheȱcourtȱdemandsȱherȱdeathȱandȱsomeȱadvocateȱburningȱherȱand
othersȱbeheadingȱher.ȱHowever,ȱsheȱisȱsentencedȱtoȱbeȱhandedȱoverȱtoȱaȱsailorȱwho
isȱtoȱtakeȱherȱtoȱseaȱandȱdrownȱher.ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱtheȱsailorȱtriesȱtoȱhaveȱhis
wayȱwithȱherȱbutȱtheȱwomanȱagainȱcriesȱoutȱtoȱHolyȱMaryȱtoȱrescueȱher.ȱ
Theȱsailorȱleavesȱoffȱtryingȱtoȱrapeȱherȱandȱdecidesȱtoȱabandonȱherȱonȱaȱdeserted,
barrenȱisland.ȱFromȱthere,ȱsheȱisȱmiraculouslyȱrescuedȱbyȱaȱgroupȱofȱpilgrimsȱon
theirȱwayȱtoȱRome.ȱWhenȱsheȱarrivesȱinȱRome,ȱtheȱempressȱpossessesȱtheȱpower
toȱ cureȱ lepers.ȱ Amongȱ thoseȱ sheȱ curesȱ isȱ theȱ brotherȱ ofȱ theȱ emperorȱ whoȱ had
falselyȱaccusedȱher.ȱSheȱagreesȱtoȱcureȱhisȱillnessȱonȱtheȱconditionȱthatȱheȱfirst
confessesȱhisȱsins.ȱWhenȱtheȱemperorȱlearnsȱthatȱheȱhadȱwronglyȱaccusedȱhisȱwife,
heȱ begsȱ herȱ toȱ takeȱ himȱ back.ȱ Butȱ sheȱ refuses,ȱ preferringȱ toȱ enterȱ aȱ lifeȱ of
dedicationȱtoȱtheȱVirgin.ȱ
InȱCantigaȱ291,ȱaȱstudentȱinȱSalamancaȱrapesȱaȱwomanȱandȱtriesȱtoȱavoidȱjustice
byȱfleeingȱtoȱtheȱcityȱofȱToro.ȱButȱtheȱwoman’sȱparentsȱandȱanȱofficerȱofȱtheȱlaw
trackȱ himȱ downȱ andȱ throwȱ himȱ intoȱ prison.ȱ Heȱ fearsȱ deathȱ inȱ theȱ prisonȱ and
beseechesȱtheȱVirginȱtoȱsaveȱhim.ȱHeȱcomposesȱaȱbeautifulȱsongȱforȱHolyȱMary
whoȱfreesȱhimȱfromȱhisȱcell,ȱremindingȱhimȱtoȱliveȱalwaysȱinȱserviceȱtoȱHer.ȱInȱthis
tale,ȱaȱlifeȱofȱdedicationȱtoȱtheȱVirginȱisȱseenȱasȱdivineȱcompensationȱforȱhaving
committedȱtheȱcrimeȱofȱrape.ȱInȱCantigaȱ317,ȱaȱmanȱtriesȱtoȱforceȱaȱwomanȱtoȱhave
sexȱwithȱhimȱbutȱsheȱbreaksȱfreeȱfromȱhimȱandȱseeksȱsanctuaryȱinsideȱaȱnearby
church.ȱSheȱcriesȱoutȱandȱpeopleȱcomeȱtoȱherȱdefense,ȱshuttingȱtheȱdoorsȱofȱthe
churchȱtoȱprotectȱherȱfromȱtheȱwouldȬbeȱrapistȱwhoȱwasȱpursuingȱher.ȱInȱhisȱfury
andȱfrustration,ȱtheȱmanȱtriesȱtoȱbreakȱdownȱtheȱdoorsȱofȱtheȱchurchȱbutȱbreaksȱhis
legȱinȱtheȱprocess.ȱHeȱfaintsȱfromȱtheȱpainȱand,ȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱhisȱsin,ȱheȱisȱstruck
mute.ȱTheȱpoemȱconcludes,ȱ“maimedȱandȱcrazy,ȱheȱlivedȱaȱlongȱtimeȱandȱbegged
fromȱdoorȱtoȱdoor.”85ȱThisȱisȱtheȱpunishmentȱdivinelyȬdeterminedȱforȱtryingȱto
rapeȱaȱwoman.ȱ
Cantigaȱ355ȱisȱtheȱtaleȱofȱmanȱsavedȱfromȱhangingȱafterȱbeingȱfalselyȱaccusedȱof
rape.ȱTheȱpunishmentȱofȱhangingȱforȱrapeȱisȱinȱkeepingȱwithȱtheȱproscriptionȱin
theȱ Sieteȱ Partidasȱ thatȱ aȱ manȱ foundȱ guiltyȱ ofȱ theȱ rapeȱ ofȱ “aȱ widowȱ ofȱ good
reputation,ȱaȱvirgin,ȱaȱmarriedȱwoman,ȱorȱoneȱbelongingȱtoȱaȱreligiousȱorder”86
wouldȱbeȱexecuted.ȱInȱthisȱcantiga,ȱtheȱwomanȱisȱactuallyȱtheȱaggressor.ȱAȱyoung
womanȱ isȱ madlyȱ inȱ loveȱ withȱ aȱ youth,ȱ whoȱ rejectsȱ her.ȱ Whenȱ heȱ setsȱ outȱ on
pilgrimage,ȱsheȱfollowsȱhimȱandȱinsistsȱonȱaccompanyingȱhimȱdespiteȱhisȱefforts
toȱdissuadeȱher.ȱHeȱcontinuesȱonȱtheȱpilgrimageȱwithȱtheȱsulkingȱgirlȱinȱtow.ȱOn
theȱreturnȱjourney,ȱjustȱasȱtheyȱarriveȱatȱtheirȱhometown,ȱtheȱyoungȱwomanȱbegins
toȱcryȱoutȱloudlyȱandȱscratchesȱherȱface.ȱSheȱclaimsȱthatȱtheȱyoungȱpilgrimȱhad
rapedȱ herȱ onȱ theȱ roadȱ andȱ herȱ relativesȱ immediatelyȱ denounceȱ himȱ toȱ the
authorities.ȱWithoutȱbeingȱallowedȱtoȱmountȱaȱdefense,ȱtheȱyoungȱmanȱisȱhanged.
However,ȱheȱpraysȱtoȱHolyȱMaryȱwhoȱknowsȱthatȱheȱisȱinnocent.ȱSheȱplacesȱa
stoneȱunderȱhisȱfeetȱsoȱthatȱheȱdoesȱnotȱdieȱfromȱtheȱhanging.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱmention
madeȱofȱtheȱfateȱthatȱbefellȱtheȱwomanȱwhoȱhadȱfalselyȱaccusedȱhim.ȱ
AnotherȱexampleȱofȱfalseȱaccusationȱisȱfoundȱinȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.
Inȱtaleȱno.ȱ172,ȱaȱyoungȱmanȱrefusesȱtoȱsleepȱwithȱhisȱmotherȱandȱtheȱmotherȱseeks
revengeȱbyȱclaimingȱbeforeȱaȱjudgeȱthatȱherȱsonȱhadȱtriedȱtoȱrapeȱher.ȱTheȱyoung
manȱdoesȱnotȱwantȱtoȱdefameȱhisȱmotherȱinȱpublicȱbyȱrefutingȱtheȱaccusationȱand
tellingȱ theȱ truth.ȱ Sinceȱ theȱ sonȱ refusesȱ toȱ defendȱ himselfȱ againstȱ hisȱ mother’s
charges,ȱtheȱjudgeȱordersȱhimȱsealedȱwithȱpitchȱintoȱaȱsackȱandȱthrownȱinȱthe
river.87ȱEvenȱthoughȱnoȱlessȱprestigiousȱanȱadvocateȱthanȱSaintȱAndrewȱdefends
theȱ boy,ȱ theȱ judgeȱ doesȱ notȱ believeȱ himȱ andȱ ordersȱ theȱ saintȱ thrownȱ inȱ jail.
Imprisoned,ȱSaintȱAndrewȱpraysȱandȱaȱlightningȱboltȱstrikesȱdeadȱtheȱmotherȱwho
hadȱfalselyȱaccusedȱherȱson.ȱ
Rapeȱisȱalsoȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱchapterȱ246ȱofȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱenxienplosȱporȱa.b.c.ȱWhen
herȱcityȱisȱbesiegedȱbyȱaȱhandsomeȱking,ȱtheȱduchessȱoffersȱtoȱgiveȱupȱtheȱcityȱand
marryȱhim,ȱdespiteȱhavingȱsonsȱandȱdaughtersȱsheȱshouldȱbeȱprotecting.ȱWhenȱthe
king’sȱmenȱenterȱtheȱcity,ȱtheyȱbeginȱtoȱravageȱbothȱmenȱandȱwomenȱalike.ȱThe
85
“Eȱdesȱenȱ/ȱtolleit’ȱeȱsenȱsenȱ/ȱviveuȱgranȱtemp’ȱeȱperȱportasȱpidia”ȱ(AlfonsoȱXȱelȱSabio,ȱCantigas
deȱSantaȱMaria,ȱIII,ȱ137;ȱseeȱnoteȱ42).ȱEnglishȱtranslationsȱareȱfromȱKathleenȱKulpȬHill,ȱtrans.,ȱSongs
ofȱHolyȱMaryȱofȱAlfonsoȱX,ȱtheȱWise.ȱAȱTranslationȱofȱtheȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMaria,ȱMedievalȱand
RenaissanceȱTextsȱandȱStudies,ȱ173ȱ(Tempe,ȱAZ:ȱArizonaȱCenterȱforȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissance
Studies,ȱ2000),ȱ385.
86
87
Thisȱisȱaȱvariationȱonȱtheȱpoenaȱculleiȱpreviouslyȱdiscussedȱasȱaȱpunishmentȱforȱkillingȱmembers
ofȱone’sȱfamily.
duchess’sȱdaughtersȱescapeȱrapeȱbyȱaffixingȱrottenȱchickenȱmeatȱtoȱtheirȱbreasts
soȱ thatȱ theȱ stenchȱ drivesȱ awayȱ theirȱ wouldȬbeȱ attackers.ȱ Theȱ kingȱ marriesȱ the
duchessȱ(orȱatȱleastȱhasȱoneȱconjugalȱnightȱwithȱher),ȱbutȱtheȱnextȱdayȱheȱhandsȱher
overȱtoȱtwelveȱofȱhisȱmenȱtoȱenjoyȱherȱasȱtheyȱplease.ȱOnȱtheȱthirdȱday,ȱheȱimpales
herȱ withȱ aȱ lanceȱ throughȱ herȱ vaginaȱ upȱ toȱ herȱ throat.88ȱ Theȱ moralȱ isȱ thatȱ a
licentiousȱwomanȱdeservesȱsuchȱaȱpunishment.ȱ
SeparateȱlawsȱwereȱappliedȱtoȱsexualȱmisconductȱwhichȱwasȱinterȬracialȱorȱinterȬ
ethnic,ȱi.e.,ȱbetweenȱaȱChristianȱandȱaȱJewȱorȱaȱMoor.ȱAnyȱJewȱorȱMoorȱwhoȱhas
intercourseȱwithȱaȱChristianȱwomanȱisȱcondemnedȱtoȱdeath.89ȱTheȱdeathȱpenalty
isȱimposedȱregardlessȱofȱtheȱstatusȱofȱtheȱwoman.ȱEvenȱifȱtheȱChristianȱwomanȱis
aȱ prostitute,ȱ aȱ Jewȱ whoȱ engagesȱ inȱ intercourseȱ withȱ herȱ isȱ putȱ toȱ death.ȱ The
ChristianȱwomanȱwhoȱengagesȱinȱsexualȱrelationsȱwithȱaȱJewȱsuffersȱtheȱsame
punishmentȱasȱoneȱwhoȱhasȱintercourseȱwithȱaȱMoor.ȱIfȱtheȱChristianȱwomanȱisȱa
virginȱorȱaȱwidow,ȱforȱtheȱfirstȱoffense,ȱsheȱforfeitsȱhalfȱherȱpropertyȱtoȱherȱparents
orȱgrandparentsȱor,ȱifȱsheȱhasȱnoȱrelations,ȱhalfȱherȱpropertyȱbelongsȱtoȱtheȱking.
Forȱaȱsecondȱoffense,ȱtheȱChristianȱwomanȱlosesȱallȱherȱpropertyȱtoȱherȱrelatives
orȱtheȱking,ȱandȱsheȱisȱcondemnedȱtoȱdeath.ȱ
Ifȱ aȱ Moorȱ hasȱ sexualȱ intercourseȱ withȱ aȱ marriedȱ Christianȱ woman,ȱ heȱ is
sentencedȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱstoningȱandȱtheȱwomanȱisȱturnedȱoverȱtoȱherȱhusbandȱwho
mayȱburnȱherȱtoȱdeathȱorȱreleaseȱherȱorȱdoȱwhateverȱheȱpleasesȱwithȱher.90ȱIfȱa
Moorȱ hasȱ sexȱ withȱ aȱ Christianȱ prostituteȱ orȱ dishonorableȱ woman,ȱ forȱ theȱ first
offense,ȱtheȱmanȱandȱwomanȱareȱscourgedȱtogetherȱand,ȱforȱtheȱsecondȱoffense,
bothȱareȱputȱtoȱdeath.91ȱ
Despiteȱtheseȱharshȱlawsȱregardingȱinterreligiousȱsexualȱcontact,ȱLouiseȱMirrer
pointsȱoutȱthat,ȱinȱliterature,ȱtheȱbeautifulȱJewessȱisȱaȱpopularȱfigureȱandȱsheȱat
timesȱisȱportrayedȱasȱcouplingȱwithȱaȱChristianȱmale.92ȱAccordingȱtoȱMirrer,ȱthe
imageȱ ofȱ theȱ beautifulȱ Jewishȱ womanȱ wasȱ usedȱ “toȱ reiterateȱ theȱ weaknessȱ of
Jewishȱmen,ȱmakingȱpublicȱtheȱsexualȱinitiativesȱtakenȱ byȱtheirȱwomen.”93ȱAn
exampleȱofȱaȱJewessȱbeingȱpunishedȱforȱaȱcrime,ȱprobablyȱsexualȱinȱ nature,ȱ is
foundȱinȱsongȱno.ȱ107ȱofȱtheȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMaria.ȱTheȱpoemȱstatesȱthatȱthe
88
ClementeȱSánchezȱdeȱVercial,ȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.,ȱ208:ȱ“fizoleȱponerȱunȱpaloȱporȱlaȱnatura
fastaȱlaȱgarganta”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ44).
89
Partidaȱ 7,ȱ Titleȱ 25,ȱ Lawȱ 10ȱ specifiesȱ thatȱ theȱ penaltyȱ forȱ aȱ Moorȱ willȱ beȱ deathȱ byȱ stoning.ȱ In
Partida,ȱ7,ȱTitle,ȱ24,ȱLawȱ9ȱtheȱmethodȱofȱexecutionȱforȱaȱJewȱisȱnotȱspecified.
90
91
92
LouiseȱMirrer,ȱWomen,ȱJews,ȱandȱMuslimsȱinȱtheȱTextsȱofȱReconquestȱCastile.ȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱand
EarlyȱModernȱCivilizationsȱ(AnnȱArbor:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱMichiganȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ31–32.
93
Mirrer,ȱWomen,ȱJews,ȱandȱMuslims,ȱ31–32ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ92).
Jewessȱ“wasȱcaughtȱinȱaȱcrimeȱandȱarrestedȱandȱtakenȱtoȱbeȱhurledȱfromȱaȱhigh
andȱruggedȱcliff.”94ȱ
Otherȱversionsȱofȱthisȱstoryȱclearlyȱalludeȱtoȱtheȱsexualȱnatureȱofȱherȱcrimeȱand
toȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱJewessȱwasȱaccusedȱofȱhavingȱextramaritalȱrelationsȱwithȱa
Christianȱman.95ȱTheȱtextȱspecifiesȱthatȱitȱisȱtheȱJewsȱwhoȱcondemnȱandȱattemptȱto
executeȱher.ȱAlso,ȱasȱstipulatedȱinȱtheȱpoem,ȱsheȱisȱdressedȱonlyȱinȱaȱshift.ȱThis
detailȱisȱaccuratelyȱportrayedȱinȱtheȱminiaturesȱaccompanyingȱtheȱsong.ȱMirrer
findsȱthisȱfactȱparticularlyȱsignificantȱsinceȱ“maleȱJewsȱwouldȱneverȱhaveȱreally
undressedȱtheirȱwomenȱinȱfrontȱofȱChristians—or,ȱforȱthatȱmatter,ȱinȱfrontȱofȱJews
either.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱHerȱstereotypicalȱdepictionȱasȱaȱbeautiful,ȱsexuallyȱattractiveȱJewess
placedȱonȱdisplayȱbyȱmaleȱ Jewsȱsymbolizes,ȱinȱaȱvarietyȱofȱways,ȱmaleȱJewish
weaknessȱvisȬàȬvisȱtheȱChristianȱcommunity.”96ȱ
Theȱaccusedȱwoman,ȱdubbedȱMarisaltos,ȱcallsȱonȱHolyȱMaryȱtoȱsaveȱherȱafterȱthe
Jewsȱ pushȱ herȱ overȱ theȱ cliff.ȱ Sheȱ promisesȱ theȱ Virginȱ thatȱ sheȱ willȱ convertȱ to
Christianityȱifȱsheȱsavesȱher.ȱOfȱcourse,ȱtheȱVirginȱdeliversȱherȱunharmedȱtoȱthe
rockyȱgroundȱbelow.ȱMarisaltosȱgoesȱimmediatelyȱtoȱaȱchurchȱandȱisȱbaptized.ȱThe
Jewishȱ menȱ whoȱ hadȱ attemptedȱ toȱ killȱ herȱ forȱ sexualȱ misconductȱ outsideȱ the
Jewishȱcommunityȱareȱunsuccessful.ȱAȱpeculiarȱaspectȱofȱtheȱAlfonsineȱversionȱof
thisȱtaleȱisȱthatȱtheȱJewessȱisȱsentencedȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱherȱcoreligionistsȱbut,ȱasȱBenaim
deȱ Lasryȱ hasȱ pointedȱ out,ȱ theȱ deathȱ sentenceȱ couldȱ notȱ beȱ handedȱ outȱ by
rabbinicalȱcourtsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.97ȱ
Benaimȱ deȱ Lasryȱ assertsȱ thatȱ “Aȱ Spanishȱ courtȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ mightȱ haveȱ sentencedȱ a
marriedȱJewessȱtoȱdeathȱforȱcommittingȱadultery,ȱwhetherȱherȱparamourȱwasȱa
JewȱorȱaȱChristian,ȱmarriedȱorȱunmarried.”98ȱSinceȱtheȱcantigaȱdoesȱnotȱspecify
whetherȱMarisaltosȱwasȱsingleȱorȱmarried,ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱJewsȱsentenceȱherȱto
executionȱisȱstrangeȱsince,ȱagainȱaccordingȱtoȱBenaimȱdeȱLasry,ȱ“noȱJewishȱcourt
everȱsentencedȱanȱunmarriedȱJewessȱtoȱdeathȱforȱwhatȱJewishȱlawȱcallsȱ‘harlotry,’
i.e.,ȱhavingȱsexualȱrelationsȱwithȱaȱmarriedȱorȱunmarriedȱJewȱorȱGentile.”99ȱMirrer
94
AlfonsoȱelȱSabio,ȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMaria,ȱII,ȱ28:ȱ“achadaȱ/ȱqueȱfoiȱenȱerr’ȱeȱfilladaȱ/ȱeȱaȱesfalfar
levadaȱ/ȱdËaȱpenaȱqu’ȱiȱestá”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ44).
95
Mirrer,ȱWomen,ȱJews,ȱandȱMuslims,ȱ33ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ92).
96
97
AnitaȱBenaimȱdeȱLasry,ȱ“Marisaltos:ȱArtificialȱPurificationȱinȱAlfonsoȱelȱSabio’sȱCantigaȱ107,”
Studiesȱ onȱ theȱ Cantigasȱ deȱ Santaȱ Maria:ȱ Art,ȱ Music,ȱ andȱ Poetry,ȱ Proceedingsȱ ofȱ theȱ International
SymposiumȱonȱtheȱCantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMariaȱofȱAlfonsoȱX,ȱelȱSabioȱ(1221–1284)ȱinȱCommemorationȱof
Itsȱ700thȱAnniversaryȱYear—1981ȱ(NewȱYork,ȱNovemberȱ19–21),ȱed.ȱIsraelȱJ.ȱKatzȱandȱJohnȱE.ȱKeller
(Madison,ȱWI:ȱHispanicȱSeminaryȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱ1987),ȱ299–311;ȱhereȱ301.
98
BenaimȱdeȱLasry,ȱ“Marisaltos,”ȱ302ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ97).
99
BenaimȱdeȱLasry,ȱ“Marisaltos,”ȱ301ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ97).ȱBenaimȱdeȱLasryȱrelatesȱoneȱexampleȱofȱaȱsevere
punishmentȱhandedȱdownȱbyȱaȱrabbinicalȱtribunalȱonȱanȱunmarriedȱJewessȱwhoȱconfessedȱto
havingȱsexualȱrelationsȱwithȱaȱmarriedȱChristianȱman:ȱ“Whenȱsheȱbecameȱpregnant,ȱsheȱconfessed
herȱillicitȱrelationship.ȱAfterȱtheȱbirthȱofȱherȱchildrenȱ(twins),ȱsheȱwasȱsentencedȱtoȱhaveȱherȱnose
concludesȱthatȱAlfonso’sȱversionȱofȱMarisaltos’sȱstoryȱhasȱpoliticalȱimplications
becauseȱaȱguiltyȱJewishȱwomanȱwhoȱturnsȱtoȱChristianityȱisȱportrayedȱasȱimmune
toȱJewishȱjustice.100ȱ
ȱ Asȱweȱhaveȱseen,ȱtheȱdeathȱpenaltyȱisȱimposedȱforȱaȱvarietyȱofȱcrimesȱcommitted
byȱmenȱorȱwomen.ȱLouisȱGernetȱmaintainsȱthatȱ“TheȱDeathȱPenaltyȱisȱaȱmeansȱof
eliminatingȱpollutionȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱItȱpurifiesȱtheȱaffectedȱgroup,ȱwhoȱareȱoftenȱpartlyȱor
whollyȱabsolvedȱofȱresponsibilityȱforȱtheȱnewlyȱspiltȱblood.”101ȱIfȱweȱacceptȱthis
theory,ȱthenȱwomenȱcriminalsȱwereȱconsideredȱanȱespeciallyȱgrievousȱformȱof
societalȱpollution.ȱGravdal’sȱexaminationȱofȱcourtȱrecordsȱinȱfourteenthȬcentury
Franceȱrevealsȱthat,ȱalthoughȱwomenȱwereȱmuchȱlessȱfrequentlyȱaccusedȱofȱcrimes
thanȱmen,ȱwomen’sȱcasesȱresultedȱinȱtheȱdeathȱpenaltyȱbeingȱimposedȱthreeȱtimes
moreȱfrequentlyȱthanȱinȱcasesȱinvolvingȱmen.102ȱAlso,ȱinȱFrance,ȱtheȱmethodsȱof
executionȱ differedȱ forȱ menȱ andȱ women.ȱ Sinceȱ hangingȱ wasȱ ruledȱ offensiveȱ to
women’sȱmodesty,ȱwomenȱsentencedȱtoȱdeathȱwereȱkilledȱbyȱburialȱaliveȱforȱlesser
offensesȱandȱbyȱburningȱatȱtheȱstakeȱforȱseriousȱoffenses.103ȱThisȱobservationȱabout
theȱseverityȱofȱpunishmentȱforȱfemaleȱoffendersȱisȱreflectedȱinȱtheȱequallyȱharsh
punishmentsȱmetedȱoutȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidasȱforȱcrimesȱcommittedȱbyȱMoorsȱand
Jewsȱ againstȱ Christians.ȱ Evenȱ thoughȱ Alfonsoȱ Xȱ isȱ oftenȱ commendedȱ forȱ the
equableȱtreatmentȱofȱhisȱsubjectsȱfromȱtheseȱminorityȱgroups,ȱhisȱlawsȱareȱquick
toȱpunishȱthoseȱJewishȱorȱMoorishȱcitizensȱwhoȱhaveȱinappropriateȱcontactȱwith
ChristiansȱorȱwhoȱleadȱChristiansȱastray.
Althoughȱ imprisonmentȱ forȱ aȱ setȱ numberȱ ofȱ yearsȱ orȱ monthsȱ isȱ notȱ a
punishmentȱoftenȱspecifiedȱinȱtheȱSieteȱPartidas,ȱtheȱneedȱtoȱholdȱaccusedȱpersons
inȱcustodyȱuntilȱtheyȱareȱtriedȱandȱconvicted,ȱorȱwhileȱtheyȱawaitȱaȱsentenceȱtoȱbe
carriedȱout,ȱisȱregulatedȱbyȱtheȱlawsȱinȱPartidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ29.104ȱAmongȱtheȱseven
kindsȱ ofȱ punishmentȱ listedȱ inȱ Partidaȱ 7,ȱ Titleȱ 31,ȱ Lawȱ 31,ȱ theȱ onlyȱ mentionȱ of
imprisonmentȱisȱthatȱwhichȱcanȱbeȱimposedȱonȱaȱslave.ȱTheȱLawȱemphatically
statesȱthatȱnoȱfreemanȱshallȱsufferȱimprisonmentȱasȱaȱformȱofȱpunishmentȱbecause
“aȱprisonȱisȱnotȱforȱtheȱpurposeȱofȱpunishingȱoffenses,ȱbutȱonlyȱtoȱsecureȱpersons
untilȱtheyȱareȱtried.”105ȱLawȱ5ȱofȱTitleȱ31ȱdealsȱexclusivelyȱwithȱwomenȱprisoners.
cutȱoff,ȱsoȱthatȱtheȱbeautyȱofȱherȱfaceȱwhichȱsheȱadornedȱforȱherȱadulterousȱwooerȱbeȱdisfigured,
andȱthatȱsheȱbeȱmadeȱtoȱpayȱaȱfineȱtoȱtheȱlordsȱofȱtheȱcity”ȱ(302).
100
101
QuotedȱinȱRenéȱGirard,ȱViolenceȱandȱtheȱSacred,ȱtrans.ȱPatrickȱGregoryȱ(BaltimoreȱandȱLondon:ȱThe
JohnsȱHopkinsȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1977),ȱ298.
102
103
104
Althoughȱ aȱ penalȱ system,ȱ asȱ such,ȱ didȱ notȱ existȱ inȱ thirteenthȬcenturyȱ Spain,ȱ thereȱ were
circumstancesȱwhereȱimprisonmentȱwasȱimposed.ȱForȱexample,ȱseeȱMichelȱFoucault,ȱTheȱFoucault
Reader,ȱ ed.ȱ Paulȱ Pabinowȱ (Newȱ York:ȱ Pantheonȱ Books,ȱ 1984),ȱ 214:ȱ “Theȱ prisonȱ predatesȱ its
systematicȱuseȱinȱtheȱpenalȱsystem.”
105
Femaleȱprisonersȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱputȱinȱprisonsȱwithȱmenȱbutȱratherȱconfinedȱtoȱa
convent.ȱTheyȱareȱtoȱbeȱguardedȱbyȱ“goodȱwomenȱuntilȱtheȱjudgeȱmakesȱsuch
dispositionȱofȱherȱasȱtheȱlawsȱdirect.”106ȱ
TortureȱisȱconsideredȱunderȱTitleȱ30ȱofȱtheȱseventhȱPartida.ȱNoȱpregnantȱwoman
canȱbeȱtorturedȱuntilȱsheȱgivesȱbirth.107ȱWivesȱcannotȱbeȱsubjectedȱtoȱcompulsion
orȱtortureȱinȱorderȱtoȱtestifyȱagainstȱtheirȱhusbandsȱnorȱcanȱaȱhusbandȱbeȱtortured
toȱtestifyȱagainstȱhisȱwife.108ȱ
RichardȱSimsȱclaimsȱthat,ȱamongȱtheȱgeneralȱdefensesȱavailableȱforȱaȱwoman
accusedȱ ofȱ aȱ felonyȱ wasȱ thatȱ ofȱ maritalȱ coercion.109ȱ Heȱ statesȱ thatȱ “itȱ wasȱ not
necessaryȱtoȱtakeȱpartȱinȱwrongdoingȱtoȱproveȱ[marital]ȱobedienceȱbutȱtheȱlawȱwas
sympatheticȱtoȱwomenȱwhoȱdidȱtakeȱtheirȱloyaltyȱtoȱfeloniousȱends.”110ȱWhileȱhe
isȱdealingȱspecificallyȱwithȱlawȱinȱmedievalȱEngland,ȱitȱseemsȱlikelyȱthatȱthisȱwas
theȱcaseȱinȱSpainȱasȱwellȱsinceȱtheȱinstitutionȱofȱmarriageȱandȱcontrolȱofȱwomen
throughoutȱ Europeȱ putȱ aȱ veryȱ highȱ valueȱ onȱ wifelyȱ obedience.111ȱ Inȱ orderȱ to
protectȱinnocentȱwomenȱfromȱsharingȱinȱtheirȱhusbands’ȱguilt,ȱPartidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ31,
Lawȱ9ȱspecifiesȱthatȱaȱwifeȱorȱchildȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱpunishedȱbecauseȱofȱanyȱcrime
committedȱbyȱherȱhusbandȱorȱtheȱchild’sȱfather.112ȱEvenȱifȱaȱwifeȱstoleȱfromȱher
husband,ȱsheȱcannotȱbeȱchargedȱwithȱtheftȱbeforeȱtheȱcourts.113ȱHowever,ȱifȱitȱis
determinedȱthatȱtheȱwifeȱhadȱtheȱassistanceȱorȱadviceȱofȱanotherȱinȱstealingȱfrom
herȱhusband,ȱthisȱthirdȱpartyȱcanȱbeȱsuedȱforȱtheȱstolenȱproperty.114ȱ
Foucaultȱ arguesȱ thatȱ weȱ mustȱ viewȱ systemsȱ ofȱ punishmentȱ asȱ “social
phenomenaȱthatȱcannotȱbeȱaccountedȱforȱbyȱtheȱjuridicalȱstructureȱofȱsocietyȱalone,
norȱbyȱitsȱfundamentalȱethicalȱchoices.”115ȱHeȱattributesȱtheȱhighȱratesȱofȱcorporeal
punishmentsȱduringȱtheȱfeudalȱperiodȱtoȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱbodyȱwasȱinȱmanyȱcases
theȱonlyȱpropertyȱaccessibleȱtoȱtheȱjudicialȱsystem.116ȱWhileȱthereȱareȱaȱnumberȱof
corporealȱ penaltiesȱ inȱ theȱ Sieteȱ Partidasȱ andȱ inȱ theȱ literaryȱ piecesȱ weȱ have
examined,ȱitȱisȱsignificantȱthatȱmonetaryȱcompensationȱinȱtermsȱofȱretribution,
fines,ȱorȱlossȱofȱpropertiesȱwereȱalsoȱcommonȱmeansȱofȱpunishment.ȱAlfonsoȱX
wasȱconcernedȱaboutȱtheȱfutureȱofȱhisȱkingdom,ȱhowȱpowerȱwouldȱbeȱexercised
106
107
108
V:ȱ1461,ȱPartidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ30,ȱLawȱ9.ȱThisȱprohibitionȱagainstȱtortureȱtoȱobtainȱtestimonyȱalsoȱapplies
toȱtheȱfatherȬinȬlaw,ȱmotherȬinȬlaw,ȱstepfather,ȱstepmother,ȱstepchildren,ȱandȱemancipatedȱslaves
orȱtheirȱchildrenȱofȱtheȱaccusedȱ(V:ȱ1461,ȱPartidaȱ7,ȱTitleȱ30,ȱLawȱ9).
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
Foucault,ȱTheȱFoucaultȱReader,ȱ171ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ104).
116
Foucault,ȱTheȱFoucaultȱReader,ȱ172ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ104).
andȱhowȱkinglyȱauthorityȱandȱjusticeȱwouldȱbeȱwielded.ȱHeȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱbeen
fullyȱawareȱofȱandȱinȱagreementȱwithȱFoucault’sȱanalysisȱofȱpunitiveȱmethodsȱas
notȱmerelyȱconsequencesȱofȱlegislationȱbutȱ“asȱtechniquesȱpossessingȱtheirȱown
specificityȱinȱtheȱmoreȱgeneralȱfieldȱofȱotherȱwaysȱofȱexercisingȱpower.”117ȱ
AlfonsoȱXȱandȱhisȱlegalȱexpertsȱrecognizedȱwomenȱasȱaȱspecialȱcategoryȱunder
theȱ law.ȱ Justȱ asȱ menȱ andȱ womenȱ areȱ notȱ treatedȱ equallyȱ inȱ theȱ Sieteȱ Partidas,
neitherȱareȱallȱwomenȱtreatedȱequally,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱseen.ȱHonorableȱwomenȱsuch
asȱvirgins,ȱmarriedȱwomen,ȱorȱwidowsȱwereȱconsideredȱaȱcategoryȱapartȱfrom
womenȱofȱbadȱreputeȱorȱprostitutes.ȱFemaleȱslavesȱareȱconsideredȱdifferentlyȱfrom
freeȱ women.ȱ Femaleȱ religiousȱ formedȱ anotherȱ categoryȱ asȱ didȱ womenȱ ofȱ the
JewishȱorȱMuslimȱfaith.ȱWomenȱasȱvictimsȱofȱcrimesȱwereȱalsoȱconsideredȱunder
variousȱcategoriesȱandȱtheȱseverityȱofȱpunishmentȱforȱtheȱperpetratorȱofȱaȱcrime
variesȱwhenȱtheȱvictimȱisȱaȱvirgin,ȱaȱmarriedȱwoman,ȱaȱwidow,ȱaȱreligious,ȱorȱa
prostitute.ȱDistinctionsȱforȱwomenȱasȱvictimsȱareȱalsoȱmadeȱbetweenȱfreeȱwomen
andȱslaves,ȱandȱJewish,ȱChristian,ȱorȱMuslimȱwomen.ȱToȱaccomplishȱitsȱgoalȱof
inclusivityȱ andȱ comprehensiveness,ȱ theȱ Sieteȱ Partidasȱ dealsȱ withȱ womenȱ from
differentȱsocialȱclasses,ȱfaiths/ethnicities,ȱandȱmaritalȱstatus.ȱNotȱonlyȱinȱtheȱlaw
codesȱbutȱinȱliterature,ȱaȱwideȱvarietyȱofȱwomenȱareȱseenȱbothȱasȱcriminalsȱandȱas
victims.ȱWhileȱliteraryȱtextsȱdoȱnotȱalwaysȱfollowȱtheȱletterȱofȱtheȱlawȱspelledȱout
inȱ theȱ lawȱ code,ȱ thereȱ areȱ significantȱ examplesȱ ofȱ womenȱ involvedȱ inȱ crimes,
punishments,ȱreprieves,ȱandȱpardonsȱinȱtheȱtextsȱweȱhaveȱseen.
117
Foucault,ȱTheȱFoucaultȱReader,ȱ170ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ104).ȱSimilarly,ȱbutȱinȱaȱdifferentȱcontext,ȱGirard,
ViolenceȱandȱtheȱSacred,ȱ23,ȱstatesȱthatȱaȱjudicialȱsystemȱ“canȱonlyȱexistȱinȱconjunctionȱwithȱaȱfirmly
establishedȱpoliticalȱpower”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ101).ȱ
Chapterȱ11
MariaȱCeciliaȱRuiz
(UniversityȱofȱSanȱDiego)
TheftȱinȱJuanȱManuel’sȱElȱCondeȱLucanor
TheftȱtakesȱplaceȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱstoriesȱinȱJuanȱManuel’sȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱ(1335).1
Whatȱisȱinterestingȱaboutȱtheseȱstories,ȱlookedȱatȱtogether,ȱisȱtheirȱvariety:ȱsome
focusȱonȱtheȱthiefȱorȱthieves,ȱothersȱfocusȱonȱtheȱtargetsȱand/orȱvictims,ȱdepending
onȱtheȱdidacticȱintent.ȱThereȱisȱinvariablyȱaȱpossessionȱorȱpossessionsȱthatȱtheȱthief
orȱwouldȱbeȱthiefȱdesiresȱandȱthatȱisȱownedȱbyȱtheȱvictimȱorȱtarget.ȱObjectsȱofȱtheft
are,ȱbesideȱsomethingȱmaterialȱorȱwealthȱofȱsomeȱkind,ȱtheȱbody,ȱlove,ȱhonorȱor
evenȱidentity,ȱreputation,ȱcreditȱandȱopportunities.ȱTheȱthievesȱcarryȱoutȱdifferent
strategiesȱforȱcarryingȱoutȱtheirȱthefts.ȱItȱisȱupȱtoȱtheȱtargetsȱ(potentialȱvictims)ȱto
identifyȱtheseȱstrategiesȱforȱwhatȱtheyȱareȱ(seeȱthroughȱtheȱdeceit)ȱinȱorderȱtoȱnot
fallȱvictim.2ȱSomeȱcharactersȱareȱsuccessfulȱandȱsomeȱareȱnot.ȱWhateverȱtheȱresult,
Juanȱ Manuel’sȱ unwaveringȱ stanceȱ isȱ thatȱ thereȱ isȱ noȱ victimȱ ofȱ theftȱ whoȱ is
completelyȱwithoutȱresponsibilityȱforȱfallingȱvictimȱ(exceptȱtheȱsickȱandȱtheȱdead,
asȱweȱshallȱsee).ȱ
1
ForȱtheȱprevalenceȱofȱtheftȱinȱSpanishȱfolkȱnarrativesȱinȱgeneral,ȱseeȱHarrietȱGoldberg’sȱMotifȬindex
ofȱMedievalȱSpanishȱFolkȱNarrativesȱ(Tempe,ȱAZ:ȱMedievalȱ&ȱRenaissanceȱTextsȱ&ȱStudies,ȱ1998).
Pertainingȱtoȱtheȱstories’ȱsouces,ȱseeȱReynaldoȱAyerbeȬChaux,ȱElȱCondeȱLucanor.ȱMateriaȱtradicional
yȱoriginalidadȱcreadoraȱ(Madrid:ȱJoséȱPorrúaȱTuranzas,ȱS.A.,1975).
2
MartaȱAnaȱDiz’sȱbook,ȱCountȱLucanorȱyȱPatronio:ȱlaȱlecturaȱinteligenteȱenȱ“elȱtiempoȱqueȱesȱturbio”
(Potomac,ȱMD:ȱScriptaȱHumanística,ȱ1984)ȱexplainsȱhowȱtheȱstoriesȱinȱtheȱcollectionȱareȱabout
losingȱ(negativeȱexamples)ȱandȱnotȱlosingȱ(positiveȱexamples)ȱpossessions,ȱbeȱtheyȱmaterialistic,
temporalȱ(likeȱhonorȱandȱfame),ȱand/orȱspiritualȱ(connectionȱwithȱGod,ȱtheȱsalvationȱofȱtheȱsoul,
etc.).ȱTheseȱpossessionsȱareȱorganizedȱbyȱCatholicȱbeliefȱ(orȱbyȱcommonȱsense)ȱinȱaȱhierarchyȱof
importance,ȱ theȱ salvationȱ ofȱ theȱ soulȱ beingȱ theȱ mostȱ important.ȱ Indeed,ȱ givingȱ tooȱ much
importanceȱ toȱ oneȱ typeȱ ofȱ possessionȱ overȱ anotherȱ ofȱ lessȱ importance,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ material
wealthȱoverȱone’sȱownȱlife,ȱleadsȱtoȱlossȱofȱeverything:ȱwealth,ȱlifeȱandȱsoul.ȱSeeȱalsoȱMartaȱAna
Diz,ȱ “Cambio,ȱ especulaciónȱ eȱ imposturaȱ enȱ losȱ relatesȱ deȱ Patronio,”ȱ Homenajeȱ aȱ Anaȱ María
Barrenechea,ȱeds.ȱIsaíasȱandȱLiaȱSchwartzȱdeȱLernerȱ(Madrid:ȱCastalia,ȱ1984),ȱ229–34.
248 MariaȱCeciliaȱRuiz
Theȱstoriesȱthatȱdepictȱtheftȱareȱvariedȱalsoȱwithȱrespectȱtoȱtheirȱsourcesȱandȱtheir
varyingȱdegreesȱofȱCatholicȱcontent.ȱForȱexample,ȱtheȱonlyȱCatholicȱcontentȱthat
JuanȱManuelȱputȱinȱtheȱAesopicȱtaleȱofȱtheȱfoxȱwhoȱstealsȱtheȱcheeseȱfromȱtheȱcrow
(“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱraposoȱconȱvnȱcueruoȱqueȱtenieȱunȱpedaçoȱdeȱquesoȱen
elȱpico,”ȱ“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱtheȱfoxȱwithȱtheȱcrowȱthatȱhadȱaȱpieceȱofȱcheeseȱinȱhis
beak”),ȱ isȱ thatȱ theȱ foxȱ mentionsȱ Godȱ toȱ theȱ crow.3ȱ Theȱ moral,ȱ toȱ seeȱ through
flattery,ȱisȱtheȱsameȱinȱbothȱversions.ȱOnȱtheȱoppositeȱend,ȱtheȱCatholicȱcontentȱis
paramountȱandȱtheftȱisȱassociatedȱwithȱsinȱandȱtheȱdevil,ȱasȱinȱtheȱtaleȱofȱtheȱthief
whoȱbefriendedȱtheȱdevilȱ(“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱomneȱqueȱseȱfizoȱamigoȱet
vasalloȱdelȱdiablo,”ȱ“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱmanȱwhoȱmadeȱfriendsȱwithȱtheȱdevil”).
Catholicȱcontentȱisȱnotȱdevelopedȱinȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱreyȱconȱvnȱomne
quelȱdixoȱquelȱfariaȱalquimia”ȱ(XX;ȱ“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱkingȱwithȱaȱmanȱwho
saidȱheȱcouldȱdoȱalchemy”),ȱandȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱreyȱconȱlosȱburladores
queȱfizieronȱvnȱpanno”ȱ(XXXII;ȱ“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱkingȱwithȱthreeȱtricksters
whoȱmadeȱhimȱclothes”).ȱHowever,ȱbothȱtalesȱdepictȱgreedyȱkings.ȱThoughȱgreed
isȱnotȱframedȱasȱaȱsinȱinȱeitherȱ(exampleȱXXXIIȱisȱofȱArabicȱorigin),ȱtheȱdepiction
ofȱgreedȱneverthelessȱindirectlyȱreinforcesȱtheȱCatholicȱframeȱofȱtheȱcollectionȱin
whichȱPatronioȱandȱLucanorȱareȱCatholicȱandȱdiscussȱwhatȱitȱmeansȱtoȱbeȱCatholic.ȱ
TwoȱotherȱtalesȱthatȱportrayȱthievesȱandȱtheirȱvictimsȱareȱofȱArabicȱorigin;ȱone
ofȱthemȱ(“DeȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱSaladinȱconȱvnaȱbuenaȱduennaȱmugerȱdeȱvnȱsu
vasallo”;ȱ“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱSaladinȱwithȱaȱgoodȱwomanȱwhoȱwasȱtheȱwifeȱofȱa
vassalȱofȱhis”)ȱhasȱCatholicȱcontent,ȱwhileȱtheȱotherȱ(“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvn
moroȱconȱvnaȱsuȱhermanaȱqueȱdauaȱaȱentenderȱqueȱeraȱmuyȱmedrosa”;ȱ“What
happenedȱtoȱaȱMoorȱwithȱhisȱsisterȱwhoȱactedȱveryȱfearful”)ȱdoesȱnot.4ȱThisȱlatter
tale,ȱasȱIȱwillȱshow,ȱcontrastsȱremarkablyȱwithȱtheȱveryȱCatholicȱtaleȱofȱtheȱthief
whoȱbefriendsȱtheȱdevil.ȱIȱlinkȱtheȱtwoȱexamplesȱtoȱtheȱtopicȱofȱpoverty.ȱ
Bothȱ mainȱ charactersȱ areȱ poorȱ andȱ resortȱ toȱ stealingȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ getȱ outȱ of
poverty.ȱInȱtheȱCatholicȱexampleȱtheȱthief’sȱgreedȱleadsȱtoȱhisȱfinalȱpunishment.
TheȱArabicȱtale,ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱdoesȱnotȱportrayȱtheftȱasȱaȱsin.ȱInȱotherȱwords,
JuanȱManuel’sȱtreatmentȱofȱtheftȱinȱthisȱtaleȱisȱworkedȱsoȱasȱtoȱfocusȱonȱsomething
else,ȱhypocrisy.ȱAsȱtoȱtheȱtaleȱofȱSaladinȱ(L),ȱitȱisȱalsoȱaboutȱtheft,ȱtheȱintendedȱtheft
ofȱaȱwoman’sȱloyaltyȱtoȱherȱhusbandȱ(Saladin’sȱvassal),ȱand/orȱtheȱintendedȱtheft
ofȱtheȱvassal’sȱwoman.ȱAsȱhasȱbeenȱdiscussedȱbyȱmanyȱcritics,ȱthisȱexampleȱhasȱa
CatholicȱmessageȱthatȱbindsȱandȱreinforcesȱtheȱCatholicȱcontentȱofȱallȱtheȱstories.
Thisȱ exampleȱ isȱ closelyȱ relatedȱ toȱ anotherȱ exampleȱ aboutȱ theftȱ andȱ theȱ devil,
XLVII,ȱ “Deȱ loȱ queȱ contesçioȱ aȱ unaȱ falsaȱ beguina”;ȱ “Whatȱ happenedȱ toȱ aȱ false
3
Allȱtranslationsȱareȱmine.
4
SeeȱIanȱMacPherson,ȱ“Diosȱyȱelȱmundo:ȱtheȱDidacticismȱofȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,”ȱRomanceȱPhilology
29ȱ(1970):ȱ26–38.
TheftȱinȱJuanȱManuel’sȱElȱCondeȱLucanor 249
beguine”).ȱInȱthisȱtaleȱaȱbeguineȱdoesȱtheȱdevil’sȱworkȱofȱplantingȱdistrustȱbetween
aȱmarriedȱcouple.ȱSheȱstealsȱloveȱandȱtrustȱfromȱtheȱcouple.ȱ
Bothȱtalesȱinȱtheȱcollectionȱthatȱhaveȱtheȱdevilȱasȱaȱcharacter,ȱXLIIȱandȱXLV,ȱare
aboutȱtheȱdevilȱstealingȱsoulsȱfromȱGod.ȱYet,ȱJuanȱManuelȱisȱveryȱcarefulȱtoȱshow
thatȱtheȱvictimsȱareȱtoȱblame,ȱeitherȱforȱaȱsinfulȱnature,ȱforȱaȱcharacterȱweakness
orȱforȱlackȱofȱknowledgeȱandȱpreparation.ȱIȱalsoȱdiscussȱidentityȱtheftȱinȱexample
LI,ȱ “Loȱ queȱ contesçioȱ aȱ vnȱ reyȱ christianoȱ queȱ eraȱ muyȱ poderosoȱ etȱ muy
soberbioso”ȱ(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱChristianȱkingȱwhoȱwasȱveryȱpowerfulȱand
arrogant”).ȱInȱthisȱstoryȱanȱangel,ȱobeyingȱGod’sȱinstructions,ȱstealsȱtheȱidentity
ofȱaȱtooȱproudȱandȱarrogantȱking.ȱTheȱagentsȱofȱtheȱtheftȱareȱGodȱandȱanȱangel.
Obviously,ȱ theȱ Catholicȱ contentȱ inȱ Juanȱ Manuelȱ isȱ intenseȱ wheneverȱ weȱ have
supernaturalȱbeingsȱofȱtheȱCatholicȱfaithȱintercedingȱinȱhumanȱaffairsȱ(asȱinȱthe
taleȱofȱtheȱthiefȱandȱtheȱdevil).ȱ
Allȱthreeȱelementsȱreceiveȱequalȱimportance:ȱtheȱangelȬthief,ȱwhoȱactsȱasȱGod’s
agent,ȱtheȱvictim,ȱtheȱproudȱking,ȱandȱtheȱpossessions,ȱtheȱidentityȱasȱkingȱandȱthe
soulȱ ofȱ theȱ man.ȱ Finally,ȱ asȱ kindsȱ ofȱ theft,ȱ Iȱ lookȱ atȱ characterȱ assassination,
ingratitudeȱandȱstolenȱopportunitiesȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱstories.ȱTheȱpurposeȱofȱthis
paperȱisȱpreciselyȱtoȱshowȱtheȱvarietyȱwithȱwhichȱtheȱtopicȱofȱtheftȱisȱdeveloped
inȱ theȱ collection,ȱ andȱ toȱ showȱ howȱ theȱ threeȱ categories,ȱ thieves,ȱ victims,ȱ and
possessions,ȱoperateȱtogetherȱinȱaȱdynamicȱandȱcomplexȱway.ȱ
Iȱbeginȱwithȱtwoȱstoriesȱthatȱdoȱnotȱdepictȱtheftȱperȱse,ȱbutȱtheyȱareȱwhatȱIȱcall
“almostȱtheft”ȱtales,ȱandȱtheyȱhelpȱusȱunderstandȱtheȱconceptsȱofȱpossessionsȱand
victims.ȱTheseȱareȱexampleȱVIII,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱomneȱqueȱavianȱde
alimpiarȱ elȱ figado”ȱ (“Whatȱ happenedȱ toȱ aȱ manȱ whoȱ wasȱ havingȱ hisȱ liver
cleansed”),ȱandȱexampleȱXXIX,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱraposoȱqueȱseȱechoȱenȱla
calleȱetȱseȱfizoȱmuerto”ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱfoxȱwhoȱthrewȱhimselfȱonȱtheȱstreet
andȱplayedȱdead”).ȱ
BodyȱParts:ȱPossessionsȱandȱObjectsȱofȱDesire
ExampleȱVIIIȱ(“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱomneȱqueȱavianȱdeȱalimpiarȱelȱfigado”),
(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱmanȱwhoȱwasȱhavingȱhisȱliverȱcleansed”),ȱdoesȱnotȱportray
aȱtheftȱinȱtheȱproperȱsense,ȱbutȱbecauseȱtheȱtaleȱdoesȱpresentȱtheȱotherȱfactorsȱthat
areȱinȱgeneralȱpresentȱinȱtheȱtalesȱaboutȱtheftȱandȱvictimization,ȱIȱamȱusingȱitȱasȱa
pointȱofȱdeparture.ȱWhatȱtheȱtaleȱhasȱinȱcommonȱwithȱotherȱtalesȱaboutȱtheftȱare
aȱ possessionȱ andȱ theȱ twoȱ agents,ȱ aȱ wouldȬbeȱ victimȱ whoȱ isȱ theȱ ownerȱ ofȱ the
possessionȱandȱanotherȱpersonȱwhoȱdesiresȱtheȱotherȱperson’sȱpossession.ȱThe
possessionȱinȱquestionȱisȱaȱbodyȱpart,ȱtheȱliverȱofȱaȱmanȱwhoȱisȱbeingȱoperatedȱon
(hisȱliverȱisȱbeingȱcleansed).ȱTheȱphysicianȱhasȱtheȱliverȱinȱhisȱhandȱwhenȱaȱman,
uponȱseeingȱtheȱliver,ȱasksȱforȱitȱsoȱheȱcouldȱfeedȱitȱtoȱhisȱcat:ȱ“Estandoȱelȱsufriendo
esteȱdolorȱetȱteniendoȱelȱfisicoȱelȱfigadoȱenȱlaȱmano,ȱotroȱomneȱqueȱestauaȱyȱçerca
delȱcomençoȱdeȱrogarȱleȱquellȱdiesseȱdeȱaquelȱfigadoȱparaȱvnȱsuȱgato”5ȱ(“Suffering
fromȱhisȱpainȱandȱwhileȱtheȱphsysicianȱhadȱhisȱliverȱinȱhisȱhand,ȱanotherȱmanȱwho
wasȱcloseȱbyȱstartedȱaskingȱforȱtheȱliverȱsoȱheȱcouldȱfeedȱitȱtooȱhisȱcat”).
Theȱmanȱwhoȱdesiresȱtoȱhaveȱandȱtoȱtakeȱtheȱliverȱofȱanotherȱmanȱisȱnotȱaȱthief
inȱtheȱproperȱsense,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱsaid;ȱheȱseesȱtheȱliver,ȱheȱdesiresȱitȱandȱheȱasksȱfor
it.ȱYetȱhisȱinterpretationȱofȱtheȱcircumstanceȱrevealsȱhisȱpotentialȱtoȱbeȱaȱthief;ȱhe
seesȱonlyȱhowȱtheȱliverȱcanȱbeȱusefulȱtoȱhimȱandȱdisregardsȱtheȱconsequencesȱfor
theȱwouldȬbeȱvictimȱifȱhisȱliverȱwereȱtakenȱaway.ȱSamuelȱG.ȱArmisteadȱbelieves
thatȱJuanȱManuel’sȱsourceȱforȱtheȱstoryȱisȱaȱSpanishȬJewishȱproverbȱ(“Dameȱtus
tripasȱparaȱmiȱgato”ȱ/ȱ“Giveȱmeȱyourȱintestinesȱforȱmyȱcat”)ȱthatȱindeedȱdepicts
thisȱtypeȱofȱselfishness.ȱ
InȱaȱfootnoteȱArmisteadȱquotesȱtwoȱalmostȱexactȱinterpretationsȱofȱtheȱproverb:
1)ȱ“Denotaȱelȱegoísmoȱdeȱquien,ȱparaȱsuȱpropiaȱsatisfacciónȱoȱprovecho,ȱpideȱaȱotro
loȱqueȱaȱésteȱnoȱesȱmenosȱútilȱeȱindispensable.”ȱ2)ȱ“S’appliqueȱauxȱégocentriques
quiȱneȱseȱferaientȱaucunȱscrupuleȱdeȱvousȱdemanderȱleȱmeilleurȱdeȱvousȬmeme.”6
Theȱmanȱwhoȱasksȱforȱtheȱliverȱforȱhisȱcatȱhasȱnoȱscruplesȱandȱis,ȱinȱeffect,ȱaȱquasiȬ
thief;ȱhisȱpropensityȱisȱtoȱtakeȱselfishly.
Onȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱtheȱliverȱinȱtheȱphysician’sȱhandsȱisȱinȱaȱsenseȱinȱaȱnoȱman’s
land,ȱnotȱinȱtheȱ bodyȱ ofȱitsȱoriginalȱowner;ȱit’sȱinȱtransit.ȱThatȱtheȱsickȱmanȱis
incapableȱ ofȱ protectingȱ hisȱ possessionȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ liverȱ underscoresȱ his
vulnerabilityȱandȱhisȱhelplessness.ȱHeȱisȱoneȱofȱtwoȱvictimsȱinȱtheȱcollectionȱ(the
otherȱoneȱisȱaȱcadaver)ȱwhoȱhasȱnoȱresponsibilityȱforȱhisȱsituation,ȱwhoȱcan’tȱreact
toȱ theȱ dangerȱ heȱ isȱ in.ȱ Hisȱ lifeȱ isȱ outȱ ofȱ hisȱ controlȱ andȱ inȱ theȱ handsȱ ofȱ the
physician.ȱThatȱtheȱmanȱasksȱforȱtheȱliverȱforȱhisȱcatȱisȱtheȱcomicȱelementȱ(based
onȱtheȱcomicȱproverb)ȱinȱtheȱtaleȱthatȱconnectsȱtoȱtheȱmoralȱofȱtheȱstory,ȱwhichȱis
notȱtoȱgiveȱawayȱwhatȱyouȱneedȱtoȱsomeoneȱwhoȱdoesȱnotȱneedȱit.ȱ(Inȱtheȱstoryȱit
isȱtheȱphysicianȱwhoȱhasȱthisȱpower,ȱnotȱtheȱsickȱman.)ȱInȱaddition,ȱtheȱsituation
betweenȱtheȱsickȱmanȱandȱtheȱhealthyȱoneȱwithȱaȱcatȱdemonstratesȱthatȱthereȱis
5
Juanȱ Manuel,ȱ Elȱ Condeȱ Lucanor,ȱ Obrasȱ completas,ȱ volumeȱ II,ȱ ed.ȱ Joseȱ Manuelȱ Blecua,ȱ (Madrid:
Gredos,ȱ1982–1983),ȱ19–503;ȱhereȱ86:26–29.
6
SamuelȱG.ȱArmistead,ȱ“UnȱcongèreȱparaȱelȱejemplumȱVIIȱdeȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,”ȱDicenda.ȱCuadernos
deȱFilologíaȱHispánicaȱ6ȱ(1987):67–69;ȱhereȱ68,ȱn.ȱ5.ȱArmisteadȱaddsȱinȱthisȱarticleȱthatȱheȱdidȱnotȱfind
theȱsayingȱinȱanyȱcollectionȱofȱsayingsȱorȱproverbs.ȱJoséȱMohedamoȱBarceló,ȱcitingȱArmistead,
pointsȱoutȱthatȱtheȱsayingȱisȱAndalusianȱ(whichȱdoesȱnotȱmeanȱitȱcouldȱnotȱhaveȱaȱJewishȱorigin)
andȱisȱinȱIbnȱAsimȱalȬGarnati’sȱcollectionȱofȱsayings.ȱTheȱSpanishȱtranslationȱthatȱMohedano
Barcelóȱprovidesȱisȱ“Unoȱconȱlasȱtripasȱenȱelȱbrazo,ȱyȱelȱotroȱleȱdice:ȱ‘Dameȱpitrafillaȱparaȱelȱgato,’”
“Paremiologíaȱyȱmaterialȱliteraria:ȱelȱrefraneroȱandalusíȱenȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,”ȱAnaquelȱdeȱestudios
árabesȱXȱ(1999):ȱ49–77;ȱhereȱ72.ȱOnȱtheȱquestionȱofȱthisȱsayingȱ(proverb),ȱArmisteadȱisȱalsoȱcited
byȱHarrietȱGoldbergȱinȱ“TheȱJudeoȬSpanishȱProverbȱinȱitsȱNarrativeȱContext,”ȱPMLAȱ108.1ȱ(1993):
106–20;ȱhereȱ108.
alwaysȱtheȱdangerȱofȱsomeoneȱelseȱseeingȱwhatȱyouȱhaveȱ(theȱexposedȱliverȱinȱthe
handsȱofȱtheȱphysician)ȱandȱwantingȱitȱforȱwhateverȱuseȱitȱmayȱbe.
StoryȱVIIIȱallowsȱusȱtoȱidentifyȱtwoȱotherȱelementsȱthatȱareȱpresentȱinȱtheȱstories
aboutȱ theftȱ andȱ victimsȱ ofȱ theft,ȱ appreciationȱ andȱ protection.ȱ Theȱ ownerȱ ofȱ a
possessionȱneedsȱtoȱappreciateȱitsȱvalueȱandȱhaveȱtheȱdesire,ȱtheȱresourcesȱandȱthe
skillsȱtoȱprotectȱit.ȱPatronioȱscoldsȱtheȱCountȱLucanorȱinȱtheȱframeȱofȱtheȱstoryȱfor
evenȱentertainingȱtheȱideaȱofȱgivingȱmoneyȱawayȱthatȱheȱneeds:ȱ“Etȱvos,ȱsennor
condeȱLucanor,ȱsiȱqueredesȱfazerȱmuyȱgrandȱvuestroȱdannoȱporȱauerȱdinerosȱet
darȱlosȱdoȱseȱdeuenȱescudar,ȱdigoȱvosȱqueȱloȱpodiedesȱfazerȱporȱvuestraȱvoluntad,
masȱnuncaȱlaȱfaredesȱporȱelȱmiȱconseio”7ȱ(“Andȱyou,ȱmyȱlordȱCountȱLucanor,ȱif
youȱwantȱtoȱdoȱyourselfȱharmȱbyȱgivingȱmoneyȱawayȱtoȱpeopleȱwhoȱdon’tȱneed
it,ȱdoȱsoȱifȱyouȱwantȱto,ȱbutȱdon’tȱdoȱitȱsayingȱIȱadvisedȱyou”).ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱthe
CountȱLucanorȱ(andȱtheȱreader)ȱneedsȱtoȱappreciateȱandȱprotectȱwhatȱheȱhas.ȱIf
not,ȱheȱhasȱonlyȱhimselfȱtoȱblameȱforȱtheȱharmȱthatȱhisȱcarelessnessȱcouldȱbring:
“Seȱnonȱsabedesȱqueȱdeuedesȱdar,ȱ/ȱaȱgrandȱdannoȱseȱvosȱpodriaȱtornar”8ȱ(“Ifȱyou
don’tȱknowȱwhatȱisȱrightȱtoȱgive,ȱaȱlotȱofȱharmȱcanȱcomeȱtoȱyou”).ȱTheȱlackȱof
responsibilityȱ (appreciationȱ andȱ protection)ȱ onȱ theȱ partȱ ofȱ anȱ ownerȱ towardȱ a
possession,ȱasȱweȱshallȱseeȱfurtherȱalongȱinȱtheȱdiscussion,ȱisȱanȱinvitationȱforȱtheft
toȱtakeȱplaceȱsuccessfully.
StoryȱXXIX,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱraposoȱqueȱseȱechoȱenȱlaȱcalleȱetȱseȱfizo
muerto”ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱfoxȱwhoȱthrewȱhimselfȱonȱtheȱstreetȱandȱpretended
toȱbeȱdead”)ȱdevelopsȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱresponsibility,ȱappreciationȱandȱprotectionȱof
aȱpossession,ȱinȱthisȱcase,ȱagain,ȱbodyȱparts,ȱandȱlifeȱitself.9ȱAȱfoxȱspendsȱtheȱnight
inȱaȱchicken’sȱcoopȱandȱisȱsurprisedȱbyȱdaylightȱandȱpeopleȱcomingȱoutȱtoȱwalkȱthe
streets.ȱTheȱonlyȱwayȱtoȱhideȱisȱtoȱlieȱonȱtheȱstreetȱandȱpretendȱtoȱbeȱdead.ȱFor
differentȱmedicinalȱpurposes,ȱoneȱbyȱoneȱvillagersȱtearȱoffȱbodyȱparts:ȱhairȱfrom
theȱfront,ȱhairȱfromȱtheȱback,ȱtheȱindexȱfinger,ȱandȱaȱtooth,ȱandȱthroughoutȱthe
painfulȱordealȱtheȱfoxȱdoesȱnotȱmove.ȱWhenȱaȱvillagerȱisȱaboutȱtoȱtakeȱoutȱhisȱheart
withȱaȱknife,ȱtheȱfoxȱrealizesȱheȱwillȱnotȱsurviveȱthisȱassault,ȱsoȱheȱrisksȱallȱand
runsȱ away,ȱ successfully.ȱ Patronioȱ tellsȱ theȱ storyȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ adviseȱ theȱ Count
Lucanorȱtoȱputȱupȱwithȱandȱignoreȱminorȱdisturbancesȱfromȱaȱpowerfulȱrelative.
7
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ86:ȱ30–34ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).ȱ
8
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ86:ȱ39–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
9
AccordingȱtoȱHarrietȱGoldbergȱinȱMotifȬIndexȱofȱMedievalȱSpanishȱFolkȱNarrativesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱthe
taleȱofȱtheȱfoxȱwhoȱplaysȱdeadȱandȱhasȱhisȱbodiesȱpartsȱremovedȱbyȱpassersbyȱalsoȱappearsȱin
Libroȱ deȱ Buenȱ Amorȱ (linesȱ 1412–21)ȱ andȱ inȱ aȱ sermonȱ compiledȱ byȱ Fredericȱ Tubachȱ inȱ Index
Exemplorum:ȱAȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱReligiousȱTales,ȱ(Helsinki:ȱSuomalainenȱTiedeakatemia,ȱ1969):
J351.2.ȱFox,ȱinȱdangerȱofȱbeingȱcaught,ȱplaysȱdead.ȱAllowsȱtailȱtoȱbeȱcutȱoff,ȱteethȱtoȱbeȱpulled,ȱears
toȱbeȱcutȱoff,ȱbutȱwillȱnotȱpermitȱheartȱtoȱbeȱremoved.ȱLBAȱcc.ȱ1412–21;ȱLucanorȱEx.ȱ29;ȱTubach
2176,”ȱ65.ȱReynaldoȱAyerbeȬChauxȱdiscussesȱthoroughlyȱtheȱsourcesȱofȱtheȱstoryȱinȱElȱConde
Lucanor:ȱmaterialȱtradicionalȱyȱoriginalidadȱcreadoraȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱ66–69.
Ifȱtheȱrelativeȱstrivesȱtoȱseriouslyȱhurtȱhim,ȱhowever,ȱheȱshouldȱdefendȱandȱprotect
hisȱrights,ȱriskingȱhisȱlife:
Eȱporȱende,ȱaȱlasȱcosasȱpassaderas,ȱpuesȱnonȱseȱpuedenȱestrannarȱcommoȱdeuen,ȱes
mejorȱdeȱlesȱdarȱpassada,ȱmasȱsiȱllegareȱelȱfechoȱaȱalgunaȱcosaȱqueȱseaȱgrandȱdannoȱo
grandȱmengua,ȱentonçeȱseȱaventureȱetȱnonȱleȱsufra,ȱcaȱmejorȱesȱlaȱperdidaȱoȱlaȱmuerte,
defendiendoȱomneȱsuȱderechoȱetȱsuȱonraȱetȱsuȱestado,ȱqueȱbevirȱpassandoȱenȱestas
cosasȱmalȱetȱdesonradaȱmente.10
[Thatȱbeingȱsaid,ȱaboutȱthingsȱthatȱhappenȱoutȱofȱourȱcontrolȱandȱthatȱwillȱeventually
pass,ȱitȱisȱbestȱtoȱputȱupȱwithȱthem;ȱhoweverȱifȱanythingȱcausesȱgreatȱdamageȱorȱhurt,
itȱisȱbestȱtoȱriskȱeverything,ȱevenȱgreaterȱlossȱorȱdeath,ȱdefendingȱaȱman’sȱrights,ȱhonor
andȱstationȱinȱlifeȱthanȱtoȱliveȱsubjectedȱtoȱdishonorȱandȱbadȱsituations.]
Thereȱisȱnoȱtheftȱhereȱinȱtheȱproperȱsenseȱeither,ȱbutȱthisȱstory,ȱlikeȱstoryȱVIII,ȱalso
hasȱelementsȱinȱcommonȱwithȱtheȱstoriesȱaboutȱtheftȱthatȱIȱdiscussȱlater,ȱmainlyȱa
possession,ȱ theȱ bodyȱ (live)ȱ andȱ itsȱ parts,ȱ anȱ ownerȱ andȱ peopleȱ whoȱ seeȱ the
supposedlyȱdeadȱbodyȱofȱtheȱfoxȱandȱwhoȱdesireȱandȱtakeȱdifferentȱpartsȱofȱhis
bodyȱ forȱ differentȱ medicinalȱ uses.ȱ Theȱ anonymousȱ passersȬbyȱ areȱ takersȱ and
opportunistsȱ(inȱtheȱpositiveȱsense)ȱwhoȱfindȱaȱtraditionalȱmedicinalȱuseȱforȱmost
everything,ȱ inȱ thisȱ case,ȱ theȱ fox’sȱ bodyȱ parts.11ȱ Theȱ storyȱ illustratesȱ the
responsibilityȱofȱtheȱwouldȬbeȱvictim,ȱtheȱfox,ȱtoȱsaveȱhimself.ȱHisȱfirstȱstrategy,
playingȱdead,ȱworksȱonlyȱupȱtoȱaȱcertainȱpoint;ȱheȱlosesȱhisȱfur,ȱhisȱteethȱandȱhis
indexȱfinger.ȱHisȱsecondȱstrategy,ȱtoȱsaveȱhisȱlife,ȱisȱtoȱstopȱtheȱpretenseȱandȱrun
away.ȱ
StoriesȱVIIIȱandȱXXIXȱbothȱillustrateȱthreeȱfactsȱaboutȱtheftȱandȱvictimhoodȱthat
areȱimplicitȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanor:ȱ1)ȱpossessionsȱcanȱbeȱreducedȱtoȱtheȱbody,ȱyet
evenȱtheȱbodyȱandȱitsȱpartsȱcanȱandȱoftenȱdoȱbecomeȱsomeoneȱelse’sȱobjectsȱof
desireȱforȱintendedȱappropriation;ȱ2)ȱwouldȱbeȱvictimsȱareȱinȱvaryingȱdegreesȱof
vulnerability;ȱ3)ȱthievesȱ(or,ȱinȱtheseȱtwoȱstories,ȱtakers)ȱareȱeverywhere,ȱifȱthe
rightȱoccasionȱpresentsȱitself,ȱifȱthereȱisȱaȱreadyȱjustificationȱorȱdesireȱatȱhandȱ(to
feedȱaȱcatȱorȱforȱmedicineȱforȱaȱsickȱson),ȱandȱifȱthereȱisȱnoȱfearȱofȱsinȱandȱGodȱ(this
isȱtheȱcaseȱinȱtheȱmoreȱfullyȱdevelopedȱstoriesȱthatȱhaveȱmoreȱCatholicȱcontent).
Inȱeffect,ȱtheȱstoriesȱonȱtheftȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱtransmitȱtheȱmessageȱthatȱbecause
thereȱareȱalwaysȱpossessionsȱinȱtheȱworldȱthereȱareȱalwaysȱthievesȱ(orȱpotential
thieves)ȱandȱvictimsȱ(orȱpotentialȱvictims)ȱofȱtheft.ȱInȱaddition,ȱweȱseeȱinȱtheȱtwo
stories,ȱinȱdifferentȱways,ȱhowȱtheȱrolesȱareȱreversedȱorȱcouldȱbeȱreversed.ȱThe
thiefȱcanȱbecomeȱtheȱvictim,ȱasȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱfoxȱwhoȱatȱtheȱstartȱofȱtheȱstory
10
11
SeeȱHansȬJörgȱUther,ȱ“TheȱFoxȱinȱWorldȱLiterature:ȱReflectionsȱonȱaȱ“FictionalȱAnimal,”ȱAsian
FolkloreȱStudiesȱ65.2ȱ(2006):ȱ133–60.ȱ“Theȱintestinesȱofȱtheȱfoxȱ(especiallyȱtheȱlungȱandȱliver)ȱwere
accordedȱgreatȱsignificanceȱasȱmedicineȱforȱaȱvarietyȱofȱdiseases;”ȱhereȱ135.ȱ
isȱ stealingȱ chickensȱ inȱ theȱ chickenȱ coopȱ andȱ whoȱ himselfȱ laterȱ almostȱ gets
quarteredȱbyȱtheȱvillagers.ȱIfȱtheȱhealthyȱmanȱwithȱtheȱcatȱwereȱtheȱsickȱoneȱonȱthe
operatingȱ table,ȱ heȱ wouldȱ alsoȱ beȱ vulnerableȱ toȱ theȱ potentialȱ insensitivityȱ of
anybodyȱhealthy,ȱforȱtheȱmessageȱofȱtheȱAndalusianȱproverbȱonȱwhichȱtheȱstory
isȱlikelyȱbasedȱisȱthatȱpersonalȱmisfortuneȱisȱoftenȱmetȱwithȱopportunism.ȱ
GullibleȱVictims:ȱVanity,ȱStupidity,ȱandȱGreed
TheȱfoxȱinȱstoryȱVȱ(“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱraposoȱconȱvnȱcueruoȱqueȱtenieȱun
pedaçoȱdeȱquesoȱenȱelȱpico”),ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱtheȱfoxȱwithȱtheȱcrowȱthatȱhad
aȱpieceȱofȱcheeseȱinȱhisȱbeak”),ȱtheȱfalseȱalchemistȱinȱstoryȱXXȱ(“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçio
aȱvnȱreyȱconȱvnȱomneȱquellȱdixoȱqueȱfaríaȱalquimia”),ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱking
withȱaȱmanȱwhoȱsaidȱheȱcouldȱdoȱalchemy”),ȱandȱtheȱtrickstersȱ(“burladores”)ȱin
storyȱXXXIIȱ(“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱreyȱconȱlosȱburladoresȱqueȱfizieronȱvn
panno”),ȱ (“Whatȱ happenedȱ toȱ aȱ kingȱ withȱ threeȱ trickstersȱ whoȱ madeȱ aȱ him
clothes”)ȱareȱthievesȱwhoȱlieȱtoȱtheirȱtargetsȱinȱorderȱtoȱcarryȱoutȱtheirȱthefts.ȱThey
wantȱsomethingȱmaterial,ȱtheȱfox,ȱtheȱcheeseȱtheȱcrowȱhasȱinȱhisȱbeak,ȱtheȱfalse
alchemist,ȱtheȱking’sȱmoney,ȱandȱtheȱthreeȱtricksters,ȱtheȱkings’ȱgold,ȱsilverȱand
silkȱ(theȱmaterialȱforȱtheȱphantomȱclothes,ȱwhichȱtheyȱrunȱawayȱwith).ȱTheȱthieves
areȱnotȱpunishedȱinȱeitherȱoneȱofȱtheȱthreeȱstories,ȱbecauseȱtheȱfocusȱisȱonȱthe
gullibilityȱofȱtheȱvictims.ȱBehindȱtheirȱgullibilityȱareȱtheirȱcharacterȱflawsȱorȱtheir
sinfulȱnature.ȱTheȱcrowȱisȱvain;ȱtheȱkingȱinȱstoryȱXXȱisȱgreedy,ȱandȱtheȱkingȱin
storyȱXXXIIȱisȱbothȱstupidȱandȱgreedy.
JuanȱManuel’sȱadaptationȱofȱtheȱwellȬknownȱfableȱofȱtheȱfoxȱandȱtheȱcrowȱis
perhapsȱtheȱmostȱsimple,ȱstraightforwardȱandȱtraditionalȱrepresentationȱofȱaȱthief
andȱhisȱvictimȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanor.12ȱWantingȱtheȱpieceȱofȱcheeseȱthatȱtheȱcrowȱhas
inȱ hisȱ beak,ȱ theȱ foxȱ liesȱ toȱ theȱ crowȱ byȱ tellingȱ himȱ thatȱ allȱ hisȱ bodyȱ partsȱ are
beautifulȱbecauseȱtheyȱareȱblack,ȱcontraryȱtoȱpopularȱopinion.ȱHeȱalsoȱsaysȱthatȱhe
believesȱthatȱGodȱmadeȱhimȱalsoȱaȱgoodȱsingerȱandȱthatȱheȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱhearȱhim
sing.ȱTheȱcrowȱopensȱhisȱmouthȱtoȱsingȱandȱletsȱfallȱtheȱpieceȱofȱcheese,ȱwhichȱthe
foxȱrunsȱawayȱwith.ȱTheȱresponsibilityȱforȱtheȱtheftȱisȱplacedȱnotȱonȱtheȱfoxȱ(after
all,ȱaȱfoxȱwillȱbeȱaȱfox,ȱcunning)ȱbutȱonȱtheȱcrowȱwhoȱletȱvanityȱblindȱhimȱtoȱthe
truth,ȱthatȱheȱisȱnotȱbeautifulȱnorȱaȱgoodȱsingerȱandȱthatȱtheȱfoxȱwantedȱtoȱsteal
somethingȱfromȱhim.13ȱTheȱmoralȱofȱtheȱstoryȱis:ȱ“Quiȱteȱalabaȱconȱloȱqueȱnonȱes
12
AccordingȱtoȱHarriettȱGoldberg,ȱtheȱfableȱisȱfoundȱinȱfourȱotherȱSpanishȱmedievalȱtexts:ȱJuan
Ruiz’sȱLibroȱdeȱbuenȱamorȱ(linesȱ1437–43),ȱEsopete,ȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.c.,ȱandȱinȱaȱreligious
taleȱusedȱforȱsermonsȱ(FrederickȱTubach,ȱIndexȱExemplorum:ȱAȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱReligiousȱTales
(seeȱnoteȱ6);ȱcf.ȱMotifȬIndexȱofȱSpanishȱMedievalȱNarrativesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱ95.ȱ
13
SeeȱCarmenȱHernándezȱValcárcel,ȱElȱcuentoȱmedievalȱespañol:ȱRevisiónȱcríticaȱyȱantologíaȱ(Murcia:
enȱti,ȱsabeȱqueȱquiereȱleuarȱloȱqueȱasȱdeȱti”ȱ(“Theȱpersonȱwhoȱpraisesȱyouȱfalsely
onlyȱwantsȱtoȱtakeȱadvantageȱofȱyouȱandȱstealȱsomethingȱfromȱyou”).ȱ
OneȱofȱtheȱmainȱobjectivesȱofȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱisȱtoȱeducateȱtheȱreceptorȱabout
theȱ evilȱ waysȱ ofȱ theȱ world.ȱ Theȱ dictumsȱ are:ȱ beȱ goodȱ butȱ notȱ stupid;ȱ be
trustworthyȱbutȱdistrustful;ȱtakeȱtimeȱtoȱinvestigateȱtheȱtruth,ȱwhichȱmanyȱtimes
isȱhidingȱbehindȱappearances;ȱtreadȱcarefully,ȱdon’tȱfallȱvictim.ȱTheȱcrowȱisȱstupid
andȱvain.ȱHeȱfallsȱvictimȱtoȱtheȱfox’sȱliesȱandȱtheftȱnotȱonlyȱbecauseȱheȱcan’tȱseeȱthe
fox’sȱtrueȱnatureȱandȱintentions,ȱbutȱalsoȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱnotȱcomeȱtoȱtermsȱwith
hisȱ ownȱ nature,ȱ thatȱ heȱ isȱ uglyȱ andȱ notȱ tooȱ smart.ȱ Heȱ hasȱ notȱ measuredȱ his
attributesȱandȱdeficienciesȱcorrectly.ȱHeȱdoesȱnotȱknowȱhimself.ȱForȱJuanȱManuel,
developingȱknowledgeȱofȱoneselfȱisȱoneȱofȱtheȱprimaryȱgoalsȱofȱeducation,ȱandȱone
ofȱtheȱmainȱdictumsȱofȱtheȱcollectionȱofȱstories.ȱItȱisȱneededȱinȱorderȱtoȱmakeȱupȱfor
one’sȱweaknessesȱandȱtoȱcapitalizeȱonȱone’sȱstrengthsȱandȱgifts.ȱItȱisȱnecessaryȱso
asȱtoȱcombatȱtheȱevilȱwithin,ȱinȱoneself,ȱandȱwithout,ȱinȱtheȱworld,ȱsoȱasȱtoȱnotȱfall
victimȱofȱeither.ȱWithoutȱknowledgeȱofȱoneself,ȱevilȱwillȱhaveȱtheȱupperȱhandȱin
theȱbattleȱbetweenȱgoodȱandȱevil.ȱIfȱtheȱcrowȱknewȱhimself,ȱheȱwouldȱrecognize
theȱliesȱofȱtheȱfoxȱforȱwhatȱtheyȱare.14ȱ
UniversidadȱdeȱMurcia,ȱ1997),ȱ68.ȱHernándezȱValcárcelȱechoesȱMenéndezȱPidal’sȱcomparisonȱof
JuanȱManuel’sȱversionȱofȱtheȱfableȱwithȱJuanȱRuiz’sȱinȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱbuenȱamor,ȱconcludingȱthatȱJuan
Manuel’sȱfoxȱliesȱinȱaȱmoreȱcerebralȱfashion,ȱmanipulatingȱtruthȱinȱorderȱtoȱdeceiveȱtheȱcrow,
whereasȱtheȱfoxȱinȱJuanȱRuiz’sȱversionȱusesȱblatantȱliesȱtoȱappealȱtoȱtheȱcrow’sȱemotions,ȱhis
vanity.ȱNevertheless,ȱitȱisȱstillȱtheȱcrow’sȱvanityȱthatȱJuanȱManuel’sȱfox,ȱthoughȱmoreȱcerebralȱhis
method,ȱappealsȱto.ȱForȱaȱthoroughȱcomparisonȱofȱtheȱfableȱinȱLibroȱdeȱbuenȱamorȱwithȱitsȱsource,
seeȱMargheritaȱMorreale’sȱarticle,ȱ‘”Enxiemploȱdeȱlaȱraposaȱeȱdelȱcuervo’ȱoȱ‘Laȱzorraȱyȱlaȱcorneja’
enȱLibroȱdelȱArcipestreȱdeȱHitaȱ(1437–43),”ȱRevistaȱdeȱLiteraturaȱMedievalȱ2ȱ(1990):ȱ49–83.ȱMorreale’s
articleȱalsoȱexplainsȱwhyȱtheȱtwoȱversions,ȱtheȱversionȱinȱLibroȱdeȱBuenȱAmorȱandȱtheȱversionȱinȱEl
CondeȱLucanor,ȱareȱdifferent:ȱtheȱsourcesȱusedȱareȱdifferent.ȱJuanȱManuelȱusedȱtheȱLBGȱ(London,
Brussels,ȱGöttingen)ȱofȱtheȱRȱ(Romuli)ȱandȱJuanȱRuizȱusedȱtheȱGIȱ(GualterioȱelȱInglés)ȱofȱtheȱRomuli.
ThereȱareȱmoreȱamplificationsȱinȱJuanȱManuel’sȱversion,ȱmainlyȱemphasisȱonȱtheȱpremeditation
ofȱtheȱtheft,ȱtheȱelaborationȱofȱtheȱlie,ȱandȱtheȱthoughtȱprocessȱofȱtheȱcrow.ȱSeeȱalsoȱReynaldo
AyerbeȬChaux,ȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱMateriaȱtradicionalȱyȱoriginalidadȱcreadoraȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱ56–59.
14
Likewise,ȱitȱisȱtheȱabilityȱtoȱbeȱanȱindependentȱthinkerȱthatȱisȱrequiredȱinȱorderȱnotȱtoȱfallȱvictim.
Obviously,ȱtheȱcrowȱisȱnotȱanȱindependentȱthinker.ȱInȱtheȱsecondȱexampleȱofȱtheȱcollectionȱof
stories,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱomneȱbuenoȱconȱsuȱfijo,”ȱ(Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱgoodȱmanȱwith
hisȱson”),ȱaȱfatherȱteachesȱhisȱsonȱthatȱheȱcannotȱpleaseȱeverybody,ȱforȱeverybodyȱwillȱhaveȱa
differentȱopinionȱasȱtoȱhowȱtoȱproceed.ȱHeȱmustȱuseȱhisȱownȱjudgment.ȱWithoutȱtheȱabilityȱto
makeȱindependentȱvalueȱjudgmentsȱandȱdecisions—theyȱneedȱtoȱhaveȱaȱfoundationȱinȱChristian
education—itȱisȱeasyȱtoȱbeȱledȱastray.ȱWithoutȱindependentȱthinkingȱthereȱisȱnoȱdefenseȱagainst
lies,ȱ andȱ fallingȱ victimȱ toȱ themȱ isȱ aȱ guarantee.ȱ Asȱ isȱ wellȱ known,ȱ thisȱ valueȱ ofȱ independent
thinkingȱ basedȱ onȱ experienceȱ andȱ intelligenceȱ providesȱ aȱ markedȱ contrastȱ withȱ the
submissivenessȱofȱtheȱcharacterȱdonnaȱVascunnanaȱinȱexampleȱXXVII,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱun
enperadorȱetȱaȱdonȱAluarȱHannezȱMinayaȱconȱsusȱmugeres.”ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱanȱemperorȱand
toȱAlvarȱHannezȱMinayaȱwithȱtheirȱwives.)”ȱSheȱgivesȱupȱoneȱgood,ȱtoȱexpressȱherȱownȱopinion
basedȱonȱherȱownȱexperience,ȱinȱfavorȱofȱwhatȱforȱherȱisȱaȱhigherȱgood,ȱtoȱshowȱherȱloyaltyȱtoȱher
husband,ȱAlvarȱHannez.ȱWeȱcouldȱeasilyȱexpandȱonȱthisȱwithȱreferenceȱtoȱcountlessȱotherȱdidactic
ThisȱisȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱkingȱinȱexampleȱXXXII,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱreyȱcon
losȱ burladoresȱ queȱ fizieronȱ unȱ panno,”ȱ whoȱ insteadȱ ofȱ believingȱ hisȱ own
perceptionȱ ofȱ reality,ȱ thatȱ heȱ isȱ nakedȱ inȱ public,ȱ choosesȱ toȱ believeȱ whatȱ his
deceiversȱandȱtheirȱdupedȱfollowersȱwantȱhimȱtoȱbelieve—thatȱheȱisȱwearingȱthe
mostȱ lavishȱ andȱ beautifulȱ clothingȱ everȱ made.15ȱ Itȱ isȱ notȱ thatȱ theȱ kingȱ really
believesȱthatȱheȱisȱdressedȱinȱclothing.ȱHeȱcanȱseeȱthatȱheȱisȱnaked.ȱHeȱbelievesȱthe
storyȱ ofȱ theȱ deceivers,ȱ thatȱ ifȱ heȱ can’tȱ seeȱ theȱ clothing,ȱ itȱ isȱ becauseȱ heȱ is
illegitimate.ȱThisȱisȱwhyȱtheȱpeopleȱinȱtheȱcrowd,ȱfearingȱtheirȱownȱillegitimacy,
don’tȱwantȱtoȱtellȱtheȱtruthȱeither.ȱItȱisȱanȱorphanȱboyȱinȱtheȱcrowdȱwhoȱhasȱthe
courageȱtoȱtellȱtheȱtruth,ȱbecauseȱheȱalreadyȱknowsȱheȱisȱillegitimate.ȱHeȱsaysȱtoȱthe
king,ȱ“Sennor,ȱaȱmiȱnonȱmeȱenpeçeȱqueȱmeȱtengadesȱporȱfijoȱdeȱaquelȱpadreȱque
yoȱdigo,ȱninȱdeȱotro,ȱetȱporȱende,ȱdigoȱvosȱqueȱsoȱçiego,ȱoȱvosȱdesnudoȱydes.”16
(“Lord,ȱIȱdoȱnotȱcareȱifȱyouȱbelieveȱwhoȱIȱsayȱmyȱfatherȱis,ȱwhetherȱthisȱmanȱor
thatȱman,ȱandȱsoȱIȱamȱtellingȱyou,ȱeitherȱIȱamȱblindȱorȱyouȱareȱnaked.”)ȱByȱtheȱtime
theȱkingȱandȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheȱpeopleȱunderstandȱtheȱdeception,ȱtheȱthievesȱhave
madeȱoffȱwithȱtheȱmoneyȱthatȱtheȱkingȱhasȱpaidȱthemȱforȱtheȱclothing.ȱTheȱthieves
escapeȱapprehensionȱandȱpunishment.ȱ
Thievesȱdoȱgetȱawayȱwithȱtheirȱcrimes.ȱTheseȱthievesȱinȱexampleȱXXXIIȱescape
punishmentȱ fromȱ theȱ systemȱ ofȱ humanȱ justiceȱ forȱ aȱ reasonȱ weȱ canȱ easily
understand.ȱJuanȱManuelȱwantsȱtoȱkeepȱtheȱfocusȱonȱtheȱpunishmentȱthatȱtheȱking
deserves,ȱforȱhisȱlackȱofȱcourage,ȱhisȱfearȱofȱillegitimacy,ȱandȱhisȱgullibility.ȱCould
heȱhaveȱfallenȱinȱaȱmoreȱembarrassingȱsituation,ȱstupidȱandȱnakedȱinȱpublicȱamong
hisȱsubjects?ȱTheȱoneȱthingȱaȱkingȱneedsȱisȱtheȱabilityȱtoȱdiscriminateȱbetweenȱwhat
isȱ trueȱ andȱ whatȱ isȱ aȱ lie,ȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ governȱ withȱ justice.ȱ Theȱ thievesȱ are
“burladores”ȱ(“burlar,”ȱtoȱdeceive).ȱTheyȱhaveȱnoȱfearȱthemselves.ȱOnȱtheȱother
hand,ȱtheyȱuseȱtheirȱvictim’sȱfears,ȱtheȱking’s,ȱtoȱcommitȱtheirȱcrime.ȱTheȱstoryȱalso
illustratesȱthatȱeverybody,ȱnoȱmatterȱwhatȱpositionȱtheyȱoccupyȱinȱsociety,ȱisȱa
potentialȱvictim.ȱTheȱking’sȱpositionȱdoesȱnotȱprotectȱhim.ȱOnlyȱhisȱcapacityȱto
discriminateȱ andȱ theȱ integrityȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ moralȱ characterȱ could,ȱ andȱ bothȱ are
lacking.
textsȱfromȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱencouragingȱtheȱreaders/listenersȱtoȱthinkȱforȱthemselvesȱandȱtoȱavoid
lies.ȱSee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱWhatȱNatureȱDoesȱnotȱTeach:ȱDidacticȱLiteratureȱinȱthe
MedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱPeriods,ȱed.ȱJuanitaȱFerosȱRuys.ȱDisputatio,ȱ15ȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2008).
15
AccordingȱtoȱArcherȱTaylorȱinȱ“TheȱEmperor’sȱNewȱClothes,”ȱModernȱPhilology,ȱ25.1ȱ(1927):ȱ17–27,
theȱstoryȱofȱaȱweaverȱ(orȱweavers)ȱwhoȱdeceivesȱaȱkingȱhasȱitsȱoriginȱinȱanȱArabicȱstoryȱthatȱisȱalso
theȱsourceȱofȱtheȱstoryȱinȱtheȱTurkishȱcollection,ȱTheȱFortyȱVezirs.ȱOfȱJuanȱManuel’sȱoriginality,
ArcherȱTaylorȱwrites,ȱ“TheȱmeritȱofȱJuanȱManuel’sȱinventionȱliesȱinȱtheȱdrasticȱutilizationȱofȱthe
King’sȱcredulityȱtoȱbringȱaboutȱtheȱcatastrophe;ȱonlyȱinȱJuanȱManuelȱandȱinȱtheȱliteraryȱtradition
dependentȱonȱhimȱisȱthisȱsoȱcleverlyȱbroughtȱabout;”ȱhereȱ24.ȱ Pleaseȱ seeȱalsoȱPleaseȱseeȱalso
ReynaldoȱAyerbeȬChaux,ȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱMateriaȱtradicionalȱyȱoriginalidadȱcreadoraȱ,ȱ140–49ȱ(see
noteȱ1).
16
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ269:109–11ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
TheȱkingȱinȱstoryȱXX,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱreyȱconȱvnȱomneȱquelȱdixoȱquel
fariaȱalquimia,”ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱkingȱwithȱaȱmanȱwhoȱsaidȱheȱcouldȱdo
alchemy”)ȱisȱlikewiseȱgullibleȱandȱgreedy.17ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱ“golfín”ȱchosesȱhisȱtarget,
theȱking,ȱbecauseȱofȱhisȱtwoȱwellȬknownȱcharacterȱflaws,ȱthatȱheȱisȱnotȱtooȱbright
andȱthatȱheȱisȱobsessedȱwithȱalchemy:ȱ“Etȱaquelȱomneȱsopoȱqueȱvnȱreyȱqueȱnonȱera
deȱmuyȱbuenȱrecadoȱseȱtrabaiauaȱdeȱfazerȱalquimia”18ȱ(“Andȱthatȱmanȱfoundȱout
aboutȱaȱkingȱwhoȱwasȱnotȱtooȱbrightȱandȱwantedȱtoȱdoȱalchemy”).ȱInȱotherȱwords,
theȱ king’sȱ obsessionȱ withȱ theȱ fantasyȱ ofȱ gettingȱ richȱ viaȱ alchemyȱ revealsȱ his
gullibleȱandȱgreedyȱnature.ȱTheȱ“golfín”ȱusesȱhisȱknowledgeȱofȱtheȱking’sȱcharacter
weaknessesȱtoȱdeceiveȱhimȱandȱgetȱrichȱoffȱofȱhim.19ȱ
Theȱployȱisȱdetailed,ȱelaborate,ȱandȱveryȱwellȱplannedȱout:ȱtheȱcounterfeitȱcoins,
theȱdisguiseȱasȱanȱalchemist,ȱtheȱ“ingredient”ȱ(“tabardie”)ȱheȱsellsȱtoȱtheȱgrocer
thatȱheȱsaysȱisȱrequiredȱtoȱpracticeȱalchemy,ȱtheȱsecretiveȱconversationȱwithȱthe
king,ȱtheȱdemonstrationȱofȱalchemyȱ(afterȱbuyingȱtheȱkeyȱscarceȱingredient),ȱthe
king’sȱownȱexperienceȱmakingȱgoldȱcoinsȱwithȱtheȱsecretȱingredient,ȱandȱfinally
theȱcrisisȱ(theȱsecretȱingredientȱrunsȱout)ȱandȱtheȱsuccessȱofȱtheȱtheft,ȱtheȱalchemist
runsȱoffȱwithȱtheȱgreatȱamountȱofȱmoneyȱthatȱtheȱkingȱhasȱgivenȱhimȱtoȱbuyȱmore
ofȱtheȱpreciousȱsecretȱingredient:ȱ“Eȱdesqueȱelȱgolfinȱloȱtouoȱenȱsuȱpoder,ȱfuesse
suȱ carreraȱ etȱ nuncaȱ seȱ tornoȱ alȱ rey.ȱ Etȱ assiȱ fincoȱ elȱ reyȱ engannadoȱ porȱ suȱ mal
17
Inȱ“Tresȱnuevosȱanálogosȱespañolesȱparaȱunȱcuentoȱinglés,”ȱJesúsȱL.ȱSerranoȱReyesȱexplainsȱthat
theȱtopicȱofȱalchemyȱinȱaȱstoryȱformatȱisȱfoundȱinȱfourȱmedievalȱtexts,ȱandȱinȱchronologicalȱorder
theyȱ are:ȱ Llibreȱ desȱ merevallesȱ byȱ Ramonȱ Lull,ȱ Libroȱ delȱ caballeroȱ Zifar,ȱ Elȱ Condeȱ Lucanorȱ and
Chaucer’sȱ Theȱ Canterburyȱ Tales.ȱ Heȱ explainsȱ thatȱ Lidaȱ deȱ Malkiel,ȱ Marínȱ andȱ AyerbeȬChaux
believeȱ thatȱ theȱ Spanishȱ versionsȱ mostȱ probablyȱ hadȱ aȱ commonȱ Arabȱ source.ȱ AyerbeȬChaux
believesȱ inȱ additionȱ thatȱ Ramónȱ Lull’sȱ textȱ isȱ theȱ directȱ sourceȱ forȱ Elȱ caballeroȱ Zifarȱ andȱ Juan
Manuel’sȱElȱCondeȱLucanor.ȱDidactismoȱyȱMoralismoȱenȱGeoffreyȱChaucerȱyȱDonȱJuanȱManuel:ȱUn
estudioȱcomparativoȱtextualȱ(Córdoba:ȱServicioȱdeȱPublicacionesȱdeȱlaȱUniversidadȱdeȱCórdoba,
1996),ȱ 252–73.ȱ Reproducedȱ inȱ http://www.ucm.es/info/especulo/numero9/canon1.htmlȱ (last
accessedȱonȱDec.ȱ29,ȱ2011).
18
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ151:18–20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
19
JohnȱBurkeȱinȱ“JuanȱManuel’sȱTabardieȱandȱGolfín,”ȱHispanicȱReviewȱ44ȱ(1976):ȱ171–78,ȱpresentsȱa
thoroughȱstudyȱofȱtheȱwordsȱ“tabardíe”ȱandȱ“golfín,”ȱwhichȱare,ȱaccordingȱtoȱhim,ȱofȱArabic
origin.ȱ“Tabardíe”ȱcomesȱfromȱ“barada”ȱinȱArabic,ȱwhichȱBurkeȱexplains,ȱhasȱdoubleȱmeaning,
“toȱfile”ȱ(theȱcoinsȱareȱfiled)ȱandȱ“toȱbecomeȱcold.”ȱTheȱcoldnessȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱking’sȱstupidity:
“‘Barada,’ȱmeaningȱ‘toȱfile,’ȱisȱaȱlinguisticȱdoubleȱofȱaȱmuchȱmoreȱcommonȱArabicȱverbȱwhich
meansȱ ‘toȱ beȱ orȱ becomeȱ cold.’ȱ Fromȱ thisȱ basicȱ ideaȱ inȱ Arabicȱ ofȱ ‘coldness’ȱ thereȱ derivesȱ a
secondaryȱmeaningȱofȱslowness,ȱsillinessȱandȱstupidity.ȱBlanchereȱinterpretsȱtheȱtenthȱformȱof
baradaȱasȱ‘toȱthinkȱsomeoneȱtiresome,ȱgross,ȱstupid’”ȱ(hereȱ173).ȱTheȱ“tabardíe”ȱwouldȱreflectȱthe
king’sȱ stupidity.ȱ “Golfín,”ȱ writesȱ Burke,ȱ mightȱ deriveȱ fromȱ theȱ Arabicȱ verbȱ “ghalafa,”ȱ which
“meansȱtoȱcoverȱorȱenvelop”ȱ(hereȱ175).ȱBurkeȱcomesȱtoȱtheseȱconclusionsȱaboutȱtheȱmeaningȱof
theȱwordȱ“golfín”:ȱ“Theȱtranslationȱwhichȱisȱnormallyȱgivenȱforȱgolfín,ȱ“maleante,ȱmalhechor,”
parallelsȱoneȱsenseȱofȱtheȱwordȱburlador,ȱ“heȱwhoȱdoesȱevilȱbyȱdeceitȱorȱtrickery.”ȱTheȱpossibility,
then,ȱexistsȱthatȱsemanticallyȱgolfínȱisȱaȱkindȱofȱbackȬformationȱfromȱaȱstem,ȱwhichȱbasicallyȱmeans
“toȱconceal.”ȱHeȱwhoȱconcealsȱveryȱoftenȱdoesȱitȱinȱorderȱtoȱcommitȱevil”ȱ(hereȱ176).ȱ
recabdo”20ȱ(“Andȱasȱsoonȱasȱtheȱscoundrelȱhadȱitȱinȱhisȱpower,ȱheȱskippedȱtown
andȱheȱneverȱreturnedȱtoȱtheȱking.ȱAndȱthatȱisȱhowȱtheȱkingȱwasȱdeceivedȱbecause
ofȱhisȱlackȱofȱcommonȱsense”).ȱ
Inȱeffect,ȱtheȱblameȱforȱtheȱsuccessȱofȱtheȱtheftȱisȱplacedȱonȱtheȱking’sȱgullibility,
hisȱ“malȱrecabdo.”ȱTheȱthiefȱrubsȱitȱinȱbyȱleavingȱtheȱkingȱaȱwrittenȱnoteȱattesting
toȱbothȱhisȱownȱaudacityȱandȱtheȱking’sȱgullibility:ȱ“Bienȱcredȱqueȱnonȱaȱenȱel
mundoȱtabardie;ȱmasȱabetȱqueȱvosȱheȱengannado,ȱetȱquandoȱyoȱvosȱdiziaȱqueȱvos
fariaȱrico,ȱdeuieradesȱmeȱdezirȱqueȱloȱfeziesseȱprimeroȱaȱmiȱetȱqueȱmeȱcreeriedes”21
(“Iȱwantȱyouȱtoȱknowȱthatȱthereȱisȱnoȱsuchȱthingȱasȱ‘tabardie’ȱinȱthisȱworldȱandȱthat
Iȱdeceivedȱyou,ȱandȱwhenȱIȱsaidȱthatȱIȱcouldȱmakeȱyouȱaȱrichȱman,ȱyouȱshould
haveȱaskedȱmeȱtoȱmakeȱmyselfȱrichȱfirst”).
InȱstoriesȱXXXIIȱandȱXXȱtheȱthievesȱmakeȱoffȱwithȱtheȱkings’ȱmoney.ȱMoneyȱ(and
silverȱandȱgold)ȱisȱtheȱpossessionȱtheyȱtargetȱforȱtheft.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱkingsȱalsoȱlose
otherȱvaluableȱpossessionsȱinȱtheȱtransaction.ȱTheȱkingȱinȱstoryȱXXXIIȱisȱhumiliated
beforeȱhisȱpeopleȱandȱtheȱkingȱinȱstoryȱXXȱisȱmadeȱfunȱofȱbyȱhisȱpeople.ȱTheyȱlose
respectȱandȱcredibility.ȱThisȱlossȱofȱrespectȱandȱcredibilityȱisȱespeciallyȱdeveloped
inȱstoryȱXXȱwithȱJuanȱManuel’sȱcharacteristicȱhumor.ȱTheȱkingȱfindsȱoutȱthatȱtwo
menȱhaveȱmadeȱlistsȱofȱtheȱsmartȱmen,ȱtheȱrichȱmenȱandȱtheȱstupidȱmenȱinȱthe
kingdom,ȱandȱthatȱtheyȱhaveȱputȱhimȱfirstȱonȱtheȱlistȱofȱstupidȱmen.ȱHeȱsummons
theȱmenȱandȱasksȱthemȱwhyȱtheyȱhaveȱplacedȱhimȱonȱthisȱlist,ȱandȱtheirȱcandid
answerȱisȱbecauseȱheȱgaveȱaȱlotȱofȱhisȱmoneyȱtoȱaȱstrangerȱheȱhadȱnoȱreferencesȱfor.
Itȱisȱhumorousȱthatȱtheȱkingȱconfirmsȱhisȱgullibilityȱwhenȱheȱrespondsȱthatȱifȱthe
thiefȱreturnsȱheȱwillȱnoȱlongerȱbeȱaȱstupidȱman.ȱ
Theȱtwoȱmen,ȱwithȱtongueȱinȱcheek,ȱreplyȱthatȱwhenȱtheȱthiefȱreturnsȱtheyȱwill
takeȱtheȱkingȱoffȱfirstȱplaceȱonȱtheȱlistȱofȱstupidȱpeopleȱandȱputȱinsteadȱtheȱthief
firstȱonȱtheȱlist:22ȱ“Etȱellosȱleȱdixieronȱqueȱellosȱnonȱperdianȱnadaȱdeȱsuȱcuenta,ȱca
siȱelȱotroȱviniesse,ȱqueȱsacarianȱalȱreyȱdelȱescriptoȱetȱqueȱpornianȱaȱel”23ȱ(“Andȱthey
toldȱhimȱthatȱtheyȱdidȱnotȱcareȱoneȱwayȱorȱanother,ȱbutȱifȱtheȱthiefȱreturnedȱthey
willȱtakeȱtheȱkingȱoffȱtheȱlistȱandȱtheyȱwillȱputȱhimȱonȱit”).
Theseȱareȱstoriesȱthatȱprovideȱnegativeȱexamplesȱofȱconductȱ(theȱcharactersȱfall
victimsȱofȱtheft).ȱAtȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱstoriesȱPatronioȱgivesȱadviceȱtoȱLucanorȱonȱhow
20
21
22
GracielaȱCándanoȱstudiesȱwhatȱmakesȱtheȱtwoȱkingsȱinȱtheseȱtwoȱstoriesȱcomicalȱinȱherȱarticle
“PersonajesȱcómicosȱenȱlaȱDisciplinaȱclericalesȱyȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,”ȱActaȱPoéticaȱ30.1ȱ(2009):ȱ29–59.
AsȱtoȱtheȱkingȱinȱstoryȱXXXII,ȱitȱisȱhisȱnakednessȱthatȱmakesȱhimȱanȱ“hazmerreir,”ȱaȱlaughingȱstock
forȱhisȱpeopleȱ(hereȱ55).ȱAsȱtoȱtheȱkingȱinȱexampleȱXX,ȱheȱisȱcomicalȱbecauseȱheȱisȱmadeȱfunȱofȱby
theȱfalseȱalchemistȱinȱtheȱnoteȱheȱleavesȱinȱtheȱtrunkȱandȱbyȱtheȱtwoȱmenȱwhoȱputȱhimȱonȱtheȱlist
ofȱstupidȱpeopleȱ(hereȱ52).ȱhttp://www.revistas.unam.mx/index.php/rap/article/view/23130ȱ(last
accessedȱonȱDec.ȱ29,ȱ2011).
23
toȱnotȱfallȱinȱtheȱtrapsȱthatȱtheȱcharactersȱfallȱin.ȱAsȱweȱknow,ȱtheseȱelaborations
areȱreinforcedȱbyȱtheȱmoralȱinȱtheȱtwoȱversesȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱsaysȱ(referringȱto
himselfȱinȱthirdȱperson)ȱheȱhasȱaddedȱtoȱsummarizeȱtheȱlesson.ȱInȱstoryȱVȱ(theȱfox
andȱtheȱcrow)ȱPatronioȱadvisesȱLucanorȱtoȱbewareȱofȱflattery,ȱforȱtheȱintentionȱof
theȱflattererȱisȱtoȱdeceive.ȱAsȱmentionedȱabove,ȱtheȱtwoȱversesȱthatȱsummarizeȱthe
moralȱ(“Quiȱteȱalabaȱconȱloȱqueȱnonȱesȱenȱit,ȱ/ȱsabeȱqueȱquiereȱleuarȱloȱqueȱasȱde
ti”;ȱ“Theȱpersonȱwhoȱpraisesȱyouȱfalselyȱonlyȱwantsȱtoȱtakeȱadvantageȱofȱyouȱand
stealȱsomethingȱfromȱyou”)ȱclarifyȱthatȱtheȱflattererȱwantsȱtoȱdeceiveȱinȱorderȱto
stealȱ somethingȱ fromȱ you.ȱ Patronio’sȱ adviceȱ inȱ storyȱ XXȱ (theȱ fakeȱ alchemist)
focusesȱ onȱ Lucanor’sȱ responsibilityȱ toȱ beȱ smartȱ enoughȱ toȱ protectȱ hisȱ own
propertyȱandȱwealthȱfromȱswindlersȱwhoȱpromiseȱbigȱreturnsȱonȱhisȱmoney.ȱ
Theȱtwoȱversesȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱstoryȱechoȱwhatȱtheȱ“golfín”ȱwroteȱinȱhisȱnote
toȱtheȱking:ȱseeȱifȱtheȱpersonȱwhoȱpromisesȱyouȱaȱgoodȱreturnȱonȱyourȱmoneyȱis
wealthyȱ himself,ȱ ifȱ not,ȱ don’tȱ believeȱ him:ȱ “Nonȱ aventuradesȱ muchoȱ deȱ tu
riqueza,/ȱporȱconsejoȱdelȱqueȱaȱgrandȱpobreza.”24ȱ(“Don’tȱriskȱaȱlotȱofȱyourȱwealth
onȱ theȱ adviceȱ ofȱ someoneȱ whoȱ isȱ poor”).ȱ Inȱ storyȱ XXXIIȱ (theȱ “burladores”)
PatronioȱadvisesȱLucanorȱtoȱbewareȱofȱstrangersȱwhoȱaskȱhimȱtoȱkeepȱaȱprofitable
negotiationȱsecretȱfromȱhisȱfriends,ȱforȱtheirȱintentionȱisȱtoȱtakeȱadvantageȱofȱhim.
Theyȱ wouldȱ notȱ askȱ forȱ secrecyȱ ifȱ theyȱ wereȱ honest:ȱ “Etȱ vos,ȱ sennorȱ conde
Lucanor,ȱpuesȱaquelȱomneȱvosȱdizeȱqueȱnonȱsepaȱningunoȱdeȱlosȱenȱqueȱvosȱfiades
nadaȱdeȱloȱqueȱelȱvosȱdize,ȱçiertoȱseedȱqueȱvosȱcuydaȱengannar,ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”25ȱ(“Andȱyou,
myȱ lordȱ Countȱ Lucanor,ȱ bewareȱ thatȱ thatȱ manȱ whoȱ tellsȱ youȱ thatȱ noȱ oneȱ else
shouldȱknowȱaboutȱtheȱdealȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱofȱyouȱisȱtryingȱtoȱdeceiveȱyou”).ȱ
Theȱtwoȱversesȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱstory,ȱcapturingȱtheȱmoralȱwithȱhumor,ȱalso
emphasizeȱthatȱimposedȱsecrecyȱisȱaȱsignȱofȱdanger:ȱ“Quienȱteȱconseiaȱencobrirȱde
tusȱamigos,ȱ/ȱsabeȱqueȱmasȱteȱquiereȱengannarȱqueȱdosȱfigos.”26ȱTheȱthreeȱstories
illustrateȱthatȱitȱisȱupȱtoȱtheȱtargetsȱofȱtheȱthievesȱtoȱseeȱtheȱwarningȱsignalsȱ(the
redȱflags)ȱinȱorderȱtoȱprotectȱthemselvesȱandȱnotȱfallȱvictim:ȱflattery,ȱaȱdiscrepancy
(likeȱaȱlackȱofȱproof),ȱandȱswornȱsecrecy,ȱareȱallȱwarningȱsignalsȱthatȱtheȱagentȱis
aȱthiefȱandȱyouȱareȱhisȱtarget.
24
25
ElȱCondeȱLucano,ȱ269:ȱ121–23ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
26
LaurenceȱdeȱLoozeȱexplainsȱthatȱ“dosȱfigos”ȱ(twoȱfigs)ȱonlyȱappearsȱinȱoneȱmanuscript.ȱInȱother
manuscriptsȱitȱisȱ“dosȱfijos”ȱ(twoȱsons)ȱorȱ“dosȱenemigos”ȱ(twoȱenemies),ȱorȱ“dosȱtestigos”ȱ(two
witnesses).ȱManuscriptȱDiversity,ȱMeaning,ȱandȱVarianceȱinȱJuanȱManuel’sȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱ(Toronto
andȱBuffalo:ȱUniversityȱofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ18–21.ȱAsȱisȱevident,ȱtheȱverseȱisȱonlyȱhumorous
withȱtheȱtwoȱfigs.
StealingȱToȱGetȱOutȱofȱPovertyȱ
FiveȱstoriesȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱpresentȱcharactersȱthatȱareȱpoorȱwhoȱwantȱtoȱfind
aȱwayȱtoȱgetȱoutȱofȱtheirȱpoverty.27ȱInȱtwoȱofȱtheseȱstories,ȱstoryȱX,ȱ“Deȱloȱque
contesçioȱaȱvnȱomneȱqueȱporȱpobrezaȱetȱmenguaȱdeȱotraȱviandaȱcomiaȱatramuzes”
(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱmanȱwhoȱbecauseȱheȱwasȱsoȱpoorȱandȱinȱneedȱhadȱnothing
toȱeatȱbutȱlupinȱbeans”)ȱandȱstoryȱXVII,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱhomneȱqueȱavia
muyȱgrantȱfanbreȱquellȱcomidaronȱmuyȱfloxaȱmenteȱaȱcomer”ȱ(“Whatȱhappened
toȱaȱmanȱwhoȱwasȱveryȱhungryȱandȱwhoȱgotȱaȱhalfȬheartedȱinvitationȱtoȱeat”),ȱthe
charactersȱchangeȱtheirȱattitudeȱfromȱnegativeȱtoȱpositive,ȱfromȱhopelessnessȱto
faithȱinȱGodȱandȱindustry.ȱ
Theseȱstoriesȱareȱpresentedȱasȱpositiveȱexamples:ȱtheȱrightȱwayȱtoȱovercome
poverty.ȱStoryȱVII,ȱ“DeȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnaȱmugerȱquellȱdizanȱdonnaȱTruana”
(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱwomanȱwhoȱwasȱknownȱasȱdonnaȱTruana”),ȱisȱaȱnegative
example.ȱEvenȱthoughȱtheȱcharacterȱ(donnaȱTruana)ȱhasȱaȱpositiveȱattitudeȱandȱis
industriousȱ(sheȱwantsȱtoȱsellȱherȱhoneyȱinȱtheȱmarket),ȱsheȱletsȱherselfȱbeȱcarried
awayȱbyȱfantasyȱ(unrealisticȱexpectations)ȱandȱtherebyȱlosesȱtheȱlittleȱwealthȱ(the
27
ThatȱIȱamȱawareȱofȱthereȱisȱnoȱstudyȱonȱtheȱtopicȱofȱpovertyȱinȱJuanȱManuelȱlikeȱthereȱisȱfor
Gonzaloȱ deȱ Berceo,ȱ “Pobresȱ yȱ pobrezaȱ enȱ laȱ obraȱ deȱ Gonzaloȱ deȱ Berceo,”ȱ byȱ Carmenȱ López
Alonso,ȱ Cuadernosȱ hispanoamericanosȱ 320–21ȱ (1977):ȱ 360–82.ȱ (Thereȱ isȱ aȱ studyȱ onȱ theȱ topicȱ of
money,ȱwhichȱisȱrelated.ȱPleaseȱseeȱnoteȱ18.)ȱInȱtruth,ȱifȱweȱwantedȱtoȱlearnȱaboutȱtheȱpoorȱin
Castileȱinȱtheȱfirstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱweȱwouldȱnotȱthinkȱofȱturningȱtoȱJuanȱManuel.
Heȱwasȱnotȱveryȱconcernedȱwithȱtheȱpoorȱasȱaȱsocialȱclass,ȱjudgingȱfromȱhisȱbooksȱoverall.ȱAsȱwe
know,ȱtheȱmajorityȱofȱtheȱpopulationȱinȱtheȱfirstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱinȱCastillaȱwas
poor.ȱTheȱauthorȱbelongedȱtoȱtheȱaristocraticȱminority.ȱHeȱhimselfȱwasȱamongȱtheȱwealthiestȱof
theȱnoblesȱofȱhisȱtime.ȱAsȱexpected,ȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱpovertyȱisȱnotȱunderstoodȱasȱaȱsocial
problemȱ butȱ ratherȱ asȱ anȱ individualȱ problem.ȱ Theȱ charactersȱ inȱ theȱ fiveȱ stories,ȱ ratherȱ than
representativesȱofȱaȱsocialȱclass,ȱareȱindividualsȱwhoȱareȱresponsibleȱforȱtheirȱsituation.ȱTheyȱhave
theȱpowerȱtoȱovercomeȱtheirȱpovertyȱwithoutȱresortingȱtoȱstealing;ȱtheyȱneedȱonlyȱhaveȱtheȱright
attitudeȱandȱputȱtheirȱfaithȱinȱGod.ȱPoorȱforȱJuanȱManuelȱ(inȱtheȱCoundeȱLucanor)ȱmeansȱ not
havingȱmoneyȱforȱsustainingȱone’sȱstationȱinȱlife.ȱThisȱmeansȱthatȱaȱnoblemanȱcanȱbeȱpoor.ȱPoverty
inȱthisȱsenseȱisȱaȱtopicȱofȱpersonalȱinterestȱtoȱtheȱaristocrat.ȱ“Labradores”ȱ(workers)ȱcanȱbeȱwell
offȱorȱpoor,ȱdependingȱonȱtheirȱattitudeȱandȱhonestȱhardȱwork.ȱTheȱauthorȱdoesȱnotȱsupport
upwardȱmobility,ȱ“labradores,”ȱforȱexample,ȱworkingȱtheirȱwayȱupȱtoȱaȱhigherȱsocialȱrank.ȱHe
advocatesȱindustryȱinȱorderȱtoȱmaintainȱtheȱstandardȱofȱlivingȱpermittedȱforȱeachȱclass.ȱNorȱdoes
theȱauthorȱbelieveȱthatȱtheȱaristocraticȱclassȱshouldȱfeelȱguiltyȱforȱtheirȱprivilegedȱpositionȱin
society.ȱEachȱindividualȱisȱbornȱinȱtheȱsocialȱclassȱthatȱGodȱchoseȱforȱhim/ȱher.ȱIndeed,ȱinȱJuan
Manuel’sȱworldȬviewȱbeingȱrichȱandȱpowerfulȱisȱnotȱanȱobstacleȱtoȱtheȱsalvationȱofȱtheȱsoul.ȱIn
fact,ȱGodȱwantsȱeachȱpersonȱtoȱsaveȱhisȱsoulȱinȱtheȱestateȱinȱwhichȱheȱwasȱborn.ȱTheȱrichȱand
powerfulȱshouldȱnotȱbelieveȱthatȱtheyȱhaveȱaȱbetterȱchanceȱatȱsavingȱtheirȱsoulȱifȱtheyȱrenounce
theirȱrichesȱandȱdedicateȱthemselvesȱtoȱaȱlifeȱofȱprayerȱandȱrepentance.ȱThisȱisȱillustratedȱinȱthe
thirdȱstoryȱofȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ“DelȱsaltoȱqueȱfizoȱelȱreyȱRichalteȱdeȱInglaȱterraȱenȱlaȱmarȱcontra
losȱmoros”ȱ(“TheȱjumpȱthatȱtheȱkingȱRichardȱofȱEnglandȱperformedȱatȱseaȱwhileȱfightingȱagainst
theȱMoors”).
potȱofȱhoney)ȱsheȱhas.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱinȱtheȱtwoȱstoriesȱIȱdiscussȱbelow,ȱthe
charactersȱresortȱtoȱstealingȱinȱorderȱtoȱovercomeȱtheirȱpoverty.ȱInȱtheȱCatholic
storyȱtheȱthiefȱreceivesȱpunishmentȱfromȱbothȱhumanȱandȱdivineȱjustice,ȱyetȱinȱthe
storyȱofȱArabicȱoriginȱtheȱthieves,ȱaȱsisterȱandȱaȱbrother,ȱareȱnotȱpunished.ȱThe
storyȱratherȱcontrastsȱtheȱcharactersȱofȱtheȱsisterȱandȱbrotherȱasȱrevealedȱbyȱtheir
differentȱstylesȱofȱstealing.ȱ
InȱstoryȱXLV,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱomneȱqueȱseȱfizoȱamigoȱetȱvasalloȱdel
diablo”ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱmanȱwhoȱmadeȱfriendsȱwithȱtheȱdevil”),ȱtheȱdevil
promisesȱanȱimpoverishedȱmanȱthatȱheȱcanȱhelpȱhimȱbecomeȱaȱsuccessfulȱthiefȱin
orderȱtoȱbecomeȱrichȱagain.28ȱTheȱmanȱagrees.ȱTheȱdevilȱinstructsȱhimȱthatȱifȱand
whenȱ heȱ isȱ apprehendedȱ toȱ callȱ outȱ toȱ himȱ forȱ helpȱ withȱ theseȱ exactȱ words,
“Acorredȱ me,ȱ donȱ Martin”ȱ (“Rescueȱ me,ȱ donȱ Martin”).ȱ Heȱ willȱ saveȱ him,ȱ he
promises,ȱfromȱanyȱdangerȱheȱisȱin.ȱFollowingȱtheȱdirectivesȱofȱtheȱdevil,ȱtheȱman
robsȱestablishmentsȱandȱhouses,ȱbecomingȱrich.ȱHisȱgreedȱmotivatesȱhimȱtoȱrob
evenȱmore,ȱandȱbecomingȱfearlessȱandȱcareless,ȱheȱgetsȱcaughtȱbyȱtheȱauthorities.
Heȱcallsȱoutȱtoȱtheȱdevilȱtoȱcomeȱrescueȱhim,ȱandȱtheȱdevilȱdoes.ȱ
Theȱthiefȱbecomesȱmoreȱrecklessȱwithȱeveryȱrobberyȱandȱeveryȱrescue.ȱAtȱthe
sameȱtimeȱtheȱdevilȱtakesȱmoreȱtimeȱeachȱtimeȱtoȱrescueȱhim.ȱAtȱoneȱtimeȱtheȱthief
hasȱalreadyȱbeenȱsentencedȱtoȱdieȱbyȱtheȱtimeȱtheȱdevilȱappears.ȱTheȱnextȱtimeȱthe
devilȱ doesȱ notȱ comeȱ toȱ hisȱ rescueȱ untilȱ heȱ isȱ aboutȱ toȱ beȱ hanged.ȱ Itȱ turnsȱ out,
however,ȱthatȱheȱhasȱnotȱcomeȱtoȱrescueȱhim,ȱbutȱtoȱprovideȱtheȱnooseȱtoȱhangȱhim
thatȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱfound.ȱTheȱdevil,ȱtheȱmasterȱdeceiver,ȱliedȱtoȱhimȱandȱbrokeȱhis
promiseȱtoȱrescueȱhimȱfromȱeveryȱdanger.ȱPatronioȱexplainsȱthatȱtheȱmanȱlostȱhis
lifeȱandȱhisȱsoul,ȱbecauseȱheȱtrustedȱinȱtheȱdevil,ȱbelievingȱhisȱlies:ȱ“Etȱasiȱperdio
28
Thirteenthȱcenturyȱ(secondȱhalf)ȱSpanishȱversionsȱofȱtheȱstoryȱ(featuringȱTeophilusȱandȱtheȱVirgin)
areȱMilagroȱXIVȱinȱBerceo’sȱMilagrosȱdeȱNuestraȱSeñoraȱandȱCantigaȱIIIȱinȱAlfonsoȱX’sȱCantigasȱde
laȱVirgenȱMaría.ȱVersionsȱ(withoutȱTeophilusȱandȱtheȱVirgin)ȱfromȱtheȱfirstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱFourteenth
centuryȱareȱJuanȱManuel’sȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱandȱJuanȱRuiz’sȱinȱLibroȱdeȱbuenȱamor,ȱ“Enxiemplo
delȱ ladrónȱ queȱ fizoȱ cartaȱ alȱ Diablo.”ȱ Bothȱ ofȱ theseȱ versionsȱ featureȱ thievesȱ whoȱ abuseȱ their
connectionȱwithȱtheȱdevilȱandȱwhoȱareȱhanged.ȱAccordingȱtoȱJoaquimȱVentura,ȱinȱ“Laȱtradición
delȱpactoȱdiabólicoȱenȱelȱLibroȱdeȱbuenȱamor:ȱelȱ“enxienploȱdelȱladrónȱqueȱfizoȱcartaȱalȱDiablo,”
thereȱisȱnoȱknownȱsourceȱforȱRuiz’sȱversionȱ(andȱthereforeȱJuanȱManuel’sȱversion):ȱ“Noȱhayȱfuente
conocidaȱparaȱesteȱejemplo,ȱporȱloȱcualȱcabeȱdeducirȱqueȱelȱArcipresteȱdeȱHitaȱhabríaȱtomadoȱla
figuraȱdelȱpactoȱconȱelȱdemonioȱmásȱporȱelȱtratoȱconȱésteȱqueȱporȱelȱdocumentoȱyȱlaȱabjuración
deȱDiosȱ(queȱnoȱseȱlaȱexige.)”ȱPaperȱdeliveredȱinȱAlcalaȱdeȱHenares,ȱMayȱ9–11,ȱ2002,ȱatȱtheȱFirst
Internationalȱ Conferenceȱ onȱ theȱ Libroȱ deȱ buenȱ amor.ȱ Reproducedȱ byȱ Cervantesȱ Virtual,
http://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/arcipreste_hita/01/ventura.htmȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱDec.ȱ29,ȱ2011).
ThereȱmightȱnotȱbeȱonlyȱoneȱknownȱsourceȱforȱtheȱversionsȱsuchȱasȱtheyȱappearȱinȱJuanȱRuizȱand
Juanȱ Manuel;ȱ onȱ theȱ otherȱ handȱ inȱ Harrietȱ Goldberg’sȱ Motifȱ Indexȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ Spanishȱ Folk
NarrativesȱweȱcanȱidentifyȱaȱversionȱinȱtheȱEspéculoȱdeȱlosȱlegosȱ(n.ȱ185)ȱwithȱcommonȱmotifs:ȱthe
manȱisȱpoor,ȱtheȱdevilȱpromisesȱtoȱmakeȱhimȱrich,ȱtheȱdevilȱvisitsȱhimȱthreeȱtimes,ȱtheȱdevilȱexacts
paymentȱofȱhisȱsoul.ȱ(Theȱdevil,ȱinterestingly,ȱisȱdisguisedȱasȱaȱpoorȱman.)ȱMissingȱareȱtheȱtheft
andȱtheȱhanging.ȱMotifȱIndex,ȱ118ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ
aquelȱomneȱelȱcuerpoȱetȱelȱalma,ȱcreyendoȱalȱdiabloȱetȱfiandoȱdel”29ȱ(“Andȱthatȱis
howȱtheȱmanȱlostȱhisȱbodyȱandȱhisȱsoul,ȱbelievingȱandȱtrustingȱhim”).
TheȱstoryȱillustratesȱwhatȱdonȱJuanȱManuelȱbelievesȱasȱaȱCatholic,ȱthatȱtheȱdevil
isȱindeedȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱcrimesȱinȱthisȱworld.ȱWithoutȱhisȱintervention,ȱthere
wouldȱbeȱnoȱcriminalsȱandȱnoȱcrimes.ȱHereȱinȱthisȱexampleȱtheȱdevilȱmakesȱa
criminalȱoutȱofȱaȱmanȱwhoȱhadȱnotȱbeenȱoneȱbefore.ȱTheȱthiefȱcommitsȱaȱstringȱof
robberies.ȱNevertheless,ȱtheȱmanȱisȱneverȱforcedȱintoȱaȱlifeȱofȱcrimeȱbyȱtheȱdevil.
Heȱmakesȱtheȱchoiceȱtoȱacceptȱtheȱdevil’sȱofferȱandȱterms.ȱTheȱdevilȱwaitsȱtoȱmake
hisȱmoveȱwhenȱtheȱmanȱisȱatȱhisȱweakestȱandȱmostȱlikelyȱtoȱbeȱtemptedȱbyȱhis
offer:ȱ“EtȱbienȱcredȱqueȱelȱDiabloȱsienpreȱcataȱtienpoȱparaȱengannarȱaȱlosȱomnes.
Quandoȱveeȱqueȱestanȱenȱalgunaȱquexa,ȱoȱdeȱmengua,ȱoȱdeȱmiedo,ȱoȱdeȱquerer
conplirȱsuȱtalante,ȱentonçeȱlibraȱconȱellosȱtodoȱloȱqueȱquiere”ȱ(Andȱbelieveȱthatȱthe
Devilȱalwaysȱfindsȱtheȱrightȱtimeȱtoȱdeceiveȱpeople.ȱWhenȱheȱseesȱthatȱtheyȱareȱin
distressȱorȱinȱneedȱorȱfearfulȱorȱbentȱonȱgettingȱtheirȱway,ȱthenȱheȱgetsȱfromȱthem
everythingȱthatȱheȱwantsȱto”).30ȱTheȱmanȱisȱdistressedȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱjustȱlostȱhis
moneyȱandȱisȱnowȱimpoverished.ȱHeȱhasȱnoȱmoralȱstrength,ȱorȱloveȱforȱGod,ȱto
resistȱtheȱdevil’sȱoffer.ȱHeȱonlyȱwantsȱtoȱbeȱrichȱagain.31ȱ
Onceȱrichȱagainȱafterȱaȱstringȱofȱsuccessfulȱrobberies,ȱhisȱsinȱofȱavariceȱprompts
himȱtoȱcommitȱmoreȱrobberies:ȱ“Etȱelȱmalȱandante,ȱnonȱseȱteniendoȱporȱpagadoȱde
commoȱeraȱfueraȱdeȱlazeria,ȱcomençoȱaȱfurtarȱavnȱmas”32ȱ(“Theȱunfortunateȱsoul,
notȱunderstandingȱthatȱheȱwasȱluckyȱenoughȱalreadyȱforȱgettingȱaway,ȱstartedȱto
robȱevenȱmore”).ȱHeȱdoesȱnotȱstopȱrobbingȱonceȱhavingȱmetȱhisȱinitialȱgoal,ȱbut
insteadȱheȱchoosesȱtoȱcontinue,ȱabusingȱhisȱconnectionȱwithȱtheȱdevil.ȱTheȱdevil
doesȱnotȱpunishȱhimȱforȱbeingȱaȱthief,ȱthoughȱtheȱhumanȱsystemȱofȱjusticeȱdoes.
Theȱdevilȱpunishesȱhimȱforȱabusingȱhisȱconnectionȱwithȱhim,ȱforȱhisȱarrogance.
Aboutȱtoȱbeȱhanged,ȱtheȱthiefȱcallsȱoutȱtoȱdonȱMartin,ȱtheȱdevil,ȱtoȱrescueȱhim.ȱThe
devilȱanswersȱthatȱwhenȱhisȱfriendsȱgetȱtoȱthisȱplaceȱwhereȱheȱisȱatȱnow,ȱaboutȱto
beȱhanged,ȱheȱdoesȱnotȱrescueȱthem.ȱ
Theȱmessageȱisȱthatȱtheȱdevilȱtemptsȱpeopleȱtoȱbecomeȱcriminals,ȱbutȱheȱisȱnot
responsibleȱforȱtheirȱsinfulȱnature,ȱwhichȱisȱtheȱprimaryȱmotivatingȱforceȱbehind
theirȱ criminalȱ behavior.ȱ Theȱ devilȱ doesȱ notȱ putȱ theȱ thiefȱ atȱ theȱ scaffold.ȱ The
arrogantȱ thiefȱ whoȱ believesȱ heȱ couldȱ escapeȱ justiceȱ foreverȱ becauseȱ ofȱ his
connectionsȱ putsȱ himselfȱ there.ȱ Theȱ manȱ fallsȱ victimȱ toȱ theȱ devil’sȱ influence
29
30
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ369:ȱ41–44ȱ(seȱnoteȱ4).
31
JohnȱEngland’sȱarticle,ȱ“Elȱomneȱconȱbondad…acreçentaȱlasȱriquezas:ȱJuanȱManuelȱandȱmoney,”
Theȱ Placeȱ ofȱ Argument:ȱ Essaysȱ inȱ Honourȱ ofȱ Nicholasȱ G.ȱ Round,ȱ eds.ȱ Rhianȱ Daviesȱ andȱ Anny
BrooksbankȱJonesȱ(London:ȱTamesisȱBooks,ȱ2007,ȱ43–56),ȱprovidesȱaȱthoroughȱdiscussionȱonȱthe
topicȱofȱmoneyȱasȱitȱisȱdevelopedȱinȱJuanȱManuel,ȱthatȱis,ȱinȱassociationȱwithȱgreed,ȱgoodȱdeeds,
productivity,ȱclass,ȱsalvation,ȱetc.ȱPovertyȱisȱalsoȱdiscussed.
32
ElȱCondeȱLucanorȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4),ȱ370:ȱ61–62.
becauseȱheȱdoesȱnotȱdoȱhisȱmoralȱhomework.ȱHeȱdoesȱnotȱmakeȱtheȱnecessary
preparationsȱforȱwhenȱtheȱdevilȱcrossesȱhisȱpathȱandȱtemptsȱhim.ȱHeȱdoesȱnot
educateȱhimselfȱaboutȱhisȱsinfulȱnatureȱandȱhowȱtoȱovercomeȱit.ȱHeȱbecomesȱa
victimȱ ofȱ theȱ devilȱ becauseȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ natureȱ andȱ actions.ȱ Heȱ hasȱ noȱ moral
fortitudeȱandȱnoȱconscience.
InȱexampleȱXLVII,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱmoroȱconȱvnaȱsuȱhermanaȱqueȱdaua
aȱentenderȱqueȱeraȱmuyȱmedrosa”ȱ(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱMoorȱwithȱhisȱsisterȱwho
actedȱveryȱfearful”),ȱtwoȱcriminalsȱrobȱgraves.ȱTheyȱareȱaȱbrotherȱandȱsisterȱteam.
Theȱvictims,ȱcadavers,ȱareȱobviouslyȱcompletelyȱpowerlessȱtoȱprotectȱthemselves.
AsȱIȱmentionedȱabove,ȱtheseȱcadaversȱinȱstoryȱXLVIIȱandȱtheȱsickȱmanȱinȱstory
VIII,ȱ(“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱomneȱqueȱavianȱdeȱalimpiarȱelȱfigado”)ȱ(“What
happenedȱtoȱaȱmanȱwhoȱwasȱhavingȱhisȱliverȱcleansed”)ȱareȱtheȱonlyȱvictimsȱof
theftȱ whoȱ areȱ notȱ heldȱ responsibleȱ forȱ fallingȱ victim.ȱ (Theȱ sickȱ manȱ andȱ the
cadaversȱareȱpowerlessȱbutȱeverybodyȱelseȱisȱnot).ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱfocusȱofȱtheȱstory
isȱanotherȱvictim,ȱtheȱbrother,ȱwhoseȱsisterȱisȱaȱhypocrite.ȱLikeȱherȱbrother,ȱthe
sisterȱhasȱnoȱproblemȱstealing,ȱyetȱsheȱisȱevenȱmoreȱfearlessȱthanȱherȱbrother.ȱIn
orderȱtoȱnotȱdestroyȱtheȱvaluableȱclothingȱofȱaȱman’sȱcadaver,ȱsheȱdoesȱnotȱhesitate
toȱtwistȱhisȱneckȱoffȱwithoutȱpity:ȱ“fueȱtomarȱconȱlasȱmanos,ȱmuyȱsinȱdueloȱetȱsin
piedatȱdeȱlaȱcabeçaȱdelȱmuertoȱetȱdescoiuntoloȱtodo”ȱ(“withoutȱfeelingȱandȱpity,
sheȱtookȱhisȱheadȱinȱherȱhandsȱandȱsheȱtwistedȱitȱoff”).ȱ
Backȱatȱhome,ȱtheȱsister,ȱ“muyȱmedrosa”ȱ(“veryȱscaredyȬcat”),ȱrevertsȱtoȱher
normalȱ behaviorȱ ofȱ takingȱ frightȱ atȱ theȱ smallestȱ things.ȱ Whenȱ herȱ cupȱ shakes
makingȱ aȱ sound,ȱ herȱ brotherȱ inȱ hisȱ nativeȱ Arabic,ȱ whichȱ donȱ Juanȱ Manuel
translates,ȱsays,ȱ“Aha,ȱhermana,ȱdespantadesȱvosȱdelȱsuenoȱdeȱlaȱtarrazuelaȱque
fazeȱbocȱboc,ȱetȱnonȱvoȱespantauadesȱdelȱdesconjuntamientoȱdelȱpescueço”33ȱ(“Ah,
Sister,ȱyouȱtakeȱfrightȱatȱtheȱsoundȱofȱaȱcupȱshakingȱbutȱyouȱareȱnotȱscaredȱtoȱtwist
offȱtheȱheadȱofȱaȱdeadȱman”).34
Patronioȱtellsȱtheȱstoryȱpreciselyȱinȱorderȱtoȱillustrateȱhypocrisy.ȱWhenȱtheȱsister
wantsȱsomethingȱbadȱenough,ȱsheȱeasilyȱovercomesȱherȱnervousȱnatureȱtoȱgetȱit.
Whatȱisȱherȱtrueȱnature?ȱIsȱsheȱtheȱtimidȱandȱfearfulȱwomanȱorȱisȱsheȱtheȱgreedy
andȱheartlessȱgraveȱrobber?ȱIsȱoneȱofȱthemȱanȱact?ȱIsȱitȱthatȱpeople’sȱtrueȱnatures
areȱ revealedȱ completelyȱ onlyȱ whenȱ theyȱ areȱ placedȱ inȱ extremeȱ circumstances,
whenȱtheyȱareȱputȱtoȱtheȱtest?ȱTheȱbrother’sȱwordsȱnotȱonlyȱscoldȱhisȱsisterȱforȱher
33
34
Inȱ1942ȱAloisȱRichardȱNykilȱwrote,ȱ“ThusȱfarȱIȱcouldȱnotȱfindȱanȱArabicȱcounterpartȱofȱtheȱstory,
norȱcouldȱIȱlocateȱaȱproverbȱcloselyȱresemblingȱtheȱArabicȱphrase,”ȱ“ArabicȱPhrasesȱinȱElȱConde
Lucanor,”ȱHispanicȱReviewȱ10.1ȱ(1942),ȱ12–17;ȱhereȱ16.ȱInȱ1983ȱRichardȱHitchcockȱwrote,ȱ“Iȱhave
nothingȱtoȱaddȱtoȱNykil’sȱpithyȱconclusion,”ȱ“DonȱJuanȱManuel’sȱKnowledgeȱofȱArabic,”ȱThe
ModernȱLanguageȱReviewȱ80.3ȱ(1985):ȱ594–603.ȱRichardȱHitchcock’sȱarticleȱsummarizesȱtheȱhistory
ofȱ criticismȱ onȱ theȱ subjectȱ ofȱ theȱ degreeȱ ofȱ Juanȱ Manuel’sȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ Arabicȱ whileȱ itȱ also
providesȱvaluableȱnewȱinformationȱandȱinsights.ȱ
hypocrisy;ȱtheyȱexpressȱhisȱdiscomfort.ȱHisȱsister’sȱactions,ȱandȱtheȱcharacterȱthat
theyȱrevealed,ȱareȱaȱsurpriseȱtoȱhim.ȱHeȱdidȱnotȱknowȱherȱorȱthatȱpartȱofȱherȱuntil
thatȱnight.
Theȱstoryȱalsoȱweighsȱtheȱfactorsȱthatȱmakeȱaȱthief:ȱcircumstances,ȱinfluence
fromȱpeersȱandȱfamily,ȱmoralȱcharacterȱandȱopportunity.ȱAtȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthe
storyȱtheȱbrotherȱisȱtheȱthief,ȱnotȱtheȱsister.ȱOneȱnightȱheȱneedsȱherȱhelpȱandȱthat
isȱwhyȱsheȱgoesȱalongȱandȱbecomesȱaȱthiefȱherself,ȱatȱleastȱforȱthatȱnight.ȱAsȱwe
haveȱ seen,ȱ sheȱ turnsȱ outȱ toȱ beȱ moreȱ naturalȱ aȱ criminalȱ thanȱ herȱ brother.
Opportunityȱandȱherȱbrother’sȱinfluenceȱonȱherȱareȱnotȱstrongerȱfactorsȱinȱher
criminalȱbehaviorȱthanȱtheȱfactorȱofȱherȱownȱmoralȱdeficiency.ȱSheȱisȱgreedyȱand
heartless.ȱSheȱhasȱnoȱconscience.ȱJuanȱManuelȱmakesȱaȱpointȱofȱcontrastingȱthe
brotherȱ andȱ theȱ sisterȱ fromȱ theȱ veryȱ beginningȱ ofȱ theȱ story.ȱ Itȱ seemsȱ heȱ even
excusesȱtheȱyoungȱman’sȱcriminalȱlife.ȱHeȱisȱveryȱpoorȱand,ȱneedingȱtoȱprovideȱfor
hisȱfamily,ȱheȱresortedȱtoȱrobbingȱgraves.ȱ
DonȱJuanȱManuel’sȱtoneȱisȱsympathetic:ȱ“Etȱaquelȱsuȱhermanoȱeraȱmuyȱbuen
mancebo,ȱmasȱeraȱmuyȱpobre,ȱetȱporȱqueȱlaȱgrantȱpobrezaȱfazȱaȱomneȱfazerȱloȱque
nonȱquerria,ȱnonȱpodiaȱescusarȱaquelȱmançeboȱdeȱbuscarȱlaȱvidaȱmuyȱvergonçosa
mente”35ȱ(“Andȱherȱbrotherȱwasȱgoodȱyoungȱman,ȱbutȱheȱwasȱveryȱ poor,ȱ and
becauseȱextremeȱpovertyȱmakesȱmanȱoftenȱdoȱthingsȱthatȱheȱdoesȱnotȱwantȱto,ȱthe
youngȱmanȱhadȱnoȱotherȱoptionȱbutȱtoȱmakeȱaȱlivngȱinȱaȱshamefulȱway”).ȱThe
youngȱ man,ȱ otherwiseȱ havingȱ goodȱ character,ȱ resortsȱ toȱ stealingȱ becauseȱ of
poverty.ȱThoughȱtheȱauthorȱdoesȱnotȱrecommendȱstealingȱasȱaȱwayȱtoȱgetȱoutȱof
poverty,ȱthisȱstoryȱframesȱpovertyȱasȱaȱcircumstanceȱthatȱcanȱmakeȱgoodȱpeople
resortȱtoȱthievery.
ȱ
TheftȱandȱPowerȱStruggles
Asȱweȱmentionedȱabove,ȱanyȱpossessionȱcanȱbecomeȱanȱobjectȱofȱdesireȱandȱtheft.
InȱexampleȱXLII:ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱunaȱfalsaȱbeguina”ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱto
aȱfalseȱbeguine”),ȱaȱbeguineȱstealsȱaȱcouple’sȱtrustȱandȱloveȱforȱeachȱother,ȱandȱin
exampleȱ L,ȱ “Deȱ loȱ queȱ contesçioȱ aȱ Saladinȱ conȱ vnaȱ duenna,ȱ mugerȱ deȱ vnȱ su
vasallo”ȱ(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱSaladinȱwithȱaȱwoman,ȱwifeȱofȱaȱvassalȱofȱhis”),
Saladinȱwantsȱtoȱhaveȱsexȱwithȱhisȱvassal’sȱwife.ȱHeȱwantsȱtoȱstealȱwhatȱbelongs
toȱanotherȱmanȱ(aȱwife’sȱbody)ȱandȱheȱwantsȱtoȱstealȱwhatȱbelongsȱtoȱherȱ(her
modestyȱandȱherȱloyaltyȱtoȱherȱhusband).ȱWhereasȱtheȱcoupleȱisȱnotȱsuccessfulȱin
protectingȱ theirȱ sharedȱ immaterialȱ possessions,ȱ trustȱ andȱ loveȱ forȱ eachȱ other,
fallingȱvictimȱtoȱtheȱbeguine,ȱtheȱwomanȱinȱexampleȱLȱartfullyȱprotectsȱherȱandȱher
35
husband’sȱpossessionsȱfromȱtheȱwouldȱbeȱthief/ȱadulterer,ȱSaladin,ȱbyȱputtingȱon
aȱgoodȱact.ȱBothȱstoriesȱdepictȱpowerȱstruggles,ȱexampleȱXLII,ȱnotȱonlyȱbetween
theȱ beguineȱ andȱ theȱ couple,ȱ andȱ betweenȱ theȱ husbandȱ andȱ theȱ wife,ȱ butȱ also
betweenȱtheȱdevilȱandȱtheȱbeguine;ȱandȱexampleȱLȱdevelopsȱaȱpowerȱstruggle
betweenȱtheȱpowerfulȱleaderȱandȱhisȱvassal’sȱwife.
Theȱdevilȱisȱtheȱmasterȱdeceiverȱandȱtheȱmasterȱthief.ȱWhatȱdoesȱheȱactuallyȱsteal
inȱexampleȱXLII?ȱItȱisȱinterestingȱthatȱtheȱdevilȱisȱrepresentedȱonlyȱthreeȱtimesȱin
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱinȱexamplesȱXLII,ȱXLV,ȱandȱL.ȱJuanȱManuelȱdoesȱnotȱgoȱtoȱthe
extremeȱinȱpaintingȱtheȱsupernatural;ȱinȱfact,ȱheȱisȱsomewhatȱconstrainedȱinȱthis
respect.ȱInȱexampleȱXLIIȱtheȱdevilȱhatesȱallȱgoodȱthings,ȱandȱheȱwantsȱtoȱdestroy
themȱandȱputȱevilȱinȱtheirȱplace.ȱTheȱdevil’sȱprojectȱisȱtoȱdestroyȱtheȱhappinessȱand
loveȱbetweenȱaȱhusbandȱandȱhisȱwife.ȱTheirȱloveȱforȱeachȱotherȱandȱtheȱhappiness
derivedȱfromȱtheirȱloveȱareȱheavilyȱemphasizedȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱstoryȱas
theirȱmostȱprizedȱpossessions.ȱTheȱdevilȱhasȱbeenȱtryingȱforȱaȱlongȱtimeȱtoȱplant
evilȱ betweenȱ them,ȱ andȱ hasȱ hadȱ noȱ success,ȱ forȱ whichȱ heȱ isȱ actuallyȱ sadȱ and
disheartened:ȱ“EtȱporȱqueȱelȱDiabloȱseȱdespagaȱsienpreȱdeȱlasȱbuenasȱcosas,ȱovo
destoȱmuyȱgrandȱpesar,ȱetȱperoȱqueȱandidoȱmuyȱgrandȱtienpoȱporȱmeterȱmalȱentre
ellos,ȱnuncaȱloȱpudoȱquisar”36ȱ(“AndȱbecauseȱtheȱDevilȱhatesȱallȱthatȱisȱgood,ȱhe
wasȱangry;ȱheȱhadȱbeenȱplottingȱagainstȱtheȱcoupleȱforȱaȱlongȱtime,ȱbutȱheȱhad
beenȱtillȱthenȱunsuccessfulȱatȱseparatingȱthem”).ȱ
Ifȱ weȱ lookȱ moreȱ closelyȱ atȱ thisȱ statement,ȱ weȱ canȱ seeȱ thatȱ theȱ devilȱ always
(“sienpre”)ȱhatesȱgoodȱwhereȱitȱexists;ȱandȱthereforeȱtheȱparticularȱ(thisȱloveȱand
thisȱhappinessȱbetweenȱthisȱmanȱandȱthisȱwoman)ȱrepresentsȱtheȱuniversalȱ(all
happinessȱandȱallȱlove,ȱwhereverȱitȱisȱfoundȱinȱthisȱworld).ȱWeȱcanȱseeȱthatȱthe
devilȱisȱworkingȱonȱthisȱparticularȱproject,ȱyetȱweȱinferȱthatȱtheȱdevilȱisȱdoingȱhis
dirtyȱworkȱeverywhereȱthereȱisȱgood.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱallȱcouplesȱareȱstalkedȱbyȱthe
devil,ȱwhoȱwaitsȱforȱhisȱopportunityȱtoȱdestroyȱtheirȱbond.ȱ
Theȱencounterȱbetweenȱtheȱdevilȱandȱtheȱbeguineȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱstory
revealsȱthatȱsheȱwantsȱtoȱhelpȱtheȱdevilȱinȱhisȱtaskȱforȱherȱownȱselfishȱreasons.ȱShe
wantsȱhimȱtoȱserveȱherȱandȱnotȱtheȱotherȱwayȱaround.ȱSheȱwantsȱpowerȱoverȱhim,
asȱcanȱbeȱunderstoodȱbyȱtheȱdetailsȱinȱtheȱstory.37ȱTheȱdevilȱandȱtheȱbeguineȱcross
pathsȱ whenȱ heȱ isȱ returningȱ fromȱ anȱ unsuccessfulȱ attemptȱ atȱ destroyingȱ the
couple’sȱbond.ȱHeȱisȱsad.ȱTheȱdevilȱisȱinȱaȱhumanȱbodyȱthatȱexpressesȱthisȱsadness.
Sheȱalsoȱrecognizesȱhimȱasȱtheȱdevil:ȱ“Etȱdesqueȱseȱconoscieron,ȱpreguntolȱqueȱpor
36
37
AnȱessentialȱstudyȱonȱthisȱstoryȱisȱMikeȱHammer’sȱarticle,ȱ“AȱMarginalȱWomanȱonȱtheȱLoose:
RevisitingȱDonȱJuanȱManuel’sȱBeguine,”ȱeHumanistaȱ11ȱ(2008):ȱ171–82
(http://www.ehumanista.ucsb.edu/volumes/volume_11/Articles/8%20Hammer.pdfȱ(lastȱaccessed
onȱDec.ȱ29,ȱ2011).
queȱviniaȱtriste”38ȱ(“Andȱafterȱintroducingȱthemselves,ȱsheȱaskedȱhimȱwhyȱheȱwas
sad”).ȱ Juanȱ Manuelȱ doesȱ notȱ describeȱ theȱ appearanceȱ ofȱ theȱ devilȱ orȱ ofȱ the
beguine.)ȱHeȱexplainsȱtoȱherȱwhyȱheȱisȱsadȱandȱsheȱputsȱhimȱdownȱbyȱrubbingȱit
inȱthatȱhe,ȱbeingȱsoȱknowledgeable,ȱhasȱfailed.ȱSheȱtellsȱhimȱifȱheȱdoesȱwhatȱshe
wantsȱhimȱtoȱdo,ȱsheȱwillȱdoȱtheȱjobȱforȱhim.ȱ
Theȱ transactionȱ betweenȱ theȱ beguineȱ andȱ theȱ devilȱ isȱ theȱ reverseȱ fromȱ the
transactionȱbetweenȱtheȱdevilȱandȱtheȱmanȱinȱstoryȱXLV.ȱInȱstoryȱXLV,ȱtheȱdevil
offersȱtoȱhelpȱtheȱimpoverishedȱmanȱgetȱoutȱofȱhisȱpovertyȱifȱheȱpromisesȱtoȱdo
everythingȱheȱasks.ȱHereȱtheȱbeguineȱoffersȱtoȱhelpȱtheȱdevilȱifȱheȱpromisesȱtoȱdo
everythingȱsheȱasksȱhimȱtoȱdo.ȱSheȱwantsȱtoȱshowȱhimȱthatȱsheȱcanȱsucceedȱwhere
heȱhasȱfailed,ȱthatȱsheȱisȱbetterȱatȱhisȱjobȱthanȱheȱis.ȱTheȱdynamicȱisȱthatȱtheȱdevil
desiresȱtoȱdestroyȱgoodȱandȱspreadȱevil,ȱandȱtheȱbeguineȱwantsȱtheȱdevilȱtoȱdoȱher
bidding.ȱItȱisȱneverȱclearȱwhatȱthisȱbiddingȱentailsȱexactly,ȱbutȱitȱisȱclearȱthatȱshe
demandsȱfromȱtheȱdevilȱfavorsȱinȱexchangeȱforȱtheȱfavorȱthatȱsheȱwillȱdoȱforȱhim.39
Theȱtrustȱandȱloveȱbetweenȱtheȱcoupleȱthatȱsheȱdestroysȱareȱnotȱherȱobjectsȱof
desire.ȱWhatȱsheȱdesiresȱisȱtoȱdemonstrateȱherȱsuperiorȱpowersȱtoȱtheȱdevilȱandȱto
haveȱhimȱunderȱherȱthumb:ȱ“Etȱellaȱdixolȱqueȱseȱmarabillaua,ȱpuesȱtantoȱsabia,
commoȱnonȱloȱpodiaȱfazer,ȱmasȱqueȱsiȱfiziesseȱloȱqueȱellaȱquerie,ȱqueȱellaȱleȱpornia
recabdoȱenȱesto”40ȱ(“Andȱsheȱtoldȱhimȱthatȱitȱamazedȱherȱthatȱheȱknowingȱsoȱmuch
couldȱnotȱdoȱit,ȱbutȱthatȱifȱheȱdidȱwhatȱsheȱwantedȱsheȱwouldȱdoȱtheȱjobȱforȱhim”).ȱ
Theȱ beguine’sȱployȱisȱtoȱbecome,ȱthoughȱvirtuallyȱaȱstranger,ȱmoreȱfamiliar,
pretendingȱtoȱhaveȱaȱpreviousȱconnectionȱtoȱtheȱyoungȱwoman.ȱSheȱintroduces
herselfȱasȱaȱformerȱservantȱofȱherȱmother,ȱandȱexpressesȱherȱdesireȱtoȱserveȱthe
coupleȱinȱtheirȱhousehold.ȱTheȱbeguineȱthenȱproceedsȱtoȱmakeȱtimeȱherȱweapon,
takingȱaȱlotȱofȱitȱtoȱgainȱtheȱtrustȱfirstȱofȱtheȱwomanȱandȱthenȱofȱtheȱhusband:ȱ“Et
desqueȱellaȱovoȱmoradoȱmuyȱgrandȱtienpoȱetȱeraȱpriuadaȱdeȱentramosȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”41ȱ(“And
38
39
Inȱ “Unaȱ aproximaciónȱ alȱ diabloȱ enȱ laȱ literaturaȱ medievalȱ española:ȱ desdeȱ Dominusȱ a
Dummteufel”ȱAnthonyȱCárdenasȬRotunnoȱwritesȱthatȱtheȱtopicȱofȱaȱpowerfulȱoldȱwomanȱvisȱa
visȱanȱimpotentȱdevilȱisȱveryȱancient.ȱHeȱrefersȱtoȱwhatȱBlecuaȱhasȱwrittenȱonȱtheȱsubject,ȱthatȱboth
JuanȱManuel’sȱversionȱandȱtheȱversionȱinȱtheȱEsopeteȱYstoriadoȱ(1488)ȱhaveȱaȱcommonȱLatinȱsource
fromȱtheȱninthȱcentury:ȱ“Ofrecenȱdosȱversionesȱdelȱmismoȱcuentoȱque,ȱsegúnȱlasȱnotasȱdeȱJose
ManuelȱBlecua,ȱeditorȱdelȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱencuentranȱsuȱorigenȱenȱelȱsigloȱnueveȱenȱunȱcuento,
‘Devetulaȱqueȱfecitȱquodȱdyabolusȱnonȱpoteratȱfacere’,”ȱHispaniaȱ82ȱ(1999):ȱ202–12;ȱhereȱ204.ȱMike
Hammer,ȱonȱtheȱtopicȱofȱtheȱoldȱwomanȱandȱtheȱdevilȱinȱotherȱversions,ȱwrites,ȱ“Inȱitsȱgeneral
formȱthisȱtaleȱresemblesȱseveralȱparallelȱversionsȱthatȱantedate,ȱcoȬexistȱwithȱorȱpostȱdateȱthe
CondeȱLucanor.ȱTheseȱinclude,ȱamongȱothers,ȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱlasȱdelicias,ȱbyȱJosephȱBenȱMeirȱIbnȱSabara
(Chapterȱ 11),ȱ Etienneȱ deȱ Bourbonȱ (no.ȱ 245),ȱ theȱ Speculumȱ Laicorumȱ (no.ȱ 463),ȱ theȱ ‘Poemaȱ de
Adolfo,’ȱandȱtheȱScalaȱCoeliȱ(no.ȱ610).ȱInȱeachȱofȱtheseȱversions,ȱtheȱprotagonistȱisȱaȱrepugnantȱold
womanȱwhoȱnotȱonlyȱconsortsȱwithȱbutȱbestsȱtheȱDevilȱatȱhisȱownȱgame”ȱ(AȱMarginalȱWoman,ȱ175,
seeȱnoteȱ20).
40
41
afterȱsheȱhadȱlivedȱaȱlongȱtimeȱwithȱthemȱandȱwasȱtrustedȱbyȱbothȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”).ȱWhenȱshe
hasȱtheirȱfullȱconfidence,ȱandȱmanagesȱtheirȱhouseholdȱ(“etȱfiauaȱdellaȱtodaȱsu
fazienda”;ȱ“andȱsheȱtrustedȱherȱwithȱherȱallȱherȱaffairs”),ȱsheȱcarefullyȱgoesȱback
andȱ forthȱ betweenȱ theȱ wifeȱ andȱ theȱ husbandȱ withȱ falseȱ informationȱ aboutȱ the
disloyaltyȱofȱtheȱother,ȱthatȱultimatelyȱcreatesȱextremeȱtensionȱandȱdistrust.ȱShe
convincesȱtheȱhusbandȱthatȱhisȱwifeȱwantsȱtoȱkillȱhim,ȱandȱarrangesȱitȱsoȱthatȱthe
wifeȱdoesȱappearȱtoȱwantȱtoȱkillȱhim,ȱevenȱthoughȱallȱsheȱisȱdoingȱisȱcuttingȱoffȱa
lockȱofȱhisȱhairȱwhileȱsheȱthinksȱheȱisȱasleep.ȱHeȱreactsȱandȱkillsȱher.ȱThenȱthe
townspeopleȱ seekȱ justiceȱ andȱ killȱ him.ȱ Hisȱ relativesȱ killȱ herȱ relatives,ȱ andȱ her
relativesȱkillȱhisȱrelatives,ȱsoȱthatȱafterȱtheȱturmoilȱveryȱfewȱpeopleȱareȱleftȱaliveȱin
theȱvillage.ȱ
PatronioȱwantsȱtheȱCountȱLucanorȱtoȱunderstandȱthatȱtheȱworstȱpeopleȱinȱthe
worldȱareȱtheȱhypocritesȱthatȱtheȱbeguineȱrepresents,ȱpeopleȱwhoȱlookȱandȱactȱlike
goodȱChristiansȱbutȱwhoseȱtrueȱintentionsȱareȱtoȱhurtȱothers:ȱ
Etȱvos,ȱsennorȱcondeȱLucanor,ȱsiȱqueredesȱsaberȱqualȱesȱelȱpiorȱomneȱdelȱmundoȱetȱde
queȱ masȱ malȱ puedeȱ venirȱ aȱ lasȱ gentes,ȱ sabetȱ queȱ esȱ elȱ queȱ seȱ muestraȱ porȱ bien
christianoȱ etȱ porȱ omneȱ buenoȱ etȱ leal,ȱ etȱ laȱ suȱ entençionȱ esȱ falsa,ȱ etȱ andaȱ asacando
falsedadesȱetȱmentirasȱporȱmeterȱmalȱentreȱlasȱgentes.42ȱ
[Andȱyou,ȱlordȱCountȱLucanor,ȱifȱyouȱreallyȱwantȱtoȱknowȱwhoȱisȱtheȱworstȱkindȱof
personȱinȱtheȱworldȱandȱwhoȱcanȱdoȱtheȱmostȱharmȱtoȱinnocentȱpeople,ȱknowȱthatȱit
isȱtheȱpersonȱwhoȱpretendsȱtoȱbeȱaȱgoodȱChristianȱandȱaȱgoodȱandȱloyalȱman,ȱandȱhis
realȱintentionȱisȱfalse,ȱandȱheȱgoesȱaroundȱspreadingȱfalsehoodsȱandȱliesȱinȱorderȱto
alienateȱpeopleȱfromȱoneȱanother.]
ThisȱveryȱCatholicȱstoryȱillustratesȱatȱtheȱendȱthatȱevilȱ(theȱdevilȱandȱtheȱbeguine)
doesȱ notȱ triumph.ȱ Afterȱ theȱ firstȱ encounterȱ withȱ theȱ beguine,ȱ theȱ devilȱ has
disappearedȱfromȱtheȱstory.ȱTheȱbeguineȱactsȱwithoutȱhelpȱfromȱtheȱdevil.ȱAfter
succeedingȱwhereȱtheȱdevilȱhasȱfailed,ȱtheȱbeguineȱisȱpunishedȱbyȱGod.ȱPatronio
emphasizesȱ hereȱ thatȱ Godȱ neverȱ allowsȱ evilȱ deedsȱ toȱ goȱ unmaskedȱ and
unpunished.ȱ Godȱ willsȱ thatȱ theȱ falseȱ beguineȱ beȱ punishedȱ forȱ herȱ evil,ȱ says
Patronio,ȱbyȱmakingȱitȱknownȱtoȱtheȱvillagersȱthatȱsheȱisȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱblood
bathȱandȱdestruction,ȱforȱwhichȱtheȱvillagersȱdealȱherȱaȱcruelȱdeath:ȱ
Etȱtodoȱestoȱvinoȱporȱlasȱfalsasȱpalabrasȱqueȱsopoȱdezirȱaquellaȱfalsaȱbeguina.ȱPeroȱpor
queȱDiosȱnuncaȱquiereȱqueȱelȱmalȱfechoȱfazeȱfinqueȱsinȱpena,ȱninȱavn,ȱqueȱelȱmalȱfecho
seaȱencubierto,ȱguisoȱqueȱfuesseȱsabidoȱqueȱtodoȱaquelȱmalȱvinieraȱporȱaquellaȱfalsa
beguina,ȱetȱfizieronȱdellaȱmuchasȱmalasȱiusticias,ȱetȱdieronȱleȱmuyȱmalaȱmuerteȱetȱmuy
cruel.43
42
43
[Andȱallȱthisȱhappenedȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱfalseȱwordsȱthatȱtheȱfalseȱbeguineȱknewȱhowȱto
say.ȱButȱGodȱneverȱwantsȱaȱbadȱdeedȱtoȱgoȱunpunished,ȱnorȱthatȱaȱbadȱdeedȱremain
inȱtheȱdark,ȱsoȱheȱarrangedȱitȱsoȱthatȱitȱwouldȱbeȱknownȱthatȱallȱthatȱevilȱwasȱcaused
byȱthatȱfalseȱbeguine.ȱTheȱpeopleȱavengedȱthemselvesȱbyȱtorturingȱherȱandȱmetingȱout
toȱherȱaȱveryȱbadȱanȱcruelȱdeath.]
ThoughȱPatronio’sȱstoryȱzeroesȱinȱonȱtheȱevilȱnatureȱandȱdeedsȱofȱtheȱbeguine,ȱthe
husbandȱandȱwifeȱneverthelessȱhaveȱonlyȱthemselvesȱtoȱblameȱforȱfallingȱvictims
toȱher.ȱTheȱstoryȱisȱindeedȱanotherȱillustrationȱofȱgullibilityȱandȱmoralȱweakness.
Theȱ gullibilityȱ involvesȱ aȱ seriesȱ ofȱ mistakesȱ thatȱ leaveȱ themȱ vulnerableȱ toȱ a
stranger’sȱevilȱdesigns:ȱ1)ȱnotȱcheckingȱtheȱveracityȱofȱtheȱconnectionȱwithȱwhich
theȱbeguineȱintroducesȱherself;ȱ2)ȱconfidingȱprivateȱinformationȱtoȱher;ȱ3)ȱgiving
herȱtooȱmuchȱpowerȱinȱtheȱmanagementȱofȱtheȱhousehold;ȱ4)ȱgivingȱcredence,
thoughȱreluctantlyȱatȱtheȱstart,ȱtoȱherȱdestructiveȱgossip.ȱ
Theȱ couple’sȱ moralȱ weaknessȱ consistsȱ inȱ givingȱ roomȱ toȱ doubtȱ aboutȱ each
other’sȱlove.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱtheyȱareȱlittleȱpreparedȱtoȱprotectȱtheirȱmostȱvaluable
possessionȱagainstȱtheȱevilȱinȱtheȱworld,ȱwhichȱitȱisȱinȱtheirȱpowerȱtoȱdo.ȱLackȱof
suspicionȱallowsȱtheȱbeguineȱtoȱcomeȱintoȱtheirȱlives,ȱbutȱitȱisȱdoubtȱofȱtheirȱlove
forȱeachȱotherȱthatȱisȱtheȱthiefȱthatȱstealsȱtheirȱlove.ȱOnceȱdoubtȱentersȱtheirȱhearts
suspicionȱandȱdestructionȱtakeȱover.ȱTheyȱchangeȱtheirȱrealityȱdespiteȱthemselves:
theyȱareȱnoȱlongerȱtheȱlovingȱandȱsupportiveȱcouple.ȱTheȱstoryȱillustratesȱthat
goodȱcommunicationȱbetweenȱaȱmarriedȱcoupleȱisȱnecessaryȱinȱorderȱtoȱbeȱableȱto
defendȱitsȱsurvivalȱagainstȱtheȱevilȱforcesȱ(theȱdevilȱandȱallȱwhoȱserveȱhim)ȱinȱthe
worldȱthatȱseekȱtoȱdestroyȱit.ȱThisȱCatholicȱstoryȱpresentsȱtheȱdevilȱasȱtheȱthiefȱof
goodȱinȱtheȱworld,ȱandȱevilȱpeopleȱinȱtheȱworldȱwhoȱhaveȱdealingsȱwithȱhimȱare
theȱthievesȱofȱgoodȱalso.ȱGoodȱpeopleȱfallȱvictimȱtoȱevilȱpeopleȱbecauseȱtheyȱhave
notȱ putȱ upȱ strongȱ enoughȱ fortifications,ȱ lettingȱ theirȱ guardsȱ downȱ whenȱ they
shouldȱkeepȱthemȱup.
Asȱweȱhaveȱseenȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱtheȱstories,ȱaȱlackȱofȱconscienceȱisȱaȱstrongȱfactor
inȱtheȱmakingȱofȱaȱthief.ȱStoryȱL,ȱ”DeȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱSaladinȱconȱvnaȱduenna,
mugerȱdeȱvnȱsuȱvasallo”ȱ(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱSaladinȱwithȱaȱwoman,ȱwifeȱofȱa
vassalȱofȱhis”),ȱisȱaboutȱconscience,ȱshameȱ(“vergüença”),ȱwhich,ȱaccordingȱtoȱJuan
Manuelȱisȱtheȱmostȱimportantȱvirtueȱtoȱhave,ȱbecauseȱitȱisȱwhatȱstopsȱhumansȱfrom
doingȱevil.ȱSaladinȱcovetsȱhisȱvassal’sȱwife.ȱHeȱsendsȱhisȱvassalȱoffȱtoȱfight,ȱleaving
himȱfreeȱtoȱmakeȱhisȱadvances.ȱTheȱwomanȱpromisesȱtoȱdoȱwhatȱheȱbidsȱifȱheȱfinds
theȱanswerȱtoȱherȱquestion.ȱThisȱsendsȱhimȱonȱaȱlongȱtripȱinȱsearchȱofȱtheȱanswer,
atȱtheȱendȱofȱwhichȱaȱhermitȱgivesȱitȱtoȱhim:ȱ“verguença.”ȱWhenȱSaladinȱreturns
toȱhisȱvassal’sȱwifeȱwithȱtheȱanswer,ȱhopingȱtoȱhaveȱnowȱwonȱtheȱrightȱtoȱhaveȱsex
withȱher,ȱsheȱpatientlyȱdemonstratesȱtoȱhimȱthatȱheȱnowȱhasȱtheȱanswerȱtoȱhis
proposal,ȱthatȱitȱisȱshameful.44
Asȱinȱtheȱotherȱstoriesȱaboutȱtheft,ȱweȱhaveȱaȱproprietor,ȱaȱhusband,ȱaȱpossession
orȱobjectȱofȱdesire,ȱtheȱwife,ȱandȱaȱwouldȬbeȱthiefȱofȱtheȱpossessionȱofȱanother,
Saladin.ȱWhenȱSaladinȱfirstȱseesȱhisȱvassal’sȱwifeȱheȱdesiresȱherȱforȱhimself.ȱInȱthe
storyȱitȱisȱmadeȱclearȱthatȱitȱisȱtheȱdevilȱwhoȱputȱtheȱtemptationȱinȱhim;ȱheȱisȱthe
oneȱwhoȱisȱalwaysȱatȱworkȱatȱinfluencingȱpeopleȱtoȱdoȱevil:ȱ“EtȱelȱDiablo,ȱque
sienpreȱseȱtrabajaȱenȱqueȱfagaȱelȱomneȱloȱmasȱdesaguisado,ȱpusoȱenȱelȱtalanteȱde
Saladinȱqueȱolbidasseȱtodoȱloȱqueȱdeuiaȱguardarȱetȱqueȱamasseȱaquellaȱduenna
nonȱcommoȱdeuia”45ȱ(“AndȱtheȱDevil,ȱwhoȱisȱalwaysȱatȱworkȱtryingȱtoȱtemptȱman
toȱdoȱbadȱdeeds,ȱplacedȱinȱSaladin’sȱwillȱtoȱforgetȱhisȱprinciplesȱandȱtoȱloveȱthat
womanȱinȱtheȱmannerȱheȱshouldȱnot”).ȱ“Nonȱcommoȱdeuia”ȱareȱtheȱkeyȱwords:
Saladinȱlovesȱherȱnotȱasȱheȱshould,ȱbecauseȱsheȱisȱanotherȱman’sȱwife.ȱ
AȱbadȱadviserȱtellsȱSaladinȱhowȱtoȱgoȱaboutȱgettingȱwhatȱheȱwants—sendȱoffȱthe
husband,ȱ whoȱ isȱ aȱ knight,ȱ toȱ workȱ farȱ away.ȱ Saladinȱ believesȱ heȱ nowȱ hasȱ no
obstacles,ȱyetȱtheȱwifeȱturnsȱoutȱtoȱbeȱtheȱformidableȱobstacle,ȱasȱsheȱusesȱherȱwit
toȱprotectȱherȱhonorȱandȱherȱloyaltyȱtoȱherȱhusband.ȱIndeed,ȱwhatȱisȱatȱstakeȱ(the
prizedȱ possession)ȱ isȱ theȱ honorȱ ofȱ bothȱ theȱ husbandȱ andȱ theȱ wife.ȱ Aȱ power
struggleȱbetweenȱSaladinȱandȱtheȱwomanȱensues,ȱinȱwhichȱshe,ȱusingȱherȱacting
abilities,ȱ gainsȱ theȱ upperȱ hand.ȱ Thisȱ isȱ primarilyȱ becauseȱ sheȱ hasȱ bothȱ moral
fortitudeȱ andȱ enoughȱ craftinessȱ (sheȱ isȱ notȱ tooȱ innocent)ȱ toȱ knowȱ howȱ to
manipulateȱaȱpowerfulȱman.ȱTheȱwomanȱnotȱonlyȱunderstandsȱtheȱsituationȱand
resolvesȱ toȱ remainȱ faithfulȱ toȱ herȱ husband,ȱ butȱ sheȱ alsoȱ hasȱ veryȱ goodȱ acting
abilities,ȱwhichȱsaveȱher.46ȱ
44
HarriettȱGoldbergȱidentifiesȱtheȱwomanȱinȱtheȱstoryȱasȱaȱriddler,ȱaȱtraditionalȱfunctionȱofȱwomen
inȱ theȱ folktale.ȱ Sheȱ writes,ȱ “Despiteȱ thisȱ handfulȱ ofȱ masculineȱ riddlers,ȱ itȱ seemsȱ thatȱ women
appearȱwithȱgreaterȱfrequencyȱasȱtheȱposersȱorȱsolversȱofȱriddles,ȱperhapsȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱsexual
tensionȱgeneratedȱbyȱtheirȱdramaticȱconfrontationȱwithȱpower.”ȱ“WomenȱRiddlersȱinȱHispanic
FolkloreȱandȱLiterature,”ȱHispanicȱReviewȱ59ȱ(1991):ȱ57–75;ȱhereȱ62.ȱThisȱisȱindeedȱtheȱcaseȱofȱthis
womanȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanor;ȱsheȱrespondsȱtoȱSaladin’sȱpowerȱandȱsexualȱadvancesȱbyȱstallingȱhim
withȱaȱriddle.ȱHarriettȱGoldbergȱexplains,ȱ“InȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱforȱexample,ȱSaladinȱisȱsentȱonȱa
riddleȱquestȱtoȱfindȱtheȱanswerȱtoȱ‘qualȱesȱlaȱmejorȱcosaȱqueȱomeȱpuedeȱaverȱenȱsi.’ȱHeȱrejects
severalȱanswersȱprofferedȱhimȱuntilȱheȱfinallyȱcomesȱuponȱ‘verguenza,’ȱwhichȱheȱacceptsȱasȱthe
bestȱpossibleȱanswer.ȱAsȱitȱhappens,ȱconscienceȱisȱjustȱtheȱanswerȱhisȱinquisitorȱhadȱexpected”;
hereȱ59.
45
46
MarianaȱOrtizȱdeȱlaȱRosaȱanalyzesȱbothȱstoriesȱ(XXVȱandȱL)ȱinȱwhichȱSaladinȱappearsȱinȱthe
collection,ȱinȱ“ElȱpersonajeȱdeȱSaladinoȱenȱlaȱliteraturaȱhispánica:ȱLosȱejemplosȱXXVȱyȱLȱdeȱEl
Condeȱ Lucanorȱ deȱ donȱ Juanȱ Manuel,”ȱ Ensayos:ȱ Revistaȱ deȱ laȱ educaciónȱ deȱ Albacete.
http://www.uclm.es/ab/educacion/ensayos/pdf/revista13/13_9.pdfȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱDec.ȱ29,ȱ2011).
Unfortunately,ȱtheȱnumberȱofȱtheȱjournalȱisȱnotȱprovidedȱonȱtheȱwebsite.ȱInȱ“Laȱvergüenzaȱcomo
constanteȱsocialȱyȱnarrativaȱenȱdonȱJuanȱManuel:ȱelȱejemploȱLȱdeȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,”ȱAntonio
CarreñoȱexplainsȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱtheȱCatholicȱconceptȱ“vergüença”ȱinȱJuanȱManuel’sȱwriting
Sheȱpretendsȱfirstȱthatȱsheȱdoesȱnotȱreallyȱunderstandȱwhatȱheȱwantsȱfromȱher:
“PeroȱdioȱaȱentenderȱqueȱnonȱentendiaȱaquellaȱrazonȱetȱdixolȱquelȱdiesseȱDios
buenaȱvidaȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”47ȱ(“Butȱsheȱpretendedȱthatȱsheȱdidȱnotȱunderstandȱwhatȱheȱwas
sayingȱandȱsheȱtoldȱhimȱsheȱwishedȱGodȱwouldȱblessȱhimȱwithȱaȱgoodȱlifeȱ…”)
Whenȱheȱinsists,ȱsheȱresortsȱtoȱmoreȱacting.ȱSheȱpretendsȱthatȱsheȱisȱnotȱintelligent,
“commoȱquierȱqueȱyoȱsoȱassazȱmugerȱdeȱpequennaȱguisaȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ(“understandȱthat
Iȱ amȱaȱwomanȱwithȱlittleȱintelligence”),ȱbutȱsheȱisȱdevisingȱherȱplanȱofȱaction,
whichȱinvolvesȱmoreȱacting.ȱSheȱactsȱasȱifȱsheȱisȱwillingȱtoȱcomplyȱwithȱhisȱwishes.
Sheȱpromisesȱtoȱdoȱwhateverȱheȱasks,ȱonlyȱifȱheȱfirstȱpromisesȱtoȱdoȱwhatȱsheȱasks
ofȱhim.ȱThisȱisȱnecessary,ȱsheȱsays,ȱbecauseȱmen,ȱespeciallyȱpowerfulȱmenȱlikeȱhim,
makeȱmanyȱpromisesȱtoȱgetȱwhatȱtheyȱwant,ȱbutȱonceȱtheyȱgetȱitȱtheyȱdon’tȱkeep
theirȱpromises.ȱSheȱasksȱhimȱtoȱtellȱherȱwhichȱvirtueȱisȱtheȱmotherȱofȱthemȱall.ȱShe
actsȱasȱifȱsheȱdoesȱnotȱknowȱtheȱanswerȱwhenȱsheȱdoes.ȱHeȱdoesȱnotȱknowȱthe
answer,ȱsoȱinȱorderȱtoȱkeepȱhisȱpromiseȱheȱisȱobligatedȱtoȱgoȱinȱsearchȱofȱit.ȱ(Why
can’tȱsheȱtellȱhimȱherself?).ȱSheȱknowsȱtheȱanswer,ȱofȱcourse.ȱTheȱanswer,ȱshame,
willȱmakeȱSaladinȱfeelȱshameȱforȱproposingȱtoȱcommitȱadultery.ȱ
WhyȱcouldȱtheȱwomanȱnotȱtellȱSaladinȱtheȱanswerȱfromȱtheȱbeginning,ȱwith
somethingȱ like,ȱ “¿Noȱ tienesȱ verguenza?”ȱ (“Aren’tȱ youȱ ashamed”?).ȱ Ofȱ course,
thereȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱnoȱstory,ȱasȱweȱknow.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱthereȱareȱother
factorsȱweȱcanȱconsider:ȱbecauseȱsheȱisȱaȱwoman,ȱsheȱ doesȱnotȱhaveȱsufficient
authorityȱtoȱsayȱtheȱtruth.ȱSheȱnotȱonlyȱhasȱtoȱputȱonȱanȱactȱofȱignorance,ȱsheȱhas
toȱsendȱherȱwouldȱbeȱaggressorȱonȱaȱtripȱtoȱobtainȱtheȱanswerȱelsewhere.ȱThis
personȱ whoȱ doesȱ provideȱ theȱ answerȱ toȱ Saladinȱ isȱ indeedȱ anȱ authorityȱ toȱ be
believed,ȱaȱwiseȱoldȱknight:ȱ
Etȱelȱescuderoȱcasaraȱpocoȱtienpoȱavia,ȱetȱabiaȱvnȱpadreȱmuyȱviejoȱqueȱfueraȱelȱmejor
caualleroȱqueȱovieraȱenȱtodaȱaquellaȱtierra.ȱEtȱporȱlaȱgrantȱvejez,ȱnonȱveyaȱetȱnonȱpodia
salirȱdeȱsuȱcasa,ȱperoȱaviaȱelȱentendimientoȱtanȱbuenoȱ etȱ tanȱconplido,ȱqueȱnonȱle
menguauaȱningunaȱcosaȱporȱlaȱvejez.48ȱ
[Andȱtheȱsquireȱhadȱrecentlyȱgottenȱmarried,ȱandȱheȱhadȱanȱoldȱfatherȱwhoȱwasȱthe
bestȱknightȱinȱthatȱcountry.ȱBecauseȱofȱhisȱoldȱage,ȱheȱwasȱblindȱandȱheȱdidȱnotȱleave
hisȱhouse,ȱbutȱheȱstillȱhadȱaȱveryȱgoodȱandȱsoundȱmind,ȱandȱheȱwasȱnotȱinȱanyȱway
hinderedȱbyȱhisȱoldȱage.]
Atȱoppositeȱends,ȱthen,ȱweȱhaveȱtwoȱpeopleȱwhoȱknowȱtheȱanswerȱtoȱtheȱquestion,
aȱyoungȱwoman,ȱonȱoneȱend,ȱandȱanȱoldȱknight,ȱonȱtheȱother,ȱbutȱonlyȱoneȱofȱthem
canȱbeȱdirectȱandȱforthrightȱwithȱtheȱtruth.ȱTheȱwomanȱisȱforcedȱintoȱactingȱin
orderȱtoȱsaveȱherself.ȱ
andȱheȱalsoȱprovidesȱandȱanalysisȱofȱstoryȱL,ȱThesaurusȱ23.1ȱ(1977):ȱ54–74.
47
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ415–16:ȱ97–98ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
48
WhatȱisȱinterestingȱisȱthatȱSaladin,ȱevenȱthoughȱheȱhasȱtheȱanswer,ȱdoesȱnotȱgive
theȱwomanȱtheȱrespectȱthatȱsheȱdeservesȱimmediatelyȱuponȱhisȱreturn.ȱFirstȱshe
hasȱtoȱrecognizeȱhisȱsupremeȱauthorityȱasȱaȱkingȱandȱstrokeȱhisȱmasculineȱegoȱby
askingȱhimȱifȱheȱisȱnotȱtheȱgreatestȱmanȱinȱtheȱwholeȱworld:ȱ“Etȱpidoȱvosȱpor
merçedȱqueȱmeȱdigades,ȱassiȱcommoȱreyȱdeueȱdezirȱverdat,ȱsiȱcuydadesȱqueȱhaȱen
elȱmundoȱmejorȱomneȱqueȱvos”49ȱ(“AndȱIȱaskȱfromȱyouȱasȱaȱfavorȱthatȱyouȱtellȱme
asȱtheȱkingȱthatȱyouȱareȱwhoȱmustȱspeakȱtheȱtruth,ȱifȱyouȱdoȱnotȱagreeȱthatȱthere
isȱnoȱbetterȱmanȱnȱtheȱworldȱthanȱyou”).ȱSaladinȱdoesȱnotȱhesitateȱtoȱrecognizeȱthat
toȱbeȱtheȱtruth.ȱIt’sȱalmostȱfunnyȱthatȱheȱsaysȱthatȱheȱisȱashamedȱtoȱadmitȱit.”ȱ“Et
Saladínȱleȱdixoȱqueȱcommoȱquierȱqueȱseȱleȱfaziaȱvergüençaȱdeȱdezir,ȱperoȱpuesȱla
aviaȱaȱdezirȱverdatȱcommoȱrey,ȱquellȱdiziaȱqueȱmasȱcuydauaȱqueȱeraȱmejorȱqueȱlos
otros,ȱqueȱnonȱqueȱaviaȱotroȱmeiorȱ queȱ el”50ȱ(“AndȱSaladinȱtoldȱherȱthatȱeven
thoughȱitȱwasȱembarrassingȱtoȱsayȱso,ȱheȱhadȱtoȱsayȱtheȱtruthȱbecasueȱheȱwasȱthe
king,ȱand,ȱyes,ȱheȱdidȱbelieveȱthatȱheȱwasȱbetterȱthanȱotherȱmen,ȱandȱthatȱthereȱwas
noȱbetterȱmanȱthanȱhe”).
Weȱdon’tȱknowȱifȱtheȱwoman’sȱglorificationȱofȱSaladinȱisȱaȱcontinuationȱofȱher
actingȱorȱnot.ȱWhenȱheȱadmitsȱthatȱsheȱisȱtellingȱtheȱtruthȱaboutȱhisȱsuperiority,ȱshe
fallsȱonȱherȱkneesȱtoȱtheȱfloorȱcrying.ȱHerȱbehaviorȱisȱemotionalȱandȱsubmissive.
Isȱthisȱpartȱofȱtheȱactȱalso?ȱOrȱisȱsheȱbeingȱherself?ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱwhereȱdoesȱthe
actingȱend?ȱInȱanyȱevent,ȱsheȱhasȱhadȱtoȱputȱtogetherȱtwoȱtruths,ȱthatȱshameȱisȱthe
highestȱvirtueȱandȱthatȱSaladinȱisȱtheȱgreatestȱmanȱonȱearthȱandȱthereforeȱshould
beȱtheȱmostȱvirtuousȱman,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱescapeȱfromȱharm.ȱHerȱcunningȱandȱher
goodȱ actingȱ abilitiesȱ saveȱ threeȱ people’sȱ honor:ȱ herȱ husband’s,ȱ herȱ ownȱ and
Saladin’s.ȱ
IdentityȱTheft,ȱCharacterȱAssassination,ȱIngratitudeȱandȱ
StolenȱOpportunities
ThereȱisȱaȱhumorousȱcaseȱofȱidentityȱtheftȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱinȱstoryȱLI,ȱ“Loȱque
contesçioȱaȱvnȱreyȱchristanoȱqueȱeraȱmuyȱpoderosoȱetȱmuyȱsoberbioso”ȱ(“What
happenedȱtoȱaȱChristianȱkingȱwhoȱwasȱveryȱpowerfulȱandȱarrogant”).51ȱ(Inȱthis
story,ȱ Godȱ sendsȱ anȱ angelȱ toȱ stealȱ theȱ identityȱ ofȱ aȱ proudȱ andȱ arrogantȱ king,
49
50
51
Thisȱ storyȱ isȱ problematicȱ onȱ twoȱ fronts,ȱ itsȱ locationȱ inȱ theȱ collection,ȱ whetherȱ orȱ notȱ itȱ was
intendedȱtoȱbeȱpartȱofȱtheȱcollection.ȱJoséȱManuelȱBlecuaȱpositionsȱitȱnotȱafterȱstoryȱLȱbutȱinȱan
appendixȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱthatȱis,ȱafterȱpartsȱII,ȱIII,ȱIV,ȱandȱV,ȱandȱthusȱputsȱits
authorshipȱinȱquestion.ȱAlbertoȱBlecuaȱaddressesȱtheȱproblemȱofȱtheȱstoryȱinȱLaȱtransmisiónȱtextual
deȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱ(Barcelona:ȱUniversidadȱAutónomaȱdeȱBarcelona,ȱ1982),ȱ113–20.
preciselyȱasȱpunishmentȱforȱhisȱarrogance.ȱTheȱangelȱlivesȱinȱtheȱking’sȱbodyȱfor
manyȱyears,ȱwhileȱtheȱkingȱisȱforcedȱtoȱliveȱasȱaȱpauper.ȱTheȱidentityȱtheftȱisȱaȱform
ofȱdivineȱpunishmentȱinȱorderȱtoȱbringȱaboutȱaȱtransformation,ȱaȱsoul’sȱsalvation.
Weȱhaveȱaȱkingȱwhoȱhasȱaȱpossession,ȱhisȱpositionȱofȱpowerȱonȱwhichȱheȱplaces
inappropriatelyȱtooȱmuchȱvalue.ȱThereȱare,ȱinȱeffect,ȱtwoȱpossessions,ȱtheȱeternal,
whichȱheȱneglects,ȱandȱtheȱtemporal,ȱwhichȱheȱabuses.ȱIndeed,ȱheȱplacesȱmore
importanceȱonȱhisȱpositionȱasȱkingȱthanȱonȱtheȱsalvationȱofȱhisȱsoul.ȱTheȱking’s
arroganceȱisȱillustratedȱwithȱaȱhumorousȱanecdote;ȱheȱdoesȱnotȱagreeȱwithȱthe
messageȱ inȱ aȱ coupleȱ ofȱ versesȱ inȱ aȱ Canticleȱ toȱ theȱ Virgin.ȱ Theȱ canticleȱ is
“Maginificatȱanimaȱmeaȱdominum.”ȱ
Theȱverseȱtheȱkingȱdoesȱnotȱlikeȱisȱ“NuestroȱsennorȱDiosȱtiroȱetȱabaxolosȱpoderosos
soberuiosȱ delȱ suȱ poderioȱ etȱ ensalçoȱ losȱ omildosos”52ȱ (“Ourȱ lordȱ Godȱ toppledȱ the
powerfulȱandȱarrogantȱfromȱtheirȱpositionsȱandȱraisedȱtheȱpositionȱofȱtheȱhumble
people”).ȱHeȱreplacesȱitȱwithȱaȱverseȱthatȱstatesȱtheȱcontrary,ȱthatȱGodȱwillȱelevate
theȱpowerfulȱandȱknockȱdownȱtheȱhumbleȱpeople.ȱTheȱidentityȱtheftȱthatȱGod
arrangesȱhasȱaȱpositiveȱandȱsuccessfulȱoutcome.ȱTheȱangelȱstaysȱonȱearthȱforȱmany
yearsȱactingȱasȱtheȱkingȱwhileȱtheȱking’sȱmisfortuneȱandȱsufferingȱasȱaȱpauper
openȱtheȱwayȱforȱsincereȱrepentance.ȱWhenȱtheȱangelȱrestoresȱtheȱthroneȱtoȱthe
repentantȱking,ȱtheȱangelȱactsȱasȱaȱmessengerȱofȱGod’sȱforgiveness.ȱ
TheȱangelȱtalksȱtoȱtheȱrepentantȱkingȱatȱlengthȱaboutȱGod’sȱwillȱthatȱallȱsinners
repentȱforȱtheirȱsinsȱsincerelyȱfromȱtheȱheart.ȱTheȱangelȱtellsȱtheȱkingȱthatȱheȱis
indeedȱanȱangel:ȱ“etȱnuestroȱsennorȱDiosȱtiroȱvosȱloȱporȱestasȱrazonesȱmismasȱque
vosȱ dezides,ȱ etȱ envioȱ aȱ mi,ȱ queȱ soȱ suȱ angel,ȱ queȱ tomasseȱ vuestraȱ figuraȱ et
estudiesseȱenȱvuestroȱlugar”53ȱ(“AndȱourȱlordȱGodȱtookȱyouȱoutȱofȱyourȱposition
forȱtheȱreasonsȱthatȱyouȱnowȱunderstand,ȱandȱheȱsentȱme,ȱhisȱangel,ȱtoȱoccupy
yourȱbodyȱandȱtakeȱyourȱplace”).ȱTheȱangelȱalsoȱrevealsȱthatȱheȱisȱanȱangelȱtoȱthe
king’sȱ people,ȱ soȱ theyȱ mayȱ alsoȱ beȱ witnessesȱ toȱ theȱ miracle:ȱ “Etȱ desqueȱ todos
fueronȱ ayuntados,ȱ elȱ reyȱ predicoȱ etȱ contoȱ todoȱ elȱ pleitoȱ commoȱ passara.ȱ Etȱ el
angel,ȱporȱvoluntadȱdeȱDios,ȱparesçioȱaȱtodosȱmanifiestaȱmenteȱetȱcontolesȱesso
mismo”54ȱ(“Andȱwhenȱallȱtheȱpeopleȱwereȱconvened,ȱtheȱkingȱmadeȱaȱspeechȱand
toldȱthemȱwhatȱhadȱhappened.ȱAndȱtheȱangel,ȱdoingȱGod’sȱwill,ȱappearedȱtoȱall
andȱalsoȱtoldȱthemȱthatȱthatȱisȱindeedȱwhatȱhappened”).ȱTheȱnowȱhumbledȱking
livesȱ manyȱ yearsȱ servingȱ hisȱ kingdomȱ andȱ Godȱ andȱ whenȱ heȱ diesȱ heȱ gains
entranceȱintoȱheavenȱ(“meresçioȱauerȱlaȱGloriaȱdelȱParayso”).
Weȱmayȱthinkȱofȱcharacterȱassassinationȱasȱaȱformȱofȱtheft,ȱinsofarȱthatȱaȱgood
reputationȱ(theȱpossession)ȱisȱtakenȱfromȱoneȱpersonȱbyȱanotherȱperson.ȱTheȱthief
mayȱseekȱtoȱdestroyȱtheȱgoodȱreputationȱofȱtheȱvictimȱinȱorderȱtoȱtherebyȱhave
52
53
54
accessȱtoȱhisȱpositionȱandȱwealth,ȱwhichȱtheȱvictimȱhasȱlostȱasȱaȱconsequenceȱof
losingȱhisȱgoodȱreputation.ȱAȱthirdȱpossessionȱisȱoftenȱonȱtheȱline,ȱtheȱtrustȱand
esteemȱofȱaȱthirdȱparty.ȱWeȱseeȱallȱtheseȱelementsȱinȱtheȱfirstȱstoryȱofȱtheȱcollection,
“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱreyȱconȱvnȱsuȱpriuado”ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱaȱkingȱwith
hisȱ trustedȱ courtier”).ȱ Aȱ king’sȱ favoriteȱ courtierȱ isȱ enviedȱ byȱ theȱ lessȱ favorite
courtiers.ȱTheyȱenvyȱtheȱesteemȱandȱtheȱmaterialȱbenefitsȱthatȱtheȱkingȱlavishesȱon
hisȱ favorite.ȱ Patronioȱ explainsȱ thatȱ envyȱ isȱ foundȱ everywhereȱ thereȱ isȱ good
fortune:
Etȱporȱqueȱnonȱpuedeȱseerȱqueȱlosȱomnesȱqueȱalgunaȱbuenaȱandançaȱan,ȱqueȱalgunos
otrosȱnonȱayanȱenvidiaȱdellos,ȱporȱlaȱprivançaȱetȱbienȱandançaȱqueȱaquelȱsuȱprivado
avia,ȱotrosȱprivadosȱdaquelȱreyȱavianȱmuyȱgrantȱenvidiaȱetȱtrabaiauanȱseȱdelȱbuscar
malȱconȱelȱrey,ȱsuȱsennor.55
[Andȱitȱisȱjustȱnotȱpossibleȱthatȱpeopleȱwhoȱareȱsuccessfulȱnotȱbeȱenviedȱbyȱothers,ȱand
becauseȱthisȱcourtierȱwasȱbenefitingȱfromȱbeingȱtheȱkingsȱfavorite,ȱotherȱcourtiersȱof
theȱkingȱwereȱveryȱenviousȱandȱwereȱplottingȱtoȱestrangeȱhimȱfromȱtheȱking.]
ȱ
Theȱ enviousȱ courtiersȱ workȱ atȱ destroyingȱ theȱ favorite’sȱ goodȱ reputation,ȱ all
withoutȱsuccess,ȱuntilȱtheyȱhitȱonȱtheȱrightȱthreatȱtoȱtheȱking’sȱwellȬbeing.ȱTheyȱtell
theȱkingȱthatȱhisȱfavoriteȱsubjectȱisȱplanningȱonȱhavingȱhimȱmurderedȱwherebyȱhe
willȱ usurpȱ powerȱ andȱ eventuallyȱ killȱ theȱ king’sȱ youngȱ son.ȱ Thoughȱ weȱ are
focusingȱonȱtheȱcharacterȱassassinationȱofȱtheȱcourtier,ȱtheȱkingȱhimselfȱisȱbyȱall
accountsȱinȱdangerȱofȱbeingȱaȱtargetȱofȱhavingȱallȱthatȱheȱpossessesȱstolenȱfrom
him,ȱhisȱlife,ȱhisȱkingdomȱandȱhisȱson.ȱThoughȱheȱtrustsȱhisȱfavorite,ȱinȱorderȱto
protectȱhimself,ȱheȱnecessarilyȱhasȱtoȱtestȱhisȱfavorite’sȱloyalty,ȱforȱwhatȱisȱatȱstake
isȱtooȱvaluable:ȱ
Etȱcommoȱquierȱqueȱfastaȱentonceȱnonȱpudieranȱponerȱenȱningunaȱdubdaȱalȱreyȱcontra
aquelȱ suȱ priuado,ȱ deȱ queȱ estoȱ loȱ dixieron,ȱ nonȱ loȱ pudoȱ sofrirȱ elȱ coraçonȱ queȱ non
tomaseȱdelȱreçelo.ȱCaȱenȱlasȱcosasȱenȱqueȱtanȱgrantȱmalȱha,ȱqueȱseȱnonȱpuedenȱcobrar
siȱseȱfazen,ȱningunȱomneȱcuerdoȱnonȱdeueȱesperarȱendeȱlaȱprueua.56
[Andȱevenȱthoughȱuoȱtoȱtheȱpottersȱhadȱnotȱbeenȱableȱtoȱmakeȱtheȱkingȱdoubtȱhis
favorite’sȱloyalty,ȱwhenȱtheyȱtoldȱhimȱthis,ȱhisȱheartȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱbutȱanxiousȱand
distrustful.ȱNobodyȱwhoȱisȱsmartȱandȱhasȱcommonȱsenseȱshouldȱwaitȱforȱmoreȱproof
inȱsituationsȱthatȱcanȱbringȱusȱgreatȱharm.]
Theȱkingȱtestsȱhisȱfavorite’sȱloyaltyȱbyȱdressingȱasȱaȱhermitȱandȱconfidingȱtoȱhim
thatȱbecauseȱheȱisȱtiredȱofȱthisȱlifeȱheȱwantsȱtoȱretireȱasȱaȱhermit.ȱHeȱisȱentrusting
hisȱkingdom,ȱhisȱwifeȱandȱhisȱsonȱtoȱhisȱcareȱuntilȱhisȱreturn.ȱForȱtheȱmostȱpartȱthe
subject’sȱheartȱisȱloyal;ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱheȱsecretlyȱrejoicesȱatȱtheȱthoughtȱof
55
56
havingȱallȱtheȱpower:ȱ“plogolȱmuchoȱenȱsuȱcoraçon,ȱentendiendoȱqueȱpuesȱtodo
fincauaȱenȱsuȱpoder,ȱqueȱpodriaȱobrarȱenȱelloȱcommoȱquisiese”57ȱ(“Thisȱpleases
himȱinȱhisȱheartȱaȱlot,ȱthinkingȱthatȱnowȱthatȱheȱwouldȱhaveȱtheȱpower,ȱheȱcould
doȱwhateverȱheȱdesired”).ȱAsȱweȱknow,ȱitȱisȱaȱservantȬadvisorȱthatȱtheȱcourtierȱhas
inȱhisȱownȱhouseȱwhoȱsavesȱhimȱfromȱfallingȱinȱtheȱtrapȱofȱtheȱtest,ȱbyȱreadingȱinto
theȱintentionsȱofȱtheȱking,ȱandȱtherebyȱtheȱcourtierȱisȱableȱtoȱrespondȱwithȱanȱact
ofȱhisȱownȱ(heȱwantsȱtoȱaccompanyȱtheȱkingȱintoȱexile)ȱthatȱrestoresȱtheȱking’sȱtrust
inȱhim.ȱInȱthisȱstory,ȱtheȱtheftȱisȱnotȱsuccessful.58ȱTheȱwouldȬbeȱvictimȱofȱcharacter
assassination,ȱ thoughȱ notȱ ableȱ himselfȱ toȱ readȱ theȱ situationȱ correctly,ȱ hasȱ his
advisorȱreadȱitȱforȱhim,ȱwherebyȱheȱisȱableȱtoȱcounteractȱinȱtimeȱandȱkeepȱhisȱgood
reputation.59
Characterȱassassinationȱalsoȱtakesȱplaceȱinȱtheȱstoryȱofȱtheȱbeguine,ȱstoryȱXLII,
thatȱweȱdiscussedȱabove.ȱTheȱbeguineȱdestroysȱtheȱcharacterȱofȱtheȱwifeȱandȱthe
husbandȱ inȱ eachȱ other’sȱ eyes,ȱ dividingȱ andȱ conqueringȱ them.ȱ Aȱ veryȱ similar
scenarioȱdevelopsȱinȱstoryȱXX,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱalȱleonȱetȱalȱtoro”ȱ(“What
happenedȱtoȱtheȱlionȱandȱtheȱbull”),ȱinȱwhichȱtheȱotherȱanimals,ȱespeciallyȱthe
trustedȱadvisors,ȱtheȱbearȱandȱtheȱhorse,ȱareȱsuccessfulȱatȱdestroyingȱtheȱstrong
allianceȱ betweenȱ theȱ lionȱ andȱ theȱ bullȱ whoȱ ruleȱ overȱ them.ȱ Theyȱ doȱ thisȱ with
characterȱassassination,ȱtellingȱeachȱoneȱliesȱaboutȱtheȱotherȱthatȱresultsȱinȱdistrust
thatȱeventuallyȱbreaksȱtheirȱfriendship.ȱTheȱpossessionsȱthatȱtheyȱloseȱareȱtheir
friendshipȱandȱtheirȱpowerȱoverȱtheȱotherȱanimals.ȱPatronioȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱthe
lionȱandȱtheȱbullȱareȱatȱfaultȱforȱnotȱvaluingȱandȱprotectingȱtheirȱfriendship:
Etȱassi,ȱporȱqueȱelȱleonȱetȱelȱtoroȱnonȱentendieronȱqueȱporȱelȱamorȱetȱlaȱayudaȱqueȱel
unoȱtomauaȱdelȱotro,ȱeranȱellosȱonradosȱetȱapoderadosȱdeȱtodasȱlasȱotrasȱanimalias,ȱet
nonȱguardaronȱelȱamorȱaprouechosoȱqueȱavianȱentreȱssi,ȱetȱnonȱseȱsopieronȱguardar
deȱ losȱ malosȱ consejosȱ queȱ lesȱ dieronȱ paraȱ sallirȱ deȱ suȱ premiaȱ etȱ apremiaraȱ ellos,
fincaronȱelȱleonȱetȱelȱtoroȱtanȱmalȱdeȱaquelȱpleito,ȱ queȱ assiȱcommoȱellosȱeranȱante
apoderadosȱdeȱtodos,ȱasiȱfueronȱdespuesȱtodosȱapoderadosȱdellos.60ȱ
[Andȱthatȱisȱwhy,ȱbecauseȱtheȱlionȱandȱtheȱbullȱdidȱnotȱunderstandȱthatȱitȱwasȱtheir
friendshipȱandȱtheȱhelpȱthatȱtheyȱgaveȱoneȱanotherȱthatȱgaveȱthemȱrespectȱandȱpower
57
58
AȱveryȱusefulȱandȱinsightfulȱdiscussionȱofȱthisȱstoryȱisȱprovidedȱbyȱJamesȱA.ȱGrabowskaȱinȱThe
ChallengeȱtoȱSpanishȱNobilityȱinȱtheȱFourteenthȱCentury:ȱtheȱStruggleȱforȱPowerȱinȱDonȱJuanȱManuel’s
CondeȱLucanor,ȱ1335,ȱ(Lewiston:ȱTheȱEdwinȱMellenȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱinȱchapterȱ4,ȱ“Theȱmoralȱofȱthe
story:ȱpoliticsȱandȱmoralityȱinȱexemplaryȱtales,”ȱ106–16.ȱ
59
JonathanȱBurgoyneȱdiscussesȱtheȱethicalȱambiguityȱofȱthisȱstoryȱ(thatȱtheȱadvisorȱadvisesȱthe
courtierȱ toȱ lieȱ toȱ theȱ kingȱ andȱ Patronioȱ advisesȱ Lucanorȱ toȱ lieȱ also)ȱ andȱ otherȱ storiesȱ inȱ the
collectionȱinȱchapterȱ1,ȱ“EthicalȱambiguityȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,”ȱid.,ȱReadingȱtheȱExemplumȱRight:
FixingȱtheȱMeaningȱofȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱNorthȱCarolinaȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱRomanceȱLanguagesȱand
Literatures,ȱ289ȱ(ChapelȱHill:ȱUniversityȱofȱNorthȱCarolinaȱPress,ȱ2007).
60
overȱtheȱotherȱanimals,ȱandȱbecauseȱtheyȱdidȱnotȱvalueȱandȱcareȱforȱtheirȱbeneficial
friendship,ȱandȱbecauseȱtheyȱdidȱnotȱknowȱhowȱtoȱprotectȱthemselvesȱfromȱtheȱbad
adviceȱfromȱtheȱotherȱanimalsȱthatȱsoughtȱtoȱdivideȱthem,ȱtheyȱlostȱallȱtheȱpowerȱthey
onceȱhadandȱnowȱotherȱanimalsȱhadȱpowerȱoverȱthem.]
IngratitudeȱisȱaȱtopicȱthatȱisȱdevelopedȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱstoriesȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,
andȱitȱcanȱalsoȱbeȱviewedȱasȱaȱtypeȱofȱtheftȱwherebyȱaȱpersonȱacceptsȱaȱgiftȱorȱa
favorȱ butȱ doesȱ notȱ giveȱ theȱ giverȱ creditȱ forȱ theȱ favorȱ orȱ theȱ gift.ȱ Weȱ saw
ingratitudeȱinȱstoryȱLI.ȱTheȱkingȱdoesȱnotȱgiveȱGodȱtheȱcreditȱdeservedȱforȱthe
positionȱofȱpowerȱthatȱheȱenjoysȱinȱtheȱtemporalȱworld.ȱTheȱkingȱisȱwithholding
aȱgoodȱthatȱbelongsȱtoȱanother.ȱByȱnotȱgivingȱitȱtoȱtheȱpersonȱtoȱwhomȱitȱbelongs
itȱisȱaȱstolenȱgood.ȱOnceȱtheȱkingȱrepentsȱforȱhisȱprideȱandȱarrogance,ȱheȱplaces
creditȱforȱhisȱpositionȱinȱlifeȱwhereȱitȱbelongs.ȱHeȱnowȱvaluesȱmoreȱtheȱsalvation
ofȱhisȱsoulȱthanȱanyȱwealthȱorȱpowerȱonȱearth:ȱ“caȱtodoȱestoȱpreçiauaȱelȱnada,ȱet
nonȱcobdiçiauaȱotraȱcosaȱsinonȱauerȱperdonȱdeȱsusȱpecadosȱetȱpoderȱsaluarȱel
alma”61ȱ(“ȱNoneȱofȱthisȱdidȱheȱvalueȱanymore,ȱandȱheȱdidȱnotȱdesireȱanythingȱbut
toȱbeȱpardonedȱforȱhisȱsinsȱandȱtoȱsaveȱhisȱsoul”).ȱ
Whenȱtheȱangelȱrestoresȱhisȱpositionȱasȱking,ȱtheȱfirstȱthingȱheȱdoesȱisȱmake
amendsȱtoȱGodȱbyȱinscribingȱinȱgoldȱallȱoverȱhisȱkingdomȱtheȱoriginalȱverseȱinȱthe
canticleȱtoȱtheȱVirginȱthatȱheȱhadȱdisrespectfullyȱbutchered,ȱgivingȱtheȱVirginȱnow
herȱdueȱcredit:ȱ“EntonçeȱelȱreyȱfizoȱquantasȱemiendasȱpudoȱaȱnuestroȱsennorȱDios;
etȱentreȱlasȱcosas,ȱmandoȱque,ȱporȱremembrançaȱdesto,ȱqueȱenȱtodoȱsuȱregnoȱpara
siempreȱfuesseȱescriptoȱaquelȱviessoȱqueȱelȱreuesaraȱconȱletrasȱdeȱoro”62ȱ(“Thenȱthe
kingȱdidȱasȱmanyȱreparationsȱasȱheȱcouldȱtoȱourȱlordȱGod,ȱandȱamongȱthemȱhe
orderedȱthis,ȱthatȱthroughoutȱhisȱkingdomȱtheȱverseȱthatȱheȱdesecratedȱbeȱshown
inȱgoldȱletters”).
AȱhumorousȱtreatmentȱofȱingratitudeȱisȱfoundȱinȱstoryȱIIII,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱdixoȱvn
genovesȱaȱsuȱalmaȱquandoȱseȱovoȱdeȱmorir”ȱ(“WhatȱaȱGenoeseȱsaidȱtoȱhisȱsoul
whenȱheȱwasȱdying”).ȱAȱdyingȱrichȱmanȱfromȱGenoaȱscoldsȱhisȱsoulȱforȱbeing
ungratefulȱforȱleavingȱallȱtheȱpleasuresȱandȱpossessionsȱthatȱheȱcouldȱstillȱenjoyȱin
thisȱtemporalȱworld.ȱAfterȱaȱdetailedȱdescriptionȱofȱhisȱpossessionȱthatȱareȱindeed
marvelousȱheȱtellsȱhisȱsoulȱtoȱleaveȱhimȱwithȱtheȱwrathȱofȱGod.ȱAccordingȱtoȱthe
dyingȱman,ȱhisȱsoulȱisȱmakingȱaȱmistakeȱinȱchoosingȱtheȱunknownȱoverȱtheȱgood
lifeȱonȱearthȱthatȱisȱpeacefulȱandȱsafe.ȱPatronioȱusesȱthisȱstoryȱtoȱillustrateȱforȱthe
CountȱLucanorȱthatȱheȱshouldȱnotȱriskȱwhatȱworldlyȱgainsȱheȱhasȱworkedȱhardȱfor
overȱtheȱyearsȱforȱanȱunreliableȱpropositionȱhisȱenviousȱadvisorsȱareȱencouraging
himȱtoȱgoȱafter.ȱTheseȱenviousȱadvisorsȱwantȱtoȱtoppleȱhisȱsecurityȱandȱhaveȱhim
fallȱunderȱtheirȱcontrol:ȱ“caȱporȱaventuraȱestosȱvuestrosȱconsejerosȱvosȱloȱdizenȱpor
queȱsabenȱqueȱdesqueȱenȱtalȱfechoȱvosȱovierenȱmetido,ȱqueȱporȱfuerçaȱabradesȱa
61
62
fazerȱloȱqueȱellosȱquisierenȱetȱqueȱavredesȱaȱseguirȱsuȱvoluntadȱdesqueȱfueredes
enȱelȱgrantȱmesterȱ .ȱ.ȱ.”63ȱ(“forȱitȱisȱpossibleȱthatȱtheseȱadvisorsȱtellȱthisȱtoȱyou
becauseȱifȱyouȱgetȱinȱtroubleȱwithȱtheȱkingȱyouȱwillȱaskȱthemȱforȱhelpȱandȱbeȱin
theirȱpowerȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”).ȱ
Whatȱ weȱ haveȱ inȱ theȱ storyȱ thatȱ Patronioȱ tellsȱ isȱ aȱ doubling,ȱ aȱ manȱ andȱ his
ungratefulȱ soul.ȱ Theȱ soulȱ doesȱ notȱ giveȱ creditȱ toȱ theȱ richȱ manȱ forȱ allȱ heȱ has
accomplishedȱinȱlife.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱitȱisȱaȱlittleȱdifferentȱinȱtheȱexplanationȱof
theȱstoryȱthatȱPatronioȱdevelops.ȱWeȱcanȱseeȱaȱtargetȱofȱtheftȱ(Lucanor)ȱwhoȱneeds
toȱbeȱgratefulȱforȱwhatȱheȱalreadyȱhasȱandȱnotȱbeȱgreedyȱsoȱasȱnotȱtoȱavoidȱfalling
victimȱtoȱriskyȱpropositions.ȱHeȱneedsȱtoȱgiveȱhimselfȱcreditȱforȱwhatȱheȱalready
hasȱ accomplished:ȱ “mas,ȱ porȱ elȱ miȱ conseio,ȱ enȱ quantoȱ pudierdesȱ auerȱ pazȱ et
assossiegoȱaȱvuestraȱonra,ȱetȱsinȱvuestraȱmengua,ȱnonȱvosȱmetadesȱenȱcosaȱqueȱlo
ayadesȱtodoȱaventurar”64ȱ(“Myȱadviceȱisȱthat,ȱasȱlongȱasȱyouȱcanȱenjoyȱpeaceȱand
calmȱinȱanȱhonorableȱfashion,ȱandȱwithoutȱanyȱharmȱcomingȱtoȱyouȱforȱdoingȱso,
don’tȱgetȱinvolvedȱinȱanythingȱthatȱasksȱyouȱtoȱriskȱeverything”).
AnotherȱungratefulȱcharacterȱinȱtheȱcollectionȱisȱtheȱdeaconȱofȱSantiagoȱinȱstory
XI,ȱ“DeȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱdeanȱdeȱSanctiagoȱconȱdonȱYllan,ȱelȱgrandȱmaestro
deȱ Toledo”ȱ (“Whatȱ happenedȱ toȱ theȱ deaconȱ ofȱ Santiagoȱ andȱ donȱ Yllan,ȱ the
magicianȱfromȱToledo”).ȱTheȱdeaconȱpromisesȱtheȱmagicianȱthatȱheȱwillȱnotȱforget
theȱfavorȱthatȱheȱhasȱdoneȱforȱhimȱbyȱteachingȱhimȱhisȱsecretȱknowledgeȱofȱblack
magic.ȱHeȱdoes,ȱhowever.ȱAsȱheȱrisesȱinȱfortuneȱandȱrankȱinȱtheȱchurchȱ(upȱuntil
heȱisȱelectedȱPope),ȱheȱcontinuouslyȱpushesȱasideȱtheȱmagician’sȱentreatiesȱtoȱbe
remembered,ȱgoingȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱthreatenȱtoȱputȱhimȱinȱjailȱforȱdisturbingȱtheȱpeace.
Theȱdeaconȱnotȱonlyȱrefusesȱtoȱgiveȱtheȱmagicianȱcreditȱforȱhisȱsuccess,ȱheȱalso
withholdsȱtheȱfavorȱinȱkindȱthatȱheȱowesȱhim,ȱandȱbothȱareȱthefts,ȱkeepingȱwhat
doesȱ notȱ rightfullyȱ belongȱ toȱ him.ȱ Theȱ readerȱ (orȱ interlocutor)ȱ isȱ wonderfully
surprisedȱwhenȱs/heȱlearnsȱthatȱallȱalongȱtheȱmagicianȱhadȱbeenȱapplyingȱhisȱblack
magic,ȱbyȱhavingȱtheȱdeaconȱbelieveȱheȱwasȱactuallyȱlivingȱallȱthoseȱexperiences
overȱmanyȱyearsȱwhenȱheȱallȱalongȱ(forȱaȱfewȱhours)ȱheȱhadȱbeenȱinȱtheȱmagician’s
basement.65ȱ
Theȱmagicianȱsuspectedȱthatȱtheȱdeaconȱwasȱnotȱhonestȱandȱthatȱheȱwouldȱturn
ungrateful.ȱWhenȱtheȱdeaconȱrealizesȱtheȱtrick,ȱheȱfeelsȱembarrassed:ȱ“Quando
estoȱdixoȱdonȱYllan,ȱfalloseȱelȱpapaȱenȱToledoȱdeanȱdeȱSanctiago,ȱcommoȱloȱera
quandoȱyȱbino,ȱetȱtanȱgrandȱfueȱlaȱvergüençaȱqueȱovo,ȱqueȱnonȱsopoȱquellȱdexir”66
63
64
65
Seeȱ Franciscoȱ Miranda,ȱ “Unȱ Deanȱ deȱ Sanctiagoȱ yȱ Donȱ Illan,ȱ elȱ grandȱ maestroȱ deȱ Toledo:
nigromanciaȱeȱhistoriaȱenȱElȱCondeȱLucanor,”ȱRevistaȱCanadienseȱdeȱEstudiosȱHispánicosȱ23.2ȱ(1999):
329–40;ȱalsoȱDavidȱA.ȱWacks,ȱ“DonȱYllánȱandȱtheȱEgyptianȱsorcerer:ȱVernacularȱcommonalityȱand
literaryȱdiversityȱinȱMedievalȱCastile,”ȱSefaradȱ65ȱ(2005):ȱ413–33.
66
(“WhenȱdonȱYllanȱsaidȱthis,ȱtheȱPopeȱfoundȱhimselfȱagainȱinȱToledoȱasȱdeaconȱof
Santiagoȱasȱwhenȱheȱhadȱarrived,ȱandȱheȱwasȱsoȱembarrassedȱthatȱheȱdidȱnotȱknow
whatȱtoȱsay”).ȱWithȱregardȱtoȱbeingȱvictimized,ȱtheȱmagicianȱisȱcarefulȱnotȱtoȱbe;
heȱsetsȱupȱaȱsituationȱthatȱwillȱguaranteeȱthatȱheȱwon’tȱbe.
Itȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱsurprisingȱtoȱfindȱthatȱthreeȱwomenȱcharactersȱinȱtheȱcollection
areȱframedȱasȱungrateful,ȱnotȱgivingȱtheirȱhusbandsȱtheirȱdueȱcreditȱandȱrespect
byȱbehavingȱobediently.ȱTheseȱcharactersȱareȱtheȱemperor’sȱwifeȱinȱstoryȱXXVII,
“Deȱ loȱ queȱ contesçioȱ aȱ vnȱ emperadorȱ etȱ aȱ donȱ Alvarȱ Hannezȱ Minayaȱ conȱ sus
mugeres”ȱ(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱanȱemperorȱandȱdonȱAlvarȱHannezȱMinayaȱwith
theirȱwomen”),ȱandȱRamayquiaȱinȱstoryȱXXX,ȱ“DeȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱalȱreyȱAbenabet
deȱSeuillaȱconȱRamayquia,ȱsuȱmugger”ȱ(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱkingȱAbenabetȱof
SevillaȱwithȱhisȱwifeȱRamayquia”),ȱandȱtheȱnewlywedȱwomanȱinȱtheȱfamousȱstory
XXXV,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱaȱvnȱmançeboȱqueȱcasoȱconȱvnaȱmugerȱmuyȱfuerteȱet
muyȱbraua”ȱ(“Whatȱhappenedȱtoȱtheȱyoungȱmanȱwhoȱmarriedȱaȱveryȱstrongȱand
fierceȱwoman”).ȱTwoȱofȱtheȱwomenȱwomenȱareȱ“bravas”ȱ(“fierce”).ȱTheȱemperor’s
wifeȱisȱ“laȱmasȱbrauaȱetȱlaȱmasȱfuerteȱetȱlaȱmasȱrebassadaȱcosaȱdelȱmundo,”ȱ(“the
strongestȱ andȱ mostȱ contraryȱ personȱ inȱ thisȱ world.”)ȱ Sheȱ neverȱ doesȱ whatȱ her
husbandȱtheȱemperorȱwantsȱherȱtoȱdo.ȱTheȱwomanȱinȱstoryȱXXXVȱisȱalsoȱdescribed
asȱ“fuerte”ȱandȱ“brava.”ȱSheȱisȱevenȱlikenedȱtoȱtheȱdevil:ȱ“etȱporȱende,ȱomneȱdel
mundoȱnonȱqueriaȱcasarȱconȱaquelȱdiablo”ȱ(“andȱtherefore,ȱnoȱmanȱinȱtheȱworld
wantedȱtoȱmarryȱthatȱdevil”).67ȱ
Sheȱ isȱ notȱ marriageȱ materialȱ becauseȱ sheȱ isȱ tooȱ rebellious.ȱ Inȱ fact,ȱ bothȱ the
emperor’sȱwifeȱandȱtheȱstrongȱandȱfierceȱsingleȱwomanȱhaveȱrebelliousȱcharacters.
Theyȱareȱnotȱinȱtheȱleastȱsubmissive.ȱRamayquiaȱinȱstoryȱXXXȱisȱaȱcrybaby;ȱshe
criesȱallȱtheȱtimeȱuntilȱsheȱgetsȱherȱway,ȱandȱthenȱtheȱcycleȱrepeatsȱitselfȱagain.
Ramayquiaȱisȱanȱexcellentȱexampleȱofȱanȱungratefulȱwoman.ȱSheȱneverȱisȱsatisfied
andȱhappyȱwithȱwhatȱherȱhusbandȱgivesȱher.ȱHeȱspoilsȱherȱandȱyetȱsheȱnever
thanksȱhimȱforȱhisȱgiftsȱandȱhisȱdedication.ȱInȱtheȱstoryȱweȱseeȱhimȱstriveȱtoȱfulfill
herȱwhims,ȱforȱexample,ȱplantingȱalmondȱtreesȱsoȱsheȱcouldȱfeelȱlikeȱitȱisȱwinter.
Sheȱisȱsoȱimpressionableȱthatȱwhenȱsheȱseesȱthroughȱherȱwindowȱaȱpoorȱwoman
makingȱmudȱbricksȱbyȱtheȱriverȱsheȱstartsȱtoȱcryȱtoȱherȱhusband,ȱbecauseȱsheȱalso
wantsȱ toȱ makeȱ themȱ herself.ȱ Herȱ husbandȱ thenȱ createsȱ forȱ herȱ aȱ fantasy
playgroundȱofȱroseȱwater,ȱgoodȱsmellingȱspicesȱandȱsugarȬcanesȱtoȱsimulateȱa
river,ȱmudȱandȱhay.68ȱ
67
68
ItȱisȱhardȱtoȱnotȱreadȱmoreȱintoȱRamayquia’sȱsituationȱandȱjustȱwonderȱifȱherȱunhappinessȱmight
stemȱfromȱbeingȱenclosedȱinȱtheȱcastleȱandȱnotȱenjoyingȱfreedom,ȱlikeȱtheȱpoorȱwomanȱbyȱtheȱriver
does.ȱAfterȱall,ȱtheȱriverȱsheȱisȱgivenȱtoȱplayȱinȱ isȱ fake,ȱ asȱ wellȱasȱtheȱmudȱandȱtheȱhay.ȱHer
husbandȱdidȱnotȱgiveȱherȱwhatȱsheȱaskedȱfor,ȱtheȱrealȱthing.ȱ
Allȱ threeȱ womenȱ areȱ punishedȱ toȱ varyingȱ degreesȱ forȱ theirȱ character.ȱ The
punishmentȱisȱmeantȱtoȱtameȱtheȱwomenȱintoȱsubmission.ȱTheȱemperor’sȱwife
takesȱaȱbottleȱofȱpoisonȱandȱingestsȱit,ȱjustȱasȱherȱhusbandȱthoughtȱsheȱwouldȱifȱhe
toldȱherȱexpresslyȱnotȱto.ȱYes,ȱsheȱisȱsubmissiveȱnow,ȱdead,ȱwellȱunderȱcontrol.
Ramayquiaȱisȱscoldedȱwithȱaȱreprimand.ȱWhenȱsheȱstartsȱtoȱcryȱagain,ȱherȱhusband
retortsȱ withȱ “¿Etȱ nonȱ elȱ díaȱ delȱ lodo?”ȱ Patronioȱ clarifiesȱ thatȱ theȱ reprimand
consistsȱinȱherȱhusbandȱaskingȱherȱifȱsheȱhasȱevenȱforgottenȱtheȱdayȱheȱarranged
mudȱtoȱbeȱprovidedȱforȱher:ȱ“Commoȱdiziendoȱqueȱpuesȱlasȱotrasȱcosasȱoluidaua,
queȱnonȱdeuiaȱoluidarȱelȱlodoȱqueȱfiizieraȱporȱleȱfazerȱplazer”69ȱ(“Asȱifȱtellingȱher
thatȱsinceȱsheȱhasȱforgottenȱallȱtheȱotherȱthingsȱheȱhasȱdoneȱforȱher,ȱsheȱshouldȱnot
forgetȱtheȱmudȱthatȱheȱhadȱmadeȱtoȱpleaseȱher”).ȱ
Theȱreprimandȱisȱmeantȱtoȱchastiseȱherȱandȱchangeȱher.ȱTheȱhusbandȱisȱfedȱup
withȱher.ȱTheȱyoungȱnewlywedȱinȱstoryȱXXXVȱisȱnotȱgivenȱaȱchanceȱtoȱbeȱ“brava”
andȱdisrespectfulȱtoȱherȱhusband.ȱRightȱawayȱheȱintimidatesȱandȱsubjugatesȱher
(withȱviolenceȱandȱbloodshedȱasȱheȱkillsȱtheȱanimals)ȱintoȱobedience.ȱAtȱtheȱend
ofȱtheȱviolentȱordealȱofȱherȱhoneymoonȱsheȱindeedȱgoesȱfromȱbeingȱungratefulȱto
gratefulȱtoȱbeȱalive.ȱTheȱhusbandsȱtakeȱmattersȱintoȱtheirȱownȱhands.ȱAsȱvictims
orȱpotentialȱvictimsȱofȱdisobedience,ȱdisrespect,ȱingratitude,ȱallȱformsȱofȱtheftȱof
masculineȱ honor,ȱ theyȱ deviseȱ waysȱ toȱ getȱ theȱ upperȱ handȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ liveȱ a
peaceful,ȱsafeȱandȱorderlyȱlife.ȱ
Twoȱofȱtheȱstoriesȱprovideȱreversedȱsituations.ȱInȱstoryȱXXVIIȱtheȱemperor’s
wife’sȱrebelliousȱcharacterȱbringsȱonȱherȱdeathȱbyȱselfȬpoisoning,ȱbutȱinȱtheȱsecond
partȱ ofȱ theȱ storyȱ Alvarȱ Hannez’sȱ wife,ȱ doñaȱ Vascunnana,ȱ isȱ aȱ paragonȱ ofȱ the
virtuesȱofȱobedience,ȱgratitudeȱandȱsubmissiveness.70ȱInȱstoryȱXXXV,ȱtheȱgroom’s
fatherȬinȬlawȱwantsȱtoȱsubjugateȱhisȱwifeȱwithȱintimidation,ȱbutȱtheȱwifeȱisȱnot
intimidated;ȱsheȱknowsȱitȱisȱjustȱanȱact.ȱGoodȱtimingȱisȱessential.ȱTheyȱhaveȱbeen
marriedȱtooȱlong.71
TheȱlastȱcategoryȱofȱtheftȱthatȱIȱdiscussȱinȱthisȱarticleȱisȱstolenȱopportunities.ȱThe
exampleȱthatȱfirstȱcomesȱtoȱmindȱisȱtheȱopportunityȱtoȱconfessȱthatȱtheȱsonsȱtake
awayȱ fromȱ theirȱ fatherȱ inȱ storyȱ XIIII,ȱ “Delȱ miragloȱ queȱ fizoȱ sanctoȱ Domingo
quandoȱpredicoȱsobreȱelȱlogrero”ȱ(“TheȱmiracleȱthatȱSt.ȱDominicȱperformedȱonȱthe
greedyȱman”).ȱSaintȱDominicȱcan’tȱcomeȱinȱpersonȱtoȱconfessȱaȱrichȱLombardȱwho
isȱonȱhisȱdeathbed,ȱbutȱsendsȱinȱhisȱplaceȱaȱfriarȱofȱhisȱorder.ȱTheȱsons,ȱgreedyȱfor
theirȱfather’sȱmoney,ȱfearȱthatȱheȱwillȱgiveȱitȱawayȱtoȱtheȱDominicanȱorder.ȱWhen
theȱfriarȱarrives,ȱtheȱsonsȱsendȱhimȱaway.ȱTheȱfatherȱdiesȱwithoutȱconfession.ȱSt.
69
70
Seeȱnoteȱ10.
71
SeeȱEukeneȱLacarraȱLanz’sȱarticle,ȱ“Elȱpeorȱenemigoȱesȱelȱenemigoȱenȱcasa:ȱViolenciaȱdeȱgénero
enȱlaȱliteraturaȱmedieval,”ȱClioȱ&ȱCrimenȱ5ȱ(2008):ȱ228–66,ȱforȱaȱthoroughȱdiscussionȱofȱstories
XXVIIȱandȱXXXV.
Dominicȱpresidesȱatȱtheȱfuneralȱandȱcitesȱtheȱbible,ȱ“Ubiȱsuntȱteasurusȱtuus,ȱubiȱest
corȱtuum.”ȱInȱtheȱdeadȱman’sȱtrunkȱ(theȱmiracleȱthatȱSt.ȱDominicȱperforms)ȱfriends
andȱfamilyȱfindȱinsteadȱtheȱman’sȱheartȱcoveredȱinȱwormsȱinȱplaceȱofȱhisȱmoney.
Theȱfatherȱwasȱgreedyȱasȱwell.ȱ
Theȱmessageȱisȱthatȱgreedȱforȱmoneyȱcorrupts.ȱToȱhaveȱbothȱaȱgreedyȱheartȱand
aȱgivingȱheartȱisȱnotȱpossible.ȱGreedȱtakesȱawayȱopportunityȱtoȱ performȱgood
deedsȱandȱearnȱtheȱsalvationȱofȱtheȱsoul.ȱTheȱcapitalȱsins,ȱallȱveryȱwellȱrepresented
inȱtheȱcollectionȱofȱ storiesȱ(butȱgreedȱmoreȱextensivelyȱthanȱ theȱotherȱsix),ȱare
thievesȱofȱopportunityȱtoȱliveȱtheȱChristianȱlife.ȱTheȱsacramentȱofȱconfessionȱcan
restoreȱ theȱ opportunityȱ toȱ beȱ saved,ȱ butȱ onlyȱ ifȱ thereȱ isȱ trueȱ repentance,ȱ asȱ is
illustratedȱ inȱ storyȱ XL,ȱ “Deȱ lasȱ razonesȱ porȱ queȱ perdioȱ elȱ almaȱ unȱ siniscalȱ de
Carcassona”ȱ(“TheȱreasonsȱwhyȱaȱSeneschalȱfromȱCarcassonneȱlostȱhisȱsoul”).ȱ
Twoȱ otherȱ storiesȱ inȱ theȱ collectionȱ areȱ especiallyȱ goodȱ examplesȱ ofȱ stolen
opportunities,ȱstoryȱXXVI,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱconteçioȱalȱaruolȱdeȱlaȱmentira”ȱ(“What
happenedȱtoȱtheȱtreeȱofȱDeceit”),ȱandȱstoryȱXLIII,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱalȱbienȱet
alȱmalȱetȱalȱcuerdoȱconȱelȱloco”ȱ(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱGoodȱandȱEvilȱandȱtoȱtheȱsane
manȱandȱtheȱcrazyȱman”).ȱInȱstoryȱXXVI,ȱtruthȱandȱdeceitȱareȱpersonified.ȱBeing
companions,ȱtheyȱdecideȱtoȱresideȱinȱaȱtree.ȱDeceitȱdeceivesȱTruthȱwhoȱinnocently
believesȱwhatȱDeceitȱtellsȱher,ȱthatȱtheȱrootsȱareȱtheȱbestȱpartȱofȱtheȱtree.ȱThisȱis
whereȱTruthȱtakesȱupȱresidence.ȱ
Deceitȱoccupiesȱtheȱvisibleȱpart,ȱtheȱbranchesȱandȱleaves,ȱgrowingȱstrongȱand
beautiful.ȱPeopleȱgatherȱunderȱtheȱtreeȱtoȱtakeȱshadeȱandȱtoȱlearnȱfromȱitsȱartȱof
deception.ȱWhatȱIȱwantȱtoȱpointȱoutȱhereȱisȱthatȱDeceitȱisȱaȱtaker;ȱsheȱtakesȱallȱthe
bestȱofȱeverything,ȱmaterialȱgoodsȱandȱopportunities.ȱSheȱpushesȱTruthȱaside,ȱor
rather,ȱunderground,ȱjustȱlikeȱaȱtakerȱofȱopportunities.ȱDeceitȱbasksȱinȱtheȱlight
andȱinȱtheȱlimelight.ȱSheȱstealsȱallȱtheȱattentionȱandȱtakesȱupȱasȱmuchȱspaceȱas
possible.ȱTruth,ȱlivingȱunderneathȱinȱtheȱrootsȱofȱtheȱtree,ȱstarving,ȱgnawsȱatȱthe
roots.ȱHowever,ȱinȱtheȱCatholicȱworldviewȱtheȱtruthȱeventuallyȱrevealsȱitselfȱand
unmasksȱlies.ȱAsȱGodȱwillȱtriumphȱoverȱtheȱdevilȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱtime,ȱtheȱtruth
eventuallyȱwillȱwinȱtheȱwarȱagainstȱdeceit,ȱdespiteȱitsȱarmiesȱofȱfollowers.ȱInȱthe
storyȱtheȱtreeȱofȱliesȱfallsȱwhenȱitȱisȱhitȱbyȱaȱstrongȱwind.ȱ(Deceitȱisȱnotȱsoȱpowerful
andȱstrongȱafterȱall.)ȱTheȱpeopleȱwhoȱhadȱtakenȱshadeȱunderneathȱtheȱtreeȱare
eitherȱinjuredȱorȱkilled.ȱ
Truthȱcomesȱoutȱofȱhidingȱandȱseesȱtheȱevilȱdeedsȱofȱdeceit.ȱPatronioȱexplainsȱto
theȱCountȱLucanorȱthatȱ“laȱmentira”ȱ(“theȱlie”)ȱhasȱmanyȱbranchesȱandȱflowers,
andȱ manyȱ peopleȱ areȱ charmedȱ andȱ takenȱ inȱ byȱ itsȱ manyȱ deceitfulȱ ways.ȱ “La
mentira,”ȱhowever,ȱisȱallȱshadowȱ(“sonbra”ȱinȱSpanishȱisȱbothȱshadeȱandȱshadow)
andȱneverȱbearsȱgoodȱfruit.ȱPatronioȱtellsȱtheȱcountȱtoȱnotȱfollowȱtheȱexampleȱof
theȱ majorityȱ whoȱ areȱ deceitful,ȱ andȱ whoȱ areȱ ultimatelyȱ punished,ȱ butȱ rather
embraceȱandȱfollowȱtheȱtruth,ȱwhichȱisȱtheȱroadȱtoȱsalvation.ȱTheȱmoralȱattached
atȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱstoryȱis:ȱ“Seguidȱverdad,ȱporȱlaȱmentiraȱfoyr,ȱcaȱsuȱmalȱcresçe
quienȱvsaȱdeȱmentir”ȱ(“Followȱtheȱtruthȱandȱrunȱawayȱfromȱlies.ȱWhoeverȱliesȱwill
beȱpunished”).ȱ
InȱexampleȱXLIII,ȱ“Deȱloȱqueȱcontesçioȱalȱbienȱetȱalȱmalȱetȱalȱcuerdoȱconȱelȱloco”
(“WhatȱhappenedȱtoȱGoodȱandȱEvilȱandȱtoȱtheȱsaneȱmanȱandȱtheȱcrazyȱman”),
GoodȱandȱEvilȱareȱpersonified.ȱEvilȱisȱtheȱtaker;ȱheȱtakesȱtheȱbiggestȱshareȱandȱthe
bestȱpartsȱofȱeverythingȱheȱdividesȱbetweenȱhimselfȱandȱGood.ȱEvilȱlaysȱclaimȱto
theȱwoolȱandȱtheȱmilkȱofȱtheȱsheepȱtheyȱshareȱwhileȱGoodȱisȱleftȱwithȱtheȱbaby
lambs.ȱEvilȱgetsȱgreedierȱwithȱtheȱpigs.ȱHeȱtellsȱGoodȱthatȱthisȱtimeȱheȱcanȱhaveȱthe
hideȱandȱtheȱmilkȱofȱtheȱpigs,ȱandȱthatȱheȱwillȱhaveȱtheȱpiglets.ȱGoodȱisȱassigned
theȱvisibleȱleavesȱofȱtheȱturnipsȱthatȱgrowȱinȱtheirȱvegetableȱgarden,ȱwhileȱEvilȱlays
claimsȱtoȱtheȱturnipsȱthemselves.ȱWithȱtheȱcabbages,ȱEvilȱgivesȱGoodȱtheȱrootsȱand
heȱtakesȱtheȱleaves,ȱthatȱis,ȱtheȱcabbages.ȱWhenȱitȱisȱtimeȱtoȱshareȱaȱwoman,ȱEvil
prefersȱtheȱlowerȱhalfȱofȱtheȱwomanȱ(andȱgetsȱtoȱbeȱherȱhusbandȱandȱsleepȱwith
her)ȱleavingȱGoodȱwithȱtheȱupperȱhalf.ȱ(Theȱtwoȱpartsȱofȱtheȱbodyȱofȱtheȱwoman
representȱtwoȱdifferentȱuses,ȱoneȱsexualȱandȱtheȱotherȱdomestic:ȱ“Etȱfueȱassi:ȱque
laȱparteȱdelȱBienȱfaziaȱloȱqueȱcunpliaȱenȱcasa,ȱetȱlaȱparteȱdelȱMalȱeraȱcasadaȱconȱel
etȱaviaȱdeȱdormirȱconȱsuȱmarido.”72)ȱ
Evil,ȱhowever,ȱdoesȱnotȱgetȱawayȱwithȱallȱhisȱtakingȱandȱheȱfallsȱintoȱaȱtrapȱofȱhis
ownȱmaking.ȱWhenȱaȱsonȱisȱbornȱtoȱtheȱwomanȱandȱEvil,ȱGoodȱrefusesȱtoȱgive
permissionȱtoȱtheȱwomanȱtoȱnurseȱtheȱnewborn,ȱbecauseȱthatȱpartȱofȱherȱbodyȱis
his.ȱForȱtheȱfavorȱofȱallowingȱtheȱbabyȱtoȱbeȱnursed,ȱGoodȱmakesȱEvilȱwalkȱin
publicȱannouncingȱthatȱGoodȱtriumphsȱoverȱEvilȱwithȱgoodȱdeeds:ȱ“Amigos,ȱsabet
queȱconȱbienȱvençeȱelȱVienȱalȱMal.”73
ThereȱisȱanȱimportantȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱTruthȱandȱGood,ȱasȱtheyȱareȱportrayed
inȱeachȱofȱtheseȱstories.ȱTruthȱisȱinnocentȱandȱgullibleȱtoȱaȱfault:ȱ“nonȱayȱenȱella
muchasȱmaestriasȱetȱesȱcosaȱdeȱgrandȱfiançaȱetȱdeȱgrandȱcreençia”74ȱ(“ȱThereȱisȱnot
anyȱmaliceȱinȱherȱandȱsheȱisȱtrustingȱandȱgullible”).ȱThatȱsheȱeventuallyȱescapes
herȱbadȱsituationȱisȱmoreȱdueȱtoȱherȱhungerȱratherȱthanȱtoȱherȱastuteness,ȱforȱshe
hasȱnone.ȱSheȱisȱtheȱperfectȱvictim.ȱItȱisȱbadȱtoȱbeȱthatȱgood.ȱInȱfact,ȱnoȱhuman
beingȱisȱthatȱgoodȱ(notȱevenȱGood)ȱbecauseȱitȱisȱthatȱamountȱofȱ“maestría”ȱ(evil)
thereȱisȱinȱeverybodyȱ(evenȱifȱitȱbeȱsmallȱamount)ȱthatȱallowsȱeverybodyȱtoȱprotect
themselvesȱfromȱevil.ȱAsȱweȱseeȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱGoodȱinȱstoryȱXLIII,ȱsheȱwisesȱup.
Sheȱstopsȱbeingȱgullible,ȱstopsȱlettingȱEvilȱtakeȱtheȱbest,ȱandȱstopsȱallowingȱEvilȱto
stealȱherȱopportunities.ȱEvenȱthoughȱsheȱmakesȱEvilȱparadeȱinȱpublicȱannouncing
thatȱsheȱtriumphsȱoverȱherȱbyȱdoingȱgood,ȱlettingȱtheȱnewbornȱnurse,ȱitȱisȱtheȱlittle
evilȱinȱherselfȱthatȱsheȱresortsȱtoȱthatȱputsȱaȱstopȱtoȱtheȱabuse.ȱInsteadȱofȱturning
theȱotherȱcheekȱandȱbeingȱgenerous,ȱsheȱsaysȱno,ȱthatȱpartȱofȱtheȱwomanȱbelongs
72
73
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ346:ȱ95ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).ȱ
74
ElȱCondeȱLucanor,ȱ210:ȱ42ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
toȱme.ȱSoȱsheȱusesȱwhatȱlittleȱsheȱhasȱtoȱbargainȱwith,ȱtakingȱadvantageȱofȱthe
opportunityȱ thatȱ hasȱ luckilyȱ comeȱ herȱ wayȱ (notȱ anȱ eventȱ forseenȱ byȱ Evil),ȱ to
manipulateȱ(“maestría”)ȱtheȱsituationȱtoȱherȱadvantage.ȱ
Inȱconclusion,ȱIȱhaveȱshownȱhowȱtheftȱinȱJuanȱManuel’sȱElȱCondeȱLucanorȱcanȱrun
theȱ gamutȱ fromȱ beingȱ aȱ simpleȱ motifȱ inȱ aȱ taleȱ ofȱ Aesopicȱ origin,ȱ aȱ morally
ambivalentȱ situationȱ inȱ aȱ taleȱ ofȱ Arabicȱ origin,ȱ aȱ dynamicȱ complexȱ topicȱ that
reinforcesȱ theȱ collection’sȱ Catholicȱ identity,ȱ toȱ aȱ portrayalȱ ofȱ theȱ worldȱ where
thievesȱandȱvictimsȱareȱalwaysȱbusyȱinȱpowerȱstrugglesȱwithȱeachȱotherȱoverȱtheir
possessionsȱandȱobjectsȱofȱdesire.ȱByȱnoȱmeansȱdoȱIȱconsiderȱthatȱIȱhaveȱstudied
theȱtopicȱcompletely,ȱforȱgreedȱandȱtheftȱinȱtheȱcollectionȱhaveȱasȱcounterparts
doingȱgoodȱdeedsȱandȱcharity.ȱAnalyzingȱtheseȱ(asȱtheyȱareȱpresentedȱinȱJuan
Manuel’sȱotherȱbooksȱasȱwellȱasȱinȱElȱCondeȱLucanor)ȱcouldȱroundȱoutȱtheȱtopicȱof
theft.ȱ
Chapterȱ12
PatriciaȱTurning
(ArizonaȱStateȱUniversity,ȱTempe)
CompetitionȱforȱtheȱPrisoner’sȱBody:ȱ
WardensȱandȱJailersȱinȱFourteenthȬCenturyȱ
SouthernȱFrance
Forȱdecades,ȱitȱseemedȱasȱthoughȱhistoriansȱofȱmedievalȱcrimeȱandȱpunishment
describedȱinstitutionsȱthatȱlookedȱlikeȱaȱprisonȱandȱfunctionedȱlikeȱaȱprison,ȱbut
refrainedȱ fromȱ usingȱ theȱ wordȱ becauseȱ ofȱ theȱ influenceȱ ofȱ Michelȱ Foucault’s
DisciplineȱandȱPunishȱ(1975).ȱAnyoneȱfamiliarȱwithȱFoucault’sȱtheoryȱheldȱonȱtoȱthe
fundamentalȱpremiseȱthatȱprisonsȱasȱaȱpunitiveȱinstitutionȱonlyȱemergedȱatȱtheȱend
ofȱtheȱeighteenthȱcentury,ȱasȱaȱproductȱofȱtheȱEnlightenment’sȱnotionȱthatȱtheȱState
couldȱserveȱaȱroleȱinȱreformingȱtheȱsoulȱofȱtheȱoffender.1ȱInȱbroadȱoverviewsȱof
medievalȱjustice,ȱscholarsȱwereȱveryȱconsciousȱinȱtheirȱdiscussionsȱofȱmedieval
prisonsȱtoȱexplainȱtheirȱexistenceȱasȱsimplyȱholdingȱcentersȱforȱcriminalsȱawaiting
theirȱ trialsȱ orȱ ifȱ administratorsȱ didȱ useȱ themȱ asȱ aȱ locationȱ ofȱ coercion,ȱ itȱ was
primarilyȱforȱdelinquentȱdebtors.ȱ
Inȱ theseȱ worksȱ thereȱ areȱ concessions,ȱ however,ȱ ofȱ undisputedȱ variationsȱ of
disciplinaryȱincarcerationȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱfromȱtheȱisolationȱandȱsegregation
ofȱerroneousȱmonksȱtoȱroyalȱprisonsȱlikeȱtheȱChâteletȱinȱParis,ȱbut,ȱasȱtheȱtitleȱof
EdwardȱPeters’sȱchapterȱinȱTheȱOxfordȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱPrisonȱsuggests,ȱthisȱisȱstill
seeminglyȱaȱdiscourseȱofȱtheȱ“PrisonȱbeforeȱtheȱPrison.”2ȱFoucault’sȱchronological
1
MichelȱFoucault,ȱDisciplineȱandȱPunish:ȱTheȱBirthȱofȱtheȱPrison,ȱtrans.ȱAlanȱSheridanȱ(1975;ȱNew
York:ȱVintageȱBooks,ȱ1979).
2
EdwardȱPeters,ȱ“PrisonsȱbeforeȱtheȱPrison:ȱTheȱAncientȱandȱMedievalȱWorlds,”ȱTheȱOxfordȱHistory
ofȱtheȱPrison:ȱTheȱPracticeȱofȱPunishmentȱinȱWesternȱSociety,ȱed.ȱNorvalȱMorrisȱ(Oxford:ȱOxford
UniversityȱPress,ȱ1995),ȱ3–47.
282 PatriciaȱTurning
andȱperspectiveȱ“birthȱofȱtheȱprison”ȱhelpedȱshapeȱtheȱgeneralȱunderstandingȱ(or
dismissal)ȱofȱprisonsȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱworld:ȱnamely,ȱthatȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱhadȱno
conceptȱofȱpunitiveȱimprisonment.
Thereȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱhandfulȱofȱregionalȱstudies,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱhaveȱmaintained
thatȱ inȱ conceptȱ andȱ inȱ reality,ȱ prisonsȱ didȱ serveȱ anȱ explicitȱ roleȱ inȱ theȱ judicial
administrationsȱ ofȱ theȱ laterȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ muchȱ likeȱ today’sȱ counterparts.
Althoughȱ itȱ predatesȱ Foucault,ȱ inȱ England,ȱ thisȱ notionȱ extendsȱ backȱ toȱ the
definitiveȱworkȱofȱR.ȱB.ȱPugh’sȱImprisonmentȱinȱMedievalȱEnglandȱ(1968),ȱwhich
arguedȱthatȱprisonsȱwereȱveryȱmuchȱaȱpartȱofȱofficialȱpracticesȱofȱchastisement,
andȱwereȱnotȱsimplyȱtemporaryȱholdingȱcells.3ȱEnglandȱalsoȱprovidesȱscholars
withȱsomeȱofȱtheȱmostȱfamousȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱprisons,ȱtheȱnotoriousȱNewgateȱand
Fleet,ȱbutȱforȱsomeȱreason,ȱliteratureȱonȱtheseȱinstitutionsȱisȱratherȱscarce.4ȱOnȱthe
continent,ȱ twoȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ recentȱ influentialȱ worksȱ toȱ seriouslyȱ challenge
Foucault’sȱtheoryȱhaveȱbeenȱJamesȱGiven’sȱInquisitionȱandȱMedievalȱSocietyȱandȱGuy
Geltner’sȱTheȱMedievalȱPrison.ȱGivenȱconvincinglyȱelucidatesȱtheȱimportanceȱof
sequesteredȱ containmentȱ inȱ theȱ inquisition’sȱ successȱ inȱ thirteenthȬcentury
SouthernȱFrance,ȱasȱtheȱprisonȱbecameȱaȱwayȱtoȱisolateȱaȱsuspectedȱhereticȱfrom
socialȱorȱfamilialȱties,ȱandȱthusȱexpediteȱaȱconfessionȱofȱguilt.5ȱSomeȱinmatesȱhad
noȱ ideaȱ howȱ longȱ theyȱ wouldȱ beȱ detained,ȱ andȱ inquisitorsȱ prayedȱ uponȱ this
ignoranceȱtoȱintimidateȱbothȱtheȱsuspectȱandȱtheȱsurroundingȱcommunity.ȱInȱhis
work,ȱGeltnerȱpresentsȱItalianȱmunicipalȱprisonsȱasȱveryȱrecognizablyȱmodern
institutions.6ȱGeltnerȱinsistsȱthatȱbyȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱmunicipal
prisonsȱ wereȱ visibleȱ andȱ centrallyȱ locatedȱ buildings,ȱ staffedȱ withȱ aȱ complex
administrationȱthatȱmadeȱtheȱexperienceȱofȱincarcerationȱifȱnotȱpleasant,ȱcertainly
notȱ asȱ horrificȱ asȱ oneȱ mightȱ imagine.ȱ Hisȱ researchȱ revealsȱ thatȱ timeȱ inȱ Italian
medievalȱjailȱwasȱbyȱnoȱmeansȱcomfortable,ȱbutȱifȱanȱinmateȱcouldȱaffordȱit,ȱitȱwas
certainlyȱtolerable.
Itȱisȱnotȱsurprising,ȱthough,ȱthatȱFoucaultȱopenedȱDisciplineȱandȱPunishȱwithȱa
dramaticȱaccountȱofȱtheȱhorrificȱandȱpublicȱexecutionȱofȱanȱoffenderȱasȱanȱexample
ofȱpreȬmodernȱjustice.ȱȱManyȱmedievalȱchroniclesȱalsoȱgiveȱtheȱimpressionȱthat
criminalȱ punishmentȱ wasȱ swift,ȱ brutal,ȱ andȱ alwaysȱ corporal.ȱ Butȱ inȱ actuality,
municipalȱandȱroyalȱofficialsȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱfairlyȱrestrainedȱandȱveryȱcalculatedȱin
theirȱ punitiveȱ sentences.ȱ Fromȱ aȱ statisticalȱ perspective,ȱ theȱ numberȱ ofȱ people
executedȱinȱFranceȱduringȱtheȱlaterȱMiddleȱAgesȱwasȱrelativelyȱlowȱinȱrelationship
3
RalphȱPugh,ȱImprisonmentȱinȱMedievalȱEnglandȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1968).
4
MargeryȱBassett,ȱ“NewgateȱPrisonȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱSpeculumȱ18ȱ(1943):ȱ233–46;ȱMargery
Bassett,ȱ“TheȱFleetȱPrisonȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱTorontoȱLawȱJournalȱ5ȱ(1944):
383–402.
5
JamesȱGiven,ȱInquisitionȱandȱMedievalȱSociety:ȱPower,ȱDisciplineȱandȱResistanceȱinȱLanguedocȱ(Ithaca,
NY:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1997).
6
GuyȱGeltner,ȱTheȱMedievalȱPrison:ȱAȱSocialȱHistoryȱ(Princeton,ȱNJ:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2008).
CompetitionȱforȱtheȱPrisoner’sȱBody 283
toȱtheȱnumberȱofȱpeopleȱchargedȱwithȱcrimes.7ȱBetweenȱ1387ȱandȱ1400,ȱtheȱParisian
Parlementȱ heardȱ moreȱ thanȱ twoȱ hundredȱ cases,ȱ ofȱ whichȱ onlyȱ fourȱ endedȱ in
capitalȱpunishment.8ȱRecentȱhistoriansȱhaveȱarguedȱthatȱtheȱrealȱimportanceȱof
executionsȱandȱphysicalȱpunishmentsȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱurbanȱmilieuȱresidesȱnotȱin
theȱfrequency,ȱbutȱinȱtheȱritualȱnatureȱbehindȱtheȱevents.ȱEstherȱCohenȱbelieves
thatȱ medievalȱ authoritiesȱ createdȱ aȱ visualȱ trickȱ throughȱ theirȱ spectacular
executionsȱ inȱ medievalȱ cities.ȱ Evenȱ thoughȱ theȱ deathȱ sentencesȱ mayȱ notȱ have
occurredȱregularly,ȱsheȱargues,ȱtheȱpainstakingȱprocessionsȱtoȱtheȱgallowsȱand
bloodȬshedȱofȱtheȱprisonerȱleftȱaȱlastingȱimpressionȱuponȱspectators,ȱleadingȱthem
toȱrecallȱtheȱparticularityȱandȱindividualityȱofȱeachȱexecution.9ȱIfȱweȱtakeȱthisȱinto
consideration,ȱ secularȱ judicialȱ administratorsȱ hadȱ toȱ beȱ sureȱ thatȱ theȱ public
regardedȱprisonsȱasȱaȱlegitimateȱandȱvalidȱmeansȱofȱestablishingȱjusticeȱtoȱvictims
andȱtoȱtheirȱfamilies,ȱandȱecclesiasticalȱofficialsȱneededȱtoȱproveȱtheȱinstitutionȱwas
successfulȱinȱeradicatingȱheresyȱinȱaȱparticularȱregion.ȱCarefulȱattentionȱhadȱtoȱbe
paid,ȱthen,ȱtoȱtheȱmenȱassignedȱtheȱtaskȱofȱservingȱasȱprisonȱwardensȱandȱtheir
guards,ȱallȱofȱwhomȱbecameȱtheȱpublicȱfiguresȱperformingȱjusticeȱonȱaȱmundane
dailyȱ basis,ȱ ratherȱ thanȱ throughȱ anȱ affiliationȱ withȱ aȱ dramaticȱ corporal
punishment.ȱȱ
WhatȱIȱwantȱtoȱproposeȱinȱthisȱarticle,ȱisȱthatȱifȱweȱacceptȱprisonsȱasȱaȱrecognizable
punitiveȱinstitutionȱbyȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱthenȱweȱmustȱconsider
thatȱtheȱwardensȱandȱofficersȱheldȱaȱtremendousȱamountȱofȱresponsibilityȱinȱnot
onlyȱcodifyingȱtheȱnatureȱandȱfunctionȱofȱtheȱprisonȱinȱmedievalȱsociety,ȱbutȱalso
inȱdelineatingȱjudicialȱhierarchiesȱatȱbothȱaȱlocalȱandȱroyalȱlevel.ȱInȱthisȱrespect,ȱthe
wardenȱorȱtheȱjailerȱcouldȱbecomeȱtheȱfocalȱpointȱofȱaȱjurisdictionalȱdisputeȱand
aȱsymbolȱofȱcorruption.ȱBecause,ȱtoȱcomplicateȱmattersȱevenȱfurther,ȱanyȱgivenȱcity
hadȱoverlappingȱjurisdictions.ȱSoȱpotentially,ȱroyalȱprisonsȱcouldȱcompeteȱwith
municipalȱprisons,ȱmunicipalȱprisonsȱwithȱecclesiasticalȱprisons,ȱallȱoverȱtheȱright
toȱholdȱandȱpunishȱaȱparticularȱcriminal.ȱAndȱagain,ȱtheȱconductȱandȱreputation
ofȱtheȱwardenȱandȱguardsȱofȱeachȱparticularȱprisonȱbecameȱtheȱimpetusȱofȱmany
ofȱtheseȱjurisdictionalȱconflicts.ȱ
Inȱ France,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ theȱ monarchyȱ hadȱ littleȱ troubleȱ ensuringȱ thatȱ royal
justiceȱtrumpedȱallȱofȱtheȱlesserȱcourtsȱinȱParisȱbyȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury.ȱButȱas
7
JacquesȱChiffoleau,ȱLesȱJusticesȱduȱpape:ȱdélinquanceȱetȱcriminalitéȱdansȱlaȱrégionȱd’AvignonȱauȱXIVe
siècle.ȱHistoireȱancienneȱetȱmédiéval,ȱ14ȱ(Paris:ȱPublicationsȱdeȱlaȱSorbonne,ȱ1984),ȱ211–42.
8
ClaudeȱGauvard,ȱ“Deȱgraceȱespecial:”ȱcrime,ȱétatȱetȱsociétéȱenȱFranceȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱMoyenȱÂgeȱ(Paris:
PublicationsȱdeȱlaȱSorbonne,ȱ1991),ȱ897.ȱ
9
EstherȱCohen,ȱ“‘ToȱDieȱaȱCriminalȱforȱPublicȱGood:’ȱTheȱExecutionȱRitualȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱParis,”
Law,ȱ Customs,ȱ andȱ Socialȱ Fabricȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Europe:ȱ Essaysȱ inȱ Honorȱ ofȱ Bryceȱ Lyon,ȱ ed.ȱ Bernard
Bacharach.ȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Cultureȱ (Kalamazoo:ȱ Westernȱ Michiganȱ University,ȱ 1990),
280–304.
Capetianȱ ambitionsȱ spreadȱ toȱ otherȱ territories,ȱ theȱ king’sȱ lawyersȱ andȱ officers
encounteredȱsomeȱoppositionȱinȱtheirȱeffortsȱtoȱcreateȱaȱcentralizedȱjudicialȱsystem.
InȱcitiesȱlikeȱLyon,ȱNicoleȱGonthierȱhasȱfoundȱaȱpronouncedȱtensionȱbetweenȱthe
royalȱprisonȱandȱthatȱofȱtheȱarchbishopȱinȱtheȱfourteenthȱandȱfifteenthȱcenturies,
asȱbothȱsidesȱcomplainedȱaboutȱtheȱconditionsȱofȱtheirȱrivalȱjailsȱinȱjurisdictional
arguments.10ȱ Theseȱ criticismsȱ aboutȱ theȱ conductȱ ofȱ jailersȱ orȱ theȱ treatmentȱ of
inmatesȱcouldȱalsoȱbecameȱaȱveryȱpracticalȱwayȱforȱsurroundingȱcitizensȱcouldȱcall
uponȱeitherȱroyalȱorȱpapalȱinterventionȱintoȱlocalȱjudicialȱaffairs,ȱandȱtoȱensure
someȱsenseȱofȱregulationȱandȱstandardizationȱofȱtheȱorganizationȱofȱtheseȱvarious
prisons.
ThisȱcontentionȱoverȱimprisonmentȱisȱevenȱmoreȱpronouncedȱinȱSouthernȱFrance
inȱtheȱlaterȱMiddleȱAges,ȱasȱtheȱcityȱofȱToulouseȱmadeȱtheȱtransitionȱfromȱaȱfairly
autonomousȱmunicipalȱgovernmentȱrunȱbyȱtwelveȱelectedȱcapitols,ȱtoȱpartȱofȱthe
CapetianȱkingdomȱandȱtheȱheadquartersȱofȱtheȱDominicanȱinquisition.ȱInȱ1229,ȱthe
cityȱandȱtheȱsurroundingȱregionȱofȱLanguedocȱsurrenderedȱtoȱtheȱCapetianȱkings,
thusȱendingȱtheȱdecadesȱlongȱandȱarduouslyȱfoughtȱAlbigensianȱCrusadeȱagainst
theȱCatharȱheretics.ȱTheȱpeaceȱtreatyȱorderedȱtheȱcapitolsȱtoȱdestroyȱtheȱcityȱwalls
andȱdefensiveȱgarrisons,ȱandȱalsoȱstipulatedȱthatȱtheȱcitizensȱwouldȱfinancially
supportȱtheȱfoundationȱofȱaȱnewȱuniversity,ȱandȱwouldȱprotectȱuniversityȱscholars
soȱasȱtoȱensureȱthatȱheresyȱwouldȱnotȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱregion.ȱInȱaddition,ȱtheȱFrench
monarchyȱestablishedȱaȱnewȱjudicialȱhierarchyȱoverȱtheȱlocalȱcourtȱsystemȱasȱa
meansȱ ofȱ stateȱ building,ȱ andȱ sentȱ royalȱ officialsȱ toȱ resideȱ andȱ administerȱ in
Toulouse.ȱ
Theȱonceȱautonomousȱcapitolsȱnowȱansweredȱtoȱandȱwereȱregulatedȱbyȱaȱroyal
vicarȱandȱseneschalȱinȱallȱthingsȱlegal.ȱTheȱpapacyȱsentȱDominicanȱinquisitorsȱinto
theȱcity,ȱwhereȱtheyȱestablishedȱtheirȱtribunalȱheadquartersȱforȱtheȱpersecutionȱof
theȱlingeringȱnumbersȱofȱsuspectedȱCatharsȱinȱtheȱarea.ȱAsȱaȱresult,ȱtheȱCatholic
Churchȱintensifiedȱitsȱdemandsȱforȱtheȱlegalȱprivilegesȱofȱtheȱclergyȱandȱuniversity
students,ȱandȱtheȱlocalȱbishopȱsoughtȱtoȱreinforceȱhisȱpoliticalȱpowerȱinȱtheȱjudicial
realm.ȱ Eachȱ authorityȱ (royal,ȱ municipal,ȱ bishopric,ȱ andȱ inquisitorial)ȱ allȱ had
representativesȱ whoȱ oversawȱ theirȱ respectiveȱ prisonsȱ inȱ Toulouseȱ andȱ in
Languedoc.ȱAndȱnotȱsurprisingly,ȱthisȱgeneratedȱgreatȱdebatesȱaboutȱwhoȱhadȱthe
rightȱtoȱdetainȱwho,ȱandȱwhatȱwereȱacceptableȱconditionsȱofȱtheȱinstitutions.ȱAs
royalȱrepresentativesȱbecameȱmoreȱintrusiveȱinȱtheȱjudicialȱsystemȱandȱpolicingȱof
Toulouse,ȱasȱDominicanȱinquisitorsȱpursuedȱandȱimprisonedȱsuspects,ȱandȱasȱthe
universityȱbecameȱaȱbetterȱdefinedȱinstitution,ȱtheȱmunicipalȱcapitolsȱstruggledȱto
maintainȱrelevancyȱinȱtheȱlegalȱarena.ȱInȱeachȱofȱtheseȱcapacities,ȱtheȱconductȱand
10
NicoleȱGonthier,ȱ“PrisonsȱetȱprisonniersȱàȱLyonȱauxȱXIVeȱetȱXVeȱsiècles,”ȱMémoiresȱdeȱlaȱsociété
pourȱlȇhistoireȱduȱdroitȱetȱdesȱinstitutionsȱdesȱanciensȱpaysȱbourguignons,ȱcomtois,ȱetȱromandsȱ39ȱ(1982):
15–30.
reputationȱofȱtheȱjailerȱandȱhisȱguardsȱbecameȱpivotalȱfactorsȱinȱestablishingȱthe
hierarchyȱofȱauthority,ȱandȱinȱjustifyingȱtheȱfunctionȱorȱpurposeȱofȱtheȱvarious
prisons.
Fromȱ aȱ practicalȱ andȱ theoreticalȱ perspective,ȱ then,ȱ theȱ rightȱ toȱ imprison
criminalsȱbyȱtheȱthirteenthȱcenturyȱgaveȱaȱcertainȱamountȱofȱlegitimacyȱtoȱpolitical
administrations,ȱ fromȱ theȱ kingȱ toȱ regionalȱ countsȱ toȱ cityȱ councils.11ȱ Weȱ may
assumeȱthatȱthisȱconnectionȱbetweenȱauthorityȱandȱprisonsȱwasȱinternalizedȱto
someȱextentȱbyȱtheȱlateȱmedievalȱpopulation:ȱinȱtheȱEnglishȱuprisingsȱofȱ1381,ȱfor
example,ȱprotestorsȱtargetedȱbothȱroyalȱandȱprivatelyȱownedȱgaolsȱasȱpartȱofȱtheir
agenda.ȱTheirȱreleaseȱofȱprisonersȱwasȱaȱsymbolicȱmeansȱofȱdestroyingȱtheȱold
worldȱorderȱandȱcreatingȱaȱnewȱone.12ȱIȱhaveȱwrittenȱelsewhereȱaboutȱhowȱrulers
inȱ eachȱ capacityȱ aspiredȱ toȱ demonstrateȱ theirȱ ownȱ respectiveȱ authorityȱ and
understandingȱofȱlawȱandȱorderȱoverȱtheȱpublicȱatȱlargeȱbyȱmaintainingȱcontrolȱof
theȱpunitiveȱspectaclesȱ(likeȱtheȱdramaticȱpublicȱexecutions),ȱandȱhowȱtheȱcapitols
ofȱToulouseȱfoughtȱardentlyȱwithȱtheȱFrenchȱmonarchyȱinȱorderȱtoȱsecureȱcontrol
overȱtheirȱlocalȱjudicialȱpractices,ȱbelievingȱthatȱthisȱauthorityȱtoȱpassȱjudgment
overȱitsȱinhabitantsȱwasȱoneȱofȱtheirȱmostȱvaluableȱprivileges.13ȱ
Forȱthisȱpaper,ȱIȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱconsiderȱbrieflyȱtheȱroleȱtheȱdifferentȱjailersȱand
theirȱ guardsȱ playedȱ inȱ shapingȱ theȱ judicialȱ atmosphereȱ ofȱ lateȱ medieval
Languedoc,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱargueȱthatȱtheyȱtooȱwereȱcrucialȱfiguresȱinȱformingȱand
legitimizingȱnotionsȱofȱjusticeȱandȱsovereigntyȱbyȱtheirȱdailyȱactionsȱinȱtheȱprison.
Inȱorderȱtoȱteaseȱoutȱthisȱpremise,ȱIȱhaveȱdividedȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheȱpaperȱintoȱtwo
parts.ȱ Theȱ firstȱ portionȱ willȱ serveȱ asȱ aȱ synthesisȱ ofȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ available
scholarshipȱ concerningȱ theȱ responsibilitiesȱ andȱ dangersȱ ofȱ aȱ medievalȱ jailer
workingȱinȱaȱmunicipalȱorȱroyalȱprison.ȱThisȱisȱanȱopportunityȱtoȱconsiderȱhow
bothȱ internalȱ andȱ externalȱ officialsȱ regulatedȱ theȱ prisons,ȱ andȱ toȱ searchȱ for
differencesȱorȱcommonalitiesȱofȱtheseȱpunitiveȱmanifestationsȱinȱFrance,ȱEngland
andȱItaly.ȱTheȱsecondȱportionȱofȱtheȱpaperȱwillȱnarrowȱinȱonȱtheȱexperiencesȱofȱthe
wardensȱandȱjailersȱinȱLanguedocȱduringȱtheȱthirteenthȱandȱfourteenthȱcenturies.
Theȱfundamentalȱpurposeȱofȱthisȱdiscussionȱisȱtoȱreinforceȱmyȱpreviousȱnotionȱthat
thereȱ wasȱ aȱ pronouncedȱ competitionȱ betweenȱ differentȱ jails,ȱ andȱ these
jurisdictionalȱdisputesȱ(oftenȱinvolvingȱtheȱjailers)ȱcodifiedȱconceptsȱandȱrealities
ofȱtheȱjudicialȱhierarchyȱandȱpunitiveȱimprisonmentȱinȱmedievalȱFrance.ȱȱ
11
JeanȱDunbabin,ȱCaptivityȱandȱImprisonmentȱinȱMedievalȱEurope,ȱ1000–1300.ȱMedievalȱCultureȱand
Societyȱ(Houndmills,ȱBasingstoke,ȱHampshire,ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2002),ȱ46–47.
12
AnthonyȱMusson,ȱtrans.ȱandȱed.,ȱCrime,ȱLawȱandȱSocietyȱinȱtheȱLaterȱMiddleȱAges.ȱMedievalȱSources
Seriesȱ(ManchesterȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱManchesterȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2009),ȱ53.
13
PatriciaȱTurning,ȱ“TheȱRightȱtoȱPunish:ȱJurisdictionalȱDisputesȱbetweenȱRoyalȱandȱMunicipal
OfficialsȱinȱMedievalȱToulouse,”ȱFrenchȱHistoryȱ24ȱ(2010):ȱ1–19.
***
Byȱtheȱveryȱnatureȱofȱtheirȱoffice,ȱwardens,ȱjailers,ȱandȱguardsȱwereȱplacedȱinȱa
fairlyȱ multiȬfacetedȱ role:ȱ theyȱ wereȱ theȱ pointsȱ ofȱ contactȱ betweenȱ the
administratorsȱandȱtheȱinmate,ȱsoȱtheyȱhadȱtoȱmakeȱsureȱtheyȱcompliedȱwithȱthe
officialȱstipulationsȱandȱregulationsȱwhileȱalsoȱprotectingȱthemselvesȱinȱtheirȱdaily
interactionsȱwithȱtheȱprisonȱpopulation;ȱtheyȱstoodȱbetweenȱtheȱpublicȱandȱthose
incarcerated,ȱ andȱ hadȱ toȱ presentȱ themselvesȱ asȱ bothȱ disciplinarianȱ and
humanitarian.ȱUnlikeȱtoday’sȱprisons,ȱwhichȱareȱforȱtheȱmostȱpartȱtuckedȱawayȱin
theȱcountryside,ȱawayȱfromȱpublicȱview,ȱmostȱsecularȱmedievalȱprisonsȱwereȱatȱthe
heartȱofȱcityȱsquares.ȱTheȱexceptionȱtoȱthisȱnotionȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱGermany,ȱwhere
mostȱ placesȱ ofȱ detentionȱ wereȱ holesȱ dugȱ inȱ theȱ foundationsȱ ofȱ castlesȱ orȱ local
fortifications.14ȱ
ButȱinȱotherȱpartsȱofȱEurope,ȱanyȱurbanȱresident,ȱthroughoutȱtheȱnormalȱcourse
ofȱ theirȱ businessȱ day,ȱ couldȱ passȱ byȱ andȱ assessȱ theȱ stateȱ ofȱ theȱ localȱ prison.
Geltner’sȱworkȱrevealsȱthatȱinȱtheȱItalianȱcityȬstatesȱthereȱwasȱaȱfairlyȱporousȱflow
betweenȱtheȱoutsideȱworldȱandȱtheȱworldȱinsideȱtheȱprison.ȱForȱexample,ȱinmates
couldȱleaveȱtheȱprisonȱatȱtimesȱtoȱbegȱforȱalms,ȱtoȱattendȱreligiousȱservices,ȱorȱto
beȱpresentȱatȱtheirȱrelevantȱlegalȱfunctions.ȱTheȱFleetȱprisonȱinȱLondonȱactually
hadȱanȱofficer,ȱknownȱasȱaȱbaston,ȱwhoseȱmajorȱresponsibilityȱwasȱtoȱescortȱinmates
whoȱhadȱbusinessȱtoȱattendȱtoȱoutsideȱofȱtheȱinstitutionȱforȱanȱextendedȱperiodȱof
time.15ȱAndȱjustȱasȱinmatesȱcouldȱleaveȱtheȱfacility,ȱcharitableȱpeopleȱandȱrelatives
donatedȱ breadȱ andȱ moneyȱ toȱ theȱ prisons,ȱ andȱ theseȱ visitsȱ providedȱ the
opportunityȱforȱlocalȱresidentsȱtoȱinspectȱtheȱlivingȱconditionsȱofȱinmates.ȱ
ThroughoutȱEurope,ȱitȱwasȱfrequentlyȱtheȱpublicȱthatȱpushedȱtheirȱgovernment
toȱ provideȱ aȱ humaneȱ prisonȱ environment.ȱ Afterȱ severalȱ peopleȱ fromȱ the
communityȱcomplainedȱaboutȱtheȱconditionsȱofȱtheȱNewgateȱprison,ȱLondon’sȱcity
councilȱactuallyȱstipulatedȱthatȱinspectorsȱvisitȱtheȱprisonȱregularlyȱinȱorderȱto
ensureȱthatȱtheȱwardenȱwasȱfollowingȱcityȱcodesȱprotectingȱtheȱinmates.16ȱWithȱthis
openȱnatureȱofȱmostȱprisonsȱtakenȱintoȱconsideration,ȱweȱmayȱpresumeȱthatȱthe
legitimacyȱofȱtheȱprisonȱasȱaȱpunitiveȱinstitutionȱresidedȱtoȱaȱcertainȱextentȱonȱthe
integrityȱofȱthoseȱinȱcharge.ȱ
Inȱreality,ȱhowever,ȱmostȱroyalȱorȱmunicipalȱwardensȱandȱtheirȱofficersȱearned
aȱfairlyȱmodestȱsalary.ȱInȱsomeȱcircumstances,ȱtheȱprisonȱstaffȱwasȱpaidȱaȱsalaryȱby
theirȱrespectiveȱadministrations.ȱForȱexample,ȱLeȱStincheȱprisonȱinȱFlorenceȱwas
fundedȱdirectlyȱbyȱcommunalȱrevenues.17ȱTheȱpersonnelȱatȱLeȱStincheȱincludedȱthe
warden,ȱguards,ȱscribes,ȱchamberlains,ȱphysicians,ȱandȱaȱcoroner.ȱButȱalthough
14
Peters,ȱ“TheȱPrisonȱbeforeȱtheȱPrison,”ȱ37ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
15
Bassett,ȱ“TheȱFleetȱPrison,”ȱ397ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4);ȱPugh,ȱImprisonment,ȱ186ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
16
Bassett,ȱ“NewgateȱPrison,”ȱ242ȱȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
17
Geltner,ȱTheȱMedievalȱPrison,ȱ18ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).ȱ
theyȱwereȱguaranteedȱaȱmunicipalȱsalary,ȱthisȱdoesȱnotȱmeanȱthatȱtheyȱreceivedȱit
regularly,ȱasȱthereȱwereȱmanyȱcomplaintsȱaboutȱhavingȱtoȱwaitȱweeks,ȱorȱeven
monthsȱ toȱ getȱ paid.18ȱ Mostȱ prisonȱ wardensȱ andȱ theirȱ staffsȱ wereȱ completely
dependantȱuponȱaȱsystemȱofȱfeesȱtoȱmakeȱanyȱmoney.ȱAtȱprisonsȱlikeȱtheȱChâtelet
inȱParis,ȱinmatesȱpaidȱanȱentranceȱfeeȱandȱanȱexitȱfee,ȱandȱtheyȱhadȱtoȱpayȱforȱtheir
foodȱ andȱ theirȱ bed.ȱ Theȱ Châteletȱ wasȱ evenȱ dividedȱ intoȱ fourteenȱ prisonsȱ that
separatedȱinmatesȱaccordingȱtoȱtheirȱrank,ȱandȱprovidedȱthemȱwithȱtheȱgoodsȱthat
theyȱcouldȱafford.19ȱThoseȱwhoȱcouldȱspendȱsixȱderniersȱsleptȱonȱaȱpallet,ȱorȱbundle
ofȱstraw,ȱandȱthoseȱwhoȱcouldȱonlyȱaffordȱoneȱdernierȱspentȱtheȱnightȱinȱtheȱcold
dankȱdungeon.20ȱThisȱprocessȱplacedȱtheȱburdenȱofȱpayingȱforȱtheȱimprisonment
inȱtheȱhandsȱofȱtheȱinmate,ȱandȱasȱaȱresult,ȱthisȱreducedȱtheȱcostȱofȱrunningȱthe
institutionȱforȱtheȱcrownȱorȱcityȱgovernment.ȱ
Thisȱfinancialȱsystemȱofȱpaymentsȱbroughtȱwithȱitȱcriticsȱandȱcomplications,ȱas
manyȱjailersȱfoundȱwaysȱtoȱexploitȱtheirȱpositionȱoutȱofȱnecessityȱorȱgreed.ȱGuards
couldȱ establishȱ arbitraryȱ costsȱ forȱ virtuallyȱ anyȱ materialȱ goods,ȱ orȱ theyȱ could
instituteȱ finesȱ thatȱ wouldȱ renderȱ theȱ prisonerȱ impoverished,ȱ andȱ thus,ȱ by
extension,ȱprolongȱhisȱstay.ȱAndȱitȱisȱnotȱsurprisingȱthatȱsomeȱinmatesȱsuccessfully
bribedȱprisonȱguardsȱtoȱsmuggleȱinȱcomfortsȱlikeȱprostitutesȱorȱalcohol.21ȱOther
prisonsȱemployedȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱ“ironing,”ȱwhichȱtheoreticallyȱmeantȱthatȱchains,
fetters,ȱmanacles,ȱrings,ȱandȱcollarsȱwereȱtoȱbeȱusedȱtoȱrestrainȱdangerousȱinmates,
orȱ toȱ transferȱ themȱ securelyȱ toȱ anotherȱ facility.ȱ Butȱ enterprisingȱ wardensȱ and
guardsȱacceptedȱ“removal”ȱfees,ȱwhichȱeitherȱliberatedȱtheȱinmateȱfromȱtheȱirons,
orȱremovedȱtheȱthreatȱofȱbeingȱshackledȱfromȱtheȱscenario.22ȱJailersȱcouldȱalsoȱbe
temptedȱtoȱinterceptȱalmsȱandȱdonationsȱforȱtheirȱownȱpurposes,ȱbutȱthisȱaction
couldȱbringȱaboutȱseriousȱrepercussionsȱforȱtheȱoffender.ȱ
TheȱjailerȱofȱtheȱChâteletȱwasȱresponsibleȱforȱnegotiatingȱcharitableȱcontributions
fromȱtheȱParisiansȱtoȱmakeȱsureȱthatȱtheȱpoorȱinmatesȱhadȱenoughȱavailableȱbread.
Theȱbaker’sȱguildsȱalwaysȱmadeȱsureȱthatȱaȱportionȱofȱtheirȱgoodsȱmadeȱitȱtoȱthe
Châtelet,ȱandȱprivateȱdonorsȱgaveȱfinancialȱcontributionsȱtoȱbenefitȱtheȱprisoners
asȱwell.ȱTheȱjailerȱhadȱtoȱmakeȱcarefulȱrecordsȱofȱallȱofȱtheseȱdonations,ȱbecauseȱif
anyȱofȱtheȱmoneyȱwasȱmisused,ȱheȱcouldȱbeȱarrestedȱbyȱtheȱroyalȱgovernmentȱfor
theft,ȱ forȱ whichȱ theȱ punishmentȱ wasȱ hanging.23ȱ Throughoutȱ Englandȱ inȱ the
fourteenthȱandȱfifteenthȱcenturies,ȱthereȱwasȱgreatȱconcernȱfromȱtheȱcrownȱand
18
Geltner,ȱTheȱMedievalȱPrison,ȱ19ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
19
LouisȱBatiffol,ȱ“LeȱChâteletȱdeȱParisȱversȱ1400,”ȱRevueȱhistoriqueȱ61–63ȱ(1896–1897):ȱ225–64,ȱ225–35,
242–55,ȱ266–83;ȱhereȱ47–49.
20
Bronislavȱ Geremek,ȱ Theȱ Marginsȱ ofȱ Societyȱ inȱ Lateȱ Medievalȱ Paris,ȱ trans.ȱ Jeanȱ Birrell.ȱ Pastȱ and
PresentȱPublicationsȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ18.
21
TrevorȱDean,ȱCrimeȱinȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ1200–1550ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱLongmanȱPublications,ȱ2001),ȱ122.
22
Pugh,ȱImprisonment,ȱ179ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
23
Batiffol,ȱ“LeȱChâteletȱdeȱParis,”ȱ54ȱȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
localȱadministrationsȱtoȱensureȱthatȱtheȱprisonȱentranceȱandȱexitȱfeesȱbeȱreasonable
andȱ fixed.24ȱ Andȱ theyȱ alsoȱ institutedȱ regulationsȱ concerningȱ whatȱ specifically
jailersȱcouldȱsellȱtoȱtheirȱinmatesȱforȱaȱ“side”ȱsalary,ȱincludingȱalcohol.25ȱ
Beyondȱtheȱsuspicionsȱsurroundingȱtheȱfinancialȱactionsȱandȱintentionsȱofȱthe
wardensȱ andȱ guards,ȱ criticsȱ couldȱ pointȱ toȱ theȱ treatmentȱ ofȱ theȱ prisonersȱ as
anotherȱsourceȱofȱcontention.ȱInstitutionsȱlikeȱtheȱNewgateȱprisonȱhousedȱsome
ofȱtheȱmostȱhardenedȱandȱviolentȱcriminalsȱinȱEngland.ȱWardens,ȱthen,ȱwalkedȱa
fineȱlineȱbetweenȱreprimandingȱoffenders,ȱandȱactuallyȱharmingȱthem.ȱTheȱguards
neededȱtoȱmakeȱsureȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱvisibleȱfiguresȱofȱauthorityȱinȱtheȱjail,ȱsoȱthat
theyȱ couldȱ preventȱ anyȱ typeȱ ofȱ violenceȱ orȱ escape.ȱ Mostȱ wardensȱ wereȱ held
personallyȱ andȱ financiallyȱ responsibleȱ ifȱ anȱ inmateȱ escaped:ȱ atȱ Newgate,ȱ the
wardenȱwasȱsubjectȱtoȱaȱfineȱofȱ100s.ȱforȱeachȱprisonerȱwhoȱgotȱaway.26ȱPrisoners
wereȱsometimesȱplacedȱinȱtheȱhorribleȱdepthsȱofȱprisonsȱdungeons,ȱandȱsometimes
sufferedȱinȱhorribleȱconditions.ȱTheȱjailerȱofȱYorkȱinȱ1274ȱwasȱsaidȱtoȱhaveȱtiedȱa
prisonerȱnakedȱtoȱaȱpostȱandȱkeptȱhimȱstarving.27ȱInȱ1305,ȱtheȱBishopȱofȱLyon’s
chiefȱjudgeȱdenouncedȱtheȱlocalȱjailer’sȱpracticeȱofȱtorturingȱhisȱinmatesȱsoȱseverely
thatȱtheyȱfrequentlyȱdiedȱfromȱtheȱsufferingȱevenȱafterȱtheirȱrelease.28ȱByȱmany
accounts,ȱjailsȱwereȱriddledȱwithȱdisease,ȱfilthȱandȱcoldȱ(Geltner,ȱhowever,ȱinsists
otherwiseȱforȱhisȱItalianȱurbanȱprisons).ȱButȱdespiteȱtheseȱreportsȱofȱdeplorable
treatment,ȱjailersȱwereȱstillȱallȱresponsibleȱifȱsomeoneȱdiedȱonȱtheirȱwatchȱdueȱto
extraneousȱ circumstances.29ȱ Inȱ principle,ȱ then,ȱ thoseȱ inȱ chargeȱ ofȱ theȱ prisons
neededȱ toȱ makeȱ sureȱ thatȱ conditionsȱ wouldȱ notȱ causeȱ theȱ deathȱ ofȱ anȱ inmate.
Frenchȱroyalȱprisons,ȱforȱinstance,ȱwereȱexpectedȱtoȱbeȱ“reasonableȱandȱairy.”30
Evenȱthoughȱofficersȱneededȱtoȱcomplyȱwithȱtheseȱregulationsȱandȱstipulations,
andȱtoȱbeȱcarefulȱaboutȱtheȱwaysȱinȱwhichȱtheyȱtreatedȱinmatesȱinȱorderȱtoȱmake
bothȱ theȱ administrationȱ andȱ theȱ surroundingȱ publicȱ content,ȱ thereȱ wereȱ real
dangersȱlurkingȱinȱmedievalȱprisons.ȱ
Guardsȱ wereȱ susceptibleȱ toȱ individualȱ outburstsȱ ofȱ inmate’sȱ violence,ȱ but
perhapsȱ moreȱ ominousȱ wereȱ riotsȱ orȱ rebellions.ȱ Althoughȱ Geltnerȱ arguesȱ that
thereȱwereȱrelativelyȱfewȱprisonȱuprisingsȱatȱFlorence’sȱLeȱStincheȱprisonȱinȱthe
fourteenthȱcenturyȱ(andȱattributesȱitȱtoȱtheȱoutnumberedȱstaff’sȱhumaneȱtreatment
ofȱ theȱ inmates),ȱ thisȱ wasȱ notȱ aȱ universalȱ trend.ȱ Bothȱ Venetianȱ andȱ Bolognese
guardsȱtorturedȱinmates,ȱandȱtheyȱcouldȱsupplementȱtheirȱincomeȱbyȱ“flogging
24
25
Pugh,ȱImprisonment,ȱ188–91ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
26
Bassett,ȱ“NewgateȱPrison,”ȱ234ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
27
28
Dean,ȱCrimeȱinȱmedievalȱEurope,ȱ123ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).
29
30
Edwards,ȱ“PrisonȱbeforeȱtheȱPrison,”ȱ39ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
inmatesȱ andȱ performingȱ dismembermentsȱ andȱ evenȱ executions.”31ȱ Thisȱ fact

contributedȱtoȱtheȱgrowingȱvilificationȱofȱguardsȱandȱwardens,ȱandȱrenderedȱthem
theȱtargetsȱofȱprisonȱuprisings.ȱWeȱknow,ȱforȱexample,ȱthatȱprisonersȱkilledȱthe
jailerȱofȱBristolȱinȱ1287,ȱandȱtheȱgatekeeperȱofȱNewgateȱprisonȱinȱ1325.32ȱAgain,
jailersȱhadȱtoȱwalkȱtheȱfineȱlineȱbetweenȱprotectingȱthemselvesȱwhileȱonȱdutyȱby
suppressingȱ theȱ actionsȱ andȱ movementȱ ofȱ theȱ inmates,ȱ allȱ whileȱ providingȱ a
humaneȱenvironmentȱforȱtheȱconvictedȱcriminals.ȱ
Toȱ compoundȱ theseȱ issuesȱ ofȱ financialȱ corruptionȱ andȱ physicalȱ exploitation,
thereȱwasȱalwaysȱtheȱdelicateȱbutȱseriousȱquestionȱofȱhowȱtoȱdealȱwithȱfemale
inmates.ȱPartȱofȱGeltner’sȱargumentȱthatȱItalianȱprisonsȱwereȱmodernȱpunitive
institutionsȱ byȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ fourteenthȱ centuryȱ comesȱ fromȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ the
prisonȱwasȱdividedȱintoȱwards.ȱHardenedȱviolentȱcriminalsȱwereȱseparatedȱfrom
pettyȱcriminals,ȱandȱwomenȱwereȱisolatedȱfromȱmen.ȱInȱitsȱcomplexȱorganization,
theȱ Châteletȱ inȱ Parisȱ hadȱ twoȱ prisonsȱ builtȱ toȱ accommodateȱ femaleȱ prisoners,
knownȱasȱlaȱBoucherieȱandȱlaȱGriesche.33ȱ
Ideally,ȱfemaleȱinmatesȱwouldȱbeȱoverseenȱbyȱ“honestȱwomen”ȱasȱstipulatedȱby
theȱadministrationȱofȱtheȱChâtelet.ȱButȱinȱotherȱscenarios,ȱandȱinȱmanyȱmunicipal
prisons,ȱwomenȱresidedȱinȱtheȱgeneralȱprisonȱpopulationȱunderȱtheȱsurveillance
ofȱmaleȱguards.ȱEvenȱthoughȱstatisticallyȱwomenȱwereȱalwaysȱaȱsmallȱpercentage
ofȱthoseȱincarceratedȱthroughoutȱmedievalȱEurope,ȱitȱstillȱplacedȱanȱaddedȱburden
forȱjailersȱandȱguards.ȱFromȱaȱpracticalȱperspective,ȱSusanȱBroomhall’sȱstudyȱof
ecclesiasticalȱjailȱofȱSaintȬGermainȬdesȬPrèsȱfromȱ1537ȱtoȱ1579ȱsuggestsȱthatȱwomen
inmatesȱ wereȱ moreȱ likelyȱ toȱ beȱ releasedȱ fromȱ jailȱ soonerȱ thanȱ theirȱ male
counterparts,ȱprimarilyȱbecauseȱtheȱtypeȱofȱwomenȱbeingȱincarceratedȱcouldȱnot
affordȱ toȱ payȱ theȱ prison’sȱ manyȱ fines.34ȱ Butȱ femaleȱ felonsȱ stillȱ neededȱ toȱ be
protectedȱfromȱtheȱassaultsȱorȱexploitationȱofȱbothȱmaleȱinmatesȱandȱguards.ȱWhen
Margeryȱ Kempeȱ travelledȱ toȱ Leicesterȱ inȱ 1417,ȱ theȱ Mayorȱ arrestedȱ herȱ forȱ her
religiousȱbeliefs,ȱandȱorderedȱtheȱjailerȱtoȱtakeȱherȱawayȱtoȱprison.ȱWhenȱtheȱjailer
respondedȱthatȱheȱhadȱnoȱplaceȱtoȱputȱherȱbesidesȱinȱtheȱcellȱwithȱmen,ȱKempe
pleadedȱ forȱ compassionȱ andȱ considerationȱ forȱ herȱ chastity.ȱ Herȱ fateȱ was
determinedȱonlyȱbyȱtheȱkindnessȱofȱtheȱjailerȱwhoȱbroughtȱherȱhomeȱandȱtookȱher
intoȱpersonalȱcustody.35ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱguardsȱalwaysȱfellȱunderȱsuspicionȱof
sexuallyȱexploitingȱtheirȱfemaleȱcharges,ȱandȱatȱtheȱNewgateȱprison,ȱoneȱwarden
31
Geltner,ȱTheȱMedievalȱPrison,ȱ71ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
32
33
Batiffol,ȱ“LeȱChâteletȱdeȱParis,”ȱ48ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
34
SusanȱBroomhall,ȱ“Poverty,ȱGenderȱandȱIncarcerationȱinȱSixteenthȬCenturyȱParis,”ȱFrenchȱHistory
Journalȱ18ȱ(2004):ȱ1–24.
35
TheȱBookȱofȱMargeryȱKempe,ȱtrans.ȱBarryȱWindeattȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPenguinȱBooks,ȱ1994),ȱ149–50.ȱ
wasȱarrestedȱandȱactuallyȱjoinedȱtheȱranksȱofȱprisonersȱthereȱforȱviolatingȱaȱfemale
inmate.36ȱ
Andȱthenȱthereȱwasȱalwaysȱtheȱcomplicationȱofȱhowȱtoȱtreatȱpregnantȱprisoners.
Becauseȱmostȱcourtsȱrefusedȱtoȱexecuteȱpregnantȱwomen,ȱmanyȱwomenȱinȱthis
conditionȱspentȱtimeȱinȱtheȱoftenȱdangerousȱjails.ȱInȱoneȱcircumstanceȱheardȱbyȱthe
ParlementȱinȱParis,ȱtwoȱadministrators,ȱColdardȱdeȱGisors,ȱvicomteȱduȱCrotoyȱand
BarthélemyȱduȱGué,ȱwereȱ“misȱenȱarrêt”ȱandȱimprisonedȱforȱhavingȱsuchȱrigorous
conditionsȱ inȱ theirȱ prisonȱ thatȱ aȱ pregnantȱ inmateȱ lostȱ herȱ child.37ȱ Thereȱ are
examples,ȱ however,ȱ ofȱ femaleȱ felonsȱ released,ȱ andȱ thenȱ reȬarrestedȱ and
imprisonedȱonceȱtheyȱgaveȱbirthȱtoȱtheirȱchild.38ȱWomenȱwereȱnotȱalwaysȱhapless
victims,ȱthough.ȱMatildaȱHerewardȱofȱBranndestonȱinȱNorthhamptonshireȱwas
convictedȱalongȱwithȱherȱhusbandȱforȱlarcenyȱinȱJuneȱ21,ȱ1301.ȱTheyȱbothȱwere
sentencedȱtoȱbeȱhanged,ȱbutȱsheȱwasȱputȱinȱjailȱbecauseȱsheȱwasȱpregnant.ȱWhen
theyȱcameȱbackȱtoȱcheckȱonȱherȱsixȱtimesȱoverȱtheȱcourseȱofȱtwoȱyearsȱandȱsheȱwas
pregnantȱeachȱtime.39ȱBecauseȱsheȱwasȱinȱaȱmixedȱpopulationȱitȱisȱunclearȱasȱto
whetherȱtheȱprisonȱguardȱorȱaȱfellowȱinmateȱprolongedȱherȱlife.ȱWhatȱthisȱcase
reveals,ȱ though,ȱ isȱ thatȱ genderȱ andȱ physicalityȱ alsoȱ shapedȱ theȱ relationship
betweenȱtheȱwardenȱandȱinmate,ȱwithȱtheȱburdenȱandȱexpectationȱofȱresponsibility
alwaysȱplacedȱonȱtheȱshouldersȱofȱthoseȱinȱcharge.
***
Sinceȱtheȱeleventhȱcentury,ȱtheȱelectedȱcapitolsȱofȱToulouseȱhadȱstruggledȱtoȱgain
politicalȱandȱjudicialȱautonomyȱfromȱtheirȱlocalȱcount,ȱandȱhadȱtoȱrenewȱtheir
effortsȱ afterȱ theȱ Capetianȱ king’sȱ conquestȱ inȱ 1229.ȱ Asȱ theȱ count’sȱ (laterȱ royal)
palace,ȱtheȱChâteauȱNarbonnais,ȱloomedȱoverȱtheȱsoutheasternȱportionȱofȱtheȱcity,
theȱcapitolsȱbeganȱtoȱpurchaseȱpropertyȱinȱtheȱcenterȱofȱtheȱcityȱinȱorderȱtoȱerect
theirȱtownȱhall.ȱLikeȱmanyȱmedievalȱcities,ȱtheȱtownȱhallȱwasȱsituatedȱinȱaȱcentral
locationȱinȱtheȱurbanȱspace,ȱwhereȱadministratorsȱcouldȱmeetȱtheȱneedsȱofȱtheir
constituentsȱinȱtheȱcourtroom.ȱTheȱbuildingȱalsoȱservedȱasȱaȱsymbolȱofȱcivicȱpride
andȱautonomy,ȱandȱreportedlyȱstoredȱtheȱtrebuchetȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱfatalȱstone
thatȱkilledȱtheȱcity’sȱmajorȱfoeȱSimonȱdeȱMontfortȱonȱJuneȱ25,ȱ1218,ȱduringȱthe
36
Bassett,ȱ“NewgateȱPrison,”ȱ241ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
37
AnnikȱPorteauȬBitker,ȱ“CriminalitéȱetȱdélinquanceȱfémininesȱdansȱleȱdroitȱpénalȱdesȱXIIIeȱetȱXIVe
siècles,”ȱRevueȱhistoriqueȱdeȱdroitȱfrançaisȱetȱétrangerȱ58ȱ(1980):ȱ13–57;ȱhereȱ55.
38
Broomhall,ȱ“Poverty,ȱGenderȱandȱIncarceration,”ȱ16ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ32).
39
BarbaraȱHanawalt,ȱ“TheȱFemaleȱFelonȱinȱFourteenthȬCenturyȱEngland,”ȱViatorȱ5ȱ(1974):ȱ253–68;
hereȱ266.
strugglesȱofȱtheȱAlbigensianȱCrusade.40ȱAndȱperhapsȱmostȱimportantlyȱforȱthis
paper,ȱtheȱmunicipalȱjailȱwasȱaȱpartȱofȱtheȱtownȱhall.ȱ
Toulouse’sȱmunicipalȱjailȱseemedȱtoȱbeȱaȱfairlyȱporousȱinstitution.ȱTheȱintention
ofȱ theȱ incarcerationȱ wasȱ notȱ toȱ removeȱ theȱ criminalȱ fromȱ theȱ publicȱ eye,ȱ but
insteadȱtheȱurbanȱpopulationȱpassedȱtheȱprisonȱandȱcouldȱseeȱtheȱinmatesȱduring
theȱcourseȱofȱtheirȱbusinessȱday.ȱThisȱisȱbestȱevidencedȱinȱaȱvariationȱofȱpunitive
containmentȱknownȱasȱtheȱcostellumȱemployedȱbyȱtheȱcapitols.ȱInȱthisȱmethod,ȱa
prisonerȱwouldȱstandȱboundȱbyȱanȱironȱcollarȱandȱchains,ȱexposedȱinȱaȱwindow
ofȱtheȱprisonȱforȱaȱvariableȱamountȱofȱtime.ȱTheȱthirteenthȬcenturyȱcommentator
ofȱ theȱ coutumesȱ ofȱ Toulouseȱ providesȱ oneȱ exampleȱ ofȱ thisȱ punishment:ȱ one
evening,ȱ nightȱ guardsȱ arrestedȱ aȱ youngȱ apprenticeȱ baker,ȱ namedȱ Guillaume
Barrau,ȱforȱsleepingȱwithȱhisȱmaster’sȱwife.41ȱ
Theȱ capitolsȱ choseȱ toȱ proceedȱ withȱ theȱ trialȱ andȱ sentencedȱ theȱ youthȱ to
decapitation,ȱdespiteȱwarningsȱfromȱcivicȱlawyersȱwhoȱarguedȱthat,ȱbecauseȱthe
heȱwasȱlessȱthanȱtwentyȬfiveȱyearsȱold,ȱtheȱfatherȱneededȱtoȱbeȱpresent.ȱBarrau
quicklyȱappealedȱhisȱcaseȱtoȱtheȱvicar,ȱandȱtheȱcapitolsȱconcededȱtoȱreducingȱthe
sentenceȱ toȱ aȱ runȱ ofȱ theȱ town,ȱ andȱ thenȱ confinementȱ inȱ theȱ costellumȱ forȱ an
unspecifiedȱ amountȱ ofȱ time.ȱ Theȱ capitolsȱ employedȱ aȱ veryȱ publicȱ meansȱ of
chastisingȱmoralȱandȱcriminalȱoffenders,ȱandȱonȱthisȱoccasion,ȱtheȱemphasisȱwas
uponȱtheȱsymbolismȱofȱtheȱtownȱhallȱandȱcivicȱjail.ȱByȱdisplayingȱaȱcriminalȱinȱa
windowȱofȱtheȱbuilding,ȱtheȱcapitolsȱestablishedȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱpunishmentȱwas
directlyȱunderȱtheirȱpowerȱandȱcontrol,ȱcentralizedȱwithinȱtheȱcity,ȱandȱavailable
forȱallȱofȱtheȱToulousainsȱtoȱwitness.ȱ
Criminalȱrecordsȱfromȱtheȱearlyȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱindicateȱthatȱaȱmanȱnamed
RaymundusȱBonhommeȱwasȱtheȱmunicipalȱjailerȱofȱToulouse.ȱNotȱonlyȱdidȱhe
overseeȱtheȱfacility,ȱbutȱheȱactuallyȱlivedȱinȱtheȱbuildingȱwithȱhisȱfamily,ȱfeeding
andȱmonitoringȱtheȱdetaineesȱatȱallȱtimes.ȱThereȱisȱsomeȱindicationȱinȱtheȱrecords
thatȱtheȱofficeȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱpassedȱdownȱfromȱfatherȱtoȱson,ȱbecauseȱinȱ1322,
whenȱ theȱ capitolsȱ passedȱ theȱ responsibilitiesȱ ofȱ theȱ prisonȱ toȱ Raymundus
Bonhomme,ȱheȱwasȱidentifiedȱasȱtheȱsonȱofȱtheȱexitingȱjailor.42ȱWeȱhaveȱnoȱwayȱof
knowingȱ howȱ longȱ theȱ familyȱ heldȱ theȱ officeȱ inȱ Toulouse,ȱ butȱ ifȱ thisȱ wasȱ a
hereditaryȱoffice,ȱkeptȱandȱpassedȱdownȱinȱoneȱfamily,ȱitȱmightȱsuggestȱthatȱa
certainȱamountȱofȱcivicȱprideȱwentȱalongȱwithȱtheȱoffice.ȱAtȱtheȱFleetȱprisonȱin
London,ȱ theȱ positionȱ ofȱ wardenȱ wasȱ keptȱ inȱ aȱ singularȱ familyȱ forȱ overȱ five
hundredȱ years.ȱ Likeȱ Toulouse,ȱ Fleetȱ wasȱ inȱ closeȱ proximityȱ toȱ theȱ central
40
Henriȱ Gilles,ȱ Lesȱ coutumesȱ deȱ Toulouseȱ (1286)ȱ etȱ leurȱ premierȱ commentaireȱ (1296)ȱ (Toulouse:
ImprimerieȱMauriceȱESPIC,ȱ1969),ȱ163:ȱ“quiȱlapisȱfuitȱprojectusȱperȱmachinamȱcumȱquoȱdictus
comesȱMontisfortisȱfuitȱpercussus.ȱQueȱmachineȱestȱadhucȱinȱpalatioȱcommuni.”
41
Gilles,ȱLesȱcoutumesȱdeȱToulouse,ȱ187–88ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38).
42
ArchivesȱmunicipalesȱdeȱToulouseȱ–ȱAA3:246.ȱMarchȱ5,ȱ1322.ȱHereafterȱreferencedȱasȱAMT.
administration,ȱandȱtheȱofficeȱwasȱoneȱthatȱcarriedȱaȱcertainȱheraldryȱandȱstatus.
TheȱFleetȱwardenȱwasȱalsoȱkeeperȱofȱWestminsterȱpalace,ȱheȱreceivedȱaȱhouseȱwith
aȱgarden,ȱandȱwasȱaȱcityȱsalariedȱofficial.ȱByȱmostȱaccounts,ȱtheȱdignityȱofȱthe
familialȱofficeȱmeantȱthatȱtheȱFleetȱwardenȱwasȱmoreȱcivilȱandȱhumaneȱthanȱhis
Britishȱcounterparts,ȱasȱwasȱevidencedȱbyȱaȱlackȱofȱriotsȱorȱinmateȱcomplaints.ȱIn
partȱ ofȱ theȱ ceremonyȱ acceptingȱ theȱ office,ȱ Toulouse’sȱ Raymundusȱ Bonhomme
receivedȱ theȱ keysȱ ofȱ theȱ prison,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ thoseȱ ofȱ theȱ townȱ hallȱ andȱ ofȱ the
capitols’ȱcourt.ȱAlongȱwithȱbeingȱentrustedȱwithȱaccessȱtoȱtheȱentireȱbuilding,ȱhe
pledgedȱ anȱ oathȱ ofȱ fidelityȱ toȱ theȱ city,ȱ andȱ vowedȱ toȱ maintainȱ discretionȱ and
integrityȱwithȱregardsȱtoȱtheȱprisoners.ȱ
Whileȱpartȱofȱtheȱofficeȱrequiredȱthatȱheȱmonitorȱtheȱinteractionȱofȱdetainees
withȱtheirȱvisitors,ȱtheȱcapitolsȱofȱToulouseȱalsoȱinsistedȱthatȱtheȱmunicipalȱjailer
feedȱthemȱsatisfactoryȱamountsȱofȱbreadȱandȱwater,ȱandȱmaintainȱtheȱ“tradition”
thatȱtheȱprisonersȱeatȱatȱaȱtable.ȱAsȱwasȱdiscussedȱbefore,ȱthisȱisȱaȱstipulationȱthat
isȱaȱbitȱunheardȱofȱinȱotherȱvariationsȱofȱsecularȱprisons.ȱAgain,ȱatȱmostȱlocations,
theȱ jailerȱ hadȱ noȱ responsibilityȱ toȱ feedȱ hisȱ prisoners.ȱ Instead,ȱ theȱ foodȱ and
provisionsȱcameȱthroughȱaȱsystemȱofȱpaymentsȱ(resultingȱinȱwealthierȱinmates
experiencingȱ betterȱ accommodations),ȱ orȱ throughȱ aȱ distributionȱ ofȱ charitable
donations.ȱ Althoughȱ weȱ haveȱ noȱ wayȱ ofȱ knowingȱ whetherȱ orȱ notȱ Toulouse’s
municipalȱ jailerȱ adheredȱ toȱ theȱ stipulationȱ thatȱ hisȱ wardsȱ eatȱ atȱ aȱ table,ȱ its
inclusionȱinȱtheȱjobȱdescriptionȱfromȱtheȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱisȱworthȱnoting.ȱIt
seemsȱtoȱimplyȱthatȱtheȱofficeȱwasȱintendedȱtoȱserveȱasȱaȱcentralȱcomponentȱofȱthe
communityȱatȱlarge,ȱwhichȱmaintainedȱaȱsenseȱofȱtraditionȱandȱcontinuityȱwithȱthe
past,ȱnotȱonlyȱinȱtheȱhereditaryȱofficeȱofȱtheȱprisonȱwarden,ȱbutȱalsoȱinȱtheȱopen
andȱcivilizedȱnatureȱofȱtheȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱdetainees.ȱȱ
TheȱsameȱRaymundusȱBonhommeȱemergedȱfrequentlyȱasȱaȱpivotalȱplayerȱinȱthe
judicialȱrealmȱfromȱtheȱ1330s.ȱTheȱjailerȱwasȱinȱattendanceȱduringȱcertainȱtrialsȱand
sentencingȱwhichȱtookȱplaceȱinȱtheȱcapitols’ȱcourt.43ȱInȱorderȱtoȱreleaseȱaȱprisoner,
theȱjailerȱhadȱtoȱreceiveȱaȱproperȱletterȱwithȱaȱsealȱfromȱtheȱvicarȱorȱtheȱcapitols,
whichȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheȱofficeȱwasȱaȱpartȱofȱtheȱinstitutionalizedȱbureaucracy.ȱIn
oneȱcircumstanceȱheȱactuallyȱwasȱaȱprotectiveȱagentȱforȱanȱimprisonedȱprostitute,
Johanetaȱ deȱ Santolo.44ȱ Inȱ theȱ springȱ ofȱ 1332,ȱ Johanetaȱ hadȱ sufferedȱ aȱ seriesȱ of
misfortunesȱ thatȱ culminatedȱ inȱ herȱ arrestȱ andȱ convictionȱ forȱ prostitution.ȱ As
Johanetaȱwaitedȱinȱjail,ȱsheȱdidȱnotȱspendȱherȱtimeȱinȱidleȱreflection.ȱInstead,ȱshe
apparentlyȱ befriendedȱ Raymundusȱ Bonhomme,ȱ whoȱ permittedȱ herȱ toȱ receive
guestsȱandȱgifts.ȱMoreȱimportantly,ȱtheȱjailerȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱusedȱtheȱprivilegeȱof
hisȱ officeȱ toȱ helpȱ secureȱ anȱ audienceȱ forȱ Johanetaȱ withȱ theȱ city’sȱ judicial
43
AMTȬFFȱ57,ȱ18.ȱRaymundusȱBonhommeȱwasȱlistedȱpresentȱasȱtheȱcity’sȱ“carcerarius”ȱatȱtheȱdeath
sentenceȱofȱaȱsquire,ȱAimeryȱBerenger,ȱinȱ1332.ȱ
44
AMTȬFFȱ57,ȱ156–57.ȱ
administrators,ȱtheȱcapitols,ȱwhereȱsheȱlaunchedȱaȱmassiveȱaccusationȱthatȱaȱcity
sergeantȱ hadȱ actuallyȱ servedȱ asȱ herȱ pimpȱ andȱ forcedȱ herȱ intoȱ theȱ lifeȱ of
prostitution.ȱ Thisȱ ledȱ toȱ aȱ cityȬwideȱ investigationȱ intoȱ theȱ sergeant’sȱ possible
corruption,ȱwhichȱindicatesȱthatȱtheȱcapitolsȱtookȱherȱchargesȱseriouslyȱenoughȱto
attemptȱtoȱuncoverȱanyȱproofȱtoȱherȱclaim.ȱInȱthisȱscenario,ȱitȱseemsȱasȱthough
jailerȱRaymundusȱBonhommeȱplayedȱaȱpivotalȱroleȱinȱprovidingȱaȱvenueȱforȱthe
defenseȱofȱtheȱprostituteȱinȱthisȱlegalȱpredicament.ȱ
RoyalȱandȱchurchȱofficialsȱbeganȱtoȱplantȱtheȱrootsȱofȱtheirȱauthorityȱinȱToulouse
byȱtheȱearlyȱthirteenthȱcentury.ȱTheȱcity’sȱmonastery,ȱtheȱJacobins,ȱbecameȱthe
headquartersȱ ofȱ theȱ Dominicanȱ inquisitors,ȱ whileȱ theȱ king’sȱ agentsȱ stationed
themselvesȱinȱtheȱChâteauȱNarbonnais.ȱTheȱotherȱjailsȱofȱtheȱcity,ȱtheȱroyalȱjailȱin
theȱchâteauȱandȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱprisons,ȱhadȱveryȱdifferentȱmethodsȱofȱholding
prisonersȱinȱisolationȱfromȱtheȱgeneralȱpublic.ȱWhereasȱroyalȱofficersȱandȱclerks
couldȱonlyȱbeȱheldȱinȱtheirȱrespectiveȱprisons,ȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱToulouseȱcouldȱbe
arrestedȱ andȱ heldȱ inȱ theȱ Châteauȱ Narbonnaisȱ whenȱ royalȱ officialsȱ saw
opportunitiesȱtoȱprofitȱfinanciallyȱfromȱtheȱoverlappingȱjurisdictionȱinȱtheȱcity.ȱIf
royalȱofficersȱarrestedȱaȱcitizenȱofȱToulouseȱcaughtȱinȱtheȱprocessȱofȱaȱsuspicious
act,ȱorȱtheyȱsimplyȱheardȱofȱtheȱsuspicionsȱofȱcriminalȱactivity,ȱtheȱsergeantsȱcould
imprisonȱtheȱcitizenȱinȱtheȱroyalȱjail.ȱ
Forȱexample,ȱinȱ1332,ȱcitizenȱArnaldusȱdeȱSantoȱMartinoȱwasȱarrestedȱbyȱroyal
sergeantsȱbecauseȱseveralȱbandits,ȱheldȱinȱtheȱroyalȱprisonȱawaitingȱpunishment,
implicatedȱ himȱ inȱ theirȱ thefts.ȱ Butȱ heȱ wasȱ laterȱ remandedȱ toȱ theȱ capitols,
transferredȱ toȱ theȱ jailȱ inȱ theȱ townȱ hallȱ soȱ thatȱ heȱ couldȱ standȱ trialȱ forȱ the
accusationsȱagainstȱhim.45ȱThis,ȱhowever,ȱprovidedȱanȱopportunityȱforȱtheȱvicar
andȱhisȱroyalȱjailersȱtoȱextortȱmoneyȱfromȱtheȱprisoners,ȱonlyȱreleasingȱthemȱinto
theȱ custodyȱ ofȱ theȱ capitolsȱ ifȱ theyȱ paidȱ aȱ certainȱ fine.ȱ Inȱ 1313,ȱ Kingȱ Philipȱ IV
threatenedȱtheȱroyalȱjailer,ȱunderȱtheȱpenaltyȱofȱdismissalȱfromȱhisȱpost,ȱthatȱhe
couldȱnoȱlongerȱclaimȱfeesȱfromȱprisonersȱfromȱtheȱmomentȱwhenȱtheȱcapitols
demandedȱextraditionȱtoȱtheirȱcourt.46ȱThisȱissueȱcameȱupȱagainȱoneȱyearȱlater,
causingȱtheȱseneschalȱtoȱreprimandȱtheȱvicarȱandȱhisȱmenȱinȱchargeȱofȱtheȱprison
atȱtheȱChâteauȱNarbonnais.ȱInȱthisȱinstance,ȱtheȱroyalȱjailerȱdemandedȱthatȱthe
eachȱprisonerȱbroughtȱintoȱcustodyȱpayȱaȱsumȱofȱtwelveȱdeniersȱToulousains,ȱthree
deniersȱ forȱ simplyȱ enteringȱ theȱ jail,ȱ andȱ nineȱ deniersȱ forȱ theȱ durationȱ of
imprisonment.47ȱTheseȱfees,ȱwhichȱcontradictedȱagreementsȱofȱjurisdictionȱbetween
theȱ capitolsȱ andȱ vicar,ȱ andȱ theȱ conductȱ ofȱ theȱ jailerȱ inȱ general,ȱ alarmedȱ the
45
AMTȬFFȱ57,ȱ143.
46
AMTȬAA3:152.ȱMayȱ11,ȱ1313.ȱ
47
AMTȬAA3:158.ȱJuneȱ18,ȱ1314.ȱThisȱwasȱaȱmandateȱofȱJeanȱdeȱMauquenchy,ȱseneschalȱofȱToulouse
andȱAlbi,ȱtoȱtheȱvicarȱofȱToulouse.ȱ
seneschal,ȱandȱsuggestedȱtheȱrealȱlenienceȱofȱtheȱregionalȱvicarȱinȱoverseeingȱthe
conductȱofȱhisȱmenȱatȱtheȱChâteau.
Theseȱoversightsȱandȱexploitationsȱresultedȱinȱanȱoverhaulȱofȱtheȱregulationsȱof
theȱroyalȱprisonȱtoȱensureȱthatȱtheȱprisonerȱonlyȱpaidȱtheȱjail’sȱfinesȱifȱfoundȱguilty
byȱtheȱcapitols.ȱInȱ1327,ȱhowever,ȱJeanȱFolenfant,ȱvicarȱofȱtheȱChâteauȱNarbonnais,
wasȱ caughtȱ againȱ demandingȱ financialȱ penaltiesȱ fromȱ prisonersȱ knownȱ toȱ be
innocent.48ȱAmongȱtheȱcomplaintsȱofȱtheȱcapitols,ȱwhichȱpromptedȱtheȱreactions
ofȱtheȱkingȱandȱseneschal,ȱwasȱtheȱconcernȱthatȱtheȱroyalȱjailerȱdidȱnotȱfeedȱthe
prisonersȱadequateȱamountsȱofȱbreadȱandȱwater,ȱandȱthatȱtheyȱdidȱnotȱeatȱtheir
foodȱatȱaȱtableȱwithȱtheȱjailer.ȱWeȱknowȱthatȱjailerȱJohanniȱdeȱBarraȱofȱtheȱChâteau
Narbonnaisȱinȱ1322,ȱspentȱenoughȱmoneyȱforȱbreadȱforȱtheȱimprisonedȱpoor,ȱalong
withȱtheȱotherȱnecessaryȱ“shacklesȱandȱkeys”ȱtoȱrunȱaȱprisonȱforȱtheȱyearȱonȱa
budgetȱ ofȱ roughlyȱ 67ȱ lires.49ȱ Butȱ theȱ capitols’ȱ concernȱ thatȱ prisonersȱ wereȱ not
treatedȱ properlyȱ byȱ theȱ royalȱ jailerȱ suggestsȱ thatȱ thereȱ wasȱ aȱ muchȱ different
attitudeȱregardingȱinmatesȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱsetsȱofȱofficials.ȱTheȱroyalȱauthorities
hadȱaȱdetachmentȱfromȱtheȱprisonersȱinȱtheirȱcustody.ȱThereȱseemedȱtoȱbeȱaȱrapid
turnoverȱ inȱ theȱ menȱ whoȱ heldȱ theȱ office,ȱ andȱ theȱ guiltȱ orȱ innocenceȱ ofȱ the
prisonersȱseemedȱsecondaryȱtoȱtheȱopportunityȱforȱprofitsȱandȱfines.ȱRoyalȱjailers
didȱ notȱ haveȱ theȱ sameȱ interestȱ inȱ creatingȱ aȱ communalȱ atmosphereȱ forȱ the
prisoners.
EcclesiasticalȱauthoritiesȱandȱtheȱDominicanȱinquisitorsȱeventuallyȱlearnedȱthey
achievedȱgreaterȱsuccessȱinȱachievingȱconfessionsȱandȱconversionsȱfromȱsuspected
hereticsȱthroughȱimprisonment,ȱratherȱthanȱtorture.ȱByȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,
theyȱhadȱseveralȱprisonsȱinȱToulouse,ȱwhichȱservedȱaȱveryȱdistinctȱpurposeȱof
isolatingȱandȱcontainingȱaccusedȱhereticsȱandȱcriminalȱclerks.ȱAccordingȱtoȱcanon
law,ȱ ecclesiasticalȱ judgesȱ wereȱ forbiddenȱ fromȱ sheddingȱ blood,ȱ soȱ theyȱ were
particularlyȱ interestedȱ inȱ usingȱ incarcerationȱ asȱ aȱ punitiveȱ function.ȱ The
Dominicanȱinquisitorsȱhadȱtwoȱprisonsȱtoȱhouseȱsuspectedȱandȱconvictedȱheretics:
oneȱatȱtheȱbasilicaȱofȱSaintȱSernin,ȱandȱoneȱinȱtheȱCathedralȱSaintȬÉtienne.ȱBut
underȱtheȱdirectionȱofȱtheȱinfamousȱBernardȱGui,ȱsuspectedȱhereticsȱcouldȱalsoȱbe
heldȱinȱtheȱmurȱofȱtheȱChâteauȱNarbonnais.ȱConditionsȱinȱtheȱmurȱcouldȱvaryȱfrom
aȱrelativelyȱlenientȱenvironmentȱofȱgeneralȱconfinementȱinȱwhichȱtheȱsuspected
48
AMTȬAA3:256.ȱJulyȱ12,ȱ1327.ȱ
49
FrançoisȱMaillard,ȱed.ȱComptesȱroyauxȱ(1314–1328).ȱRecueilȱdesȱHistoriensȱdeȱlaȱFrance,ȱDocuments
Financiers,ȱ14ȱ(Paris:ȱImprimerieȱNationale,ȱ1961),ȱno.ȱ2005,ȱ142:ȱ“JohanniȱdeȱBarra,ȱjaulerioȱcastri
NarboneȱTholose,ȱproȱpaneȱpluriumȱpauperumȱincarceratorumȱproȱtotoȱpresentiȱannoȱinȱdicto
castroȱ detentorum,ȱ compedibus,ȱ riblonibus,ȱ manotisȱ ferriesȱ reparadnisȱ clavibus,ȱ serraturis
neccessariisȱ proȱ dictisȱ carceribusȱ etȱ ipsisȱ curandisȱ etȱ pluribusȱ aliisȱ proȱ dictisȱ prisioniariis
neccessariis,ȱjuxtaȱcompotumȱcumȱvicarioȱTholoseȱfactum,ȱpartesȱcumȱpartibusȱretroacapitum
presentisȱcompoti:ȱ67ȱl.ȱ6ȱs.ȱt.”
criminalsȱhadȱspaceȱtoȱwanderȱandȱinteract,ȱorȱitȱcouldȱbeȱaȱmurumȱstrictumȱin
whichȱtheȱprisonerȱwasȱconfinedȱandȱshackledȱinȱaȱprivateȱcell.50ȱ
Mostȱofȱtheȱprisonersȱheldȱinȱtheȱmurȱwereȱsupportedȱbyȱtheȱking,ȱbecauseȱhe
profitedȱfromȱtheȱconfiscationȱofȱtheirȱpropertyȱifȱtheyȱwereȱcondemned.ȱJames
Givenȱhasȱshownȱthatȱduringȱanyȱoneȱweekȱinȱtheseȱprisonsȱthereȱwasȱanȱaverage
ofȱ 171ȱ prisoners,ȱ includingȱ children,ȱ duringȱ theȱ periodȱ ofȱ Mayȱ 6,ȱ 1255ȱ and
Februaryȱ6,ȱ1256.51ȱInȱ1321,ȱtheȱkingȱsupportedȱsixtyȬsixȱmenȱandȱwomenȱinȱthe
murȱofȱToulouse,ȱsentencedȱtoȱimprisonmentȱforȱtwentyȬeightȱdays.52ȱMostȱofȱthe
Dominicanȱinquisitorsȱpreferredȱtoȱimprisonȱhereticsȱsoȱtheyȱcouldȱnotȱcorrupt
others.ȱItȱalsoȱservedȱtoȱisolateȱsuspectedȱhereticsȱfromȱtheirȱsocialȱnetworksȱwhich
providedȱmoralȱsupportȱandȱconnectionsȱtoȱgoȱintoȱhiding,ȱandȱalsoȱcouldȱprovide
theȱopportunityȱforȱthemȱtoȱconfessȱtheirȱ“corruptȱthoughts”ȱinȱaȱweakenedȱstate
ofȱfoodȱandȱsleepȱdeprivation.ȱ
ButȱthereȱwasȱgreatȱprotestȱfromȱtheȱpopulationȱofȱSouthernȱFranceȱagainstȱthe
actionsȱ ofȱ theȱ inquisitors.ȱ Andȱ theȱ officialsȱ overseeingȱ theȱ prisonȱ ofȱ heretics
becameȱeasyȱtargetsȱforȱallȱofȱtheȱanimosityȱagainstȱtheȱpersecutionȱandȱtorment
ofȱtheirȱactions.ȱOneȱofȱtheȱmostȱdramaticȱexamplesȱtookȱplaceȱinȱtheȱnearbyȱcity
ofȱAlbi,ȱasȱtheȱcitizensȱlaunchedȱanȱallȱoutȱuprisingȱagainstȱtheȱmuchȱhatedȱbishop
andȱinquisitor,ȱBernardȱdeȱCastanetȱwhoȱoversawȱtheȱlocalȱprison.ȱTheȱaccusers
sentȱ appealsȱ toȱ theȱ kingȱ andȱ theȱ pope,ȱ andȱ chargedȱ thatȱ Bernardȱ imprisoned
citizensȱ inȱ horrificȱ conditions,ȱ withoutȱ adequateȱ foodȱ orȱ water,ȱ andȱ thatȱ he
arbitrarilyȱtorturedȱhisȱinmates.ȱTheyȱalsoȱchargedȱthatȱheȱorderedȱtheȱarrestȱand
theȱimprisonmentȱforȱcertainȱwomenȱheȱfoundȱsexuallyȱappealing.ȱHeȱcouldȱthen
summonȱ theȱ femalesȱ toȱ hisȱ palaceȱ wheneverȱ heȱ desired,ȱ andȱ someȱ witnesses
claimedȱwhenȱtheȱwomenȱdidȱnotȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱprisonȱpopulation,ȱheȱdeposedȱof
theȱbodiesȱinȱaȱsuspiciousȱmanner.53ȱInȱoneȱallegation,ȱBernardȱkeptȱanȱinnocent
womanȱnamedȱMarquesiaȱinȱjailȱforȱaȱnumberȱofȱyearsȱbeforeȱbeingȱreleased,ȱto
exploitȱ herȱ explicitlyȱ asȱ aȱ sexȱ slave.ȱ Althoughȱ thereȱ hasȱ beenȱ historicalȱ debate
surroundingȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱtheseȱaccusations,ȱtheȱfactȱremainsȱthatȱtheȱcitizensȱof
Albiȱdemandedȱroyalȱinterventionȱintoȱtheȱaffairsȱofȱtheȱinquisitorialȱprison,ȱand
theȱconductȱofȱBernardȱdeȱCastanetȱservedȱasȱtheȱimpetusȱforȱthatȱcallȱtoȱaction.
Theȱdenunciationȱwasȱaȱpoliticalȱtool:ȱaȱwayȱinȱwhichȱtheȱcitizensȱofȱAlbiȱsought
protectionȱfromȱtheȱinquisitors,ȱandȱbyȱextension,ȱcouldȱestablishȱtheȱhierarchyȱof
justiceȱandȱorderȱinȱtheȱlocalȱprisons.ȱ
50
Theȱtermȱmurȱisȱaȱcommonȱdesignationȱofȱinquisitorialȱprisons,ȱborrowedȱfromȱtheȱmonasticȱusage
ofȱaȱpunitiveȱconfinementȱinȱmonasteries.ȱPeters,ȱ“PrisonȱbeforeȱtheȱPrison,”ȱ28–29.
51
Given,ȱInquisitionȱandȱMedievalȱSociety,ȱ79ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ
52
Comptesȱroyaux,ȱno.ȱ1340,ȱ84ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ47).
53
MeganȱCassidyȬWelch,ȱ“TestimoniesȱfromȱaȱFourteenthȬCenturyȱPrison:ȱRumor,ȱEvidenceȱand
TruthȱinȱtheȱMidi,”ȱFrenchȱHistoryȱ16ȱ(2002):ȱ3–27.
Backȱ inȱ Toulouse,ȱ theȱ competitionȱ surroundingȱ punishmentȱ wasȱ evenȱ more
pronounced,ȱandȱtheȱmunicipalȱjailerȱfoundȱhimselfȱinȱtheȱmidstȱofȱjurisdictional
disputesȱbetweenȱmunicipalȱandȱroyalȱauthority,ȱsignifyingȱagain,ȱthatȱheȱwasȱa
keyȱplayerȱinȱlocalȱpoliticsȱthatȱcouldȱalsoȱgetȱwrappedȱupȱinȱnationalȱaffairs.ȱOne
exampleȱfromȱ1332ȱinvolvedȱtheȱjailerȱinȱaȱfightȱtoȱpunishȱaȱmotherȱaccusedȱof
actingȱ asȱ herȱ daughter’sȱ pimp.ȱ Initially,ȱ theȱ capitolsȱ believedȱ thatȱ Berengaria
Vitalis’sȱ daughter,ȱ Mastaroza,ȱ hadȱ beenȱ kidnappedȱ andȱ rapedȱ byȱ aȱ neighbor
Johannesȱ deȱ Manso,ȱ sonȱ ofȱ Lordȱ Helioȱ deȱ Manso.54ȱ Butȱ twoȱ weeksȱ later,ȱ the
municipalȱsergeantsȱarrestedȱandȱimprisonedȱBerengariaȱVitalisȱforȱprostituting
herȱdaughter.ȱThereȱareȱnoȱextantȱcourtȱrecordsȱwhichȱrevealȱtheȱinvestigative
processȱ intoȱ Berengaria’sȱ culpability.ȱ Instead,ȱ weȱ canȱ onlyȱ assumeȱ thatȱ the
capitols’ȱ hadȱ securedȱ theȱ necessaryȱ evidenceȱ toȱ warrantȱ herȱ arrestȱ and
punishment.ȱBerengariaȱwasȱheldȱinȱtheȱmunicipalȱprisonȱawaitingȱherȱappealȱto
theȱroyalȱvicar.ȱAccordingȱtoȱroyalȱdecree,ȱtheȱcapitolsȱneededȱtheȱvicar’sȱapproval
beforeȱtheyȱenactedȱanyȱspecificȱpunishmentȱforȱaȱconvictedȱcriminal.ȱButȱthis
becameȱaȱnationalȱlegalȱaffairȱbecauseȱitȱwasȱanȱoccasionȱwhereȱtheȱcapitolsȱand
theirȱofficersȱpubliclyȱunderminedȱtheȱvicarȱandȱsentencedȱBerengariaȱtoȱaȱritual
punishmentȱofȱrunningȱtheȱtownȱwithoutȱtheȱroyalȱofficial’sȱknowledgeȱofȱthe
case.55ȱInȱtheȱseneschal’sȱlaterȱinquestȱintoȱtheȱjurisdictionalȱdisputeȱbetweenȱthe
municipalȱ officialsȱ andȱ theȱ vicar,ȱ threeȱ capitols,ȱ severalȱ ofȱ theirȱ sergeants,
trumpeterȱ Guillelmusȱ Johannis,ȱ andȱ forȱ ourȱ purposes,ȱ mostȱ notably,ȱ theȱ same
municipalȱjailer,ȱRaymundusȱBonhommeȱallȱstoodȱaccusedȱofȱconspiringȱagainst
royalȱauthority.ȱ
Accordingȱtoȱtheȱcharges,ȱthreeȱcapitols,ȱPetrusȱRubey,ȱRaymundusȱdeȱSanto
Paulo,ȱandȱVitalisȱDurandiȱallȱgatheredȱatȱtheȱtownȱhall,ȱandȱconvincedȱtheȱjailer
toȱreleaseȱtheȱprisonerȱintoȱtheirȱcustody.56ȱRaymundusȱBonhomme,ȱwhoȱlived
withȱhisȱfamilyȱatȱtheȱtownȱhallȱinȱorderȱtoȱsurveyȱandȱfeedȱtheȱprisoners,ȱclaimed
inȱ hisȱ defenseȱ testimonyȱ thatȱ theȱ capitolsȱ providedȱ himȱ withȱ theȱ proper
documentationȱ necessaryȱ toȱ transferȱ theȱ criminalsȱ intoȱ theirȱ custodyȱ for
punishment.57ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱeitherȱtheȱcapitolsȱforgedȱtheȱroyalȱvicar’sȱsealȱof
approvalȱonȱtheȱletterȱandȱdupedȱtheȱjailer,ȱorȱRaymundusȱBonhommeȱsimply
knewȱhowȱtoȱsaveȱhimselfȱfromȱlosingȱhisȱhomeȱandȱlivelihood.ȱRegardless,ȱthe
capitolsȱandȱseveralȱofficersȱgatheredȱtheȱprisonerȱandȱboundȱherȱinȱshackles,ȱand
carriedȱoutȱtheȱpunitiveȱspectacleȱofȱforcingȱBerengariaȱtoȱrunȱtheȱstreetsȱofȱthe
54
AMTȬFFȱ57,ȱ59.
55
Forȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱuseȱofȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱrunningȱtheȱtown,ȱespeciallyȱinȱSouthernȱFrance,
seeȱJeanȬMarieȱCarbasse,ȱ“Currantȱnudi:ȱLeȱrépressionȱdeȱl’adultèreȱdansȱleȱMidiȱmédiéval,ȱXIIeȬ
VXeȱ siècles,”ȱ Droit,ȱ Histoireȱ etȱ Sexualité,ȱ ed.ȱ Jacquesȱ Poumaredeȱ andȱ JeanȬPierreȱ Royer.
PublicationsȱdeȱlȇEspaceȱjuridiqueȱ(Lille:ȱAchevéȱd’imprimer,ȱ1987),ȱ83–102.ȱ
56
AMTȬFFȱ59,ȱfol.ȱ11r.
57
city,ȱ withȱ aȱ crownȱ ofȱ strawȱ uponȱ herȱ head.ȱ Theȱ capitolsȱ intendedȱ theȱ ritual
punishmentȱ ofȱ Berengariaȱ Vitalisȱ toȱ serveȱ asȱ aȱ statementȱ ofȱ theirȱ power,ȱ and
autonomyȱ fromȱ royalȱ jurisdiction.ȱ Inȱ theȱ end,ȱ theȱ capitolsȱ andȱ severalȱ ofȱ their
officersȱfacedȱtheȱconsequencesȱinȱtheȱroyalȱcourtȱforȱbypassingȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱthe
vicarȱbyȱdenyingȱhisȱparticipationȱinȱtheȱexecution,ȱorȱinȱtheȱappealsȱprocess.58
Whatȱweȱfind,ȱthough,ȱisȱthatȱevenȱwhenȱtheȱmunicipalȱjailerȱisȱnotȱsimplyȱtending
toȱ hisȱ wards,ȱ heȱ couldȱ beȱ embroiledȱ inȱ largerȱ politicalȱ andȱ legalȱ disputesȱ that
ultimatelyȱresultedȱinȱeffortsȱtoȱfurtherȱestablishȱtheȱhierarchyȱofȱjustice.
***
Muchȱlikeȱtoday,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱmonolithicȱjailerȱemergingȱfromȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱMiddle
Ages.ȱSomeȱwardensȱranȱtheirȱprisonȱandȱstaffȱwithȱtheȱreverenceȱbefittingȱany
otherȱadministrativeȱoffice:ȱheedingȱtheȱregulationsȱsetȱforthȱbyȱtheirȱsupervisors,
andȱinȱturn,ȱprovidingȱaȱhospitableȱenvironmentȱforȱtheirȱinmates.ȱOthersȱsawȱthe
positionȱasȱanȱopportunityȱtoȱfinanciallyȱexploitȱtheirȱwardsȱorȱtoȱsatisfyȱsome
cruelȱdesireȱtoȱseeȱthemȱsufferȱinȱharshȱconditionsȱandȱthroughȱtorture.ȱButȱifȱwe
thinkȱbeyondȱtheȱindividualȱofficeȱholder,ȱandȱconsiderȱtheȱofficeȱitself,ȱIȱbelieve
myȱinitialȱproposalȱringsȱtrue.ȱTheȱjailer,ȱwarden,ȱandȱtheirȱofficersȱallȱplayedȱan
integralȱroleȱinȱtheȱshapingȱofȱtheȱjudicialȱsystemȱatȱtheȱlocal,ȱregionalȱandȱroyal
levels,ȱandȱinȱtheȱcodificationȱofȱtheȱprisonȱasȱaȱpunitiveȱinstitutionȱinȱtheȱmedieval
consciousness.ȱ
ThisȱarticleȱhasȱofferedȱanȱexaminationȱofȱtheȱsituationȱinȱfourteenthȬcentury
Languedocȱasȱjustȱoneȱexampleȱofȱthisȱtheory.ȱInȱToulouse,ȱbothȱtheȱroyalȱand
ecclesiasticalȱprisonȱadministrationsȱpreferredȱtoȱpunishȱcriminalsȱandȱdefendants
throughȱ isolationȱ andȱ seriesȱ ofȱ financialȱ amends.ȱ Theseȱ methodsȱ servedȱ their
intentionsȱtoȱsecureȱconfessionsȱfromȱsuspects,ȱandȱtoȱincreaseȱtheȱprofitsȱofȱtheir
office.ȱTheȱroyalȱandȱecclesiasticalȱjailersȱandȱguardsȱemployedȱmethodsȱwhich
marginalizedȱtheȱpunitiveȱprocessȱinȱtheȱdailyȱlivesȱofȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱtheȱcity.
Thisȱcontradictedȱtheȱpracticesȱandȱtraditionȱofȱtheȱcapitolsȱandȱtheȱmunicipal
jailer,ȱ whoȱ maintainedȱ aȱ processȱ ofȱ imprisonmentȱ thatȱ wasȱ generallyȱ very
accessibleȱforȱtheȱToulousainsȱtoȱobserveȱandȱtoȱunderstandȱthatȱlawȱandȱorder
hadȱbeenȱrestored.ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱeachȱprisonȱmaintainedȱitsȱprivilegesȱand
primacy,ȱwhichȱresultedȱinȱaȱdirectȱcompetitionȱconcerningȱwhoȱhadȱtheȱrightȱto
incarcerateȱtheȱToulousains.ȱItȱwillȱtakeȱfurtherȱarchivalȱinquestȱbeyondȱthatȱof
SouthernȱFranceȱtoȱfullyȱdevelopȱourȱunderstandingȱofȱtheseȱearlyȱformativeȱyears
ofȱ theȱ prison,ȱ butȱ perhapsȱ theȱ firstȱ stepȱ isȱ acknowledgingȱ thatȱ punitive
imprisonmentȱdid,ȱinȱfact,ȱexistȱbyȱtheȱlaterȱMiddleȱAges.
58
Chapterȱ13ȱ
BirgitȱWiedl
(InstituteȱforȱJewishȱHistoryȱinȱAustria,ȱSt.ȱPölten)
TheȱHostȱonȱtheȱDoorstep:ȱPerpetrators,ȱVictims,ȱand
BystandersȱinȱanȱAllegedȱHostȱDesecrationȱin
FourteenthȬCenturyȱAustria
“TheȱbodyȱofȱChrist,ȱtormentedȱbyȱtheȱJews,ȱwasȱfoundȱatȱKorneuburgȱonȱthe
FridayȱofȱtheȱquarterȱbeforeȱMichaelmasȱandȱtherefore,ȱallȱtheȱJewsȱthereȱwere
burnt.”1ȱ
Inȱ thisȱ briefȱ sumȬupȱ inȱ aȱ chronicleȱ ofȱ theȱ Lowerȱ Austrianȱ monasteryȱ of
Klosterneuburgȱofȱwhatȱhad,ȱallegedlyȱandȱforȱreal,2ȱhappenedȱinȱtheȱtownȱacross
theȱriverȱDanube,ȱtheȱrolesȱareȱclearlyȱdefined:ȱtheȱJewsȱwhoȱhadȱlivedȱthereȱhad
committedȱaȱcrime,ȱandȱhadȱthereforeȱbeenȱpunished.
“Thisȱbookȱisȱnotȱaȱwhodunnit,”ȱJeremyȱCohenȱstatesȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthe
introductionȱtoȱhisȱbookȱChristȱKillers.3ȱTheȱquestion,ȱifȱapplicableȱatȱallȱtoȱaȱhistoric
1
Österreichischeȱ Nationalbibliothekȱ (Austrianȱ Nationalȱ Library),ȱ Codexȱ 364,ȱ fol.ȱ 135vȱ (aȱ later
additionȱtoȱaȱSalzburgȱchronicleȱinȱaȱmanuscriptȱfromȱtheȱmonasteryȱofȱKlosterneuburg,ȱnowȱkept
atȱtheȱAustrianȱNationalȱLibrary);ȱEvelineȱBruggerȱandȱBirgitȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱzurȱGeschichteȱder
JudenȱinȱÖsterreichȱimȱMittelalter,ȱvol.ȱ1:ȱVonȱdenȱAnfängenȱbisȱ1338ȱ(Innsbruck,ȱVienna,ȱandȱBolzano:
StudienVerlag,ȱ2005),ȱ123–24,ȱno.ȱ131ȱ(forȱtheȱinternetȱversion,ȱsee
http://www.injoest.ac.at/upload/Regesten_Text.pdfȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱMarchȱ10,ȱ2012).ȱTheȱresearch
wasȱfundedȱbyȱtheȱAustrianȱScienceȱFundȱ(FWF):ȱPȱ21237–G18.ȱIȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱthankȱConnie
Scarboroughȱforȱherȱvaluableȱcommentsȱandȱcorrections.
2
Onȱtheȱtruthfulnessȱofȱhistoriographyȱandȱliteratureȱandȱitsȱrelationȱtoȱhistoricalȱtexts,ȱseeȱthe
discussionȱbyȱPeterȱJohanek,ȱ“DieȱWahrheitȱderȱmittelalterlichenȱHistoriographen,”ȱHistorisches
undȱfiktionalesȱErzählenȱimȱMittelalter,ȱed.ȱFritzȱPeterȱKnappȱandȱManuelaȱNiesner.ȱSchriftenȱzur
Literaturwissenschaft,ȱ19ȱ(Berlin:ȱDunckerȱ&ȱHumblot,ȱ2002),ȱ9–26.
3
JeremyȱCohen,ȱChristȱKillers:ȱTheȱJewsȱandȱtheȱPassionȱfromȱtheȱBibleȱtoȱtheȱBigȱScreenȱ(NewȱYorkȱand
Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2007).ȱInȱtheȱintroductionȱtoȱherȱbookȱGentileȱTales,ȱMiriȱRubin
discussesȱtheȱ‘tediousȱtypeȱofȱprose’ȱthatȱisȱaȱresultȱofȱallȱtheȱ‘disclaimersȱsuchȱasȱ‘itȱwasȱalleged’’,
300 BirgitȱWiedl
scenario,ȱhasȱbeenȱsufficientlyȱanswered.ȱAlthoughȱmotives,ȱtriggers,ȱandȱcourses
ofȱactionȱremainȱopenȱtoȱdiscussion,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱdoubtȱasȱtoȱtheȱfatalȱroleȱ(mostȱof)
theȱ Christianȱ authoritiesȱ and/orȱ neighboursȱ playedȱ inȱ theȱ persecutionȱ and
murderingȱofȱmedievalȱJews;ȱwhileȱfromȱaȱmedievalȱChristianȱperspective,ȱthe
ideasȱofȱJewishȱcrime,4ȱJewishȱguilt,ȱandȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱcrimesȱthatȱJewsȱwere
particularlyȱpartialȱto,ȱwereȱhardlyȱquestioned.5ȱFromȱtheȱseducerȱofȱChristians
whoȱluresȱtheseȱbackȱtoȱtheȱold,ȱfalseȱfaith,ȱtheȱfakeȱconvertȱwhoȱsecretlyȱindulges
inȱ theirȱ oldȱ suspiciousȱ rites,ȱ andȱ theȱ mercilessȱ usurer6ȱ toȱ theȱ general
questionabilityȱofȱJewishȱexistenceȱinȱgeneral,ȱJewishȱcrimesȱwereȱmanifold.7ȱJews
MiriȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales:ȱTheȱNarrativeȱAssaultȱonȱLateȱMedievalȱJewsȱ(NewȱHaven,ȱCT,ȱandȱLondon:
YaleȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1999;ȱsec.ȱed.ȱPhiladelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2004,ȱthe
quotesȱhereinȱreferȱtoȱtheȱfirstȱedition),ȱ3.
4
Forȱaȱquiteȱexceptionalȱcaseȱstudyȱonȱ‘real’ȱJewishȱcrime,ȱtheȱstoryȱofȱaȱ‘gang’ȱofȱJewishȱthieves,
seeȱJörgȱMüller,ȱ“EineȱjüdischeȱDiebesbandeȱimȱSüdwestenȱdesȱReichesȱinȱderȱerstenȱHälfteȱdes
14.ȱ Jahrhunderts,”ȱ Beziehungsnetzeȱ aschkenasischerȱ Judenȱ währendȱ desȱ Mittelaltersȱ undȱ derȱ frühen
Neuzeit,ȱ ed.ȱ idem.ȱ Forschungenȱ zurȱ Geschichteȱ derȱ Juden,ȱ Abteilungȱ A:ȱ Abhandlungen,ȱ 20
(Hanover:ȱVerlagȱHahnscheȱBuchhandlung,ȱ2008),ȱ71–116.
5
ForȱaȱsummaryȱofȱscholarlyȱChristianȱopinionsȱonȱJewsȱandȱJudaism,ȱseeȱGavinȱI.ȱLangmuir,
“FaithȱofȱChristiansȱandȱHostilityȱtoȱJews,”ȱChristianityȱandȱJudaism,ȱed.ȱDianaȱWood.ȱStudiesȱin
ChurchȱHistory,ȱ29ȱ(OxfordȱandȱCambridge,ȱMA:ȱBlackwellȱPublishers,ȱ1992),ȱ77–92.
6
See,ȱforȱexample,ȱPopeȱInnocentȱIIIȱtoȱtheȱFrenchȱkingȱPhilippȱIIȱAugustȱinȱ1205:ȱ...quodȱinȱregno
FrancorumȱJudeiȱadeoȱinsolescunt,ȱut,ȱsubȱspecieȱusurarieȱpravitatis,ȱperȱquamȱnonȱsolumȱusuras,ȱsed
usurasȱusurarumȱextorquent,ȱecclesiarumȱbonaȱetȱpossessionesȱChristanorumȱusurpent.ȱSolomonȱGrayzel,
Theȱ Churchȱ andȱ theȱ Jewsȱ inȱ theȱ Thirteenthȱ Century.ȱ Aȱ Studyȱ ofȱ Theirȱ Relationsȱ Duringȱ theȱ Years
1198–1254,ȱ Basedȱ onȱ theȱ Papalȱ Lettersȱ andȱ theȱ Conciliarȱ Decreesȱ ofȱ theȱ Periodȱ (Philadelphia:ȱ The
DropsieȱCollegeȱforȱHebrewȱandȱCognateȱLearning,ȱ1933)ȱ104–06,ȱno.ȱ14;ȱLangmuir,ȱ“Faithȱof
Christians,”ȱ88–89ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5),ȱplacesȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱtheȱmotifȱofȱtheȱJewȱasȱusurerȱinȱtheȱmidȬ
twelfthȱcentury.ȱSeeȱtheȱcontributionȱofȱKennethȱR.ȱStowȱinȱtheȱsameȱvolume,ȱ“TheȱGoodȱofȱthe
Church,ȱtheȱGoodȱofȱtheȱState:ȱTheȱPopesȱandȱJewishȱMoney,”ȱChristianityȱandȱJudaism,ȱ237–52ȱ(see
noteȱ5),ȱonȱtheȱidentificationȱofȱJewishȱlendingȱwithȱJewishȱactsȱofȱhomicideȱagainstȱChristian
society,ȱ241;ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱoverviewȱbyȱRobertȱChazan,ȱMedievalȱStereotypesȱandȱModernȱAntisemitism
(Berkeley,ȱLosȱAngeles,ȱandȱLondon:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1997),ȱ19–40,ȱandȱparticularly
35–40,ȱwhoȱtiesȱtheȱusurerȬimageȱinȱwithȱantigovernmentȱsentiments.ȱOnȱtheȱideaȱthatȱJewsȱhad
killedȱ Jesusȱ outȱ ofȱ greed,ȱ seeȱ Annaȱ Sapirȱ Abulafia,ȱ Christiansȱ andȱ Jewsȱ inȱ theȱ TwelfthȬCentury
Renaissanceȱ(London:ȱRoutledge,ȱ1992),ȱ121.ȱ
7
E.g.,ȱtheȱcombinedȱaccusationsȱSimonȱdeȱMontfortȱaroseȱagainstȱtheȱJewȱAbrahamȱofȱBerkhamsted
inȱtheȱ1250s:ȱfinancialȱmisdeedsȱandȱtheȱdesecrationȱofȱanȱiconȱofȱtheȱVirginȱMaryȱ(byȱplacingȱit
inȱhisȱlavatory),ȱseeȱChristophȱCluse,ȱ“‘Fabulaȱineptissima’.ȱDieȱRitualmordlegendeȱumȱAdamȱvon
Bristolȱ nachȱ derȱ Handschriftȱ London,ȱ Britishȱ Library,ȱ Harleyȱ 957,”ȱ Aschkenas.ȱ Zeitschriftȱ für
GeschichteȱundȱKulturȱderȱJuden,ȱ5.2ȱ(1995),ȱ293–330;ȱhereȱ296;ȱAnthonyȱBale,ȱTheȱJewȱinȱtheȱMedieval
Book:ȱEnglishȱAntisemitismsȱ1350–1500.ȱCambridgeȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱLiterature,ȱ60ȱ(Cambridge:
CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ8,ȱandȱgenerallyȱonȱtheȱphenomenonȱofȱantiȬJudaismȱandȱantiȬ
SemitismȱinȱaȱcountryȱfromȱwhichȱtheȱJewsȱwereȱexpelledȱalreadyȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱhighȱMiddle
Agesȱ(1290),ȱseeȱalsoȱCohen,ȱChristȱKillers,ȱ103ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
TheȱHostȱonȱtheȱDoorstep 301
wereȱregardedȱcapableȱof,ȱandȱproneȱto,ȱcommittingȱspecificȱcrimesȱmostȱofȱwhich
madeȱtheirȱwayȱintoȱtheȱstereotypesȱofȱantiȬSemitismȱofȱlaterȱcenturies.8ȱ
TheȱideasȱofȱJewishȱresponsibilityȱandȱculpabilityȱforȱtheȱcrucifixionȱofȱChrist
andȱtheȱidentificationȱofȱJewsȱasȱhistoricȱenemiesȱofȱChristianityȱandȱChristendom
alreadyȱ lay,ȱ amongȱ otherȱ factors,ȱ atȱ theȱ coreȱ ofȱ theȱ crusadingȱ assaultsȱ onȱ the
Rhinelandȱ Jewryȱ ofȱ aroundȱ 1096,9ȱ andȱ hadȱ evolvedȱ intoȱ anȱ imageryȱ ofȱ Jewish
violenceȱagainstȱChristiansȱinȱgeneral.ȱAsȱaȱresultȱofȱtheȱgrowingȱhumanization,
andȱsubsequentȱvulnerability,ȱofȱJesusȱinȱtheȱcourseȱofȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱtheȱidea
ofȱtheȱJewsȱkillingȱaȱdeityȱmergedȱwithȱtheȱimagesȱofȱtheȱmurderȱofȱaȱrealȱperson,
orȱitsȱpersonificationȱinȱtheȱEucharist.ȱTheȱimageȱofȱaȱ‘real’ȱkillingȱwithȱaȱpalpable
victimȱ wasȱ muchȱ moreȱ relatableȱ forȱ theȱ commonȱ people.10ȱ Theȱ theoreticalȬ
theologicalȱimageȱpreachedȱduringȱaȱsermonȱwasȱtransformedȱintoȱanȱimageȱthat
couldȱ beȱ broughtȱ upȱ wheneverȱ needed,ȱ adaptedȱ toȱ localȱ circumstances,ȱ and
repeatedȱtimeȱandȱagain—theȱideaȱthatȱcontemporaryȱJewsȱbehavedȱtowardsȱthe
hostȱ justȱ likeȱ theirȱ forefathersȱ hadȱ behavedȱ towardsȱ Christ,ȱ andȱ thus,ȱ their
punishmentȱwasȱintendedȱbyȱGod.11ȱ
Whatȱhad,ȱinȱmoreȱdetailȱthanȱtheȱannals’ȱsuccinctȱentryȱtellsȱus,ȱhappenedȱinȱthe
smallȱLowerȱAustrianȱtownȱofȱKorneuburg?ȱOnȱSeptemberȱ17,ȱ1305,ȱaȱhostȱwafer
wasȱ foundȱ eitherȱ onȱ theȱ doorstepȱ ofȱ theȱ houseȱ thatȱ wasȱ occupiedȱ (and,
presumably,ȱowned)ȱbyȱtheȱJewȱZerkel,ȱorȱinȱhisȱpossession.12ȱBloodȱwasȱseeping
8
Fromȱtheȱvastȱliteratureȱonȱthisȱtopic,ȱseeȱinȱadditionȱtoȱtheȱstudyȱofȱChazan,ȱMedievalȱStereotypes
(seeȱ noteȱ 6),ȱ theȱ olderȱ butȱ stillȱ validȱ overviewsȱ byȱ Gavinȱ I.ȱ Langmuir,ȱ Towardȱ aȱ Definitionȱ of
Antisemitismȱ (Berkeley,ȱ Losȱ Angeles,ȱ andȱ Oxford:ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Californiaȱ Press,ȱ 1990),
particularlyȱ301–10,ȱandȱStefanȱRohrbacherȱandȱMichaelȱSchmidt,ȱJudenbilder:ȱKulturgeschichte
antijüdischerȱMythenȱundȱantisemitischerȱVorurteil.ȱkulturen&ideen.ȱrowohltsȱenzyklopädieȱ(Reinbek
beiȱHamburg:ȱrowohlt,ȱ1991).
9
Chazan,ȱMedievalȱStereotypes,ȱ59ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
10
Cohen,ȱ Christȱ Killersȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3),ȱ addressesȱ theȱ topicȱ inȱ severalȱ chapters;ȱ seeȱ furtherȱ Sapir
Abulafia,ȱChristiansȱandȱJews,ȱ107–22ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6),ȱmainlyȱonȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱtheȱtheological
idea;ȱBjörnȱBerghausen,ȱ‘DasȱLiedȱvonȱDeggendorf,’ȱJudenȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalter:
ReligiöseȱKonzepte—Feindbilder—Rechtfertigungen,ȱed.ȱUrsulaȱSchulzȱ(Tübingen:ȱMaxȱNiemeyer
Verlag,ȱ2002),ȱ233–53;ȱhereȱ238–39.
11
Františekȱ Graus,ȱ Pest,ȱ Geissler,ȱ Judenmorde:ȱ Dasȱ 14.ȱ Jahrhundertȱ alsȱ Krisenzeit.ȱ Sec.ȱ ed.,
Veröffentlichungenȱ desȱ MaxȬPlanckȬInstitutsȱ fürȱ Geschichte,ȱ 86ȱ (Göttingen:ȱ Vandenhoeckȱ &
Ruprecht,ȱ1988),ȱ289–90.
12
Theȱincident(s)ȱatȱKorneuburgȱhaveȱfrequentlyȱbeenȱsubjectȱtoȱacademicȱanalysis;ȱseeȱmostȱnotably
WinfriedȱStelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispielȱKorneuburg:ȱDerȱangeblicheȱHostienfrevelȱösterreichischerȱJuden
vonȱ 1305ȱ undȱ seineȱ Quellen,”ȱ Österreichȱ imȱ Mittelalter.ȱ Bausteineȱ zuȱ einerȱ revidiertenȱ GesamtȬ
darstellung,ȱ ed.ȱ Willibaldȱ Rosner.ȱ Studienȱ undȱ Forschungenȱ ausȱ demȱ Niederösterreichischen
Institutȱ fürȱ Landeskunde,ȱ 26,ȱ Niederösterreichischeȱ Schriften,ȱ 109,ȱ Wissenschaft.ȱ (St.ȱ Pölten:
NiederösterreichischesȱInstitutȱfürȱLandeskunde,ȱ1999),ȱ309–48,ȱreg.ȱtheȱdatingȱ323–24,ȱwithȱfn.
43;ȱinȱtheȱsameȱvolume,ȱseeȱforȱaȱsummaryȱofȱantiȬJewishȱpolemicsȱinȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱAustria
FritzȱPeterȱKnapp,ȱ“NikolausȱvonȱHeiligenkreuzȱundȱdieȱJudenpolemikȱinȱÖsterreichȱzuȱAnfang
desȱ14.ȱJahrhunderts,”ȱ293–322,ȱonȱKorneuburgȱ300–03.ȱFurtherȱseeȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ57–65ȱ(see
302 BirgitȱWiedl
fromȱtheȱwafer,ȱwhichȱmadeȱitȱimmediatelyȱclearȱtoȱtheȱbystandersȱthatȱitȱwasȱa
miraculousȱobject,ȱandȱindeed,ȱitȱstartedȱtoȱworkȱitsȱfirstȱmiraclesȱrightȱonȱtheȱspot.
EnragedȱbyȱtheȱobviousȱcrimeȱthatȱhadȱbeenȱcommittedȱbyȱtheȱJewishȱinhabitants,
theȱcitizensȱgotȱholdȱofȱtheȱJewishȱscholarȱ(scolasticus)ȱwhoȱwasȱburntȱatȱtheȱstake.
Afterȱthat,ȱtheyȱbeatȱZerkelȱtoȱdeath,ȱandȱthenȱburntȱtheȱotherȱJewishȱinhabitants
ofȱtheȱsmallȱtown,ȱraisingȱtheȱdeathȱtollȱtoȱtenȱpeopleȱaltogether.
Theȱeventsȱthatȱledȱto,ȱandȱensuedȱafter,ȱtheȱextinctionȱofȱwhatȱmightȱhaveȱbeen
theȱentireȱJewishȱpopulationȱofȱKorneuburg13ȱareȱexceptionallyȱwellȱdocumented.
Whileȱtheȱchronicleȱentryȱcitedȱaboveȱmerelyȱstatedȱtheȱbasicȱfacts,ȱanȱextensive
protocolȱofȱtheȱinterrogationȱofȱtwentyȬoneȱwitnessesȱprovidesȱsingularlyȱvaluable
insightsȱintoȱbothȱtheȱcourse(s)ȱofȱeventsȱandȱtheȱperception(s)ȱofȱthese.14ȱAbout
threeȱmonthsȱafterȱtheȱincident,ȱinȱDecemberȱ1305,ȱaȱcommissionȱofȱclericsȱunder
theȱleadershipȱofȱtheȱCistercianȱAmbroseȱofȱHeiligenkreuzȱ(aȱmonasteryȱaboutȱ20
kilometresȱ southȬwestȱ ofȱ Vienna)ȱ lookedȱ intoȱ theȱ meritsȱ ofȱ theȱ caseȱ of
Korneuburg’sȱmiracleȬworkingȱhostȱwaferȱandȱtheȱlargerȱissuesȱconnectedȱwithȱit.
Inȱtheȱcourseȱofȱsixȱdays,ȱtheȱwitnesses,ȱsixȱclericsȱandȱfifteenȱlayȱpersons,ȱwere
presentedȱwithȱaȱdetailedȱcatalogueȱofȱquestions,ȱtheȱmainȱfocusȱofȱwhichȱwasȱto
ascertainȱ theȱ authenticityȱ (orȱ not)ȱ ofȱ theȱ host’sȱ miraculousȱ characterȱ andȱ the
qualityȱofȱtheȱmiraclesȱitȱworked.15ȱTherefore,ȱtheȱquestionsȱfocussedȱmainlyȱonȱthe
noteȱ3);ȱEvelineȱBrugger,ȱ“Korneuburgȱ1305,”ȱNichtȱinȱeinemȱBett—JudenȱundȱChristenȱinȱMittelalter
undȱFrühneuzeit,ȱed.ȱInstituteȱforȱJewishȱHistoryȱinȱAustriaȱ(Vienna:ȱremaȱprint,ȱ2005),ȱ20–26ȱ(for
theȱinternetȱversion,ȱsee:
http://www.injoest.ac.at/upload/JudeninME05_2_19–26.pdf,ȱ lastȱ accessedȱ onȱ Marchȱ 10,ȱ 2012);
eadem,ȱ“VonȱderȱAnsiedlungȱbisȱzurȱVertreibung—JudenȱinȱÖsterreichȱimȱMittelalter,”ȱGeschichte
derȱ Judenȱ inȱ Österreich,ȱ eadem,ȱ Marthaȱ Keil,ȱ Christophȱ Lind,ȱ Albertȱ Lichtblau,ȱ andȱ Barbara
Staudinger.ȱÖsterreichischeȱGeschichte,ȱ15,ȱed.ȱHerwigȱWolframȱ(Vienna:ȱUeberreuter,ȱ2006),
123–227;ȱhereȱ211–16.
13
Stelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispielȱKorneuburg,”ȱ340ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12),ȱarguesȱagainstȱthisȱandȱpointsȱoutȱthat
Ambroseȱinȱhisȱtreatiseȱthatȱwasȱwrittenȱaboutȱsevenȱyearsȱafterȱtheȱincidentsȱreferredȱtoȱtheȱten
killedȱpeopleȱexȱiudeisȱandȱthusȱindicatedȱthatȱmoreȱJewsȱhadȱlivedȱatȱKorneuburgȱatȱthatȱtime.ȱIt
isȱhoweverȱpossibleȱthat,ȱsinceȱtheȱnumberȱtenȱreferredȱtoȱtheȱJewsȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱburnt,ȱZerkel,
whoȱhadȱbeenȱbeatenȱtoȱdeath,ȱwasȱnotȱincluded.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱnotionȱofȱanyȱcontinuousȱJewish
presenceȱinȱKorneuburgȱforȱtheȱremainderȱofȱtheȱcentury,ȱseeȱGermaniaȱJudaica,ȱvol.ȱIII:ȱ1350–1519,
partȱ1:ȱAachȬLychen,ȱed.ȱAryeȱMaimonȱandȱYacovȱGuggenheimȱ(Tübingen:ȱJ.ȱC.ȱB.ȱMohr,ȱ1987),
674,ȱlists,ȱalbeitȱrelyingȱonȱratherȱproblematicȱsources,ȱaltogetherȱnineȱ(mainlyȱViennese)ȱJewsȱfor
theȱ timespanȱ fromȱ 1350ȱ toȱ 1420ȱ thatȱ wereȱ namedȱ afterȱ Neunburg,ȱ whichȱ couldȱ eitherȱ mean
KlosterneuburgȱorȱKorneuburg.
14
HausȬ,ȱHofȬȱundȱStaatsarchivȱ(HHStA,ȱAustrianȱStateȱArchives),ȱNotariatsinstrumentȱdesȱNotars
OttoȱvonȱRußbach,ȱAURȱ1305ȱXIIȱ17;ȱfullȱeditionȱbyȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ125–42,ȱno.ȱ133
(seeȱnoteȱ1).
15
Theȱcommissionȱconsistedȱofȱfourȱofȱtheȱepiscopalȱchaplains:ȱGottfried,ȱDeanȱofȱKrems,ȱmagister
albert,ȱcanonȱofȱRegensburg,ȱtheȱlegallyȱtrainedȱmagisterȱKonradȱvonȱSteinheim,ȱandȱtheȱnotary
OttoȱvonȱRußbach,ȱwhoȱwroteȱ(finalȱversionȱof)ȱtheȱprotocolȱ(BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ125,
no.ȱ133ȱandȱ144,ȱno.ȱ135ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ1]).ȱOnȱtheȱcatalogueȱofȱquestions,ȱseeȱStelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispiel
hostȱwafer,ȱitsȱconditionȱwhenȱitȱwasȱfound,ȱandȱtheȱmiraclesȱitȱworkedȱafterȱitȱhad
beenȱ installedȱ atȱ theȱ parishȱ church;ȱ whichȱ alsoȱ meantȱ afterȱ theȱ Jewsȱ hadȱ been
killed.ȱTheȱJews’ȱfateȱseemedȱofȱsecondary,ȱifȱnotȱaltogetherȱnegligible,ȱimportance
toȱ theȱ interrogatorsȱ whoseȱ mainȱ concernȱ wasȱ whetherȱ theȱ waferȱ hadȱ been
consecratedȱ orȱ not,ȱ meaning,ȱ whetherȱ theȱ Christiansȱ whoȱ veneratedȱ itȱ were
veneratingȱ anȱ appropriatelyȱ consecratedȱ host.ȱ Ambroseȱ ofȱ Heiligenkreuz,
generallyȱ scepticalȱ ofȱ miraculousȱ hosts,ȱ hadȱ seriousȱ doubtsȱ aboutȱ this.ȱ With
respectȱ toȱ theȱ Jewsȱ andȱ theirȱ fate,ȱ bothȱ questionsȱ andȱ answersȱ remained
ambiguous,ȱandȱitȱisȱremarkableȱthatȱnoneȱofȱtheȱinterrogatorsȱprobedȱintoȱthese
ambiguitiesȱandȱinconsistenciesȱthatȱappearedȱasȱtheȱinterrogationȱcontinued.ȱI
don’tȱ know,ȱ or,ȱ Iȱ haven’tȱ seenȱ it,ȱ butȱ Iȱ firmlyȱ believeȱ it,ȱ soonȱ turnedȱ outȱ toȱ beȱ the
defaultȱrepliesȱtheȱwitnessesȱutteredȱwheneverȱaskedȱwhetherȱtheyȱhadȱactually
seenȱtheȱhostȱwaferȱworkȱmiracles,ȱorȱtheȱJewsȱmaltreatȱit,ȱrenderingȱmostȱofȱthe
witnesses’ȱtestimoniesȱwhatȱweȱunderstandȱasȱtheȱmodernȱconceptȱofȱhearsay.
Manyȱ ofȱ theȱ testimoniesȱ containedȱ notȱ onlyȱ inaccuraciesȱ butȱ blatantly
contradictedȱeachȱother,ȱwithout,ȱhowever,ȱcausingȱtheȱinterrogatorsȱtoȱinquire
anyȱfurther.ȱThereȱwasȱnoȱconsistencyȱamongȱtheȱanswersȱtoȱtheȱquestionȱabout
howȱ manyȱ eyewitnessesȱ thereȱ hadȱ beenȱ toȱ theȱ discoveryȱ ofȱ theȱ host.ȱ Theȱ first
witness,ȱtheȱVicarȱofȱKorneuburgȱbyȱtheȱnameȱofȱFriedrich,ȱwho,ȱwhileȱnotȱhaving
witnessedȱmuchȱofȱtheȱwholeȱincidentȱhimself,ȱknewȱofȱ200ȱpeopleȱbeingȱpresent
whenȱtheȱbloodiedȱhostȱwasȱfoundȱ(etȱaliiȱquasiȱCCti,ȱquorumȱnominaȱnescit)—which
would,ȱifȱtakenȱliterally,ȱquiteȱlikelyȱamountȱtoȱtheȱentireȱpopulationȱofȱtheȱsmall
town.ȱDespiteȱthisȱsuspiciouslyȱhighȱnumber,ȱheȱwasȱonlyȱableȱtoȱgiveȱtheȱnames
ofȱthreeȱwitnesses,ȱbutȱknewȱthatȱoneȱofȱthese,ȱtheȱcobbler’sȱwife,ȱpreventedȱthe
waferȱfromȱbeingȱblownȱawayȱbyȱcoveringȱitȱwithȱaȱcloth.16
Inȱmanyȱofȱtheȱ(mostlyȱlater)ȱtalesȱofȱJewsȱallegedlyȱmaltreatingȱhostȱwafers,ȱone
ofȱtheȱmainȱconcernsȱinvolvesȱhowȱtheȱJewsȱmanagedȱtoȱacquireȱtheȱwafer.ȱSince
theseȱ wereȱ keptȱ inȱ aȱ spaceȱ notȱ readilyȱ accessiblyȱ toȱ them,ȱ gettingȱ holdȱ ofȱ a
consecratedȱwaferȱwouldȱrequireȱaȱcertainȱamountȱofȱschemingȱonȱtheirȱpart.ȱMere
possessionȱofȱaȱwaferȱalone,ȱwithoutȱanyȱsignsȱofȱitȱhavingȱbeenȱmaltreated,ȱwas
deemedȱsufficientȱproofȱtoȱjustifyȱpersecution,ȱevenȱifȱthisȱpossessionȱwasȱonly
suspected,ȱ orȱ claimedȱ byȱ others.ȱ Theȱ processȱ ofȱ acquiringȱ howeverȱ usually
requiredȱ aȱ Christianȱ accomplice,ȱ who,ȱ oftenȱ forȱ pecuniaryȱ reasons,ȱ stoleȱ the
consecratedȱwaferȱfromȱaȱchurchȱorȱchapel.ȱQuiteȱoftenȱaȱwomanȱorȱaȱgirl,17ȱthe
Korneuburg,”ȱ321–22ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12);ȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ61–62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3);ȱseeȱalsoȱWolfgang
StefanȱKoller,ȱDieȱKorneuburgerȱBluthostie.ȱHistorischeȱQuellenȱundȱWirkung.ȱUnpublishedȱmaster
thesis,ȱViennaȱ1991,ȱappendixȱ(tableȱofȱtheȱtestimonies).
16
Reg.ȱtheȱquestioningȱofȱtheȱpriestȱFriedrich,ȱvicarȱofȱKorneuburgȱ(firstȱwitness):ȱBruggerȱand
Wiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ126,ȱno.ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
17
Wolfgangȱ Treue,ȱ “Schlechteȱ undȱ guteȱ Christen:ȱ Zurȱ Rolleȱ vonȱ Christenȱ inȱ antijüdischen
RitualmordȬȱundȱHostienschändungslegenden,”ȱAschkenas.ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱGeschichteȱundȱKulturȱdes
304 BirgitȱWiedl
Christianȱoffenderȱwasȱusuallyȱofȱaȱlowȱsocialȱstanding,ȱandȱtheȱthief’sȱfateȱwas
closelyȱlinkedȱwithȱtheȱfateȱofȱtheȱJewishȱperpetrators.ȱHerȱ(orȱhis)ȱoffenceȱagainst
theȱChristianȱfaithȱisȱnoȱlessȱgraveȱthanȱtheȱJews’,ȱandȱthusȱtheȱpunishmentȱmeted
outȱoftenȱmatchedȱthatȱofȱtheȱJews,18ȱunlessȱdivineȱjusticeȱitselfȱintervened.19ȱ
InȱtheȱKorneuburgȱcase,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱquestionȱofȱhowȱtheȱJewsȱcameȱtoȱposses
theȱhostȱwafer,ȱandȱforȱhowȱlongȱtheȱhostȱhadȱbeenȱinȱtheirȱhands,ȱseemedȱof
surprisinglyȱ secondaryȱ importance;ȱ andȱ theȱ strikingȱ inconsistenciesȱ inȱ the
witnesses’ȱanswersȱwereȱnotȱinvestigatedȱanyȱfurther.ȱTheȱfifthȱwitness,ȱKonrad,
theȱvicarȱofȱLeobendorfȱ(aȱhamletȱnorthȱofȱKorneuburg),ȱdeclaredȱthatȱheȱknew
thatȱthreeȱyearsȱago,ȱtheȱJewsȱhadȱboughtȱtheȱhostȱwaferȱforȱtenȱpoundsȱfromȱa
layperson,ȱtheȱidentityȱofȱwhomȱheȱwouldȱnotȱrevealȱsinceȱthatȱpersonȱhadȱtold
himȱaboutȱthisȱduringȱconfession,ȱalthoughȱtheȱpenitentȱhadȱaskedȱhimȱtoȱinform
theȱpopulationȱsinceȱheȱfeltȱremorseȱaboutȱhisȱsinfulȱdeed.ȱKonradȱremainsȱthe
onlyȱoneȱwhoȱcomesȱupȱwithȱthisȱversionȱinȱdetail,ȱtheȱsignificanceȱofȱwhichȱwill
beȱdiscussedȱlater.20ȱKonrad’sȱversionȱisȱcorroboratedȱbyȱotherȱwitnesses:ȱtheȱpriest
Friedrich,ȱwhoȱownedȱtoȱhavingȱknownȱaboutȱtheȱconfessionȱfrom,ȱasȱheȱsaid,ȱtwo
priestsȱandȱotherȱpeople,ȱKonradȱanȱderȱHochstrassȱ(deȱAltaȱStrata),ȱoneȱofȱthe
threeȱwhomȱFriedrichȱnamedȱasȱhavingȱbeenȱpresentȱwhenȱtheȱwaferȱwasȱfound,
andȱOttoȱanȱdemȱRoßmarkt.ȱ
Judentums,ȱ2.1ȱ(1995),ȱ95–116;ȱhereȱ97;ȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ31–32ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3);ȱFriedrichȱLotter,
“Hostienfrevelvorwurfȱ undȱ Blutwunderfälschungȱ beiȱ denȱ Judenverfolgungenȱ vonȱ 1298
(“Rintfleisch”)ȱundȱ1336–1338ȱ(“Armleder”),”ȱFälschungenȱimȱMittelalter.ȱMGHȱSchriften,ȱ33/5:
FingierteȱBriefe,ȱFrömmigkeitȱundȱFälschung,ȱRealienfälschungenȱ(Hanover:ȱHahnscheȱBuchhandlung,
1988),ȱ 533–83;ȱ hereȱ 542;ȱ onȱ theȱ connectionȱ ofȱ medievalȱ misogynyȱ andȱ antiȬJudaism,ȱ seeȱ Joan
Youngȱ Gregg,ȱ Devils,ȱ Women,ȱ andȱ Jews.ȱ Reflectionsȱ ofȱ theȱ Otherȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Sermonȱ Stories
(Binghamton,ȱNY:ȱStateȱUniversityȱofȱNewȱYorkȱPress,ȱ1997).
18
Treue,ȱ“SchlechteȱundȱguteȱChristen,”ȱ107–08ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).ȱ
19
Quiteȱaȱ“modelȱexample”ȱisȱtheȱstoryȱtoldȱbyȱ(allegedly)ȱtheȱDominicanȱRudolfȱvonȱSchlettstadt
thatȱcombinesȱseveralȱantiȬJewishȱimages:ȱAfterȱseducingȱhisȱChristianȱmaidservant,ȱaȱnefarious
Jewȱofferedȱtheȱfatuousȱgirlȱlotsȱofȱgoldȱforȱaȱconsecratedȱhostȱwhichȱheȱmaltreated;ȱwhenȱhis
misdeedsȱwereȱuncoveredȱandȱheȱwasȱimprisoned,ȱheȱbribedȱtheȱlocalȱjudgeȱ(Schultheiß)ȱtoȱsetȱhim
freeȱagain.ȱByȱdivineȱintervention,ȱtheȱtownȱwasȱdevastatedȱbyȱbiblicalȱplagues,ȱandȱonȱtheȱthird
day,ȱtheȱjudgeȱwasȱstruckȱbyȱlightning;ȱseeȱJohannesȱGrabmayer,ȱ“RudolfȱvonȱSchlettstadtȱund
dasȱaschkenasischeȱJudentumȱumȱ1300,”ȱAschkenas.ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱGeschichteȱundȱKulturȱderȱJuden,
4.2ȱ(1994),ȱ301–36;ȱhereȱ325–26;ȱseeȱalsoȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ84–85ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱTheȱauthorshipȱof
RudolfȱvonȱSchlettstadtȱhasȱbeenȱdisprovedȱbyȱStefanȱGeorges,ȱGrafȱWilhelmȱWernerȱvonȱZimmern
alsȱHistoriensammler:ȱDieȱWundergeschichtensammlungȱdesȱneuentdeckten,ȱautographenȱSigmaringer
Codexȱ64.ȱMAȱthesis,ȱFreiburgȱimȱBreisgauȱ1999,ȱparticularlyȱ55–57,ȱwhoȱisȱworkingȱonȱanȱedition
ofȱtheȱcodex.
20
QuestioningȱofȱKonrad,ȱvicarȱofȱLeobendorfȱ(fifthȱwitness):ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ130,
no.ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
Theȱlatterȱtwoȱgaveȱevidenceȱofȱtheȱscholar’sȱdeathȱandȱhisȱlastȱwords21:ȱupon
beingȱdraggedȱtoȱtheȱstakeȱbyȱtheȱenragedȱmasses,ȱtheȱscholarȱnotȱonlyȱclaimed
thatȱ heȱ wasȱ aboutȱ toȱ dieȱ anȱ innocentȱ deathȱ butȱ alsoȱ accusedȱ Zerkelȱ ofȱ having
boughtȱtheȱhostȱthreeȱyearsȱago,ȱatȱChristmas,ȱfromȱaȱChristianȱservantȱforȱthe
priceȱ ofȱ threeȱ solidiȱ andȱ aȱ tunic,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ Otto’sȱ renditionȱ ofȱ theȱ scholar’s
words—aȱcontradictionȱtoȱtheȱvicar’sȱtestimonyȱwhoȱspokeȱofȱtenȱpounds.ȱWhen
Zerkelȱ wantedȱ toȱ getȱ ridȱ ofȱ theȱ wafer,ȱ heȱ offeredȱ aȱ Christianȱ byȱ theȱ nameȱ of
Ribaldusȱ twoȱ poundsȱ ifȱ theȱ latterȱ threwȱ theȱ waferȱ intoȱ theȱ Danube;ȱ yetȱ upon
seeingȱtheȱwaferȱinȱtheȱJew’sȱhands,ȱRibaldusȱexclaimedȱthatȱthisȱwasȱhisȱcreator
whomȱheȱwouldȱnotȱtouchȱforȱaȱthousandȱtalentsȱ(hocȱestȱcreatorȱmeus,ȱhuncȱegoȱnon
tangamȱeciamȱproȱmilleȱtalentis).
Theseȱquiteȱdetailedȱversionsȱtieȱinȱinȱsomeȱpartsȱwithȱwhatȱcanȱbeȱderivedȱfrom
mostȱofȱtheȱtestimoniesȱthatȱwereȱlessȱelaborate.ȱMostȱofȱtheȱwitnessesȱwhoȱgave
anyȱstatementȱasȱtoȱhowȱtheȱJewsȱcameȱintoȱpossessionȱofȱtheȱwafer,ȱandȱasȱtoȱhow
thatȱpossessionȱwasȱdiscovered,ȱdidȱnotȱmentionȱaȱpriorȱpurchaseȱbutȱconcurred
thatȱonȱtheȱfatefulȱday,ȱtheyȱhadȱseenȱZerkelȱrunȱafterȱaȱChristian,ȱaccusingȱhimȱof
havingȱthrownȱtheȱhostȱintoȱhisȱhouseȱonlyȱaȱfewȱmomentsȱago.ȱTheȱJewishȱscholar
wasȱ followingȱ them,ȱ carryingȱ theȱ bloodiedȱ wafer,ȱ whichȱ heȱ hadȱ presumably
pickedȱ upȱ fromȱ theȱ threshold,ȱ inȱ hisȱ hands,ȱ orȱ wrappedȱ inȱ aȱ cloth,ȱ andȱ was
beggingȱtheȱsurroundingȱChristiansȱtoȱtakeȱitȱfromȱhim.ȱKonradȱanȱderȱHochstrass
andȱanotherȱwitness,ȱtheȱcarpenterȱSidlo,ȱgaveȱwhatȱtheyȱclaimedȱtoȱbeȱtheȱexact
wordsȱtheȱscholarȱyelledȱatȱtheȱgapingȱbystanders:ȱ“Takeȱyourȱgod,”ȱheȱallegedly
hadȱscreamed,ȱ“whomȱthatȱservantȱhasȱbroughtȱintoȱourȱhouse,ȱheȱ[theȱservant]
whoȱshouldȱratherȱburnȱthanȱus.”22ȱ
TheȱChristiansȱwhoȱobservedȱtheȱsceneȱhoweverȱrefusedȱtoȱtakeȱtheȱhost,ȱand
whenȱ theȱ scholarȱ threwȱ itȱ toȱ theȱ ground,ȱ Zerkelȱ trodȱ onȱ itȱ repeatedly.23ȱ The
21
QuestioningȱofȱKonradȱanȱderȱHochstrassȱ(seventhȱwitness)ȱandȱofȱOttoȱanȱdemȱRoßmarktȱ(eigth
witness):ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ132,ȱ134,ȱno.ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
22
Questioningȱ ofȱ Konradȱ anȱ derȱ Hochstrassȱ (seventhȱ witness),ȱ andȱ ofȱ theȱ carpenterȱ Sidlo
(fourtheenthȱwitness):ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ132,ȱ139,ȱno.ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
23
TheȱimageȱofȱJewsȱmaltreatingȱaȱhostȱwaferȱbyȱtreadingȱonȱitȱisȱaȱratherȱrareȱimage,ȱbutȱisȱvividly
exemplifiedȱinȱanȱincidentȱreportedȱbyȱanȱEnglishȱDominicanȱthatȱhadȱsupposedlyȱhappened
duringȱtheȱGermanȱ‘Armleder’ȱpersecutions:ȱAȱJew,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeforehandȱboughtȱaȱhostȱwafer
fromȱaȱknight,ȱmockedȱtheȱworshippersȱduringȱtheȱCorpusȱChristiȱprocessionȱbyȱinsistingȱthatȱhe
“keptȱChristȱunderȱhisȱfootȱinȱhisȱshoe.”ȱWhenȱheȱwasȱslainȱimmediatelyȱbyȱaȱbystandingȱknight,
theȱbloodiedȱhostȱwasȱfoundȱinȱtheȱsoleȱofȱhisȱshoe,ȱleadingȱtoȱaȱwideȬrangingȱpersecutionȱofȱthe
Jewsȱ“whereverȱtheyȱcouldȱbeȱfoundȱinȱtheȱarea.”ȱSeeȱforȱanȱextensiveȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱmotif,
ChristophȱCluse,ȱ‘BlutȱistȱimȱSchuh.ȱEinȱExempelȱzurȱJudenverfolgungȱdesȱ“RexȱArmleder.”’ȱLiber
Amicorumȱ necnonȱ etȱ amicarum.ȱ Fürȱ Alfredȱ Heit:ȱ Beiträgeȱ zurȱ mittelalterlichenȱ Geschichteȱ und
geschichtlichenȱLandeskunde,ȱed.ȱFriedhelmȱBurgard,ȱChristophȱCluse,ȱandȱAlfredȱHaverkamp.
TriererȱHistorischeȱForschungen,ȱ28ȱ(Trier:ȱVerlagȱTriererȱHistorischeȱForschungen,ȱ1996),ȱ371–92
(withȱanȱeditionȱofȱtheȱtext,ȱ379).ȱ
306 BirgitȱWiedl
questionȱofȱwhyȱZerkel,ȱifȱheȱhadȱacquiredȱtheȱhostȱwaferȱthreeȱyearsȱago,ȱwould
haveȱ decidedȱ toȱ getȱ ridȱ ofȱ itȱ now,ȱ isȱ neverȱ asked;ȱ andȱ theȱ questionȱ why,ȱ in
particular,ȱheȱwouldȱtakeȱaȱbloodiedȱhostȱheȱhadȱownedȱforȱyearsȱinȱhisȱhandsȱand
runȱ throughȱ theȱ streetsȱ ofȱ Korneuburgȱ isȱ notȱ evenȱ touchedȱ upon.ȱ Theȱ detail
howeverȱthatȱmostȱofȱtheȱwitnessesȱagreeȱupon,ȱthatȱtheyȱwitnessedȱZerkelȱandȱthe
scholarȱasȱtheyȱranȱafterȱtheȱChristianȱandȱshoutedȱthatȱheȱhadȱplantedȱtheȱwafer
atȱtheirȱdoorstep,ȱsoundsȱallȱtheȱmoreȱbelievable.ȱTheȱpanickedȱJewsȱranȱthrough
theȱstreetsȱofȱtheȱtownȱwithȱtheȱwaferȱinȱtheirȱhands,ȱhopingȱagainstȱallȱoddsȱthat
theyȱwouldȱbeȱexculpatedȱwhenȱtheȱrealȱperpetratorȱwasȱcaught.ȱTheirȱawareness
ofȱtheȱimmediateȱdangerȱwhenȱtheyȱfoundȱtheȱbloodiedȱwaferȱonȱtheirȱthreshold
isȱreflectedȱinȱOtto’sȱtestimony,ȱalbeitȱwithȱaȱtwist:ȱtheȱJewsȱwere,ȱaccordingȱtoȱthe
scholar’sȱlastȱwords,ȱwellȱawareȱofȱtheirȱguiltȱandȱwellȱdeservedȱtheirȱpunishment
(nosȱmerimusȱillamȱpenamȱinȱDeoȱvestro).
Anotherȱversionȱofȱhowȱtheȱwaferȱhadȱmadeȱitsȱpresenceȱknownȱmadeȱuseȱofȱthe
alreadyȱwellȬestablishedȱtopicȱofȱheavenlyȱassistance.24ȱSifridusȱorȱSidlinus,ȱaȱbaker
atȱ Korneuburg,ȱ claimedȱ inȱ hisȱ testimonyȱ thatȱ whileȱ heȱ wasȱ atȱ workȱ (inȱ actu
pistandi),ȱheȱheardȱaȱvoiceȱthatȱurgedȱhimȱtoȱgoȱtoȱZerkel’sȱhouse,ȱandȱwhenȱhe
hesitated,ȱheȱwasȱsuddenlyȱgraspedȱbyȱaȱforceȱthatȱallȱbutȱdraggedȱhimȱ‘underȱthe
Jew’sȱdoor,’ȱsubȱportamȱiudei.25ȱUponȱarrivingȱthere,ȱheȱsawȱtheȱwaferȱlyingȱonȱthe
ground,ȱ ‘sweatingȱ beautifulȱ bloodȱ andȱ blistering’ȱ (viditȱ corpusȱ Dominiȱ sudare
sanguinemȱpulcherrimumȱetȱbullireȱguttatim).ȱHeȱstoodȱmesmerized,ȱbutȱwhenȱhis
gazeȱdriftedȱbackȱtoȱtheȱstreetȱ(indicatingȱthatȱheȱhadȱenteredȱtheȱJew’sȱhouse?),26
theȱwaferȱsuddenlyȱappearedȱbetweenȱhisȱthumbȱandȱindexȱfinger,ȱandȱheȱputȱit
downȱontoȱtheȱdoorstepȱofȱtheȱJews’ȱhouseȱwhileȱaȱsmallȱdotȱofȱbloodȱremained
onȱhisȱfinger.ȱInȱtheȱmeantime,ȱtwoȱotherȱwitnessesȱhadȱgatheredȱaroundȱhim,
Bertha,ȱ theȱ wifeȱ ofȱ Konradȱ Reus,ȱ andȱ anotherȱ woman,ȱ Shellerin;ȱ aȱ blatant
contradictionȱtoȱseveralȱotherȱversionsȱofȱwhoȱhadȱ(allegedly)ȱbeenȱpresentȱwhen
theȱwaferȱhadȱbeenȱfound.ȱItȱseemsȱthatȱaȱcrowdȱhadȱgatheredȱratherȱquickly,
whichȱmightȱexplainȱsomeȱofȱtheȱinaccuracies,ȱyetȱevenȱtheȱtestimoniesȱofȱthose
whoȱclaimedȱthatȱtheyȱhadȱbeenȱimmediateȱwitnessesȱareȱatȱvariance.ȱ
TheȱthreeȱwitnessesȱtoȱtheȱretrievalȱthatȱwereȱnamedȱbyȱtheȱpriestȱFriedrichȱare
notȱmentionedȱbyȱothers,ȱwhileȱtheseȱthree—theȱcobbler’sȱwife,ȱKonradȱanȱder
Hochstrass,ȱandȱSidlo—eitherȱwereȱnotȱquestionedȱatȱallȱ(theȱcobbler’sȱwife),ȱor
didȱnotȱgiveȱanyȱnames.ȱTheȱmembersȱofȱtheȱtownȱcouncil,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱinȱa
meeting,ȱcameȱrunningȱtoȱtheȱJew’sȱhouseȱuponȱhearingȱtheȱturmoil,ȱwhichȱhad
24
Lotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱwithȱseveralȱexamplesȱthroughoutȱtheȱarticleȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
25
QuestioningȱofȱSifridus/Sidlinȱ(eleventhȱwitness):ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ137–38,ȱno.ȱ133
(seeȱnoteȱ1).
26
Stelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispielȱKorneuburg,”ȱ327ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12),ȱsuspectsȱthisȱaccordingȱtoȱSidlin’sȱwording
(eoqueȱrespicienteȱperȱportamȱadȱstratamȱviditȱhostiamȱpredictamȱinȱduobusȱdigitis).
alsoȱattractedȱmanyȱothers,ȱtheȱmajorityȱofȱwhomȱremainedȱunnamedȱ(andȱunȬ
interrogated).ȱFurthermore,ȱcontradictionsȱaboutȱwhoȱcouldȱprovideȱimmediate
knowledgeȱ ofȱ theȱ eventsȱ wereȱ notȱ solved.ȱ Theȱ carpenterȱ Sidlo,ȱ whoȱ hadȱ been
namedȱbyȱFriedrichȱasȱoneȱofȱtheȱeyewitnessesȱtoȱtheȱdiscovery,ȱhimselfȱdeclared
thatȱheȱhadȱonlyȱleftȱhisȱhouse,ȱwhereȱheȱhadȱbeenȱatȱwork,ȱwhenȱheȱhadȱheardȱthe
Jewȱ callingȱ outȱ ‘catchȱ him.’ȱ Uponȱ enteringȱ theȱ streetȱ heȱ hadȱ seenȱ threeȱ Jews
runningȱalongȱtheȱstreet,ȱamongstȱthemȱtheȱscholar,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱcarryingȱaȱcloth
fromȱwhichȱbloodȱwasȱdripping,ȱwhichȱheȱwipedȱonȱhisȱchest.ȱHeȱdidȱnotȱwitness,
accordingȱ toȱ hisȱ ownȱ statement,ȱ theȱ actualȱ discoveryȱ (neitherȱ byȱ theȱ heavenly
guidedȱbakerȱnorȱbyȱZerkel)ȱofȱtheȱwafer.27
Theȱtestimonyȱgivenȱbyȱtheȱtenthȱwitness,ȱHeinrichȱShem,ȱshedsȱyetȱanother,
surprising,ȱlightȱonȱtheȱscene.ȱAlthoughȱwhenȱfacingȱtheȱcommission,ȱHeinrich
emphasizedȱhisȱfirmȱbeliefȱinȱtheȱauthenticityȱofȱtheȱhostȱandȱhisȱabhorrenceȱofȱthe
Jews’ȱcrime,ȱhisȱstatementȱneverthelessȱspeaksȱofȱaȱdistinctȱpersonalȱacquaintance
withȱ theȱ Jews.ȱ Heȱ wasȱ inȱ Zerkel’sȱ houseȱ atȱ theȱ timeȱ theȱ hostȱ wasȱ discovered
(whichȱtheȱinterrogatorsȱdidȱnotȱcommentȱon)ȱandȱheȱsawȱitȱlyingȱonȱtheȱdoorstep
andȱ bubblingȱ bloodȬdropsȱ “likeȱ anȱ eggȱ thatȱ sweatsȱ whenȱ itȱ isȱ cooked.”ȱ His
testimonyȱnotȱonlyȱsupportedȱtheȱJews’ȱclaimȱthatȱtheȱwaferȱhadȱbeenȱplantedȱat
theirȱ doorstepȱ butȱ alsoȱ showedȱ clearlyȱ thatȱ theȱ Jewsȱ wereȱ absolutely,ȱ and
immediately,ȱawareȱofȱtheȱfactȱthatȱthisȱhadȱbeenȱaȱmaliciousȱactionȱaimedȱatȱthem:
oȱdomineȱHenrice,ȱZerkelȱcalledȱoutȱtoȱhim,ȱ“thisȱevilȱmanȱthrewȱtheȱbodyȱofȱyour
Godȱintoȱmyȱhouseȱandȱslippedȱaway”ȱ(ecceȱquidamȱvilisȱhomoȱproiecitȱcorpusȱDei
vestriȱadȱdomumȱmeamȱetȱrecessit).ȱ
Uponȱseeingȱtheȱbloodiedȱwafer,ȱthough,ȱHeinrichȱimmediatelyȱblamedȱtheȱJews
forȱitȱ(whichȱZerkelȱdenied),ȱyetȱheȱstillȱadmittedȱtoȱhavingȱurgedȱZerkelȱtoȱflee,
but,ȱheȱadded,ȱnotȱwithoutȱtellingȱtheȱJewȱthatȱheȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱableȱtoȱescape.ȱTwo
otherȱ citizens,ȱ bothȱ namedȱ Marquard,ȱ andȱ membersȱ ofȱ theȱ townȱ councilȱ then
usheredȱZerkelȱintoȱtheȱhouseȱofȱKonradȱReusȱandȱhidȱhim,ȱtellingȱhimȱtoȱremain
there.ȱYetȱwhenȱtheȱpopulaceȱreturnedȱfromȱburningȱtheȱscholar,ȱwho,ȱasȱthey
claimed,ȱhadȱinȱdyingȱnamedȱZerkelȱasȱtheȱsoleȱperpetrator,ȱtheyȱbrokeȱintoȱReus’s
house,ȱdraggedȱhimȱout,ȱandȱbeatȱhimȱtoȱdeath.ȱ
ThenȱtheȱangryȱmassesȱproceededȱtoȱkillȱtheȱotherȱJews,ȱbothȱmenȱandȱwomen.28
TheȱsignificanceȱofȱHeinrichȱShem’sȱtestimonyȱisȱnoteworthyȱinȱmanyȱregards:
severalȱofȱhisȱstatementsȱareȱblatantlyȱatȱoddsȱwithȱeachȱother,ȱandȱhisȱanswers
mayȱ reflectȱ aȱ desireȱ toȱ pleaseȱ theȱ commission.ȱ Evenȱ moreȱ surprisingȱ isȱ that
althoughȱtheȱMarquardusȱwhoȱwasȱinterrogatedȱasȱtheȱsixteenthȱwitnessȱcanȱquite
likelyȱbeȱidentifiedȱasȱoneȱofȱtheȱtwoȱMarquards,ȱhisȱtestimonyȱisȱnevertheless
27
QuestioningȱofȱSidloȱ(fourtenthȱwitness):ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ139,ȱno.ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
28
QuestioningȱofȱHeinrichȱShemȱ(tenthȱwitness):ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ136,ȱno.ȱ133ȱ(see
noteȱ1).ȱ
308 BirgitȱWiedl
reducedȱtoȱveryȱfewȱbasicȱfacts—thatȱhe,ȱalongȱwithȱotherȱmembersȱofȱtheȱsworn
councilȱalertedȱbyȱtheȱclamor,ȱarrivedȱatȱZerkel’sȱhouseȱtoȱseeȱtheȱbloodiedȱwafer
atȱtheȱdoorstep,ȱwhichȱheȱfirmlyȱbelievedȱtoȱbeȱtheȱgenuineȱbodyȱofȱChrist.29ȱ
Neitherȱtheȱminutesȱofȱtheȱinterrogationȱnorȱanyȱofȱtheȱlaterȱsourcesȱhintȱatȱhim
andȱ hisȱ namesakeȱ beingȱ accusedȱ ofȱ helpingȱ theȱ Jew,ȱ norȱ atȱ anyȱ repercussions
againstȱthemȱandȱHeinrichȱShem.ȱKonradȱReus,ȱwhoȱquiteȱlikelyȱwasȱnotȱpresent
duringȱ theȱ wholeȱ incident,ȱ wasȱ notȱ consultedȱ asȱ aȱ witness,30ȱ whereasȱ hisȱ wife
Bertha,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱpresentȱduringȱtheȱdiscoveryȱofȱtheȱwafer,ȱwasȱatȱnoȱpoint
askedȱaboutȱZerkelȱhavingȱbeenȱbroughtȱtoȱherȱhouseȱbutȱwasȱpresentedȱwithȱthe
standardȱcatalogueȱofȱquestions.
WhileȱZerkelȱhidȱinȱKonradȱReus’sȱhouse,ȱtheȱhostȱworkedȱitsȱsecondȱmiracle
(afterȱbleedingȱasȱaȱconsequenceȱofȱtheȱtreatmentȱitȱallegedlyȱsufferedȱfromȱthe
Jews’ȱhands)ȱevenȱbeforeȱitȱwasȱtakenȱtoȱtheȱparishȱchurch.ȱTheȱscholar’sȱhand,
thatȱ hadȱ heldȱ theȱ hostȱ duringȱ hisȱ panicȬinducedȱ chaseȱ throughȱ theȱ streets,
remainedȱunmarredȱbyȱtheȱfire.31ȱInstalledȱthenȱatȱtheȱparishȱchurchȱbyȱtheȱpriest
Friedrichȱ(whileȱtheȱJewsȱmetȱtheirȱtragicȱfate),32ȱitȱcontinuedȱtoȱworkȱallȱkindsȱof
miraclesȱthatȱwereȱlistedȱinȱdetailȱbyȱtheȱmajorityȱofȱtheȱcitizensȱquestioned.33ȱThe
seriesȱ ofȱ miraclesȱ theȱ hostȱ workedȱ atȱ theȱ churchȱ seemȱ toȱ haveȱ startedȱ onȱ the
Sundayȱafterȱtheȱincidentsȱwithȱtheȱspontaneousȱlightingȱofȱsixȱcandles,ȱyetȱmore
imposingȱmiraclesȱwereȱaboutȱtoȱstartȱanotherȱweekȱlater.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱvicar
Friedrich,ȱGertrudis,ȱaȱyoungȱwomanȱofȱaboutȱ20ȱyears,ȱwasȱcuredȱofȱherȱblindness
onȱMichaelmasȱ(Septemberȱ29)ȱwhenȱtheȱpieceȱofȱclothȱwasȱplacedȱoverȱherȱeyes
29
QuestioningȱofȱMarquardus,ȱmemberȱofȱtheȱtownȱcouncilȱ(sixteenthȱwitness),ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,
Regestenȱ1,ȱ140–41,ȱno.ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
30
ItȱisȱnotȱclearȱwhetherȱKonradȱReusȱisȱstillȱaliveȱatȱthisȱtime.ȱHeȱisȱmentionedȱonlyȱinȱ1293ȱand
1298ȱ(UrkundenbuchȱdesȱStiftesȱKlosterneuburgȱbisȱzumȱEndeȱdesȱvierzehntenȱJahrhunderts,ȱvol.ȱ1,ȱed.
Hartmannȱ Zeibigȱ Fontesȱ Rerumȱ Austriacarumȱ Ȭȱ Österreichischeȱ Geschichtsquellen.ȱ Zweite
Abtheilung:ȱDiplomataȱetȱActa,ȱXȱ[Vienna:ȱKaiserlichȬKöniglicheȱStaatsdruckerei,ȱ1857],ȱ45,ȱno.
51,ȱ59–60,ȱno.ȱ66),ȱbutȱsinceȱBerthaȱReusinȱisȱreferredȱtoȱasȱhisȱwifeȱandȱnotȱwidow,ȱitȱisȱmoreȱlikely
thatȱheȱwasȱstillȱaliveȱbutȱnotȱatȱhome.
31
QuestioningȱofȱKonradȱvonȱLeobersdorfȱ(fifthȱwitness):ȱItemȱdixitȱsibiȱconstareȱexȱaudituȱnobilium
etȱclericorum,ȱquodȱsanguisȱdistillavitȱdeȱmanuȱiudeiȱtenentisȱhostiamȱinȱmanuȱetȱquodȱcrematoȱpredicto
iudeo,ȱdeȱcuiusȱmanuȱdistillavitȱdictusȱsanguisȱmanusȱeademȱdictiȱiudei,ȱquaȱhostiamȱtenuerat,ȱincombusta
remansit;ȱandȱofȱKonradȱanȱderȱHochstrassȱ(seventhȱwitness):ȱmanusȱeademȱ[theȱJewishȱscholar’s],
quaȱcorpusȱDominiȱtenu[er]atȱincombustaȱremansit.ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ130ȱandȱ132,ȱno.
32
QuestioningȱofȱHeinrichȱPlichelȱ(twelfthȱwitness):ȱuponȱarrivingȱatȱtheȱscene,ȱFriedrichȱtookȱthe
waferȱ andȱ carriedȱ itȱ adȱ primumȱ locum,ȱ presumablyȱ theȱ parishȱ church.ȱ Stelzer,ȱ “Amȱ Beispiel
Korneuburg,”ȱ327ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12),ȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ138,ȱno.ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
33
Forȱaȱdetailedȱlistȱofȱtheȱmiracles,ȱseeȱKoller,ȱKorneuburgerȱBluthostie,ȱappendixȱAȱ(candles),ȱB
(blind),ȱCȱ(possessed),ȱandȱDȱ(handicapped)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16),ȱand,ȱwithȱsomeȱerrors,ȱFranzȱZeissl,ȱDas
ehemaligeȱAugustinerklosterȱinȱKorneuburg,ȱKorneuburgerȱKulturnachrichtenȱ27ȱ(1965,ȱspecialȱissue),
4–5.
atȱtheȱJews’ȱhouseȱ(!).ȱTwoȱotherȱwitnessesȱalsoȱreportedȱtheȱhealingȱofȱoneȱorȱtwo
girlsȱwhoȱwereȱshownȱtheȱclothȱatȱtheȱJews’ȱhouseȱonȱthatȱday,ȱyetȱdeniedȱany
knowledgeȱofȱtheirȱnamesȱandȱgaveȱquiteȱdifferingȱstatementsȱasȱtoȱhowȱlongȱthe
girl(s)ȱhadȱbeenȱblind.ȱ
Inconsistenciesȱsuchȱasȱtheseȱhamperȱanyȱdefiniteȱidentificationȱofȱtheȱ(allegedly)
cured,ȱ yetȱ obviouslyȱ didȱ notȱ botherȱ theȱ commission.ȱ Evenȱ moreȱ spectacular
though,ȱandȱattractingȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱsuchȱnobleȱwitnessesȱasȱOttoȱvonȱZelking
andȱ membersȱ ofȱ theȱ familiesȱ ofȱ Maissauȱ andȱ Wallsee,ȱ wasȱ theȱ healingȱ ofȱ a
fourteenȬyearȬoldȱBohemianȱgirlȱpossessedȱbyȱthreeȱdemonsȱwhoȱwasȱshownȱthe
hostȱatȱtheȱaltarȱofȱtheȱchurch.ȱAccordingȱtoȱotherȱwitnesses,ȱaȱmanȱfromȱVienna
andȱaȱwomanȱwhoȱwereȱshownȱtheȱclothȱatȱtheȱJews’ȱhouseȱ(whereȱtheȱclothȱseems
toȱhaveȱbeenȱkept)ȱandȱthusȱfreedȱofȱtheirȱdemons.ȱWithinȱonlyȱaȱfortnight,ȱthe
rumorȱofȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱaȱmiraculousȱhostȱwaferȱhadȱspread,ȱandȱotherȱmiracles
ensued,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱhealingȱofȱtheȱVienneseȱtailorsȱKonradȱandȱRamungusȱofȱStein,
asȱwellȱasȱSifridusȱandȱWitigoȱofȱBruck,ȱwhoȱhadȱallȱtheirȱvisionȱreturnedȱafter
eitherȱhavingȱbeenȱshownȱtheȱhostȱand/orȱtheȱcloth,ȱorȱbyȱtheȱmereȱpresenceȱofȱthe
holyȱobject,ȱaroundȱSaintȱKoloman’sȱDayȱ(Octoberȱ13)ȱandȱduringȱAdvent.ȱ
Theȱpowersȱofȱtheȱmiraculousȱhostȱwereȱnotȱlimitedȱtoȱrestoringȱsight,ȱhowever.
Theȱ localȱ weaverȱ Pero,ȱ crippledȱ forȱ someȱ years,ȱ aȱ handicappedȱ boyȱ called
ChunzelinusȱSchoderleh,ȱtheȱlocalȱinnkeeperȱTasco’sȱsonȱBruno,ȱparalysedȱsince
infancyȱ andȱ onlyȱ ableȱ toȱ “crawlȱ likeȱ aȱ reptile,”ȱ theȱ Vienneseȱ womanȱ Alheit
Hutterin,ȱ paralysedȱ forȱ eightȱ years,ȱ Ebermannusȱ fromȱ Klosterneuburg,ȱ withȱ a
paralysedȱfoot,ȱwereȱallȱhealedȱbyȱlookingȱatȱtheȱhost,ȱorȱtheȱshrine,ȱwhileȱthe
VienneseȱwomanȱGertrud,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱunableȱtoȱwalkȱforȱsixȱyears,ȱregained
herȱmobilityȱwithoutȱbeingȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱtheȱhostȱatȱall.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱfurther
mentionȱofȱtheȱclothȱbeingȱshownȱatȱtheȱJews’ȱhouse,ȱsuggestingȱthatȱitȱhadȱbeen
incorporatedȱintoȱtheȱshrineȱthatȱhadȱobviouslyȱbeenȱerectedȱforȱtheȱhostȱinȱthe
meantime.
Onlyȱsomeȱofȱtheȱwitnessesȱthoughȱwereȱableȱtoȱgiveȱtheseȱnames,ȱandȱeven
fewerȱcouldȱincludeȱanyȱfurtherȱdetails.ȱMostȱwitnessesȱeitherȱassuredȱthatȱthey
“hadȱheardȱaboutȱitȱ[theȱrespectiveȱhandicapȱand/orȱtheȱhealing]ȱforȱsure,”ȱyet
againȱresortingȱtoȱquotingȱhearsay,ȱor,ȱforȱtheȱmostȱpart,ȱcitedȱtheȱhealingȱofȱblind,
lame,ȱandȱparalysedȱpeopleȱwhoȱremainedȱanonymous.ȱNeitherȱtheȱcuredȱnorȱany
ofȱtheȱnonȬlocalȱwitnessesȱtoȱtheȱlightingȱandȱhealingȱmiraclesȱwereȱcalledȱinȱfor
interrogation,ȱwhichȱmightȱcomeȱasȱaȱsurpriseȱgivenȱhowȱcentredȱtheȱenquiryȱwas
onȱtheȱquestionȱofȱtheȱauthenticityȱofȱtheȱhostȱandȱitsȱmiraculousȱwork.ȱ
TheȱincidentsȱatȱKorneuburgȱfallȱintoȱtheȱcategoryȱofȱaȱspontaneousȱpersecution
ofȱ Jews.34ȱ Inȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ theȱ lateȱ middleȱ ages,ȱ hostȱ waferȱ desecrationȱ and/or
34
SeeȱGraus,ȱPest,ȱGeissler,ȱJudenmorde,ȱ383–89ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱalthoughȱaȱdistinctȱassignationȱtoȱa
specificȱtypeȱofȱpersecution/pogromȱisȱhardlyȱpossibleȱ(andȱhighlyȱquestionable)ȱforȱmanyȱcases.ȱ
310 BirgitȱWiedl
bloodȱlibelsȱservedȱasȱtheȱmostȱcommonȱreasonsȱforȱviolentȱoutbreaksȱagainstȱJews
onȱ localȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ regionalȱ scales.35ȱ Inȱ theȱ Austrianȱ territories,ȱ allegedȱ host
desecrationȱbecameȱtheȱmostȱcommonȱaccusationȱtoȱtriggerȱaȱpersecution,ȱwhile
theȱ ritualȱ murderȱ accusation,ȱ althoughȱ notȱ unheardȱ ofȱ inȱ Austria,ȱ wasȱ more
frequentlyȱmadeȱuseȱofȱinȱotherȱterritoriesȱinȱtheȱGermanȬspeakingȱrealm.36ȱThe
instigatorsȱofȱtheseȱpersecutionsȱhoweverȱvary.ȱTheȱinfamousȱRintfleischȱpogroms,
startingȱoffȱwithȱanȱallegedȱhostȱdesecrationȱinȱtheȱsmallȱtownȱofȱRöttingenȱand
wreakingȱhavocȱonȱtheȱJewishȱcommunitiesȱmainlyȱinȱFranconiaȱinȱ1298,ȱhadȱbeen
carriedȱoutȱnotȱsolely,ȱbutȱmainlyȱbyȱmembersȱofȱtheȱlowerȱclasses.37ȱ
Manyȱofȱtheȱlaterȱpersecutionsȱwereȱapprovedȱof,ȱorȱevenȱincited,ȱnotȱonlyȱby
localȱauthorities,ȱsuchȱasȱmunicipalitiesȱorȱtheȱlordȱofȱtheȱtown,ȱbutȱalsoȱbyȱthe
rulersȱofȱtheȱrespectiveȱterritories.ȱInȱcontrastȱtoȱthis,ȱtheȱpersecutionsȱthatȱsprung
upȱinȱtheȱAustrianȱregionsȱuntilȱtheȱmidȬfourteenthȱcenturyȱwereȱcarriedȱoutȱsolely
byȱtheȱlocalȱpopulation,ȱtheȱsameȱpeopleȱthatȱhad,ȱinȱmostȱofȱtheȱtownsȱandȱrural
areas,ȱlivedȱsideȱbyȱsideȱratherȱpeacefullyȱwithȱtheirȱJewishȱneighbors.ȱImmediate
vicinityȱofȱJewsȱandȱChristiansȱwasȱinevitableȱinȱtheȱcloseȬknitȱstructuresȱofȱcities,
andȱ theȱ contactsȱ andȱ relationshipsȱ wereȱ quiteȱ likelyȱ evenȱ closerȱ inȱ theȱ rural
villagesȱ whereȱ aȱ smallȱ Jewishȱ population,ȱ consistingȱ ofȱ perhapsȱ oneȱ orȱ two
families,ȱwouldȱneedȱtoȱinteractȱwithȱtheȱsurroundingȱChristianȱpopulationȱonȱa
dailyȱ basis.38ȱ Thereȱ isȱ sufficientȱ evidenceȱ thatȱ indicatesȱ peacefulȱ neighborly
35
MichaelȱToch,ȱ“SpätmittelalterlicheȱRahmenbedingungenȱjüdischerȱExistenz:ȱDieȱVerfolgungen,”
HofjudenȱundȱLandjuden:ȱJüdischesȱLebenȱinȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱed.ȱSabineȱHödl,ȱPeterȱRauscher,ȱand
BarbaraȱStaudingerȱ(BerlinȱandȱVienna:ȱPhilo,ȱ2004),ȱ19–64;ȱhereȱ44.
36
StillȱbasicȱforȱtheȱGermanȬspeakingȱareaȱisȱtheȱarticleȱbyȱLotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ548ȱ(see
noteȱ17);ȱseeȱalsoȱLangmuir,ȱTowardȱaȱDefinitionȱofȱAntisemitism,ȱ120–33ȱandȱ263–81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8);
RainerȱErb,ȱ“ZurȱErforschungȱderȱeuropäischenȱRitualmordbeschuldigungen,”ȱDieȱLegendeȱvom
Ritualmord.ȱ Zurȱ Geschichteȱ derȱ Blutbeschuldigungȱ gegenȱ Juden,ȱ ed.ȱ idem.ȱ Dokumente,ȱ Texte,
Materialien,ȱZentrumȱfürȱAntisemitismusforschungȱderȱTechnischenȱUniversitätȱBerlin,ȱ6ȱ(Berlin:
Metropol,ȱ1993),ȱ9–16;ȱandȱIsraelȱJacobȱYuval,ȱTwoȱNationsȱinȱYourȱWomb:ȱPerceptionsȱofȱJewsȱand
ChristiansȱinȱLateȱAntiquityȱandȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱtrans.ȱfromȱtheȱHebrewȱbyȱBarbaraȱHarshavȱand
JonathanȱChipmanȱ(2000;ȱBerkeley,ȱLosȱAngeles,ȱandȱLondon:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,
2006),ȱ170–73.
37
Lotter,ȱ “Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ 548–59ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 17),ȱ andȱ “Dieȱ Judenverfolgungȱ desȱ „König
Rintfleisch”ȱinȱFrankenȱumȱ1298.ȱDieȱendgültigeȱWendeȱinȱdenȱchristlichȬjüdischenȱBeziehungen
imȱdeutschenȱReichȱdesȱMittelalters,”ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱhistorischeȱForschung,ȱ4ȱ(1988),ȱ385–422;ȱGraus,
Pest,ȱGeissler,ȱJudenmorde,ȱ290–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
38
ForȱtheȱduchyȱofȱAustria,ȱseeȱEvelineȱBrugger,ȱ“Neighbours,ȱBusinessȱPartners,ȱVictims:ȱJewishȬ
Christianȱ interactionȱ inȱ Austrianȱ townsȱ duringȱ theȱ persecutionsȱ ofȱ theȱ fourteenthȱ century,”
IntricateȱInterfaithȱNetworks:ȱQuotidianȱJewishȬChristianȱContactsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱEphraim
ShoamȬSteinerȱ (Brepols:ȱ Turnhout,ȱ 2011)ȱ [inȱ print].ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Jonathanȱ Elukin,ȱ Livingȱ Together
—Livingȱ Apart.ȱ Rethinkingȱ JewishȬChristianȱ Relationsȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ (Princeton:ȱ Princeton
UniversityȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱ84–85ȱandȱtheȱdiscussionȱtheȱbookȱcaused,ȱforȱexampleȱtheȱreviewsȱby
MichaelȱToch,ȱTheȱCatholicȱHistoricalȱReviewȱ95.3ȱ(2009),ȱ604–07,ȱand,ȱaimingȱatȱaȱbroaderȱaudience,
Davidȱ Nirenberg,ȱ “Hope’sȱ Mistakes,”ȱ Theȱ Newȱ Republic,ȱ 13ȱ February,ȱ 2008ȱ (forȱ theȱ internet
cohabitionȱoverȱaȱlongȱtimeȱperiod,ȱyetȱtheȱincidentsȱatȱKorneuburgȱclearlyȱshow
howȱ fragileȱ theȱ relationsȱ betweenȱ Jewsȱ andȱ Christiansȱ were.ȱ Givenȱ theȱ right
catalyst,ȱsuchȱasȱaȱbloodstainedȱwafer,ȱonceȱaddedȱtoȱtheȱmix,ȱtheȱnormalcyȱof
everydayȱrelationsȱcouldȱsuddenlyȱeruptȱintoȱviolence.39ȱ
Theȱ(reȬ)killingȱofȱChristȱasȱoneȱof,ȱifȱnotȱtheȱmostȱabominableȱofȱallȱtheȱJewish
crimes,ȱcouldȱbeȱexecutedȱinȱvariousȱformsȱinȱChristianȱfantasies.ȱYetȱwhereasȱthe
talesȱofȱJewishȱritualȱmurder,ȱtheȱhorrendousȱbloodȱlibelȱaccusationsȱthatȱquickly
spreadȱthroughoutȱtheȱAshkenazicȱregionȱinȱmidȬtwelfthȱcentury,40ȱmerelyȱplayed
withȱtheȱequationȱofȱtheȱkillingȱofȱaȱChristianȱchildȱandȱtheȱdeathȱofȱChristȱhimself,
theȱ hostȱ waferȱ actuallyȱ wasȱ theȱ bodyȱ ofȱ Christ.41ȱ Thisȱ wasȱ enhancedȱ byȱ the
version,ȱ seeȱ https://webshare.uchicago.edu/users/nirenberg/Public/hopesȬmistakes.pdf,ȱ last

accessedȱonȱMarchȱ10,ȱ2012).
39
Bale,ȱJewȱinȱtheȱMedievalȱBook,ȱ5,ȱplateȱ1ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7),ȱgivesȱtheȱexampleȱofȱanȱantiȬJewishȱillustration
inȱaȱbusinessȱdocument.ȱSeeȱalsoȱJohannesȱHeil,ȱ“Gottesfeinde”—“Menschenfeinde”:ȱDieȱVorstellung
vonȱjüdischerȱWeltverschwörungȱ(13.–16.ȱJahrhundert).ȱAntisemitismus:ȱGeschichteȱundȱStrukturen,
3ȱ(Essen:ȱKlartextȬVerlag,ȱ2006),ȱ60–62;ȱwithȱreferenceȱtoȱAustriaȱandȱKorneuburg,ȱseeȱBrugger,
“Neighbours,ȱBusinessȱPartners,ȱVictims”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38).
40
Forȱanȱoverviewȱofȱtheȱvastȱdiscussion,ȱseeȱCohen,ȱChristȱKillersȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱtheȱanthologyȱbyȱErb,
LegendeȱvomȱRitualmordȱ(seeȱnoteȱ36);ȱRonnieȱPoȬChiaȱHsia,ȱTheȱMythȱofȱRitualȱMurder:ȱJewsȱand
Magicȱ inȱ Reformationȱ Germanyȱ (Newȱ Haven,ȱ CT:ȱ Yaleȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1988);ȱ Gerdȱ Mentgen,
“ÜberȱdenȱUrsprungȱderȱRitualmordfabel,”ȱAschkenas.ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱGeschichteȱundȱKulturȱder
Juden,ȱ4ȱ(1994),ȱ1–12;ȱJeffreyȱCohen,ȱ“TheȱFlowȱofȱtheȱBloodȱinȱNorwich,”ȱSpeculum,ȱ79ȱ(2004),ȱS.
26–65;ȱJohnȱM.ȱMcCullouh,ȱ“JewishȱRitualȱMurder:ȱWilliamȱofȱNorwich,ȱThomasȱofȱMonmouth,
andȱtheȱearlyȱdisseminationȱofȱtheȱmyth,”ȱSpeculum,ȱ72.2ȱ(1997),ȱ684–740;ȱhereȱ700,ȱarguesȱthatȱthe
earlyȱ ritualȱ murderȱ accusationsȱ representȱ “anȱ importantȱ stageȱ inȱ theȱ increasinglyȱ negative
attitudesȱofȱtheȱmajorityȱtowardȱtheȱminority”ȱinȱtheȱsenseȱthatȱtheȱmythȱaidedȱtoȱjustifyȱChristian
hostilityȱbyȱestablishingȱtheȱconceptȱofȱaȱcontinuanceȱofȱJewishȱenmityȱtowardȱChristȱsinceȱtheir
‘first’ȱkillingȱofȱhim;ȱaȱdevelopmentȱthatȱwentȱhandȱinȱhandȱwithȱaȱdeclineȱinȱtheȱJews’ȱlegalȱstatus
asȱwellȱasȱeconomicȱrestrictions;ȱaȱfindingȱthat,ȱhowever,ȱreflectsȱtheȱsituationȱinȱEnglandȱwhile
itȱtookȱanotherȱcenturyȱforȱaȱsimilarȱdevelopmentȱtoȱtakeȱplaceȱinȱtheȱGermanȬspeakingȱterritories.
Onȱtheȱ‘origin’ȱofȱtheȱconceptȱofȱJewsȱcommittingȱritualȱmurdersȱandȱtheȱdiscussionȱwhetherȱit
wasȱ‘invented’ȱbyȱThomasȱofȱMonmouth,ȱor,ȱasȱsuggestedȱbyȱIsraelȱJacobȱYuval,ȱ‘imported’ȱfrom
theȱcontinent,ȱ699–700,ȱandȱ731–32ȱonȱtheȱ1147ȱcaseȱofȱTheodoricȱofȱWürzburg;ȱseeȱalsoȱChazan,
MedievalȱStereotypes,ȱ59–60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6)ȱ(withȱanȱEnglishȱtranslationȱofȱtheȱchronicleȱentry);ȱOnȱthe
generalȱsituationȱofȱtheȱJewsȱinȱEnglandȱatȱthisȱtime,ȱseeȱJoeȱHillaby,ȱ“JewishȱColonisationȱinȱthe
TwelfthȱCentury,”ȱTheȱJewsȱinȱMedievalȱBritain:ȱHistorical,ȱLiteraryȱandȱArchaeologicalȱPerspectives,
ed.ȱPatriciaȱSkinnerȱ(Woodbridge,ȱSuffolk:ȱTheȱBoydellȱPress,ȱ2003),ȱ15–40;ȱhereȱ20–25.ȱTheȱfirst
bloodȱlibelȱaccusationȱinȱtheȱrealmȱofȱtheȱHolyȱRomanȱEmpireȱwasȱraisedȱinȱFuldaȱinȱ1236,ȱsee
Bernhardȱ Diestelkamp,ȱ “Derȱ Vorwurfȱ desȱ Ritualmordesȱ gegenȱ Juden”ȱ Religiöseȱ Devianz.
Untersuchungenȱ zuȱ sozialen,ȱ rechtlichenȱ undȱ theologischenȱ Reaktionenȱ aufȱ religiöseȱ Abweichungȱ im
westlichenȱ undȱ östlichenȱ Mittelalter,ȱ ed.ȱ Dieterȱ Simon.ȱ Iusȱ Commune,ȱ Sonderhefte:ȱ Studienȱ zur
EuropäischenȱRechtsgeschichte,ȱ48ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱVittorioȱKlostermann,ȱ1990),ȱ19–40;ȱseeȱalso
Langmuir’sȱdiscussionȱinȱTowardȱaȱDefinitionȱofȱAntisemitism,ȱ263–81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).
41
Heil,ȱ“Gottesfeinde”—“Menschenfeinde,”ȱ242–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38).ȱInȱanȱinterestingȱandȱtellingȱtwist,ȱthe
accusationȱagainstȱtheȱ JewsȱofȱtheȱcentralȱRhineȱareaȱofȱhavingȱmurderedȱtheȱboyȱWernerȱof
Oberweselȱ(“GoodȱWerner”)ȱaroundȱEasterȱ1287ȱthatȱhadȱledȱtoȱtheȱworstȱpogromȱsinceȱtheȱFirst
Crusadeȱinȱthisȱregionȱwasȱremodelledȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury:ȱtheȱJewsȱnow
312 BirgitȱWiedl
developmentȱofȱaȱpopularȱpietyȱthatȱincreasinglyȱfocusedȱonȱobjectsȱofȱveneration
andȱwasȱespeciallyȱconcernedȱwithȱtheirȱvulnerabilityȱtoȱdesecration.ȱWhenȱthe
consecratedȱhostȱwasȱmutilated,ȱstabbed,ȱtornȱtoȱpieces,ȱthrownȱintoȱtheȱdirt,ȱinto
aȱ lavatory,ȱ orȱ aȱ well,ȱ trampledȱ on,ȱ andȱ eventuallyȱ destroyed,ȱ thisȱ actȱ was
perceivedȱasȱanȱreȬenactmentȱofȱtheȱkillingȱofȱChrist.42ȱThus,ȱonȱaȱtheologicalȱscale,
hostȱwaferȱdesecrationsȱwereȱconsideredȱanȱevenȱmoreȱabhorrentȱoffenceȱthanȱany
otherȱJewishȱcrime.ȱItȱwas,ȱasȱtheȱKorneuburgȱincident,ȱandȱmanyȱmoreȱtoȱfollow,
wouldȱprove,ȱalsoȱtheȱleastȱlaboriousȱwayȱtoȱgenerateȱanȱoutburstȱofȱantiȬJewish
violence.43
Givenȱhowȱlittleȱtimeȱhadȱpassedȱbetweenȱtheȱfirstȱaccusationȱofȱhostȱdesecration
thatȱ hadȱ beenȱ raisedȱ inȱ 1290ȱ inȱ theȱ considerablyȱ farȱ awayȱ cityȱ ofȱ Paris,44ȱ itȱ is
remarkableȱhowȱquicklyȱtheseȱtalesȱhadȱreachedȱtheȱsmallȱtownȱatȱtheȱutmostȱeast
ofȱtheȱHolyȱRomanȱEmpire.45ȱYetȱinȱ1305,ȱtheseȱaccusationsȱwereȱalreadyȱfamiliar
toȱtheȱKorneuburgȱinhabitants,ȱbothȱChristiansȱandȱJews,ȱperhapsȱbecauseȱofȱa
ratherȱcloseȬbyȱincident.ȱElevenȱyearsȱearlier,ȱinȱ1294,ȱJewsȱatȱLaaȱanȱderȱThaya,
aboutȱ45ȱkilometresȱnorthȱofȱKorneuburg,ȱhadȱbeenȱaccusedȱofȱhidingȱaȱhostȱinȱa
stableȱandȱmanglingȱit,ȱandȱhadȱbeenȱkilled.46ȱItȱisȱthereforeȱnotȱsurprisingȱthat
bothȱZerkelȱandȱtheȱscholarȱwereȱinstantlyȱawareȱwhenȱtheyȱfoundȱtheȱhostȱonȱthe
doorstepȱ thatȱ theyȱ wereȱ inȱ mortalȱ danger,ȱ andȱ theyȱ wereȱ correct.ȱ Evenȱ ifȱ the
legendȱofȱtheȱhostȱwaferȱdesecrationȱbyȱJewsȱhadȱfoundȱitsȱfirstȱfullȱexecutionȱonly
aȱmereȱoneȱandȱaȱhalfȱdecadeȱearlier,ȱtheȱmainȱelementsȱofȱtheȱnarrativeȱhadȱlong
hadȱcapturedȱandȱtormentedȱWernerȱtoȱgetȱtheȱhostȱheȱhadȱreceivedȱearlierȱduringȱmass,ȱseeȱJörg
R.ȱ Müller,ȱ “Erezȱ geserah—‘Landȱ ofȱ Persecution’:ȱ Pogromsȱ againstȱ theȱ Jewsȱ inȱ theȱ regnum
Teutonicumȱfromȱc.ȱ1280ȱtoȱ1350,”ȱTheȱJewsȱofȱEuropeȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(TenthȱtoȱFifteenthȱCenturies,
ed.ȱChristophȱCluseȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2004):ȱ245–260,ȱhereȱ249–51.ȱ
42
Lotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17),ȱseeȱalsoȱGraus,ȱPest,ȱGeissler,ȱJudenmorde,ȱ290–92ȱ(see
noteȱ11).ȱTheȱtaleȱofȱtheȱallegedȱhostȱdesecrationȱofȱDeggendorfȱ(1338)ȱisȱoneȱofȱtheȱfewȱexamples
whereȱ theȱ hostȱ wasȱ alsoȱ chewedȱ uponȱ byȱ theȱ Jews—withȱ theȱ appearanceȱ ofȱ theȱ holyȱ child
preventingȱtheȱhostȱfromȱbeingȱswallowedȱ(Berghausen,ȱ“LiedȱvonȱDeggendorf,”ȱ247ȱ[seeȱnote
10];ȱtheȱtextȱ[theȱAugsburgȱrenditionȱofȱ1520]ȱisȱeditedȱbyȱLudwigȱSteub,ȱAltbayerischeȱCulturbilder
[Leipzig:ȱErnstȱKeilȱVerlag,ȱ1869],ȱpartȱII:ȱDerȱJudenmordȱzuȱDeggendorf,ȱ21–150,ȱtheȱtextȱ146–49);
thatȱthisȱimageȱwasȱscarcelyȱusedȱisȱperhapsȱdueȱtoȱitsȱclosenessȱtoȱtheȱ‘appropriate’ȱChristian
usage.
43
Graus,ȱPest,ȱGeissler,ȱJudenmorde,ȱ290–91ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱ
44
Onȱ theȱ 1290ȱ Parisȱ tellingȱ thatȱ isȱ consideredȱ byȱ manyȱ asȱ theȱ firstȱ ‘full’ȱ renditionȱ ofȱ theȱ host
desecrationȱ tale,ȱ seeȱ Rubin,ȱ Gentileȱ Tales,ȱ 40–48ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3);ȱ Lotter,ȱ “Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”
particularlyȱ536–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
45
MiriȱRubin,ȱ“DesecrationȱofȱtheȱHost:ȱtheȱBirthȱofȱanȱAccusation,”ȱChristianityȱandȱJudaism,ȱ169–85;
hereȱ175–77ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5);ȱJeremyȱCohen,ȱTheȱFriarsȱandȱtheȱJews.ȱTheȱEvolutionȱofȱMedievalȱAntiȬ
Judaismȱ (1982;ȱ Ithaca,ȱ NY:ȱ Cornellȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1986);ȱ forȱ aȱ summaryȱ ofȱ later,ȱ andȱ still
ongoing,ȱdiscussionsȱregardingȱtheȱroleȱofȱtheȱmendicantȱpreachers,ȱseeȱCluse,ȱ“BlutȱistȱimȱSchuh,”
46
BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ89–90,ȱno.ȱ82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱBrugger,ȱ“VonȱderȱAnsiedlung,”ȱ211ȱ(see
noteȱ12);ȱLotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ549ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
existed.ȱ Theȱ mainȱ patternsȱ ofȱ theȱ legendȱ wereȱ followedȱ throughȱ fromȱ Paris
onward,ȱwithȱonlyȱslightȱdeviationsȱinȱtheȱcastȱofȱtheȱdramatisȱpersonaeȱMiriȱRubin
hasȱidentifiedȱasȱtheȱ‘default’ȱparticipantsȱofȱtheȱstandardȱnarrative.47ȱ
HoweverȱuniqueȱtheȱsourceȱmaterialȱforȱKorneuburgȱmightȱbe,ȱtheȱnarrative
resemblesȱestablishedȱpatterns.ȱZerkelȱclearlyȱservedȱasȱtheȱmainȱperpetrator,ȱthe
Jewȱ(inȱmostȱcasesȱmale)ȱwhoȱgainedȱpossessionȱofȱtheȱhostȱandȱdesecratedȱit.ȱThe
subjectȱofȱhisȱaccomplices,ȱtheȱquestionȱwhetherȱorȱnotȱsomeȱorȱallȱofȱtheȱother
Jewsȱhadȱparticipatedȱinȱanyȱwayȱinȱtheȱpurchaseȱand/orȱdesecrationȱofȱtheȱhost,
wasȱintroducedȱinȱaȱquiteȱtwistedȱwayȱatȱKorneuburg.ȱThoseȱwhoȱhadȱquiteȱlikely
participatedȱinȱkillingȱtheȱJewishȱscholarȱ(withoutȱeverȱadmittingȱtoȱit)ȱwereȱthe
onesȱwhoȱrepeatedȱtoȱtheȱcommissionȱwhatȱtheyȱclaimedȱtheȱscholarȱhadȱsaid:ȱthat
heȱhadȱnamedȱZerkelȱasȱtheȱonlyȱperpetrator,ȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱhadȱcommittedȱthe
crimeȱbyȱfirstȱbuyingȱandȱthenȱdesecratingȱtheȱhost.ȱ
EvenȱthoughȱtheȱmisledȱChristianȱwhoȱsoldȱtheȱhostȱtoȱtheȱJewsȱwasȱdepictedȱas
beingȱ deeplyȱ repentantȱ ofȱ hisȱ sinȱ andȱ prayingȱ forȱ forgivenessȱ (asȱ theȱ priest
Friedrichȱ toldȱ theȱ commission),ȱ heȱ didȱ notȱ makeȱ anyȱ furtherȱ appearance.ȱ The
unveilingȱofȱtheȱmiraculousȱhostȱhoweverȱfollowsȱalreadyȱestablishedȱpatterns.
Theȱhost,ȱasȱanȱactiveȱparticipant,ȱrevealsȱitselfȱtoȱtheȱfaithful,ȱmakingȱitsȱpresence
knownȱthroughȱbleeding,ȱasȱinȱKorneuburg,ȱsobbing,ȱflyingȱaway,ȱorȱturningȱinto
flesh,ȱorȱevenȱappearingȱasȱaȱlittleȱchild.48ȱ
Inȱsomeȱversionsȱofȱtheȱtale,ȱitȱisȱassistedȱbyȱaȱChristian—theȱbakerȱSidlinȱinȱthe
Korneuburgȱrendition—whoȱrespondsȱtoȱitsȱholinessȱbyȱlettingȱhimselfȱ(or,ȱrarely,
herself)ȱbeȱledȱtoȱtheȱmaltreatedȱhost.ȱTheȱ“crowdȱandȱitsȱviolence”49ȱare,ȱinȱthe
depictionsȱ ofȱ theȱ ecclesiasticalȱ chronicles,ȱ theȱ righteousȱ counterpartȱ toȱ the
feloniousȱJews,ȱtheȱrightfullyȱenragedȱmassesȱwhoȱnotȱonlyȱmakeȱsureȱthatȱthe
abuse,ȱmockery,ȱand,ȱeventually,ȱkillingȱofȱChristȱisȱavengedȱbutȱalsoȱthatȱjustice
47
Rubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ70–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3);ȱseeȱalsoȱLotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17),ȱand
Erb,ȱ“ZurȱErforschungȱderȱeuropäischenȱRitualmordbeschuldigungen,”ȱ10ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ36),ȱonȱthe
generalȱ‘skeleton’ȱofȱtheȱlegendsȱonȱhostȱdesecration.
48
SeeȱforȱexampleȱtheȱlongȱlistȱofȱtormentsȱtheȱhostȱwaferȱhadȱtoȱendureȱinȱtheȱLiedȱvonȱDeggendorf
(‘songȱofȱDeggendorf’),ȱaȱlateȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱrenditionȱofȱtheȱeventsȱduringȱandȱafterȱthe
allegedȱ hostȱ desecrationȱ atȱ Deggendorfȱ inȱ 1338ȱ thatȱ triggeredȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ wideȬranging
persecutionȱofȱBavarianȱJews:ȱtheȱhostȱwasȱmaltreatedȱwithȱhammers,ȱpliers,ȱandȱanvil,ȱandȱthus,
itȱstartedȱtoȱbleed;ȱitȱwasȱburntȱinȱtheȱovenȱbutȱflewȱaway;ȱitȱwasȱchewedȱupon,ȱandȱtheȱchild
appeared;ȱ angels,ȱ doves,ȱ and/orȱ theȱ virginȱ appeared;ȱ itȱ startedȱ toȱ glow;ȱ and,ȱ eventually,ȱ it
moaned.ȱBerghausen,ȱ“LiedȱvonȱDeggendorf,”ȱ245–46ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10),ȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ179–81
(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱForȱtheȱrelationȱwithȱbloodȱandȱtheȱcolourȱred,ȱseeȱtheȱanthropologicalȱstudyȱby
ClaudineȱFabreȬVassas,ȱTheȱSingularȱBeast.ȱJews,ȱChristians,ȱ&ȱtheȱPig.ȱTrans.ȱfromȱtheȱFrenchȱby
CarolȱVolkȱ(1994;ȱNewȱYorkȱandȱChichester:ȱColumbiaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1997),ȱ129–59ȱ(bloodȱlibel
andȱhostȱdesecrationȱaccusation),ȱ211–12ȱ(Romanianȱlegendȱofȱeggs,ȱthatȱareȱcarriedȱbyȱaȱJew,
turningȱredȱwhenȱheȱpassesȱthroughȱtheȱmarketȱatȱEaster).
49
Rubin,ȱGentileȱTale,ȱ88–89ȱ(titleȱofȱherȱchapterȱonȱtheȱroleȱofȱviolenceȱwithinȱtheȱChristianȱmob)ȱ(see
noteȱ3).
314 BirgitȱWiedl
isȱ served.ȱ Theȱ punishmentȱ metedȱ outȱ forȱ theȱ Jewsȱ ofȱ Korneuburg,ȱ withȱ the
exceptionȱofȱZerkel,ȱfollowedȱtheȱmostȱcommonȱmeansȱofȱretribution—burningȱat
theȱstake,ȱonȱaȱpyreȱpiledȱupȱwithinȱaȱveryȱshortȱtime.ȱ
Theȱinterviewers,ȱgenerallyȱnotȱallȱthatȱinterestedȱinȱtheȱfateȱofȱtheȱJewsȱwhen
notȱimmediatelyȱconnectedȱwithȱtheȱbleedingȱhost,ȱdidȱnotȱprobeȱanyȱfurtherȱor
askȱwhoȱhadȱactuallyȱbeenȱpresentȱwhenȱtheȱJewsȱwereȱconsumedȱbyȱtheȱfire.
Despiteȱtheȱ21ȱinterviewees,ȱtheȱadditionalȱnamesȱthatȱwereȱdroppedȱbyȱthese
duringȱtheirȱinterrogation,ȱandȱtheȱdetailedȱknowledgeȱtheȱcommissionȱgainedȱin
otherȱregards,ȱtheȱexecutingȱmassesȱremainedȱanonymousȱandȱonlyȱyearsȱlater,
afterȱhavingȱlearnedȱtheȱtruth,ȱwouldȱAmbroseȱofȱHeiligenkreuz,ȱinȱhisȱtreatiseȱon
theȱ miraculousȱ host,ȱ scoldȱ theȱ townspeopleȱ ofȱ Korneuburgȱ forȱ theirȱ rash,
precipitant,ȱ andȱ eventuallyȱ unjustȱ actions.ȱ Inȱ theȱ Korneuburgȱ case,ȱ another
memberȱhasȱtoȱbeȱaddedȱtoȱtheȱcast,ȱoneȱwhoȱisȱnotȱaltogetherȱunknownȱtoȱthe
narrative:ȱtheȱpriestȱ(andȱvillageȱcommunity)ȱwhoȱprofitedȱfromȱtheȱestablishment
ofȱaȱnewȱpilgrimȱsiteȱinȱtheȱtown.50
ChristianȱfantasiesȱofȱJewsȱmockingȱandȱmistreatingȱChristianȱsymbolsȱwereȱnot
reducedȱ toȱ theȱ hostȱ wafer.ȱ Inȱ Oxfordȱ inȱ 1268,ȱ aȱ Jewȱ wasȱ accusedȱ ofȱ having
snatchedȱaȱcrossȱandȱkickedȱitȱintoȱtheȱmud,51ȱandȱinȱViennaȱinȱ1281,ȱaȱJewȱwas
stonedȱ forȱ havingȱ thrownȱ dirtȱ and/orȱ fecesȱ atȱ aȱ priestȱ carryingȱ anȱ ostensory.52
TheseȱobjectsȱwereȱalsoȱpartȱofȱtheȱantiȬJewishȱChristianȱfantasiesȱasȱwasȱtheȱidea
ofȱJewsȱrituallyȱkillingȱimagesȱofȱChristȱthatȱwereȱmadeȱofȱwax.53ȱTheseȱideas,ȱthat
wereȱalreadyȱestablishedȱinȱtheȱChristianȱmind,ȱeventuallyȱconvergedȱwithȱthe
increasedȱ importanceȱ thatȱ wasȱ attributedȱ toȱ theȱ Eucharist,ȱ theȱ feastȱ ofȱ Corpus
Christi,ȱandȱtheȱsubsequentȱincreasedȱimportanceȱofȱtheȱhostȱwaferȱ asȱ aȱritual
objectȱwithȱitsȱinherentȱmiraculous,ȱalmostȱ“magical”ȱqualities.54ȱTheȱtransubstan
50
Graus,ȱPest,ȱGeissler,ȱJudenmorde,ȱ293:ȱ“theȱlocalȱpriestsȱwereȱbothȱinitiatorsȱandȱbeneficiaries”ȱ(see
noteȱ11).
51
ChristophȱCluse,ȱ“StoriesȱofȱBreakingȱandȱTakingȱtheȱCross:ȱAȱPossibleȱContextȱforȱtheȱOxford
Incidentȱ ofȱ 1268,”ȱ Revueȱ d’Histoireȱ Ecclésiastique,ȱ 90.3–4ȱ (1995),ȱ 396–442;ȱ Heil,ȱ “Gottesfeinde”—
“Menschenfeinde,”ȱ237–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38).
52
BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ77–78,ȱno.ȱ62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1);ȱseeȱLotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ545
(seeȱnoteȱ17).
53
Cluse,ȱ“BlutȱistȱimȱSchuh,”ȱ375,ȱfn.ȱ23ȱ(referringȱtoȱaȱthirteenthȬcenturyȱanonymousȱcollectionȱof
preachȱinstructionsȱfromȱFranceȱthatȱcasuallyȱaddsȱtoȱtheȱcatchwordȱ“devil”ȱtheȱinformationȱthat
Jewsȱ useȱ toȱ crucifyȱ waxȱ imagesȱ ofȱ Christȱ and,ȱ sometimes,ȱ children)ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 23);ȱ Heil,
“Gottesfeinde”—“Menschenfeinde,”ȱ238ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38).
54
Graus,ȱ Pest,ȱ Geissler,ȱ Judenmorde,ȱ 287ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 11);ȱ seeȱ alsoȱ theȱ storyȱ toldȱ byȱ Rudolfȱ von
Schlettstadtȱ ofȱ theȱ convertedȱ Jewessȱ whoȱ listsȱ allȱ sortsȱ ofȱ magicalȱ practicesȱ herȱ motherȱ had
conductedȱbyȱusingȱaȱhostȱthatȱclearlyȱreflectsȱChristian,ȱandȱnotȱJewish,ȱideasȱaboutȱmagical
(mis)useȱofȱwafersȱ(Grabmayer,ȱ“RudolfȱvonȱSchlettstadt,”ȱ319ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ19]).ȱOnȱtheȱChristian
(mis)useȱofȱhostȱwafersȱforȱmagicalȱpractices,ȱseeȱPeterȱBrowe,ȱ“DieȱEucharistieȱalsȱZaubermittel
imȱMittelalter,”ȱArchivȱfürȱKulturgeschichte,ȱ20ȱ(1930),ȱ134–54;ȱandȱMichaelȱDavidȱBailey,ȱMagic
andȱSuperstitionȱinȱEurope:ȱAȱConcizeȱHistoryȱfromȱAntiquityȱtoȱtheȱPresentȱ(Landham,ȱBoulder,ȱNew
tiation,ȱtheȱturningȱofȱtheȱbread,ȱi.e.,ȱtheȱhostȱwafer,ȱandȱtheȱwineȱintoȱtheȱactual
bodyȱ andȱ bloodȱ ofȱ Christȱ duringȱ theȱ Consecrationȱ ofȱ theȱ Eucharist,ȱ hadȱ been
elevatedȱtoȱaȱChurchȱdogmaȱbyȱtheȱFourthȱLateranȱCouncilȱinȱ1215,ȱwhichȱmade
theȱhostȱwaferȱtheȱmostȱpowerfulȱdeviceȱofȱthemȱallȱsinceȱitȱwasȱsupposedȱtoȱbeȱa
manifestationȱofȱChristȱhimself.ȱ
Consideringȱ theseȱ “killingȱ ofȱ Christ”ȱ fantasiesȱ thatȱ theȱ hostȱ desecrationȱ was
basedȱon,ȱitȱisȱnotȱsurprisingȱthat—evenȱifȱnotȱatȱKorneuburg—Easterȱturnedȱout
toȱbeȱaȱparticularlyȱdangerousȱtimeȱforȱJews,ȱevenȱmoreȱsoȱwhenȱitȱcoincidedȱwith
Passover.ȱThisȱisȱeerilyȱreflectedȱinȱmanyȱecclesiasticalȱlawȱcodesȱthatȱadviseȱJews
notȱ toȱ leaveȱ theirȱ housesȱ duringȱ theȱ highȱ feastsȱ ofȱ theȱ Christians,ȱ particularly
duringȱfeastsȱthatȱwereȱcelebratedȱ withȱ processionsȱsuchȱasȱthoseȱheldȱduring
CorpusȱChristi.55
Shortlyȱafter,ȱorȱperhapsȱalreadyȱinȱtheȱParisȱlegend,ȱaȱsignificantȱparadigmȱshift
canȱbeȱperceived.ȱTheȱperpetratorsȱofȱtheȱearlierȱtales,ȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwhichȱcanȱbe
tracedȱbackȱtoȱlateȱantiquity,56ȱcouldȱhaveȱbeenȱJews,ȱbutȱalsoȱChristiansȱwhoȱwere
notȱfirmȱinȱtheirȱbelief.ȱTheȱcrucialȱelementȱwasȱthatȱheȱ(or,ȱrarely,ȱshe)ȱwasȱanȱeye
witnessȱtoȱtheȱhost’sȱsanctityȱthatȱmanifestedȱitselfȱinȱitsȱmiracles,ȱfirstȱbyȱenduring
theȱillȬtreatmentȱmetedȱoutȱbyȱtheȱperpetratorȱunscathed,ȱbyȱmakingȱitselfȱknown
toȱtheȱpublic,ȱandȱthenȱbyȱworkingȱmiracles.ȱThisȱvisualization57ȱofȱitsȱpowerȱwas
whatȱ eitherȱ promptedȱ theȱ Jewȱ toȱ subsequentlyȱ seekȱ baptismȱ orȱ theȱ doubtful
Christianȱ toȱ beȱ reassuredȱ inȱ his/herȱ faith.58ȱ Thoseȱ Christiansȱ whoȱ mightȱ be
waveringȱinȱtheirȱfaithȱwereȱaȱsignificantȱpartȱofȱtheȱtargetȱaudienceȱforȱtheseȱtales
York,ȱToronto,ȱandȱPlymouthȱUK:ȱRowmanȱ&ȱLittlefieldȱPublishers,ȱ2007),ȱ113–14ȱ(onȱtheȱhost
desecrationȱaccusationȱagainstȱJews),ȱ124ȱ(onȱtheȱmagicalȱuseȱofȱhostsȱ byȱ Christians).ȱOnȱthe
“magical”ȱpresentationȱofȱsaidȱobjectȱduringȱtheȱeucharistȱandȱtheȱfeastȱofȱCorpusȱChristi,ȱandȱthe
impactȱthisȱhadȱonȱtheȱaudience’sȱideasȱofȱJewishȱhostȱdesecration,ȱseeȱMitchellȱMerback,ȱThe
Thief,ȱtheȱCrossȱandȱtheȱWheel:ȱPainȱandȱtheȱSpectacleȱofȱPunishmentȱinȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱEurope
(Chicago:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱ193–95;ȱforȱanȱanthropologicalȱperspective,ȱsee
FabreȬVassas,ȱTheȱSingularȱBeast,ȱ149–52ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ48).
55
Seeȱ Markusȱ Wenninger,ȱ “Dasȱ gefährlicheȱ Fest.ȱ Osternȱ alsȱ zeitlicherȱ Kristallisationspunkt
antijüdischenȱ Verhaltens,”ȱ Festeȱ undȱ Feiernȱ imȱ Mittelalter.ȱ Paderbornerȱ Symposiumȱ des
Mediävistenverbandes,ȱed.ȱDetlefȱAltenburg,ȱJörgȱJarnut,ȱandȱHansȬHugoȱSteinhoffȱ(Sigmaringen:
JanȱThorbecke,ȱ1991),ȱ323–32;ȱHeil,ȱ“Gottesfeinde”—“Menschenfeinde,”ȱ227–33ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38);ȱFabreȬ
Vassas,ȱTheȱSingularȱBeast,ȱ149–54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ48);ȱMüller,ȱ“LandȱofȱPersecution,”ȱ247ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).
56
Lotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ539–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17);ȱHeil,ȱ“Gottesfeinde”—“Menschenfeinde,”ȱ242
(seeȱnoteȱ38).
57
FabreȬVassasȱ givesȱ evidenceȱ thatȱ theȱ Parisȱ incidentȱ hadȱ beenȱ turnedȱ intoȱ aȱ playȱ thatȱ was
performedȱonȱaȱchariotȱduringȱprocessionsȱupȱuntilȱtheȱsixteenthȱcentury,ȱmakingȱtheȱscenes—the
Jewȱtorturingȱtheȱhost,ȱtheȱlongȱstreamsȱofȱbloodȱthatȱspurtedȱfromȱit,ȱtheȱmetamorphosisȱintoȱa
smallȱchild—allȱtheȱmoreȱimpressiveȱ(FabreȬVassas,ȱTheȱSingularȱBeast,ȱ152–53ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ48]).
58
Lotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ539–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17);ȱforȱaȱspecificȱexample,ȱseeȱCluse,ȱ“Blutȱist
imȱSchuh,”ȱ380ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23):ȱtheȱtaleȱofȱtheȱJewȱkeepingȱaȱbloodiedȱhostȱwaferȱinȱhisȱshoeȱisȱlisted
amongȱotherȱstoriesȱofȱmiraculousȱhosts,ȱandȱtheȱaddedȱrubricȱsumsȱupȱtheȱmainȱmessageȱthat
wasȱtoȱconveyȱwithȱtheȱtales:ȱthatȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱChristȱatȱtheȱaltarȱwasȱindeedȱpossible.ȱ
316 BirgitȱWiedl
whichȱwere,ȱatȱallȱtimes,ȱtoldȱbyȱChristiansȱforȱChristians,ȱwithȱtheȱJewsȱbeingȱthe
projectionȱofȱallȱthatȱwasȱnotȱChristian.59ȱTheȱearlierȱconceptȱisȱstillȱreflectedȱinȱthe
Parisȱversionȱthatȱisȱconsideredȱbyȱmanyȱscholarsȱasȱtheȱfirstȱvalidȱhostȱdesecration
legend,60ȱwhereȱonlyȱtheȱJewȱwhoȱstoleȱtheȱhostȱandȱmistreatedȱitȱwasȱburntȱatȱthe
stakeȱ(afterȱhavingȱbeenȱputȱonȱtrial)ȱwhileȱhisȱwifeȱandȱdaughter/childrenȱand
otherȱJewsȱwereȱsoȱimpressedȱbyȱtheȱmiraclesȱthatȱtheyȱconverted.61ȱ
TheȱchanceȱforȱatȱleastȱsomeȱofȱtheȱJewsȱtoȱsurviveȱandȱthusȱtoȱactuallyȱseeȱthe
errorsȱofȱtheirȱwaysȱwasȱcrucial.ȱTheirȱdesireȱforȱconversion,ȱasȱtheȱresultȱofȱthe
wondersȱtheyȱhadȱwitnessed,ȱservesȱasȱtheȱnarrativeȱtoolȱtoȱillustrateȱtheȱpowers
ofȱtheȱhostȱwaferȱtoȱwhichȱevenȱtheȱmostȱobdurateȱgainsayers,ȱtheȱJews,ȱhadȱto
yield.ȱOnlyȱthoseȱwhoȱhadȱactuallyȱperformedȱtheȱmisdeed,ȱwhoȱprolongedȱtheir
crimesȱbyȱchoosingȱtoȱdisregardȱtheȱhost’sȱsalvificȱpowersȱandȱremainȱinȱtheir
obduracy,ȱreceivedȱwhatȱtheyȱdeserved.ȱInȱtheȱearlyȱtales,ȱantiȬJewishȱelements
appearȱlessȱfrequentlyȱthanȱtalesȱwithoutȱsuchȱelementsȱandȱtheȱfocusȱofȱtheȱstories
isȱeducational:ȱtoȱconveyȱtheȱideaȱofȱtheȱtransubstantiation,ȱtheȱrealȱpresenceȱof
Christȱinȱtheȱsacramentȱonȱtheȱaltar,ȱtheȱvenerationȱofȱtheȱsacramentalȱbodyȱof
Christȱinȱtheȱhost.62ȱ
While,ȱhowever,ȱtalesȱaboutȱChristiansȱmistreatingȱhostȱwafersȱcontinuedȱ to
exist,63ȱtheȱnumberȱofȱtalesȱofȱtheȱmisuseȱofȱhostȱwafersȱwithȱJewishȱparticipation
grewȱ inȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ theȱ fourteenthȱ century,ȱ developingȱ outȱ ofȱ thisȱ new
Eucharisticȱ loreȱ andȱ other,ȱ olderȱ talesȱ aboutȱ Jews.64ȱ Theȱ focusȱ ofȱ theȱ stories
broadenedȱfromȱshowingȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱsacramentȱtoȱincludeȱtheȱmaliceȱand
obduracyȱ ofȱ theȱ Jews,ȱ whoȱ hadȱ transformedȱ fromȱ beingȱ atȱ leastȱ potentially
redeemableȱsubjectsȱthatȱcouldȱbeȱgatheredȱintoȱtheȱChristianȱfoldȱintoȱbeingsȱthat
wereȱbeyondȱredemption,ȱevenȱifȱtheyȱwereȱgivenȱtheȱchance.65ȱ
59
Bale,ȱJewȱinȱtheȱMedievalȱBook,ȱ2ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7):ȱ“Judaismȱasȱaȱfaithȱandȱ‘Jewishness’ȱasȱaȱrepository
ofȱfantasyȱprojectionsȱ[that]ȱwereȱcentralȱtoȱtheȱselfȬdefinitionȱofȱmedievalȱChristianity.”
60
Seeȱ forȱ anȱ extensiveȱ discussionȱ ofȱ theȱ Parisȱ narrativeȱ andȱ itsȱ sourcesȱ Lotter,
“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ537–36ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17);ȱRubin,ȱ“DesecrationȱofȱtheȱHost,”ȱ169–71ȱ(seeȱnote
45).ȱ
61
Forȱother,ȱsimilar,ȱexamplesȱfromȱEnglandȱandȱFrance,ȱseeȱCluse,ȱ“Fabulaȱineptissima,”ȱ296–97
(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ
62
Miriȱ Rubin,ȱ Corpusȱ Christi.ȱ Theȱ Eucharistȱ inȱ Lateȱ Medievalȱ Cultureȱ (Cambridge:ȱ Cambridge
UniversityȱPress,ȱ1991),ȱ108–29;ȱHeil,ȱ“Gottesfeinde”—“Menschenfeinde,”ȱ243ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38);ȱseeȱalso
Graus,ȱPest,ȱGeissler,ȱJudenmord,ȱ286–88ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱwithȱanȱemphasisȱofȱtheȱ“magical”ȱqualities
ofȱtheȱtransubstantiation.
63
Lotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ548ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17),ȱlistsȱ36ȱhostȱmiraclesȱinȱtheȱGermanȬspeaking
areaȱinȱtheȱfirstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury.ȱ31ȱofȱtheseȱbasedȱuponȱdesecrations,ȱandȱforȱ24ȱout
ofȱtheseȱ31,ȱJewsȱwereȱblamed.
64
Rubin,ȱ“DesecrationȱofȱtheȱHost,”ȱ173ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ45).ȱ
65
WolfgangȱTreue,ȱRitualmordȱundȱHostienschändung,ȱ(unpublishedȱMAȱthesis),ȱquotedȱafterȱCluse,
“BlutȱistȱimȱSchuh,”ȱ376ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23);ȱLotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ538ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).ȱ
ToȱavengeȱtheȱcrimeȱtheȱJews,ȱasȱanȱentity,ȱhadȱcommittedȱagainstȱtheȱhost,
Christ,ȱ andȱ Christianityȱ asȱ aȱ whole,ȱ theirȱ deathȱ wasȱ theȱ onlyȱ imaginable
punishment,ȱwhichȱnotȱonlyȱbecameȱanȱinevitableȱelementȱofȱtheȱnarrativeȱbutȱwas
translatedȱintoȱrealityȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱpersecutionsȱofȱJewsȱthatȱwentȱfarerȱandȱfarer
beyondȱtheȱlocalȱscale.ȱThereȱwasȱnoȱlongerȱanyȱspaceȱleftȱforȱrepentantȱJewsȱwho
wishedȱtoȱjoinȱtheȱranksȱofȱtheȱtrueȱfaith,ȱneitherȱinȱtheȱcourseȱofȱtheȱnarrativeȱnor
inȱtheȱrealȱworld.ȱTheirȱroleȱasȱsurvivingȱwitnesses,ȱasȱlivingȱproofȱofȱtheȱsanctity
ofȱ theȱ hostȱ wasȱ noȱ longerȱ required.ȱ Inȱ theȱ wordsȱ ofȱ theȱ thirdȱ witnessȱ of
Korneuburg,ȱtheȱdeanȱJacob,ȱtheȱmereȱfactȱthatȱtheȱbloodiedȱhostȱhadȱbeenȱfound
inȱtheir,ȱinȱJewish,ȱhands,ȱwasȱproofȱenoughȱthatȱitȱwasȱaȱgenuine,ȱmiracleȬworking
host.ȱ
TheȱJewsȱcould,ȱevenȱshould,ȱbeȱdisposedȱofȱafterȱtheyȱhadȱfulfilledȱtheirȱroleȱin
theȱnarrative;ȱtheirȱkillingȱhadȱbecomeȱintegralȱtoȱpilgrimageȱitself.66ȱTheyȱareȱthe
profaners,ȱtheȱperpetratorsȱwhoȱforceȱtheȱhostȱintoȱ(reȬ)actionȱbyȱbleeding,ȱcrying,
turningȱintoȱaȱpieceȱofȱfleshȱorȱaȱchild,ȱorȱflyingȱaway,67ȱandȱareȱremovedȱfromȱthe
centerȱofȱtheȱstory,ȱkilledȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱfirstȱactȱofȱtheȱnarrative.ȱZerkel,ȱthe
scholar,ȱandȱtheȱotherȱeightȱ(orȱnine)ȱJewsȱatȱKorneuburgȱareȱhardlyȱevenȱgiven
aȱchanceȱtoȱwitnessȱtheȱhost’sȱpowerȱandȱholiness.ȱWeȱdoȱnotȱknowȱexactlyȱhow
muchȱ timeȱ hadȱ elapsedȱ betweenȱ theȱ momentȱ theȱ hostȱ wasȱ foundȱ onȱ Zerkel’s
doorstepȱandȱtheȱdeathȱofȱtheȱJews,ȱbutȱapartȱfromȱitsȱindestructibility,ȱtheyȱdoȱnot
getȱtoȱseeȱtheȱmiraclesȱitȱworks,ȱthusȱtheyȱhaveȱnoȱreasonȱtoȱconvert.ȱ
WasȱthereȱanyȱroomȱforȱdoubtȱatȱallȱinȱtheȱmindsȱofȱtheȱChristians,ȱtoȱquestion
thisȱseeminglyȱfixedȱroleȱofȱtheȱJews?ȱAmbroseȱofȱHeiligenkreuz,ȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱis
mostȱ immediatelyȱ concernedȱ withȱ theȱ aftermathȱ ofȱ theȱ Korneuburgȱ murders
seemsȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ mostȱ doubtful.68ȱ Inȱ hisȱ treatiseȱ onȱ theȱ miraculousȱ host,69ȱ he
elaboratedȱonȱtheȱsomewhatȱdifficultȱandȱtryingȱcircumstancesȱunderȱwhichȱhe
hadȱ toȱ carryȱ outȱ theȱ investigation.ȱ Notȱ onlyȱ theȱ membersȱ ofȱ theȱ commission
seemedȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱatȱvarianceȱwithȱeachȱother,ȱdisputingȱoverȱtheȱcatalogueȱof
questionsȱtoȱpresentȱtoȱtheȱwitnessesȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱdefiningȱfeaturesȱofȱmiracles,
66
Merback,ȱTheȱThief,ȱtheȱCrossȱandȱtheȱWheelȱ,ȱ190ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ54).
67
FabreȬVassas,ȱTheȱSingularȱBeast,ȱ151–52ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ48).ȱSeeȱforȱaȱvarietyȱofȱpotentialȱ‘revealingȱacts’
Heil,ȱ“Gottesfeinde”—“Menschenfeinde,”ȱ244ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38).
68
Aboutȱ100ȱyearsȱlater,ȱJanȱHusȱ(thenȱstillȱofficiallyȱorthodox),ȱinȱhisȱtreatiseȱDeȱSanguineȱChristi
(1404),ȱ wouldȱ condemnȱ allȱ bleedingȱ hostsȱ asȱ fabricationsȱ ofȱ greedyȱ priestsȱ (Františekȱ Graus,
“FälschungenȱimȱGewandȱderȱFrömmigkeit,”ȱFälschungenȱimȱMittelalterȱ5,ȱ261–82;ȱhereȱ269–70,ȱfn.
38ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ17]).
69
LibraryȱofȱtheȱMonasteryȱofȱKlosterneuburg,ȱCodexȱ825,ȱfol.ȱ1v.–15v.ȱForȱtheȱrelevantȱparagraphs,
seeȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ144–46,ȱno.ȱ135ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱtreatiseȱwasȱwrittenȱaboutȱa
yearȱafterȱtheȱincidents,ȱwhileȱtheȱprologueȱwasȱaddedȱaroundȱ1312,ȱseeȱStelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispiel
Korneuburg,”ȱ332–33ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).ȱ
318 BirgitȱWiedl
butȱtheȱcitizensȱofȱKorneuburgȱprotestedȱvehementlyȱagainstȱtheȱcontinuingȱwork
ofȱtheȱcommission.ȱ
Suspectingȱthatȱtheȱcommissionȱwouldȱforestall,ȱorȱatȱleastȱdefer,ȱtheȱapproval
ofȱ theirȱ miracleȬworkingȱ host,ȱ anȱ angryȱ throngȱ gatheredȱ inȱ frontȱ ofȱ theȱ house
whereȱtheȱinterrogationsȱtookȱplaceȱandȱtriedȱtoȱbarȱtheȱwitnessesȱfromȱentering.
TheirȱwrathȱwasȱprimarilyȱdirectedȱagainstȱAmbroseȱandȱDukeȱRudolfȱIIIȱwhom
theyȱ accusedȱ ofȱ takingȱ “theȱ sideȱ ofȱ theȱ Jews”—anȱ interestingȱ argument,
consideringȱthatȱtheȱmainȱpurposeȱofȱtheȱcommissionȱwasȱtoȱfindȱoutȱwhetherȱthe
hostȱhadȱbeenȱconsecratedȱandȱtheȱmiraclesȱgenuine,ȱsoȱthereȱwasȱnoȱ“sideȱofȱthe
Jews”ȱ(whoȱhadȱbeenȱdeadȱforȱtwoȱandȱaȱhalfȱmonthsȱatȱthisȱtime)ȱAmbroseȱand
Rudolfȱcouldȱhaveȱpossiblyȱtaken.ȱDidȱtheyȱreferȱtoȱanyȱpotentialȱdoubtsȱregarding
theȱguiltȱofȱtheȱJewsȱandȱtheȱlegitimacyȱofȱtheȱdeathsȱtheȱdukeȱandȱtheȱmonkȱmight
haveȱharboredȱor,ȱifȱAmbroseȱrenderedȱitȱcorrectlyȱtoȱbeginȱwith,ȱwasȱitȱaȱsimple
imageȱmeantȱtoȱcontrastȱthem,ȱtheȱtownspeople,ȱwithȱthoseȱwhoȱwereȱnotȱpartȱof
theirȱcommunity?
Asȱ withȱ theȱ commission,ȱ theȱ focusȱ ofȱ Ambrose’sȱ treatiseȱ layȱ mainlyȱ onȱ the
questionȱofȱtheȱauthenticityȱofȱtheȱhost.ȱTellingly,ȱasȱWinfriedȱStelzerȱhasȱpointed
out,ȱAmbroseȱmostlyȱusedȱtheȱwordȱforȱtheȱnonȬconsecratedȱwaferȱ(oblata)ȱinstead
ofȱ theȱ consecratedȱ hostȱ (hostia),ȱ orȱ labelledȱ itȱ hostiaȱ mirificataȱ insteadȱ ofȱ hostia
mirifica,70ȱyetȱheȱdidȱnotȱcomeȱtoȱaȱfinalȱconclusionȱregardingȱitsȱpowerȱtoȱwork
miracles.ȱOnlyȱinȱanȱaddentumȱheȱrevokedȱtheȱadviceȱheȱhadȱgivenȱtheȱBishopȱof
Passauȱtoȱcontactȱtheȱpopeȱinȱtheȱquestionȱofȱhowȱtoȱhandleȱtheȱvenerationȱofȱa
potentiallyȱnonȬconsecratedȱhost.ȱUponȱreadingȱofȱotherȱhostȱmiracles,ȱheȱwasȱnow
convincedȱ thatȱ theȱ miraclesȱ aloneȱ thatȱ theȱ hostȱ hadȱ workedȱ wereȱ sufficient
evidenceȱtoȱwarrantȱitsȱveneration.71ȱ
Theȱsameȱvaguenessȱwasȱappliedȱtoȱtheȱquestionȱthatȱisȱcentralȱforȱtheȱtopicȱat
hand—whetherȱtheȱJewsȱhadȱbeenȱrightlyȱpunishedȱforȱtheirȱcrime,ȱwhetherȱthe
legitimacyȱofȱtheȱprocedureȱwasȱquestionable,ȱorȱwhetherȱtheyȱhadȱactuallyȱbeen
wrongfullyȱ killed.ȱ Whileȱ Ambroseȱ shiedȱ awayȱ fromȱ makingȱ anȱ irrevocable
judgment,ȱheȱconcludedȱthatȱtheȱkilling,ȱorȱevenȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱtheȱJews,ȱdid
notȱ seemȱ justifiedȱ toȱ him.ȱ Heȱ arguesȱ thatȱ theȱ citizensȱ hadȱ actedȱ precipitately,
withoutȱ closelyȱ scrutinizingȱ whatȱ hadȱ reallyȱ happened.ȱ Hisȱ treatiseȱ notȱ only
reflectsȱtheȱideaȱofȱChristianȱmercy,ȱbutȱheȱalsoȱblamesȱtheȱcitizensȱforȱnotȱallowing
theȱhostȱtoȱworkȱitsȱsalvificȱpurposeȱofȱshowingȱtheȱJewsȱtheȱerrorȱofȱtheirȱways.
Ambroseȱisȱperhapsȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱreportsȱanother,ȱotherwiseȱunknown,ȱaccusation
ofȱhostȱdesecrationȱagainstȱtheȱJewsȱofȱViennaȱthatȱgivesȱinterestingȱinsightȱintoȱthe
roleȱ ofȱ theȱ secondȱ targetȱ ofȱ civicȱ critique:ȱ Dukeȱ Rudolfȱ III.72ȱ Interestingly,ȱ in
70
Stelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispielȱKorneuburg,”ȱ336ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).
71
Stelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispielȱKorneuburg,”ȱ341ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).
72
BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ156–57,ȱno.ȱ147ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱOnȱtheȱquestionȱofȱauthorship,ȱsee
retellingȱtheȱevents,ȱtheȱauthorȱleavesȱnoȱdoubtȱaboutȱtheȱquestionȱofȱtheȱJews’
innocence.ȱAȱpeasantȱhadȱstolenȱaȱhostȱandȱthrownȱitȱintoȱaȱjugȱthatȱstoodȱcloseȱto
aȱVienneseȱJew’sȱhouse.ȱWhenȱtheȱhostȱmiraculouslyȱstartedȱtoȱwhimperȱfrom
withinȱitsȱprison,ȱpeopleȱwereȱsoonȱgatheredȱaroundȱtheȱjugȱ(theȱsourceȱspeaksȱof
100,000ȱpersons,ȱwhichȱisȱobviouslyȱaȱstereotypicalȱexaggeration)ȱandȱveryȱquickly
identifiedȱtheȱJewsȱ(whoȱhadn’tȱevenȱappearedȱinȱpersonȱyet)ȱasȱtheȱculpritsȱwho
hadȱtoȱbeȱpunishedȱforȱtheirȱ(intended)ȱcrime.ȱOnlyȱtheȱimmediateȱpresenceȱof
DukeȱRudolfȱIII,ȱwhoȱwithȱpersonalȱeffortȱplacatedȱtheȱenragedȱmasses,ȱsavedȱthe
livesȱ ofȱ ‘hisȱ belovedȱ Jews’ȱ (suosȱ judeosȱ karissimos),ȱ causingȱ theȱ authorȱ toȱ addȱ a
scathingȱremarkȱonȱRudolf’sȱpreferentialȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱJews,ȱfromȱwhoseȱusury
heȱprofitedȱandȱasȱwhoseȱprotectorȱandȱbenefactorȱheȱappearedȱ(defensorȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱet
fautorȱeorum).ȱ
Theȱfocusȱofȱtheȱauthor’sȱcritiqueȱisȱclearlyȱtheȱduke.ȱInȱadditionȱtoȱprofiting
fromȱ theȱ Jews’ȱ propertyȱ andȱ usuryȱ (participareȱ lucrisȱ etȱ usurisȱ eorum),ȱ Rudolf
demandsȱheavyȱtaxesȱandȱduesȱfromȱthemȱ(tollendoȱexaccionesȱetȱmuneraȱmaximaȱab
eis).ȱNotȱonlyȱdoesȱthisȱnarrativeȱgiveȱanȱinterestingȱintrospectionȱintoȱtheȱquite
popularȱandȱwidespreadȱallusionȱofȱrulersȱbeingȱbribedȱbyȱJewishȱmoneyȱinȱreturn
forȱprotection,73ȱbutȱitȱclearlyȱconveysȱanotherȱmessageȱtoo.ȱForȱtheȱpopulation,ȱthe
combinedȱpresenceȱofȱJews,ȱevenȱifȱtheyȱwereȱnotȱphysicallyȱpresent,ȱandȱaȱhost
waferȱcouldȱonlyȱmeanȱoneȱthing—thatȱtheȱJewsȱwereȱaboutȱtoȱcommit,ȱorȱhad
alreadyȱcommitted,ȱaȱcrime.
Theseȱharshȱwords,ȱifȱnotedȱdownȱbyȱAmbroseȱorȱcopiedȱlater,ȱwereȱnotȱtheȱfirst
directedȱatȱDukeȱRudolfȱIIIȱandȱhisȱpreferentialȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱJews.ȱSinceȱthe
Jewsȱwereȱhisȱdirectȱsubjectsȱandȱthusȱbelongedȱtoȱhisȱimmediateȱtreasure,ȱany
attackȱonȱthemȱheȱconsideredȱanȱattackȱonȱhimself.74ȱAtȱKorneuburg,ȱheȱmerely
supportedȱtheȱinvestigation,ȱpushingȱ(inȱcontrastȱtoȱtheȱcitizens’ȱaccusations)ȱfor
aȱquickȱresultȱandȱevenȱsentȱtheȱwitnessesȱhomeȱwhenȱtheyȱangeredȱhimȱwithȱtheir
protesting.ȱAȱyearȱlater,ȱwhenȱaȱsimilarȱaccusationȱofȱJewishȱhostȱdesecrationȱwas
raisedȱatȱSt.ȱPölten,ȱaȱtownȱthatȱbelongedȱtoȱtheȱbishopȱofȱPassau,75ȱheȱcameȱdown
Stelzer,ȱ “Amȱ Beispielȱ Korneuburg,”ȱ 329ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 12),ȱ whoȱ arguesȱ quiteȱ succinctlyȱ thatȱ the
incidentȱhadȱnotȱbeenȱnotedȱdownȱbyȱAmbroseȱbutȱhadȱmerelyȱbeenȱcopiedȱintoȱtheȱmanuscript
asȱaȱfurtherȱexampleȱofȱaȱhostȬrelatedȱmiracle.
73
TheȱallegationȱthatȱrulersȱwouldȱprofitȱfinanciallyȱfromȱpreventingȱtheȱpersecutionȱofȱJews,ȱbeȱit
throughȱtaxingȱtheȱJewsȱorȱbecauseȱofȱhavingȱbeenȱbribedȱbyȱthem,ȱisȱquiteȱaȱcommonplaceȱin
ecclesiasticalȱchronicles,ȱseeȱtheȱexamplesȱquotedȱbyȱTreue,ȱ“SchlechteȱundȱguteȱChristen,”ȱ110–12
(seeȱnoteȱ17),ȱLotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ549ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17),ȱfurtherȱJohannesȱGrabmayer,
ZwischenȱDiesseitsȱundȱJenseits.ȱOberrheinischeȱChronikenȱalsȱQuellenȱzurȱKulturgeschichteȱdesȱspäten
Mittelaltersȱ(Cologne,ȱWeimar,ȱandȱVienna:ȱBöhlau,ȱ1999),ȱ28–29,ȱ242–43,ȱ275.
74
ForȱanȱoverviewȱofȱtheȱlegalȱstandingȱofȱtheȱAustrianȱJewryȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtheȱAustrianȱduke,ȱsee
Brugger,ȱ“VonȱderȱAnsiedlung,”ȱ134–51ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).ȱ
75
TheȱbishopȱofȱPassauȱwasȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱoverlordȱoverȱtheȱduchyȱofȱAustriaȱthatȱlayȱwithinȱthe
dioceseȱofȱPassau,ȱyetȱasȱfarȱasȱtheȱtownȱofȱSt.ȱPöltenȱherselfȱisȱconcerned,ȱtheȱbishopȱwasȱalsoȱthe
320 BirgitȱWiedl
heavilyȱonȱtheȱcitizens,ȱfiningȱthemȱwithȱ3500ȱpoundsȱforȱtheȱcrimeȱofȱkillingȱhis
Jews.76ȱ Inȱ theȱ sameȱ year,ȱ heȱ successfullyȱ quelledȱ aȱ persecutionȱ ofȱ theȱ Jewsȱ of
Viennaȱafterȱanotherȱaccusationȱofȱaȱhostȱdesecrationȱhadȱbeenȱraisedȱthereȱ(see
below).ȱ
AnotherȱcrucialȱdetailȱisȱrevealedȱinȱAmbrose’sȱtreatise.ȱPriorȱtoȱtheȱextensive
investigationȱledȱbyȱAmbrose,ȱanotherȱinquiryȱofȱtheȱwholeȱincidentȱhadȱbeen
carriedȱ outȱ byȱ Bishopȱ Rudger,ȱ theȱ abbotȱ ofȱ theȱ Scottishȱ abbeyȱ inȱ Vienna
(Schottenstift),ȱ andȱ theȱ provostȱ ofȱ theȱ monasteryȱ ofȱ Klosterneuburg.
Unfortunately,ȱitȱisȱnotȱpossibleȱwithȱabsoluteȱcertaintyȱtoȱplaceȱtheȱtwoȱinquiries
inȱchronologicalȱorder.ȱAmbroseȱlabelledȱtheȱoneȱthatȱwasȱheldȱuponȱtheȱduke’s
instigationȱasȱtheȱ“firstȱinterrogationȱofȱwitnesses,”ȱbutȱbasedȱhisȱargumentsȱon
factsȱthatȱheȱlearnedȱlater.
Duringȱthisȱinvestigation,ȱwhichȱhadȱbeenȱcommissionedȱbyȱDukeȱRudolfȱIII,
Zerkel’sȱimmediateȱneighborsȱhadȱbeenȱinterrogated,ȱandȱtheirȱtestimoniesȱare
moreȱconsistentȱ(albeitȱonlyȱrenderedȱinȱAmbrose’sȱratherȱshortȱsummary)ȱthan
theȱlater,ȱcontradictoryȱstatements.77ȱAroundȱtheȱfirstȱhourȱofȱtheȱdayȱinȱquestion,
threeȱJewsȱdashedȱoutȱofȱZerkel’sȱhouse,ȱscreamingȱandȱrunningȱafterȱaȱChristian
whomȱtheyȱaccusedȱofȱhavingȱthrownȱaȱhostȱwaferȱintoȱtheirȱhouse.ȱTheyȱbegged
theȱ bystandersȱ toȱ aidȱ themȱ inȱ catchingȱ theȱ culprit,ȱ who,ȱ theyȱ shouted,ȱ should
ratherȱburnȱthanȱthemȱ(meliusȱessetȱquodȱipseȱcombureturȱquamȱnos).ȱSinceȱtheyȱwere
notȱableȱtoȱcatchȱhim,ȱtheȱJewsȱreturnedȱtoȱtheirȱhouseȱwhereȱtheȱChristians,ȱwho
inȱtheȱmeantimeȱhadȱgatheredȱthere,ȱsawȱpartȱofȱaȱbloodiedȱhost,ȱcoveredȱbyȱa
pieceȱofȱcloth,ȱinȱtheȱhandȱofȱoneȱofȱtheȱJews.ȱInȱtheseȱtestimonies,ȱstrippedȱofȱall
allusionsȱ toȱ aȱ priorȱ purchase,ȱ failedȱ attemptsȱ toȱ disposeȱ ofȱ theȱ wafer,ȱ andȱ of
heavenlyȱ voicesȱ andȱ guidedȱ feet,ȱ weȱ canȱ mostȱ likelyȱ recognizeȱ theȱ bareȱ facts
aroundȱwhichȱtheȱtaleȱwasȱlaterȱwoven.ȱTheȱbasics—theȱdoorstepȱofȱtheȱJews’
house,ȱtheȱJewsȱrunningȱthroughȱtheȱtown,ȱtheȱaccusationsȱtowardsȱtheȱChristian,
theȱgatheringȱmassesȱwhoȱdiscoverȱtheȱbloodstainedȱwafer—remainedȱtheȱsame,
yetȱinȱtheȱextensiveȱinvestigationȱtheseȱfactsȱwereȱpresentedȱwithȱaȱplethoraȱof
additionalȱ detailsȱ thatȱ emphasizedȱ theȱ miracleȬworkingȱ characterȱ ofȱ theȱ host.
Theseȱdetailsȱcompletelyȱalteredȱtheȱinitialȱsituationȱbyȱintroducingȱtheȱpostulate
thatȱtheȱJewsȱhadȱalreadyȱbeenȱinȱpossessionȱofȱtheȱwafer—meaning,ȱhadȱalready
executedȱtheirȱvileȱplans—longȱbeforeȱtheȱChristiansȱhadȱcomeȱtoȱknowȱofȱit.ȱ
Theȱ pieceȱ ofȱ informationȱ Ambroseȱ putȱ beforeȱ hisȱ briefȱ renditionȱ ofȱ theȱ first
inquiryȱisȱcentral,ȱandȱmightȱhaveȱmotivatedȱhimȱtoȱreȬwriteȱseveralȱpassagesȱof
secularȱlordȱofȱtheȱtown.ȱThisȱwasȱnotȱanȱunusualȱsituationȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges;ȱseeȱNormanȱRoth,
“BishopsȱandȱJewsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱTheȱCatholicȱHistoricalȱReviewȱ80ȱ(1994):ȱ1–17.
76
BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ154–55,ȱno.ȱ145ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
77
Ambroseȱdoesȱnotȱgiveȱtheirȱnamesȱand,ȱalthoughȱitȱisȱhighlyȱlikelyȱthatȱtheyȱhadȱbeenȱquestioned
duringȱtheȱsecondȱinterrogationȱasȱwell,ȱitȱisȱimpossibleȱtoȱpositivelyȱidentifyȱthem.
hisȱtreatise.78ȱTheȱbishopȱofȱPassau,ȱWernhardȱofȱPrambach,ȱhadȱinformedȱhimȱthat
aȱpriestȱhadȱconfessedȱthatȱheȱhadȱinstigatedȱtheȱwholeȱincidentȱatȱKorneuburg.79
Byȱtakingȱaȱsimpleȱoblate,ȱdippingȱitȱintoȱgoat’sȱbloodȱandȱdepositingȱitȱinȱfrontȱof
theȱ Jew’sȱ houseȱ toȱ setȱ upȱ aȱ reasonȱ forȱ theȱ defamationȱ (quodȱ accepissetȱ oblatam
simplicemȱetȱintinxitȱsanguineȱhyrcinoȱetȱimmisitȱcausamȱcalu[m]pnieȱadȱdomumȱiudei),
heȱhadȱcreatedȱtheȱprerequisiteȱofȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱpersecutionȱofȱtheȱJewsȱbutȱalsoȱof
whatȱhad,ȱpresumably,ȱbeenȱhisȱgoal—toȱestablishȱaȱpilgrimageȱsite.ȱ
Togetherȱ withȱ fourȱ accomplicesȱ (consociis),ȱ heȱ wasȱ willingȱ toȱ attestȱ toȱ this.
Althoughȱthisȱcriticalȱpieceȱofȱinformationȱisȱputȱrightȱbeforeȱtheȱsummaryȱofȱthe
firstȱinvestigation,ȱitȱisȱdoubtfulȱthatȱeitherȱAmbrose,ȱtheȱVienneseȱAbbot,ȱorȱany
ofȱ theȱ otherȱ membersȱ ofȱ theȱ commissionsȱ hadȱ anyȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ thisȱ priorȱ to
conductingȱtheȱinquiries.ȱInȱneitherȱofȱtheȱtwoȱinvestigations,ȱregardlessȱofȱwhich
cameȱfirst,ȱwasȱthereȱanyȱmentionȱofȱaȱfraudulentȱpriest,ȱevenȱifȱtheȱpossibilityȱthat
theȱJewsȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱframedȱwasȱveryȱtentativelyȱhintedȱat.ȱ
Theȱrealȱperpetratorsȱcanȱthereforeȱbeȱidentifiedȱasȱfollows:ȱaȱpriestȱandȱfour
accomplicesȱ whoȱ obviouslyȱ wereȱ inȱ cahootsȱ inȱ theȱ scheme.ȱ Noȱ namesȱ are
mentioned,ȱbutȱdoesȱitȱseemȱtooȱspeculativeȱaȱguessȱtoȱsuspectȱKonrad,ȱtheȱvicar
ofȱ Leobersdorf,ȱ asȱ theȱ mainȱ culprit?ȱ Inȱ hisȱ testimonyȱ beforeȱ theȱ commission,
Konradȱspeaksȱofȱaȱ‘repentantȱChristian’ȱwhomȱheȱhadȱallegedlyȱshriven,ȱandȱwho
hadȱconfessedȱtoȱhavingȱsoldȱtheȱwaferȱtoȱtheȱJews,ȱwhichȱhadȱ(further)ȱsealedȱthe
beliefȱ inȱ theȱ Jews’ȱ guilt.ȱ Inȱ theȱ lightȱ ofȱ theȱ laterȱ findings,ȱ itȱ isȱ clearȱ thatȱ his
statementȱhadȱtoȱbeȱaȱblatantȱlie.ȱ
Theȱfactȱthatȱaȱhostȱhadȱindeedȱbeenȱplantedȱnotȱonlyȱlendsȱcredibilityȱtoȱsome
ofȱ theȱ testimonies—peopleȱ hadȱ actuallyȱ seenȱ Zerkelȱ andȱ theȱ scholarȱ running
throughȱtheȱtownȱwithȱaȱbloodstainedȱhostȱinȱtheirȱhands—butȱitȱalsoȱsubstantiates
theȱstatementȱofȱtheȱterrifiedȱJewsȱthatȱ‘anȱevilȱChristian’ȱhadȱthrownȱtheȱwafer
ontoȱtheirȱdoorstep.ȱItȱis,ȱhowever,ȱunlikelyȱthatȱtheȱJewsȱwereȱtheȱ fraudulent
priest’sȱprimaryȱtarget.ȱAlreadyȱtheȱfirstȱallegedȱhostȱwaferȱdesecrationȱinȱwhatȱis
todayȱAustrianȱterritory,ȱtheȱeventsȱinȱLaaȱanȱderȱThayaȱinȱ1294,ȱhadȱresultedȱnot
78
Stelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispielȱKorneuburg,”ȱ338–39ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12),ȱarguesȱthatȱtheȱfirstȱrenditionȱofȱthe
treatiseȱwasȱwrittenȱinȱlateȱ1306ȱwhileȱtheȱadditionsȱwereȱworkedȱintoȱitȱaroundȱ1311,ȱwithȱthe
prologueȱbeingȱtheȱlastȱpieceȱaddedȱinȱ1312.
79
Theȱforgingȱofȱ“miracleȬworking”ȱhostȱwafersȱwasȱnotȱuncommon;ȱtheȱpapalȱletterȱtoȱbishop
Albrechtȱ IIȱ ofȱ Passauȱ speaksȱ ofȱ ‘incidentsȱ similarȱ toȱ Korneuburg’ȱ thatȱ hadȱ takenȱ placeȱ at
Weikersdorf,ȱwhileȱhisȱletterȱtoȱDukeȱAlbrechtȱIIȱofȱAustriaȱmentionsȱLinzȱ(BruggerȱandȱWiedl,
Regestenȱ1,ȱ339–40,ȱnos.ȱ442ȱandȱ443ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ1]),ȱyetȱforȱneitherȱofȱtheseȱtwoȱtowns,ȱisȱthereȱany
furtherȱdocumentationȱofȱaȱhostȱdesecrationȱandȱanȱensuingȱpogrom.ȱSeeȱforȱGermanȱexamples
Lotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ574–81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17)ȱ(withȱKorneuburgȱasȱtheȱmainȱexample);
Graus,ȱ“FälschungenȱimȱGewandȱderȱFrömmigkeit,”ȱ268–70ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ68),ȱagainȱwithȱKorneuburg
(whichȱheȱmistakesȱforȱPulkau)ȱandȱtheȱforgedȱhostȱwaferȱofȱWilsnackȱ(thatȱdoesȱnotȱinclude
accusationsȱagainstȱJews).ȱ
322 BirgitȱWiedl
onlyȱ inȱ theȱ Jewsȱ beingȱ persecutedȱ butȱ alsoȱ aȱ chapelȱ beingȱ erectedȱ onȱ theȱ spot
whereȱtheȱ‘bodyȱofȱtheȱLord’ȱhadȱbeenȱfound.80ȱ
Aȱmiraculousȱhostȱprovidedȱ theȱparishȱwhereȱitȱwasȱkeptȱwithȱprestigeȱand
posedȱaȱstrongȱattractionȱforȱpilgrims.ȱItȱisȱthereforeȱquiteȱlogicalȱtoȱassumeȱthat
itȱwasȱtheȱpriest’sȱmainȱgoalȱtoȱestablishȱaȱpilgrimageȱsiteȱthatȱwouldȱincreaseȱboth
theȱreputationȱandȱtheȱrevenuesȱofȱtheȱparish.ȱToȱachieveȱthisȱgoalȱitȱwouldȱnot
haveȱbeenȱenoughȱmerelyȱtoȱlaunchȱaȱstoryȱaboutȱaȱmiraculousȱhost;ȱheȱneededȱthe
waferȱitselfȱasȱaȱtangibleȱelement.ȱInȱputtingȱallȱtheȱkeyȱelementsȱtogether—aȱhost
wafer,ȱblood,ȱandȱJews—theȱfraudulentȱpriestȱprovidedȱaȱscenarioȱthatȱallowed
Christiansȱtoȱindulgeȱfullyȱtheirȱfantasiesȱaboutȱtheȱmistreatmentȱandȱmurderȱof
ChristȱbyȱtheȱJews.ȱ
TheȱkillingȱofȱtheȱJewsȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱspurȬofȬtheȬmomentȱaction,ȱignitedȱby
ubiquitousȱ antiȬJewishȱ sentimentȱ andȱ theȱ desireȱ forȱ revenge,ȱ yetȱ whenȱ they
accusedȱAmbroseȱandȱRudolfȱIIIȱofȱhamperingȱtheȱinvestigation,ȱtheyȱseemedȱto
haveȱbeenȱawareȱofȱtheȱmaterialȱbenefitsȱtheyȱcouldȱgainȱfromȱanȱestablishedȱand
approvedȱmiraculousȱhost.ȱPilgrimageȱhotspots,ȱinȱturn,ȱprolongedȱandȱnourished
theȱChristianȱideasȱofȱJewsȱmaltreatingȱhosts.ȱThoseȱwhoȱvisitedȱtheȱsiteȱnoȱlonger
onlyȱheardȱaȱtaleȱbutȱactuallyȱsawȱtheȱmaltreatedȱhost,ȱtheȱtangibleȱ(orȱatȱleast
visible)ȱproofȱthatȱJewishȱhostȱdesecrationȱwasȱindeedȱaȱreality.ȱIllustrationsȱsuch
asȱtheȱ(later)ȱaltarȱpaintingsȱatȱKorneuburgȱfurtherȱhelpedȱtheȱpilgrimsȱtoȱvisualize
theȱ crimeȱ ofȱ theȱ Jews,ȱ andȱ thusȱ theyȱ wereȱ boundȱ toȱ feelȱ thatȱ theȱ guiltyȱ Jews
deservedȱtheirȱfate.81
Itȱmustȱremainȱpureȱspeculationȱtoȱincludeȱthoseȱwitnessesȱwhoȱgiveȱtheȱmost
detailedȱinformationȱasȱbeingȱinȱcahootsȱwithȱtheȱpriest.ȱEvenȱifȱweȱidentifyȱthe
unnamedȱpriestȱasȱKonradȱofȱLeobendorf,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱevidenceȱthatȱtheȱfourȱothers
heȱ namedȱ asȱ hisȱ accomplicesȱ wereȱ interrogatedȱ atȱ all.ȱ Furthermore,ȱ withȱ the
interventionȱofȱDukeȱRudolfȱIII,ȱwhoȱwantedȱtheȱinvestigationȱbroughtȱtoȱaȱquick
end,ȱthereȱisȱaȱnotableȱchangeȱinȱtheȱprocedure.ȱTheȱinterviewsȱbecameȱshorterȱand
shorter,ȱandȱalthoughȱtheȱwitnessesȱwereȱpresentedȱtheȱfullȱcatalogueȱofȱquestions,
theyȱ wereȱ notȱ encouragedȱ toȱ elaborate.ȱ Theseȱ sourceȬrelatedȱ considerations
notwithstanding,ȱsomeȱofȱtheȱwitnessesȱstandȱoutȱwithȱrespectȱtoȱtheȱdetailsȱthey
reveal.ȱKonradȱanȱderȱHochstrassȱnotȱonlyȱverifiedȱtheȱvicar’sȱtestimonyȱonȱthe
purchaseȱofȱtheȱhost,ȱbutȱheapedȱadditionalȱblameȱonȱtheȱJewsȱbyȱshiftingȱthe
confessionȱfromȱtheȱvicar’sȱunnamedȱlaypersonȱtoȱtheȱJewishȱscholar.ȱMoreȱdetails,
suchȱasȱtheȱnameȱofȱtheȱChristianȱtheȱJewsȱtriedȱtoȱpersuadeȱtoȱdisposeȱofȱtheȱhost
80
BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ89–90,ȱno.ȱ82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱOnȱtheȱgeneralȱ‘restorationȱofȱtheȱorder,’
theȱ transformationȱ ofȱ Jewishȱ housesȱ orȱ synagoguesȱ intoȱ chapelsȱ (thatȱ usuallyȱ housedȱ the
maltreatedȱhost),ȱseeȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ89–91ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
81
Merback,ȱTheȱThief,ȱtheȱCrossȱandȱtheȱWheel,ȱ195ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ54),ȱalsoȱonȱtheȱvisualȱpresentationȱofȱthe
hostȱwafers.
forȱthem,ȱincludingȱtheȱexactȱwordingȱofȱthisȱChristian’sȱoutburstȱwhenȱconfronted
withȱtheȱhost,ȱwereȱreportedȱbyȱKonradȱanȱderȱHochstrass,ȱalbeit,ȱasȱheȱclaimed,
onlyȱbyȱhimȱrenderingȱtheȱdyingȱscholar’sȱlastȱwords.ȱ
EquallyȱsuspiciousȱareȱOttoȱanȱdemȱRoßmarkt,ȱwhoȱhadȱtheȱscholarȱsayȱthatȱthe
Jewsȱfullyȱdeservedȱtheirȱfateȱforȱtheirȱmisdeeds,ȱand,ȱtheȱbakerȱSifridusȱ(Sidlin)
andȱhisȱheavenlyȬguidedȱfeet.ȱTheȱlatterȱalsoȱprovidedȱtheȱreasonȱwhyȱtheȱhost
wasȱdepositedȱatȱZerkel’sȱdoorstep:ȱafterȱseeingȱtheȱhostȱlyingȱonȱtheȱfloorȱand
standingȱmesmerized,ȱSifridusȱhimselfȱputȱitȱthereȱwhenȱheȱsawȱtheȱbloodȱoozing
fromȱit.ȱItȱmust,ȱasȱwithȱtheȱotherȱwitnesses,ȱremainȱpureȱspeculationȱwhether
Sifridusȱwasȱinȱcahootsȱwithȱtheȱpriest,ȱyetȱthereȱisȱmuchȱevidenceȱthatȱhe,ȱinȱfact,
hadȱbeenȱtheȱoneȱtoȱwhomȱtheȱpriestȱhadȱassignedȱtheȱtaskȱofȱplantingȱtheȱhost
wafer.ȱFirstȱandȱforemost,ȱasȱMiriȱRubinȱpointedȱout,ȱheȱhadȱtheȱcrucialȱrequisite
atȱhand—theȱwaferȱitself,ȱwhichȱisȱbasicallyȱnothingȱbutȱaȱpieceȱofȱbakedȱdough.82ȱ
Furthermore,ȱhisȱspectacularȱstoryȱofȱheavenlyȱguidance,ȱtheȱpickingȱupȱofȱthe
hostȱatȱfirstȱandȱthenȱputtingȱitȱdownȱagainȱmightȱhaveȱservedȱasȱanȱexplanation
shouldȱheȱbeȱcaughtȱredȬhanded.ȱSifridusȱhimselfȱconfirmedȱthatȱhisȱfingerȱhad
remainedȱbloodiedȱafterȱheȱhadȱputȱtheȱhostȱdown.ȱItȱmust,ȱagain,ȱremainȱpure
speculationȱasȱtoȱwhetherȱSidlin’sȱtestimonyȱhadȱbeenȱagreedȱuponȱbeforehand,
andȱifȱso,ȱtoȱwhatȱpurpose.ȱItȱisȱpossibleȱthatȱtheyȱsoughtȱtoȱintroduceȱtheȱelement
ofȱtheȱheavenlyȱintervention,ȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱpriestȱwasȱhopingȱtheȱtheologically
(moreȱorȱless)ȱversedȱinterrogatorsȱwouldȱfindȱappealing.ȱ
Allȱofȱthis,ȱhowever,ȱsuggestsȱnotȱonlyȱSifridus’sȱinvolvement,ȱbutȱalsoȱpoints
towardsȱaȱschemeȱthatȱwasȱnotȱaȱspurȬofȬtheȬmomentȱact,ȱbutȱaȱpremeditatedȱplot
thatȱrequiredȱmeticulousȱplanning.ȱOnlyȱoneȱotherȱwitness,ȱBertha,ȱtheȱwifeȱof
KonradȱReus,ȱconfirmedȱthatȱsheȱhadȱseenȱhimȱwithȱtheȱhostȱbutȱotherȱthanȱthat
merelyȱstatedȱthatȱsheȱ‘concursȱwithȱhimȱinȱregardȱofȱhowȱtheȱhostȱwasȱfound.’
OtherȱwitnessesȱonlyȱnameȱSidlinȱasȱbeingȱamongȱthoseȱpresentȱatȱtheȱretrievalȱof
theȱhostȱwithoutȱcreditingȱhimȱwithȱanyȱspecialȱtask.ȱTheȱChristianȱwhomȱtheȱJews
accusedȱ ofȱ havingȱ thrownȱ theȱ hostȱ intoȱ theirȱ house—who,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ his
testimony,ȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱSidlinȱhimself—remainedȱanonymousȱinȱallȱother
versions.ȱ
Mostȱofȱtheȱwitnessesȱremainedȱextremelyȱvagueȱaboutȱactualȱhealings.ȱWhen
askedȱaboutȱspecificȱnamesȱandȱtime,ȱtheȱpriestȱFriedrichȱrespondedȱquodȱsolumȱex
famaȱhecȱscit.ȱTheȱsecondȱpriestȱthatȱwasȱinterrogated,ȱHertricus,ȱrespondedȱinȱa
quiteȱsimilarȱmanner:ȱquodȱnichilȱscitȱdeȱhocȱnisiȱperȱauditumȱetȱfamam.ȱOttoȱanȱdem
Roßmarkt,ȱeagerȱtoȱshareȱinformation,ȱgaveȱsuspiciouslyȱelaborateȱdetailsȱonȱthe
miraculousȱ workȱ ofȱ theȱ host.ȱ Heȱ gaveȱ detailsȱ aboutȱ theȱ curesȱ ofȱ the
82
Rubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ64ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
324 BirgitȱWiedl
aforementionedȱBohemianȱgirlȱplaguedȱbyȱdemonsȱandȱofȱtheȱparalyzedȱViennese
woman.ȱTheȱformerȱhadȱbeenȱsufferingȱforȱthirteenȱyearsȱandȱtheȱlatterȱforȱeight
years,ȱfourȱofȱwhichȱhadȱbeenȱspentȱinȱaȱhospitalȱinȱVienna.ȱYet,ȱdespiteȱhisȱinȬ
depthȱknowledge,ȱheȱcouldȱnotȱspecifyȱtheȱpreciseȱdayȱorȱhourȱofȱtheirȱhealing.ȱ
Theȱ miraculousȱ healingȱ thatȱ wasȱ broughtȱ upȱ theȱ mostȱ wasȱ thatȱ ofȱ theȱ local
weaver,ȱPero.ȱAltogetherȱtenȱwitnessesȱclaimȱthatȱtheyȱknewȱaboutȱhisȱhealing,
althoughȱmostȱofȱthemȱagainȱresortingȱtoȱhearsay.ȱOnlyȱOttoȱanȱdemȱRoßmarkt
explicitlyȱ admittedȱ toȱ actuallyȱ havingȱ beenȱ presentȱ whenȱ Peroȱ wasȱ healed.
Accordingȱtoȱhim,ȱRapotoȱTaschȱ(theȱeleventhȱwitness)ȱandȱKonradȱKlettȱhadȱbeen
thereȱtoo,ȱetȱpluribusȱaliis.83ȱDespiteȱtheȱfactȱthatȱPeroȱwasȱ“knownȱtoȱeveryoneȱin
theȱtown,”ȱasȱOttoȱclaimed,ȱhisȱfellowȱcitizensȱwereȱnotȱableȱtoȱgiveȱanyȱprecise
detailsȱonȱtheȱamountȱofȱtimeȱheȱhadȱspentȱinȱhisȱparalysedȱstate,ȱwhichȱdiffered
betweenȱtwoȱandȱfiveȱyearsȱinȱtheȱwitnesses’sȱstatements.ȱ
ToȱsuspectȱthatȱPeroȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱinȱcahootsȱwithȱtheȱfraudulentȱpriestȱby
fakingȱaȱ‘spiritualȱhealing’ȱmightȱgoȱtooȱfar,ȱsinceȱheȱwasȱnotȱtheȱfirstȱbutȱonlyȱthe
mostȱknownȱofȱtheȱluckyȱonesȱthroughȱwhomȱtheȱhostȱdemonstratedȱitsȱpower.ȱIt
isȱsurprisingȱthatȱheȱwasȱnotȱamongȱtheȱwitnessesȱdespiteȱtheȱfactȱthatȱheȱstillȱlived
inȱKorneuburg,ȱparticularlyȱsinceȱtheȱcommissionȱwasȱmoreȱconcernedȱwithȱthe
miraclesȱ(andȱtheirȱgenuineness)ȱthanȱwithȱtheȱJews’ȱfate.
Judgingȱbyȱtheȱlistȱofȱthoseȱthatȱhadȱbeenȱmiraculouslyȱcuredȱwithinȱtheȱfirst
monthsȱofȱtheȱhost’sȱwork,ȱtheȱfameȱofȱtheȱsiteȱhadȱexpandedȱquiteȱquickly,ȱthus
allowingȱusȱtoȱspeculateȱthatȱtheȱpriest’sȱgoalȱwasȱachievedȱevenȱifȱthereȱisȱno
mentionȱofȱaȱpilgrimageȱsiteȱinȱtheȱdecadesȱfollowingȱtheȱincident.ȱOnlyȱtwoȱpapal
lettersȱ fromȱ theȱ yearȱ 1338ȱ thatȱ investigatedȱ theȱ Pulkauȱ persecutionsȱ inȱ Lower
AustriaȱgiveȱinsightȱintoȱtheȱcontinuingȱvenerationȱofȱtheȱKorneuburgȱhost.ȱWhat
hadȱhappenedȱinȱtheȱmeantimeȱreadsȱlikeȱaȱreflectionȱofȱtheȱearlierȱincidents.ȱSince
theȱoriginalȱwaferȱhadȱbeenȱeatenȱawayȱbyȱmothsȱandȱwormsȱbutȱwasȱstillȱbeing
veneratedȱbyȱtheȱfaithfulȱmasses,ȱaȱmisledȱpriestȱ(suggestioneȱdiabolicaȱpersuasus
erroremȱerroriȱaccumulans)ȱhadȱtakenȱaȱnew,ȱnonȬconsecratedȱwafer,ȱdippedȱitȱin
bloodȱandȱsupplantedȱtheȱoldȱone,ȱpresumablyȱnotȱtoȱimpedeȱtheȱflourishingȱofȱthe
pilgrimageȱsite.84ȱ
83
Dueȱtoȱtheȱincreasingȱbrevityȱofȱtheȱinterviews,ȱmanyȱofȱtheȱwitnessesȱmerelyȱrespondȱthatȱthey
‘concurȱwithȱwhatȱtheȱothersȱstated,’ȱwhichȱmakesȱitȱimpossibleȱtoȱdecideȱwhetherȱtheyȱmeantȱthat
theyȱwereȱpresentȱorȱhadȱjustȱheardȱaboutȱitȱbothȱofȱwhichȱhadȱalreadyȱbeenȱstatedȱbyȱothers.
RapotoȱTaschȱforȱexampleȱ(theȱnineteenthȱwitness),ȱwhoȱwasȱreportedȱbyȱOttoȱanȱdemȱRoßmarkt
asȱhavingȱbeenȱpresent,ȱmerelyȱdeclaresȱthatȱheȱcorroboratesȱwhatȱtheȱothersȱhadȱsaid;ȱonlyȱthe
eleventhȱwitness,ȱtheȱaldermanȱMarquard,ȱexplicitlyȱstatesȱthatȱheȱhadȱnotȱbeenȱpresentȱwhen
Peroȱhadȱbeenȱhealed.
84
OdericusȱRaynaldusȱandȱJacobusȱdeȱLaderchius,ȱAnnalesȱecclesiasticiȱdenuoȱexcusiȱetȱadȱnostraȱusque
temporaȱperductiȱabȱAugustinoȱTheiner,ȱ25:ȱ1334–1355ȱ(BarȬleȬDuc:ȱLudovicusȱGuerinȱetȱsocii,ȱ1872),
118–19.ȱToȱ‘support’ȱaȱhostȱwaferȱthatȱwasȱbeingȱveneratedȱyetȱhadȱpossiblyȱnotȱbeenȱconsecrated
Inȱtheȱsameȱyearȱ1338,ȱtheȱDukesȱOttoȱIIȱandȱAlbrechtȱIIȱgaveȱtheȱAugustinian
orderȱaȱplotȱofȱlandȱatȱKorneuburgȱthatȱhadȱonceȱbelongedȱtoȱtheirȱJewsȱ(areamȱolim
nostrorumȱjudeorumȱ[...]ȱintraȱmurosȱinȱNeunburch)85ȱandȱgrantedȱthemȱtheȱrightȱto
erectȱaȱmonasteryȱthere—whichȱalsoȱmeantȱthatȱtheȱ(former)ȱpresenceȱofȱtheȱJews
andȱtheirȱcrimesȱstayedȱinȱtheȱcollectiveȱmemoryȱofȱtheȱChristianȱcommunity.86
Accordingȱtoȱlocalȱtraditionȱthatȱwasȱstillȱ(again?)ȱaliveȱinȱtheȱ1960s,87ȱthisȱwasȱthe
spotȱ whereȱ Zerkel’sȱ houseȱ hadȱ onceȱ stood—aȱ somewhatȱ believableȱ tradition
actually,ȱsinceȱitȱisȱhighlyȱlikelyȱthatȱZerkel’sȱhouseȱwasȱtheȱonlyȱ“Jewish”ȱhouse
inȱKorneuburg.88ȱ
Withȱ theȱ actualȱ culpritȱ beingȱ knownȱ toȱ theȱ authorities,ȱ theȱ questionȱ arises
whetherȱheȱhadȱbeenȱpunishedȱforȱhisȱoffence.ȱAmbroseȱinȱhisȱtreatiseȱstrongly
recommendedȱit,ȱandȱevenȱdeclaredȱthatȱtheȱpriestȱalone,ȱandȱnotȱtheȱJews,ȱshould
haveȱborneȱtheȱconsequencesȱandȱtheȱwordingȱofȱtheȱpapalȱletterȱsuggestsȱthatȱthe
feloniousȱpriestȱhadȱindeedȱnotȱemergedȱunscathed.ȱYetȱtheȱsourcesȱareȱtooȱscarce
toȱtrackȱdownȱanyȱdetailsȱonȱhisȱpotentialȱpunishment.89ȱWhatȱcanȱbeȱgathered
howeverȱ areȱ twoȱ things:ȱ theȱ ideaȱ thatȱ aȱ priestȱ wouldȱ misuseȱ theȱ talesȱ ofȱ host
desecrationȱtoȱhisȱadvantageȱwasȱnotȱunthinkableȱtoȱeitherȱpope,ȱbishop,ȱorȱduke,
andȱthat,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱmakeȱtheȱschemeȱwork,ȱanyȱfraudulentȱclericȱ(orȱlayperson)
couldȱsafelyȱrelyȱonȱtheȱconceptȱofȱtheȱdefaultȱguiltȱofȱtheȱJewsȱwhichȱwasȱfirmly
ingrainedȱ inȱ theȱ commonȱ mindȬset.90ȱ Theȱ host,ȱ asȱ theȱ Korneuburgȱ deanȱ Jacob
stated,ȱhadȱbeenȱfoundȱatȱtheȱJews’ȱplace,ȱandȱthatȱaloneȱservedȱasȱsufficientȱproof
forȱitsȱauthenticity.
withȱaȱconsecratedȱoneȱisȱhoweverȱnotȱunusual:ȱwhenȱtheȱsameȱproblemȱaroseȱatȱPulkauȱinȱ1338,
whereȱaȱbloodiedȱhostȱhadȱbeenȱfoundȱunderȱratherȱsimilarȱcircumstancesȱ(inȱfrontȱofȱaȱJew’s
house,ȱonȱtheȱstreet,ȱcoveredȱwithȱstraw)ȱandȱwasȱbeingȱworshippedȱatȱtheȱparishȱchurch,ȱthe
BishopȱofȱPassauȱhadȱaȱconsecratedȱhostȱputȱnextȱtoȱit;ȱChronicleȱofȱFrancisȱofȱPragueȱ(Chronicon
AulaeȱRegiae)ȱfromȱtheȱyearȱ1338,ȱseeȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ347,ȱno.ȱ453ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
85
HausȬ,ȱHofȬȱundȱStaatsarchivȱ(AustrianȱStateȱArchives),ȱVienna,ȱAURȱ1338ȱXIȱ19ȱ(Bruggerȱand
Wiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ343,ȱno.ȱ447ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ1]).
86
SeeȱZeissl,ȱDasȱehemaligeȱAugustinerklosterȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33).
87
GermaniaȱJudaica,ȱvol.ȱII:ȱVonȱ1238ȱbisȱzurȱMitteȱdesȱ14.ȱJahrhunderts,ȱpartȱ1:ȱAachen—Luzern,ȱed.ȱZvi
Avneriȱ(Tübingen:ȱJ.C.B.ȱMohr,ȱ1968),ȱ450.
88
TheȱmedievalȱsynagogueȱinȱKorneuburgȱwasȱerectedȱinȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱbutȱtheȱ(sometimes
quoted)ȱtimeȱspanȱofȱ1305ȱtoȱ1325ȱforȱitsȱconstructionȱseemsȱhighlyȱunlikely,ȱsinceȱthereȱisȱno
mentionȱofȱaȱJewishȱpresenceȱinȱKorneuburgȱupȱuntilȱ1378ȱ(GermaniaȱJudaicaȱII/1,ȱ450ȱ[seeȱnote
87]).ȱ
89
IfȱweȱgoȱwithȱtheȱassumptionȱthatȱitȱwasȱKonrad,ȱtheȱvicarȱofȱLeobendorf,ȱtheȱsourcesȱremain
silentȱonȱhim:ȱtheȱUrkundenbuchȱdesȱStiftesȱKlosterneuburgȱbisȱzumȱEndeȱdesȱvierzehntenȱJahrhunderts
(seeȱnoteȱ30)ȱdoesȱnotȱmentionȱaȱKonrad,ȱvicarȱofȱLeobendorf.
90
WolfgangȱTreueȱgivesȱexamplesȱofȱChristiansȱwho,ȱobviouslyȱfirmlyȱbelievingȱinȱtheȱJewishȱneed
forȱ consecratedȱ hostȱ wafers,ȱ triedȱ toȱ makeȱ moneyȱ offȱ thisȱ byȱ tryingȱ toȱ sellȱ themȱ hostsȱ (and,
occasionally,ȱ children),ȱ whichȱ theȱ Jewsȱ refusedȱ (andȱ sometimesȱ suedȱ themȱ forȱ it);ȱ Treue,
“SchlechteȱundȱguteȱChristen,”ȱ104–06ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
326 BirgitȱWiedl
Theȱfactȱthatȱaȱfraudulentȱpriestȱhadȱstagedȱtheȱhostȱdesecrationȱandȱbrought
aboutȱtheȱconsequencesȱsufferedȱbyȱtheȱJewishȱpopulationȱremainedȱknownȱto
bothȱ secularȱ andȱ ecclesiasticalȱ authorities.ȱ Inȱ Augustȱ 1338,ȱ Popeȱ Benedictȱ XII
commandedȱtheȱbishopȱofȱPassau,ȱAlbrechtȱIIȱofȱSaxonyȬWittenberg,ȱtoȱinvestigate
aȱwaveȱofȱantiȬJewishȱriotsȱthatȱhadȱresultedȱfromȱallegedȱhostȱdesecrationsȱinȱthe
LowerȱAustrianȱtownsȱofȱPulkauȱandȱWeikersdorf,ȱandȱtheȱUpperȱAustrianȱtown
ofȱLinz.91ȱTheȱinvestigationȱhadȱbeenȱrequestedȱbyȱtheȱAustrianȱDukeȱAlbrechtȱII,
theȱbrotherȱandȱsuccessorȱofȱtheȱlateȱRudolfȱIII,ȱwhoȱhadȱurgedȱtheȱApostolicȱSee
toȱfindȱoutȱwhetherȱJewsȱhadȱbeenȱguiltyȱofȱtheȱcrimeȱorȱhadȱbeenȱinnocentȱasȱhad
beenȱtheȱcaseȱatȱKorneuburg,ȱphrasingȱhisȱsuspicionsȱofȱfoulȱplayȱinȱnoȱuncertain
terms.ȱ
Inȱfact,ȱtheȱtwoȱlettersȱbyȱBenedictȱXIIȱare,ȱapartȱfromȱAmbrose’sȱtreatise,ȱthe
onlyȱsourcesȱthatȱmentionȱtheȱpriest’sȱcriminalȱdeedȱandȱthusȱprovideȱinformation
onȱ theȱ realȱ courseȱ ofȱ eventsȱ atȱ Korneuburg.92ȱ Theȱ allegedȱ hostȱ desecrationȱ at
Pulkauȱ (80ȱ km/50ȱ miȱ northeastȱ ofȱ Vienna)ȱ hadȱ triggeredȱ theȱ firstȱ waveȱ of
persecutionȱinȱAustriaȱthatȱwentȱbeyondȱtheȱlocalȱscope.ȱApartȱfromȱtheȱJewish
populationȱofȱPulkau,ȱtheȱJewsȱofȱmanyȱsmallȱtownsȱinȱtheȱsurroundingȱareaȱfell
preyȱtoȱtheȱfrenziedȱmob.93ȱTheȱNürnbergȱmemorialȱbookȱlistsȱ31ȱ“bloodȱsites”ȱin
91
ForȱWeikersdorfȱ(westȱofȱWienerȱNeustadt)ȱandȱLinz,ȱneitherȱanȱaccusationȱofȱhostȱdesecration
norȱaȱpersecutionȱofȱJewsȱisȱdocumentedȱelsewhere;ȱtheȱNürnbergerȱMemorbuchȱ(“memorial
book”),ȱ theȱ listȱ ofȱ theȱ ‘bloodȱ sites’ȱ (Blutstädte),ȱ theȱ sitesȱ ofȱ Jewishȱ persecutions,ȱ citesȱ neither
WeikersdorfȱnorȱLinz;ȱSiegmundȱSalfeld,ȱDasȱMartyrologiumȱdesȱNürnbergerȱMemorbuches.ȱQuellen
zurȱGeschichteȱderȱJudenȱinȱDeutschland,ȱ3ȱ(Berlin:ȱLeonhardȱSimionȱVerlag,ȱ1898),ȱ68ȱ(Hebrew)
andȱ420–21ȱ(German);ȱseeȱalsoȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ348–49,ȱno.ȱ455ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱon
memorialȱbooksȱinȱgeneral,ȱseeȱAubreyȱPomerance,ȱ“‘BekanntȱinȱdenȱToren:’ȱNameȱundȱNachruf
inȱ Memorbüchern,”ȱ Erinnerungȱ alsȱ Gegenwart:ȱ Juüdischeȱ Gedenkkulturen,ȱ ed.ȱ Sabineȱ Hödlȱ and
EleonoreȱLappinȱ(BerlinȱandȱVienna:ȱPhilo,ȱ2000),ȱ33–54.ȱAlfonsȱŽák,ȱȈZurȱKirchengeschichte
Niederösterreichs,ȈȱMonatsblattȱdesȱVereinsȱfürȱLandeskundeȱundȱHeimatschutzȱvonȱNiederösterreich
undȱWien,ȱ12.1/1ȱ(1926/27),ȱ6–7ȱsuspectsȱtheȱLowerȱAustrianȱtownȱRetz,ȱcloseȱtoȱtheȱBohemian
borderȱandȱlistedȱinȱtheȱmemorialȱbookȱofȱNürnberg,ȱbehindȱtheȱseriouslyȱmisspelledȱnameȱof
Linzȱ(Fyncz,ȱSyntz).ȱToȱincludeȱtheȱPulkauȱpersecutionsȱintoȱtheȱwaveȱofȱpersecutionsȱthatȱhad
sprungȱupȱaroundȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱinȱtheȱBavarianȱtownȱofȱDeggendorfȱandȱhadȱspreadȱquickly
throughoutȱtheȱsouthernȱregionsȱofȱtheȱHolyȱRomanȱEmpireȱisȱsomewhatȱproblematicȱforȱtheȱlack
ofȱanyȱimmediateȱconnection;ȱalthoughȱsomeȱofȱtheȱmainlyȱecclesiasticalȱsourcesȱeitherȱmixȱup
theseȱtwoȱeventsȱorȱmerelyȱreportȱofȱ‘Jewsȱbeingȱkilledȱinȱtheȱsouthernȱparts’.
92
Editions:ȱShlomoȱSimonsohn,ȱTheȱApostolicȱSeeȱandȱtheȱJews,ȱvol.ȱ1:ȱDocumentsȱ492–1404.ȱPontifical
InstituteȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱStudiesȱandȱTexts,ȱ94ȱ(Toronto:ȱPontificalȱInstituteȱofȱMedieval
Studies/Brepols,ȱ1988),ȱ371–74,ȱnos.ȱ354–55ȱ(fullȱtextȱofȱtheȱletterȱtoȱtheȱbishopȱofȱPassau,ȱsummary
ofȱtheȱletterȱtoȱDukeȱAlbrecht),ȱandȱRaynaldusȱandȱdeȱLaderchius,ȱAnnalesȱecclesiastici,ȱ118–19,ȱnos.
20–21ȱ(fullȱtextȱofȱtheȱletterȱtoȱDukeȱAlbrecht,ȱsummaryȱofȱtheȱletterȱtoȱtheȱbishop).
93
Rubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ65ȱandȱ68ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱgivesȱtheȱnumberȱofȱ‘150ȱJewsȱofȱPulkau’ȱthatȱwere
killedȱduringȱtheȱpersecutions,ȱwhichȱisȱbyȱfarȱtooȱhighȱaȱnumberȱforȱaȱsmallȱLowerȱAustrian
town.ȱHerȱassessmentȱthatȱitȱwasȱDukeȱOtto’sȱ‘abandonment’ȱofȱtheȱAustrianȱduchyȱinȱfavourȱof
theȱ ‘recentlyȱ annexed’ȱ Styriaȱ (whichȱ wasȱ neitherȱ ‘annexed’ȱ norȱ recentlyȱ acquiredȱ byȱ the
Habsburgs)ȱthatȱmadeȱtheȱPulkauȱpersecutionsȱpossibleȱignoresȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱOtto’sȱbrother,
Austrian,ȱMoravian,ȱBohemian,ȱandȱBavarianȱterritory.94ȱTheȱincidentȱthatȱhad
startedȱ theȱ Pulkauȱ persecutionsȱ readsȱ quiteȱ similarȱ toȱ whatȱ hadȱ happenedȱ at
Korneuburgȱ(andȱmanyȱothersȱinȱtheȱcenturiesȱtoȱcome),ȱcontainingȱallȱtheȱkey
elementsȱofȱtheȱclassicalȱnarrative:ȱaȱbloodȬstainedȱhostȱwasȱfoundȱinȱfrontȱofȱa
Jew’sȱ house,95ȱ and,ȱ incitedȱ byȱ whatȱ theȱ Jewsȱ hadȱ undoubtedlyȱ doneȱ toȱ it,ȱ the
Christianȱpopulationȱsoughtȱrevenge.ȱ
Unfortunately,ȱtheȱoutcomeȱ(ifȱthereȱwasȱany)ȱofȱbishopȱAlbrecht’sȱinvestigation
isȱnotȱdocumented.ȱDukeȱAlbrechtȱII,ȱhowever,ȱproceededȱtoȱfollowȱtheȱpolicyȱof
hisȱ olderȱ brotherȱ Rudolfȱ IIIȱ inȱ prosecutingȱ antiȬJewishȱ outbreaks.ȱ Duringȱ the
periodȱofȱtheȱBlackȱPlague,ȱthatȱsawȱtheȱviolentȱendȱofȱmanyȱJewishȱcommunities
inȱtheȱHolyȱRomanȱEmpire,ȱAlbrechtȱmanagedȱtoȱaȱlargeȱextentȱtoȱmaintainȱthe
safetyȱ ofȱ theȱ Austrianȱ Jewry.96ȱ Albrechtȱ IIȱ didȱ notȱ shyȱ awayȱ fromȱ resortingȱ to
drasticȱmeasuresȱwhenȱtheȱJews—andȱthusȱaȱpartȱofȱhisȱtreasury—wereȱattacked.
TheȱonlyȱpersecutionȱofȱJewsȱduringȱthisȱtimeȱinȱAustria,ȱinȱtheȱtownȱofȱKremsȱthat
housedȱtheȱsecondȬlargestȱJewishȱcommunityȱinȱLowerȱAustria,ȱwasȱmetȱnotȱonly
withȱheavyȱ finesȱbutȱtheȱleadersȱofȱriot,ȱwhoȱ wereȱ amongȱtheȱmostȱimportant
DukeȱAlbrechtȱIIȱ(whomȱsheȱmistakesȱforȱAlbrechtȱIIȱofȱSaxony,ȱtheȱbishopȱofȱPassau).
94
Someȱofȱtheȱlistedȱnames,ȱsuchȱasȱPassauȱ(Bavaria)ȱareȱinȱtoday’sȱacademicȱliteratureȱcountedȱas
partȱofȱtheȱDeggendorfȱpersecutionsȱ(seeȱGermaniaȱJudaica,ȱvol.ȱII:ȱVonȱ1238ȱbisȱzurȱMitteȱdesȱ14.
Jahrhunderts,ȱpartȱ2:ȱMaastricht—Zwolle,ȱed.ȱZviȱAvneriȱ[Tübingen:ȱJ.C.B.ȱMohr,ȱ1968],ȱ647–48,ȱfn.
7),ȱwhereasȱforȱtheȱCarinthianȱtownȱofȱVillach,ȱwhichȱisȱgeographicallyȱtheȱmostȱremoteȱfromȱthe
centreȱofȱtheȱviolentȱoutbreaks,ȱaȱpersecutionȱofȱtheȱJewsȱisȱnotȱdocumentedȱinȱanyȱotherȱsource;
JewishȱpresenceȱinȱVillachȱisȱafterȱ1338ȱfirstȱdocumentedȱforȱtheȱyearȱ1346ȱ(EvelineȱBruggerȱand
Birgitȱ Wiedl,ȱ Regestenȱ zurȱ Geschichteȱ derȱ Judenȱ inȱ Österreichȱ imȱ Mittelalter,ȱ vol.ȱ 2:ȱ 1339–1365
[Innsbruck,ȱVienna,ȱandȱBolzano:ȱStudienVerlag,ȱ2010],ȱ62–62,ȱno.ȱ570ȱ(forȱtheȱinternetȱversion,
seeȱhttp://www.injoest.ac.at/projekte/laufend/mittelalterliche_judenurkunden/;ȱlastȱaccessedȱon
Marchȱ10,ȱ2012).
95
AȱJewȱMerchlinȱatȱPulkauȱisȱdocumentedȱforȱtheȱyearȱ1329,ȱwhenȱheȱpurchasesȱaȱplotȱofȱlandȱfrom
aȱlocalȱnoblemanȱ(BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ257–58,ȱno.ȱ303ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ1]);ȱitȱisȱhighlyȱlikely
thatȱheȱisȱidenticalȱwithȱtheȱMarquardusȱiudeusȱinȱfrontȱofȱwhoseȱhouseȱtheȱhostȱwasȱfoundȱinȱ1338
(onȱtheȱequationȱofȱMerchlinȱandȱMarquart,ȱbothȱderivationsȱofȱMordechai,ȱseeȱAlexanderȱBeider,
Aȱ Dictionaryȱ ofȱ Ashkenazicȱ Givenȱ Names.ȱ Theirȱ Origins,ȱ Structure,ȱ Pronunciation,ȱ andȱ Migrations
[Bergenfield,ȱNJ:ȱAvotaynu,ȱ2001],ȱ375–76,ȱ382).ȱForȱanȱoverviewȱoverȱtheȱPulkauȬrelatedȱsources,
seeȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1),ȱ333–35,ȱnos.ȱ434–36,ȱ339–41,ȱnos.ȱ442–43,ȱ343–51,ȱnos.ȱ448–56
(seeȱnoteȱ1);ȱforȱanȱoverviewȱofȱtheȱevents,ȱseeȱBrugger,ȱ“VonȱderȱAnsiedlung,”ȱ216–19ȱ(seeȱnote
12);ȱManfredȱAnselgruberȱandȱHerbertȱPuschnik,ȱDiesȱtrugȱsichȱzuȱannoȱ1338.ȱPulkauȱzurȱZeitȱder
Glaubenswirrenȱ(Pulkau:ȱVerlagȱderȱGemeinde,ȱ1992);ȱRubin,ȱGentileȱTales,ȱ65–68ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3);ȱBirgit
Wiedl,ȱ“DieȱangeblicheȱHostienschändungȱinȱPulkauȱ1338ȱundȱihreȱRezeptionȱinȱderȱchristlichen
undȱjüdischenȱGeschichtsschreibung,”ȱmedaon.ȱMagazinȱfürȱjüdischesȱLebenȱinȱForschungȱundȱBildung
6ȱ(2010),ȱinternetȱjournal,ȱseeȱhttp://medaon.de/pdf/A_WiedlȬ6Ȭ2010.pdf,ȱlastȱaccessedȱonȱMarch
10,ȱ2012.
96
Itȱ isȱ againstȱ theȱ backdropȱ ofȱ theȱ manyȱ massacresȱ inȱ theȱ GermanȬspeakingȱ areaȱ thatȱ Joseph
haCohen’sȱdescriptionȱofȱAustriaȱasȱaȱ‘safeȱhaven’ȱinȱhisȱEmekȱhabachaȱbecomesȱunderstandable,
JosephȱhaCohen,ȱEmekȱhabacha.ȱTransl.ȱfromȱtheȱHebrewȱintoȱGermanȱbyȱM.ȱWienerȱ(Leipzig:
OskarȱLeiner,ȱ1859),ȱ54.
328 BirgitȱWiedl
citizens,ȱwereȱbeheaded.97ȱTheseȱdrasticȱactions,ȱinȱturn,ȱearnedȱhimȱtheȱtitleȱof
fautorȱiudeorum,ȱ“benefactorȱofȱtheȱJews,”ȱfromȱtheȱclericalȱchroniclers,98ȱsubjecting
himȱtoȱ theȱ sameȱ critiqueȱasȱhisȱbrotherȱRudolfȱIIIȱasȱwellȱasȱtheirȱfather,ȱKing
AlbrechtȱI,ȱandȱgrandfather,ȱKingȱRudolfȱI.99ȱ
Thereȱ isȱ noȱ documentationȱ inȱ eitherȱ Laaȱ anȱ derȱ Thayaȱ orȱ inȱ Korneuburgȱ or
PulkauȱofȱantiȬJewishȱoutbreaksȱbeforeȱtheȱfatefulȱaccusations.ȱAȱtaxȱregulationȱof
1277ȱforȱtheȱtownȱofȱLaaȱthatȱincorporatedȱtheȱtaxȱtheȱJewsȱhadȱtoȱpayȱintoȱthe
generalȱ cityȱ taxȱ (inȱ unserrȱ burgerȱ dinst)ȱ suggestsȱ aȱ ratherȱ peacefulȱ cohabitation
enjoyedȱbyȱChristiansȱandȱJewsȱinȱtheseȱsmallȱtowns.100ȱWhileȱtheȱtaxȱregulation
ofȱLaaȱandȱtheȱKorneuburgȱpersecutionȱwereȱtheȱfirstȱtracesȱofȱJewsȱdwellingȱin
theseȱtownȱrespectively,101ȱweȱhaveȱscarceȱevidenceȱofȱJewishȱlifeȱinȱPulkauȱbefore
theȱ1338ȱcatastrophe,ȱyetȱforȱneitherȱofȱtheseȱtownsȱ(andȱmostȱofȱtheȱotherȱtowns
thatȱwereȱafflictedȱbyȱtheȱPulkauȱpersecution),ȱaȱcontinuance,ȱorȱreestablishment,
ofȱJewishȱsettlementȱisȱdocumented.ȱ
KlausȱLohrmannȱhasȱsuggestedȱthatȱafterȱtheȱPulkauȱpersecutions,ȱJewishȱlife
tendedȱtoȱfocusȱonȱtheȱmajorȱcities,ȱsuchȱasȱVienna,ȱthatȱhousedȱbiggerȱJewish
communitiesȱwhichȱcould,ȱifȱneedȱarose,ȱprovideȱbetterȱshelter.102ȱAlthoughȱthe
97
BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ2,ȱ95–98,ȱnos.ȱ645ȱandȱ647ȱ(forȱPlagueȬrelatedȱpogromsȱinȱAustria,
seeȱgenerallyȱnos.ȱ645–51)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ94).
98
KalendariumȱZwetlense,ȱseeȱBruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ2,ȱ98,ȱno.ȱ647ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ94).ȱ
99
EcclesiasticalȱchroniclesȱcontinuallyȱlambastedȱtheȱearlyȱHabsburgsȱforȱtheirȱKingȱRudolfȱIȱhad
beenȱcriticizedȱheavilyȱforȱhisȱinterventionȱinȱtheȱvenerationȱofȱWernerȱofȱOberweselȱinȱ1288
(“ChroniconȱColmariense,”ȱMonumentaȱGermaniaeȱHistorica,ȱScriptores,ȱvol.ȱ17,ȱed.ȱGeorgȱHeinrich
Pertzȱ[Hanover:ȱHahnscheȱBuchhandlung,ȱ1861],ȱ240–70;ȱhereȱ255)ȱwhileȱAlbrechtȱI’sȱfavorismȱof
theȱJewsȱresultedȱnotȱonlyȱinȱhisȱson’sȱRudolfȱIII’sȱuntimelyȱdeathȱbutȱalsoȱhisȱownȱviolentȱmurder
atȱtheȱhandsȱofȱhisȱnephewȱ(“ContinuatioȱZwetlensisȱTertiaȱadȱa.ȱ1294,”ȱed.ȱWilhelmȱWattenbach.
MonumentaȱGermaniaeȱHistorica,ȱScriptores,ȱvol.ȱ9,ȱed.ȱGeorgȱHeinrichȱPertzȱ[Hanover:ȱHahnsche
Buchhandlungȱ1851,ȱrpt.ȱStuttgart:ȱAntonȱHiersemannȱVerlag,ȱ1983],ȱ654–69;ȱhereȱ663.ȱForȱthe
internetȱversionȱofȱtheȱMGHȱvolumes,ȱseeȱwww.dmgh.de,ȱlastȱaccessedȱonȱMarchȱ10,ȱ2012).ȱSee
furtherȱ Evelineȱ Brugger,ȱ “‘Minemȱ herrenȱ demȱ hertzogenȱ seinȱ juden’:ȱ Dieȱ Beziehungȱ der
Habsburgerȱ zuȱ ‘ihren’ȱ Judenȱ imȱ Österreichȱ desȱ 14.ȱ Jahrhunderts,”ȱ Tagungsberichtȱ desȱ 25.
Österreichischenȱ Historikertags,ȱ St.ȱ Pöltenȱ 2008,ȱ ed.ȱ Verbandȱ Österreichischerȱ Historikerȱ and
Niederösterreichischesȱ Landesarchivȱ (St.ȱ Pölten:ȱ Verlagȱ desȱ Landesȱ Niederösterreich,ȱ 2010),
742–49;ȱhereȱ746–47.
100
BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ74,ȱno.ȱ57ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
101
GermaniaȱJudaicaȱIII/1,ȱ674ȱ(Korneuburg)ȱandȱ697–98ȱ(Laa)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13).ȱInȱLaa,ȱaȱJewȱHerzleinȱis
mentionedȱinȱtheȱyearȱ1378ȱ(HHStA,ȱAURȱ1378ȱVȱ14).
102
KlausȱLohrmann,ȱJudenrechtȱundȱJudenpolitikȱimȱmittelalterlichenȱÖsterreichȱ(ViennaȱandȱCologne:
Böhlau,ȱ1990),ȱ155.ȱAȱsimilarȱdevelopmentȱcanȱbeȱdetectedȱinȱotherȱpartsȱofȱtheȱHolyȱRoman
EmpireȱwhereȱtheȱJewishȱcommunitiesȱofȱbothȱurbanȱandȱruralȱsettlementsȱwereȱhitȱhardȱby
PlagueȬrelatedȱpogroms:ȱtheȱreȬsettlementȱtookȱplaceȱmainlyȱinȱtheȱurbanȱcentres,ȱseeȱRainer
Barzen,ȱ“BeneiȱhaKefarim—dieȱLeuteȱausȱdenȱDörfern.ȱZurȱjüdischenȱSiedlungȱaufȱdemȱLandeȱin
AschkenasȱundȱZarfatȱimȱhohenȱundȱspäterenȱMittelalter,”ȱCampanaȱpulsanteȱconvocati.ȱFestschrift
anläßlichȱderȱEmeritierungȱvonȱProf.ȱDr.ȱAlfredȱHaverkamp,ȱeds.ȱFrankȱG.ȱHirschmannȱandȱGerd
Mentgenȱ(Trier:ȱKliomedia,ȱ2005),ȱ21–37;ȱhereȱ27.ȱSeeȱalsoȱBirgitȱWiedl,ȱ“‘LazarusȱandȱAbraham,
numberȱofȱJewishȱruralȱsettlementsȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱunderestimated,ȱtheȱassumption
thatȱbiggerȱcommunitiesȱcouldȱprovideȱbetterȱprotectionȱholdsȱtrueȱforȱAustria,ȱat
leastȱduringȱtheȱthirteenthȱandȱfourteenthȱcenturies.ȱForȱexample,ȱtheȱaccusations
ofȱ havingȱ committedȱ aȱ ritualȱ murderȱ againstȱ theȱ Jewsȱ ofȱ Kremsȱ inȱ 1293ȱ that
resultedȱinȱtheȱexecutionȱofȱtwoȱJewsȱdidȱnotȱhamperȱtheȱflourishingȱofȱtheȱsecondȬ
largestȱ Jewishȱ communityȱ inȱ theȱ duchy;103ȱ andȱ neitherȱ didȱ theȱ PlagueȬrelated
accusationsȱofȱwellȬpoisoningȱleviedȱagainstȱtheȱJewsȱofȱKremsȱinȱ1349ȱhaveȱany
distinctȱimpactȱonȱtheȱwellȬestablishedȱstandingȱofȱtheȱJewishȱcommunity.104
However,ȱevenȱtheȱlargestȱandȱmostȱprosperousȱofȱallȱAustrianȱcommunities,ȱthe
JewishȱcommunityȱofȱVienna,ȱwasȱcompletelyȱdefenselessȱwhen,ȱatȱtheȱbeginning
ofȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury,ȱtheȱducalȱprotection,ȱthatȱhadȱseriouslyȱwanedȱduringȱthe
lastȱdecadesȱofȱtheȱprecedingȱcentury,ȱturnedȱintoȱoppression.ȱTheȱcatastropheȱthat
befellȱtheȱJewishȱ communityȱofȱViennaȱinȱtheȱyearsȱ1420/21,ȱtheȱincarceration,
explusion,ȱforcedȱconversions,ȱand,ȱeventually,ȱburningȱofȱmoreȱthanȱ200ȱJews,
differedȱessentiallyȱfromȱtheȱearlierȱpersecutionsȱthatȱhadȱeruptedȱspontaneously.
TheȱViennaȱGesera,ȱtheȱbrutalȱandȱruthlessȱannihilationȱofȱtheȱViennese,ȱand,ȱin
succession,ȱtheȱAustrianȱJewry,ȱhadȱbeenȱmeticulouslyȱplannedȱandȱcarriedȱoutȱby
DukeȱAlbrechtȱVȱ(theȱlaterȱKingȱAlbrechtȱII).105ȱWhereasȱtheȱmanifoldȱmotivesȱfor
ourȱJewsȱofȱEggenburg’:ȱJewsȱinȱtheȱAustrianȱCountrysideȱinȱtheȱFourteenthȱCentury,ȈȱRuralȱSpace
inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Age:ȱ Theȱ Spacialȱ Turnȱ inȱ Premodernȱ Studies,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrecht
Classen,ȱwithȱtheȱcollaborationȱofȱChristopherȱR.ȱClason.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarly
ModernȱCulture,ȱ9ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2012),ȱ639–71;ȱhereȱ659–60.
103
Theȱtwoȱchroniclesȱthatȱreferȱtoȱtheȱincidentȱareȱquiteȱvagueȱonȱthis—theȱContinuatioȱVindobonensis
onlyȱmentionȱthatȱJewsȱhadȱkilledȱaȱChristian,ȱwithoutȱanyȱfurtherȱcommentȱonȱtheirȱfateȱ(Iudei
inȱCremsȱoccideruntȱchristianum),ȱwhileȱtheȱContinuatioȱZwetlensisȱTertia,ȱalbeitȱclearlyȱimplyingȱa
ritualisticȱ motiv,ȱ mostlyȱ utilizesȱ theȱ incidentȱ toȱ scoldȱ theȱ Austrianȱ Dukeȱ Albrechtȱ Iȱ forȱ his
‘favouringȱtheȱJews.’ȱTheȱwayȱofȱtheȱJews’ȱexecutionȱ(brokenȱonȱtheȱwheel)ȱsuggestsȱaȱformal
verdictȱ(BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ87–88,ȱnos.ȱ78–79ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ1];ȱforȱexecutionsȱofȱJews,ȱsee
Ernstȱ Schubert,ȱ Räuber,ȱ Henker,ȱ armeȱ Sünder:ȱ Verbrechenȱ undȱ Strafeȱ imȱ Mittelalterȱ [Darmstadt:
WissenschaftlicheȱBuchgesellschaft,ȱ2007],ȱ61–64).
104
Bruggerȱ andȱ Wiedl,ȱ Regestenȱ 2,ȱ 97–99,ȱ nos.ȱ 646–47,ȱ 649ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 94).ȱ Aȱ iudexȱ iudeorum
(Judenrichter,ȱ‘judgeȱforȱtheȱJews’),ȱaȱChristianȱwhoȱwasȱresponsibleȱforȱJewishȬChristianȱdisputes
andȱbusinessȱtransactions,ȱwhoseȱexistenceȱisȱusuallyȱaȱsignifierȱforȱaȱlarger,ȱandȱconsiderably
important,ȱJewishȱcommunity,ȱisȱdocumentedȱquiteȱcontinually;ȱinȱ1355,ȱtheȱfirstȱJewȱisȱmentioned
againȱwhenȱtheȱJewessȱCzaetel,ȱwidowȱafterȱMoscheȱofȱKrems,ȱsellsȱherȱhouseȱinȱKrems.ȱSeeȱidem,
163,ȱno.ȱ790,ȱandȱgenerallyȱHanneloreȱHruschka,ȱDieȱGeschichteȱderȱJudenȱinȱKremsȱvonȱdenȱAnfängen
bisȱ1938.ȱ2ȱVols.ȱ(Vienna:ȱUniversityȱofȱVienna,ȱunpublishedȱdissertation,ȱ1978).
105
TheȱonlyȱextensiveȱpublicationȱonȱtheȱtopicȱisȱstillȱSamuelȱKrauss,ȱDieȱWienerȱGeserahȱvomȱJahre
1421ȱ (Viennaȱ andȱ Leipzig:ȱ Wilhelmȱ Braumüller,ȱ 1920).ȱ Anȱ editionȱ ofȱ theȱ textȱ ofȱ theȱ “Wiener
Gesera,”ȱ theȱ GermanȬYiddishȱ reportȱ ofȱ theȱ incident,ȱ andȱ Albrecht’sȱ twoȱ verdicts,ȱ byȱ Artur
Goldmann,ȱDasȱJudenbuchȱderȱScheffstrasseȱzuȱWienȱ(1389–1420).ȱ(ViennaȱandȱLeipzig:ȱWilhem
Braumüller,ȱ1908),ȱ112–33ȱ(appendix);ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱnewerȱdiscussionsȱbyȱKlausȱLohrmann,ȱDie
WienerȱJudenȱimȱMittelalterȱ(BerlinȱandȱVienna:ȱPhilo,ȱ2000),ȱ155–73,ȱJudenrechtȱundȱJudenpolitik,
298–309ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ101);ȱBrugger,ȱ“VonȱderȱAnsiedlung,”ȱ221–54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12);ȱandȱRubin,ȱGentile
Tales,ȱ116–19ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱwithȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱJewishȬHussiteȱconnectionȱ(orȱtheȱlackȱthereof).
330 BirgitȱWiedl
thisȱviolentȱdestructionȱofȱtheȱAustrianȱJewry—aȱsuspectedȱcollaborationȱwithȱthe
Hussites,ȱ theȱ ducalȱ lustȱ forȱ theȱ treasuresȱ theyȱ hadȱ allegedlyȱ hidden—andȱ the
extentȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱuniversityȱofȱViennaȱandȱitsȱantiȬJewishȱpreachersȱexertedȱtheir
influenceȱareȱstillȱdiscussed,ȱoneȱkeyȱelementȱtiesȱinȱwithȱwhatȱhadȱhappenedȱmore
thanȱ aȱ centuryȱ earlierȱ inȱ theȱ smallȱ townȱ ofȱ Korneuburg.ȱ Whenȱ severely
reprimandedȱforȱhisȱactionsȱbyȱPopeȱMartinȱV,106ȱAlbrechtȱVȱexcusedȱhisȱactions
withȱwhatȱheȱknewȱtoȱbeȱaȱsafeȱbet.ȱInȱhisȱverdicts,ȱAlbrechtȱdeclaredȱthatȱaȱfemale
sacristianȱ(mesnerin)ȱofȱtheȱUpperȱAustrianȱtownȱofȱEnnsȱhadȱsoldȱaȱconsecrated
hostȱseveralȱyearsȱbeforeȱtoȱtheȱJewsȱwhoȱintendedȱtoȱdesecrateȱit.ȱFurthermore,
theȱ Jewsȱ hadȱ passedȱ theȱ hostȱ amongȱ themselvesȱ throughoutȱ theȱ duchyȱ and
abroad,ȱthusȱimplicatingȱmoreȱJewsȱinȱtheȱcrimeȱandȱaddingȱconspiracyȱtoȱdeicide
andȱprofanity.ȱ
SinceȱAlbrecht’sȱdeclarationȱwasȱmadeȱonlyȱafterȱtheȱJewsȱwereȱkilled,ȱweȱmust
takeȱthisȱfactȱintoȱaccountȱwhenȱdiscussingȱit.ȱDespiteȱtheȱpopularityȱofȱtheȱtale,
thereȱhadȱbeenȱnoȱrumorsȱofȱanȱaccusationȱofȱJewishȱhostȱdesecrationȱatȱEnns
beforeȱ Albrechtȱ V’sȱ verdicts,ȱ andȱ interestingly,ȱ neitherȱ wasȱ itȱ takenȱ upȱ byȱ the
clericalȱchroniclersȱwhoȱreportedȱtheȱincidents,ȱnorȱdidȱaȱpilgrimageȱsiteȱdevelop
outȱ ofȱ it.ȱ Itȱ isȱ highlyȱ plausibleȱ thatȱ Albrechtȱ utilizedȱ aȱ prevalentȱ andȱ wellȬ
establishedȱpatternȱtoȱexplainȱandȱlegitimateȱhisȱactions.ȱAlbrechtȱcouldȱsafelyȱrely
onȱtheȱdefaultȱcrimeȱscenarioȱthatȱprovidedȱallȱtheȱelementsȱthatȱwereȱcrucialȱto
establishȱtheȱJews’ȱguilt.ȱItȱhadȱworkedȱaȱfewȱyearsȱearlierȱinȱtheȱarchbishopricȱof
SalzburgȱwhereȱtheȱJewsȱhadȱbeenȱmadeȱtoȱconfessȱtoȱbothȱhostȱdesecrationsȱand
ritualȱmurderȱunderȱtortureȱbeforeȱtheyȱwereȱeitherȱkilledȱorȱexpulsed,107ȱandȱit
wouldȱworkȱnumerousȱtimesȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury,ȱinȱBreslauȱ(1453),ȱinȱPassau
(1477)ȱandȱSternbergȱ(1492),ȱtoȱnameȱbutȱaȱfew,108ȱandȱwouldȱremainȱoneȱofȱthe
centralȱfantasiesȱChristiansȱindulgedȱinȱwhenȱcontemplatingȱJewishȱcrime,ȱeven
ifȱthey,ȱinȱtheȱretrospectȱofȱlaterȱcenturies,ȱwouldȱeitherȱnotȱfullyȱunderstandȱthe
earlierȱconceptȱand/orȱaddȱtheirȱownȱideas.ȱ
Atȱ Korneuburg,ȱ likeȱ inȱ manyȱ otherȱ townsȱ thatȱ hostedȱ aȱ churchȱ withȱ a
miraculousȱhostȱ(oftenȱnamedȱ‘ChurchȱofȱtheȱHolyȱBlood’),ȱtheȱcenturiesȱtoȱfollow
didȱnotȱconsiderȱtheȱJews’ȱpossible,ȱorȱproven,ȱinnocence,ȱbutȱaddedȱnewȱaspects
ofȱtheȱJews’ȱmisdeedsȱthatȱcateredȱtoȱtheseȱcenturies’ȱownȱideasȱandȱreadingsȱof
theȱstory.ȱTheȱimageȱofȱJewsȱdesecratingȱaȱhostȱbyȱthrowingȱitȱintoȱaȱwell,ȱaȱmotif
106
Goldmann,ȱJudenbuch,ȱ120–21ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ103),ȱtheȱmentionȱofȱtheȱpapalȱinterventionȱinȱtheȱtextȱof
theȱGeseraȱ130.
107
Markusȱ Wenninger,ȱ “Dieȱ Entwicklungȱ derȱ Stadtȱ Salzburg—zurȱ Geschichteȱ derȱ Judenȱ in
Salzburg,”ȱGeschichteȱSalzburgsȱStadtȱundȱLand.ȱVol.ȱ1/2:ȱMittelalter,ȱed.ȱHeinzȱDopschȱandȱHans
Spatzeneggerȱ(Salzburg:ȱPustet,ȱ1983),ȱ747–56.
108
Forȱfurtherȱexamples,ȱseeȱLotter,ȱ“Hostienfrevelvorwurf,”ȱ578–81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17);ȱRubin,ȱGentile
Tales,ȱ119–31,ȱwithȱotherȱexamplesȱthroughoutȱchapterȱ6ȱ(includingȱPassauȱandȱSternberg)ȱ(see
noteȱ3).
thatȱappearsȱfrequentlyȱinȱtheȱlaterȱhostȱdesecrationȱtales,ȱisȱfoundȱatȱKorneuburg
notȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱtaleȱ butȱ isȱ onlyȱintroducedȱinȱaȱcycleȱofȱelevenȱ(originally
twelve)ȱpaintingsȱfromȱ1660ȱ(seeȱFigs.ȱ2–12)ȱthatȱrenderedȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱtheȱoriginal
incidentȱbutȱthisȱcentury’sȱideaȱofȱit.109ȱTheȱcreationȱofȱthisȱcycleȱofȱpaintings,ȱthat
wasȱdisplayedȱinȱtheȱmonastery’sȱcloisterȱandȱhadȱbeenȱdonatedȱbyȱaldermen,ȱthe
parishȱ priest,ȱ andȱ highȬrankingȱ citizensȱ ofȱ Korneuburg,ȱ coincidedȱ withȱ the
copyingȱofȱtheȱprotocolsȱinȱtheȱyearȱ1655110ȱthatȱwasȱpresumablyȱmanufacturedȱon
theȱoccasionȱofȱtheȱ(alleged)ȱretrievalȱofȱanȱalmostȬsaintlyȱobject—notȱtheȱhost
itself,ȱbutȱtheȱpieceȱofȱclothȱthatȱhadȱonceȱcoveredȱtheȱmiraculousȱhost.111ȱ
Again,ȱheavenlyȱinterventionȱhadȱguidedȱtheȱstepsȱofȱaȱcitizen,ȱtheȱalderman
JohannȱGeorgȱNeckingerȱ(alsoȱReckinger),ȱandȱhadȱassistedȱhimȱinȱfindingȱ“the
clothȱ whichȱ theȱ mostȱ holyȱ hostȱ hadȱ beenȱ wrappedȱ inȱ andȱ hiddenȱ inȱ theȱ local
parishȱ churchȱ forȱ innumerableȱ years”ȱ (dasȱ tuechlȱ darinȱ dieȱ allerheiligȱ hostia
eingewikeltȱundȱunerdenklicheȱjahrȱinȱderȱalhieigenȱpfarrȱkirchenȱverborgenȱwar).ȱAround
theȱsameȱtime,ȱaȱ‘bookȱofȱmiracles’ȱ(Mirakelbuch)ȱwasȱpublishedȱbyȱtheȱmonastery
thatȱretoldȱtheȱstoryȱofȱtheȱmiraculousȱhost.ȱInȱitsȱaccount,ȱtheȱmiracleȱbookȱleftȱno
doubtȱasȱtoȱwhoȱwasȱtoȱbeȱconsideredȱtheȱmainȱperpetrator,ȱand,ȱlikeȱtheȱcycleȱof
panels,ȱincludedȱtheȱmotifȱofȱtheȱhostȱbeingȱthrownȱintoȱaȱwell.ȱTheȱgeneralȱrevival
ofȱtheȱlegendȱofȱtheȱmiraculousȱhostȱandȱtheȱpilgrimageȱsiteȱconnectedȱwithȱitȱwere
inȱanswerȱtoȱtheȱprecariousȱsituationȱtheȱmonasteryȱfoundȱitselfȱinȱinȱtheȱmiddle
ofȱtheȱseventeenthȱcentury.ȱReȬestablishedȱinȱ1624,ȱtheȱmonasteryȱhadȱsuffered
damagesȱfromȱseveralȱfiresȱandȱtheȱSwedishȱsiegeȱinȱ1645/56.ȱ
Theȱtemporalȱcoincidenceȱofȱthisȱrevivalȱisȱstriking.ȱOnlyȱthreeȱyearsȱearlier,ȱin
1652,ȱnewȱpanelsȱhadȱbeenȱaddedȱtoȱtheȱmainȱaltarȱofȱtheȱparishȱchurchȱatȱPulkau
thatȱ illustratedȱ theȱ localȱ miracleȬworkingȱ hostȱ wafer,ȱ andȱ hadȱ successfully
providedȱ aȱ popularȱ attractionȱ forȱ bothȱ localsȱ andȱ pilgrims.ȱ Theȱ legendȱ had
prevailedȱ inȱ Korneuburgȱ overȱ theȱ centuries,ȱ butȱ hadȱ sufferedȱ aȱ declineȱ in
importance.ȱAnȱearlierȱillustration,ȱfromȱaroundȱ1470,ȱcanȱbeȱfoundȱonȱaȱsmall
portableȱaltarȱ(Klappaltar)ȱtheȱcentrepieceȱofȱwhichȱhadȱservedȱasȱaȱrepositoryȱfor
theȱbloodȬstainedȱclothȱ(seeȱFig.ȱ1).ȱOnȱtheȱtwoȱsideȱwings,ȱfourȱpaintingsȱshowȱthe
Jewishȱscholarȱ(upperȱright,ȱalreadyȱwithȱtheȱinfamousȱyellowȱcircleȱonȱhisȱcloak)
holdingȱtheȱhostȱandȱtheȱbloodiedȱclothȱinȱhisȱhand,ȱandȱthreeȱofȱtheȱwondersȱthat
109
Graus,ȱPest,ȱGeissler,ȱJudenmorde,ȱ299–340ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱonȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱtheȱmythȱofȱJewish
wellȬpoisoningȱinȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury;ȱRohrbacherȱandȱSchmidt,ȱJudenbilder,ȱ194–202,ȱforȱan
overviewȱofȱtheȱlaterȱdevelopmentȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).
110
HHStA,ȱNotariatsinstrumentȱdesȱNotarsȱOttoȱvonȱRußbach,ȱAURȱ1305ȱXIIȱ17ȱ(enclosed).
111
Theȱoriginalȱinstallationȱofȱtheȱpaintingsȱisȱnotȱclear:ȱsomeȱofȱtheȱpaintingsȱareȱnumbered,ȱbutȱthe
sequenceȱofȱtheȱnumbersȱdiffersȱfromȱtheȱcourseȱofȱeventsȱ(e.g.,ȱlightingȱofȱcandlesȱatȱtheȱparish
churchȱcarriesȱtheȱnumberȱ5).
332 BirgitȱWiedl
theȱhostȱhadȱworked—theȱhealingȱofȱtwoȱblindȱ(lowerȱleft)ȱandȱtwoȱhandicapped
(lowerȱright),ȱandȱtheȱlightingȱofȱcandlesȱ(upperȱleft).112ȱ
AlthoughȱtheȱpaintingȱdoesȱnotȱactuallyȱshowȱtheȱJewȱmaltreatingȱtheȱhost,ȱthe
implicationȱisȱagainȱclear:ȱaȱJewȱholdingȱaȱhostȱinȱhisȱhandsȱmeansȱdesecration.ȱIn
theȱcenturiesȱtoȱcome,ȱtheȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱpaintingsȱreflectedȱtheȱpeoples’
ideasȱaboutȱtheȱcourseȱofȱeventsȱandȱthatȱwouldȱinfluenceȱfutureȱperceptionsȱof
them,ȱ particularlyȱ sinceȱ copperȱ engravingsȱ ofȱ themȱ wereȱ includedȱ inȱ theȱ later
editionsȱofȱtheȱmiracleȱbook.
TheȱlateȱnineteenthȱandȱtheȱmidȬtwentiethȱcenturyȱleftȱnoȱdoubtȱasȱtoȱwhoȱwas
toȱbeȱregardedȱasȱtheȱculprit(s).113ȱAnȱamalgamȱofȱtheȱlateȬmedievalȱeventsȱandȱthe
earlyȱ modernȱ additions,ȱ theȱ taleȱ bearsȱ onlyȱ slightȱ resemblanceȱ toȱ whatȱ the
witnesses,ȱconvincedȱofȱtheȱJews’ȱguiltȱorȱnot,ȱhadȱtestifiedȱ600ȱyearsȱago:ȱafter
buyingȱtheȱhostȱfromȱaȱcriminalȱand/orȱfoolishȱChristianȱandȱdoingȱunspeakable
thingsȱtoȱit,ȱtheȱJewsȱthrewȱtheȱmaltreatedȱhostȱintoȱaȱwellȱbutȱretrievedȱitȱagain
sinceȱitȱdrewȱattentionȱbyȱshiningȱbrightlyȱfromȱwithinȱtheȱwater.ȱTheyȱthenȱbribed
aȱdimȬwittedȱChristianȱservantȱtoȱgetȱridȱofȱitȱforȱthem,ȱandȱwhenȱheȱrefused,ȱthey
ranȱafterȱhim,ȱaccusingȱhimȱofȱhavingȱthrownȱtheȱhostȱintoȱtheirȱhouse.ȱTheȱJewish
scholarȱshowedȱtheȱhostȱwafer,ȱfromȱwhichȱbloodȱwasȱseepingȱsoȱthatȱitȱsoakedȱthe
clothȱitȱwasȱwrappedȱin,ȱtoȱtheȱgatheringȱmasses,ȱbutȱnoȱoneȱwasȱwillingȱtoȱtake
itȱfromȱhim.ȱZerkel,ȱaggravated,ȱthrewȱtheȱwaferȱontoȱtheȱfloorȱandȱtrodȱitȱintoȱthe
dirt.ȱLater,ȱaȱheavenlyȱvisionȱledȱtheȱbaker’sȱsonȱintoȱZerkel’sȱhouse,ȱwhereȱthe
remainingȱ thirdȱ ofȱ theȱ maltreatedȱ host,ȱ stillȱ wrappedȱ inȱ theȱ bloodiedȱ cloth,
suddenlyȱappearedȱinȱhisȱhand.ȱSinceȱheȱconsideredȱhimselfȱunworthyȱofȱholding
theȱbodyȱofȱChristȱinȱhisȱhands,ȱheȱputȱtheȱwaferȱonȱtheȱthresholdȱwhichȱwasȱseen
byȱ twoȱ womenȱ passingȱ by.ȱ Theȱ newsȱ spreadȱ quicklyȱ andȱ aȱ throngȱ ofȱ people
gatheredȱatȱtheȱJew’sȱhouse.ȱSoon,ȱtheyȱrememberedȱtheȱrecentȱincident—theȱJews
chasingȱafterȱtheȱservant—andȱstartedȱtoȱcryȱoutȱforȱpunishment.ȱTheȱscholarȱwas
burntȱ atȱ theȱ stakeȱ immediately,ȱ andȱ Zerkel,ȱ whoȱ had,ȱ withȱ theȱ helpȱ ofȱ some
aldermen,ȱbeenȱhidingȱinȱaȱhouse,ȱwasȱbeatenȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱtheȱenragedȱmasses.ȱIn
thisȱrenditionȱthatȱevenȱmadeȱitȱintoȱaȱcollectionȱofȱfolkȱtales114ȱnoȱdoubtsȱwere
raisedȱaboutȱtheȱJews’ȱguiltȱandȱthatȱtheyȱreceivedȱtheirȱ‘divineȱretribution.’ȱ
112
Theȱ altarȱ isȱ nowȱ keptȱ atȱ theȱ Stiftmuseumȱ Klosterneuburgȱ (Museumȱ ofȱ theȱ Monasteryȱ of
Klosterneuburg),ȱwhereȱitȱwasȱbroughtȱtoȱafterȱtheȱdissolutionȱofȱtheȱKorneuburgȱmonasteryȱin
1808.ȱStelzer,ȱ“AmȱBeispielȱKorneuburg,”ȱ317–19,ȱwithȱill.ȱno.ȱ2ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).
113
Albertȱ Starzer,ȱ Geschichteȱ derȱ landesfürstlichenȱ Stadtȱ Korneuburgȱ (1899,ȱ rpt.;ȱ Korneuburg:
Museumsverein,ȱ1991);ȱFranzȱZeissl,ȱGeschichteȱderȱStadtȱKorneuburg,ȱvol.ȱ1ȱ(Vienna:ȱTouristikȬ
Verlag,ȱ1959),ȱ73–74,ȱandȱidem,ȱDasȱehemaligeȱAugustinerklosterȱinȱKorneuburg,ȱ3–7ȱandȱ28–30ȱ(see
noteȱ33).
114
Stelzer,ȱ “Amȱ Beispielȱ Korneuburg,”ȱ 316,ȱ whoȱ alsoȱ pointsȱ outȱ thatȱ sinceȱ Starzerȱ quotesȱ Pope
Benedict’sȱletter,ȱheȱmustȱhaveȱknownȱaboutȱtheȱmanufacturedȱevidence,ȱyetȱchoseȱtoȱgiveȱthis
completelyȱuncriticalȱandȱclearlyȱbiasedȱrenditionȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).
WhatȱcanȱweȱconcludeȱaboutȱtheȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱcitizensȱofȱKorneuburg?ȱThe
contradictionsȱthatȱappearȱinȱtheȱrecordȱofȱtheȱinterrogations,ȱtheȱaccusationȱbyȱthe
priest,ȱandȱtheȱstatementȱ‘Iȱdidȱnotȱseeȱit’ȱofȱtheȱwitnessesȱnotwithstanding,ȱthe
contemporariesȱofȱtheȱearlyȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱbeȱtheyȱrural,ȱurban,ȱorȱcourtly,
genuinelyȱbelievedȱinȱtheȱJews’ȱcollectiveȱguilt.ȱYetȱwasȱthisȱbeliefȱunanimous?
Thereȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ doubtȱ amongȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ theologicallyȱ trained,
althoughȱtheirȱconcernȱrestedȱmoreȱwithȱtheȱquestionȱofȱtheȱgenuinenessȱofȱthe
hostȱ andȱ itsȱ miracles.ȱ Butȱ thereȱ wasȱ alsoȱ roomȱ forȱ doubtȱ amongȱ theȱ Jews’
neighbors,ȱthoseȱwithȱwhomȱtheyȱhadȱlivedȱsideȱbyȱsideȱratherȱpeacefullyȱuntil
then.ȱ Disagreementsȱ occuredȱ duringȱ theȱ interrogation:ȱ theȱ citizensȱ shiftedȱ the
blameȱontoȱtheȱscholarȱbyȱclaimingȱthatȱheȱhadȱnamedȱZerkelȱasȱtheȱsoleȱculprit.
Theȱsuggestionȱthatȱtheȱscholarȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱinnocentȱhangsȱinȱtheȱair,ȱyetȱis
heavilyȱqualifiedȱbyȱOttoȱanȱdemȱRoßmarktȱwhoȱreportsȱthatȱevenȱtheȱscholar
himselfȱhadȱconcededȱthatȱthey,ȱtheȱJews,ȱhadȱmetȱtheirȱdestiny.115ȱNevertheless,
theȱcitizensȱseemedȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱquiteȱhesitantȱtoȱstateȱthatȱtheyȱfirmlyȱbelieved
inȱ theȱ Jews’ȱ guilt.ȱ Noneȱ ofȱ theȱ intervieweesȱ admittedȱ toȱ havingȱ actively
participatedȱinȱtheȱkillingȱofȱtheȱJews;ȱandȱweȱmayȱquestionȱwhetherȱtheyȱsaid
whatȱtheȱauthoritiesȱwantedȱtoȱhear,ȱwhetherȱtheyȱwereȱafraidȱofȱadmittingȱtoȱthe
killings,ȱorȱwhetherȱatȱleastȱsomeȱofȱthemȱactuallyȱharboredȱdoubtsȱaboutȱtheȱJews’
guilt.ȱ
KonradȱReus’sȱwifeȱtestifiedȱatȱtheȱinterrogationȱthatȱsheȱhadȱbeenȱpresentȱwhen
theȱ hostȱ waferȱ hadȱ beenȱ found,ȱ yetȱ sheȱ didȱ notȱ mentionȱ (andȱ wasȱ notȱ asked)
anythingȱ aboutȱ Zerkelȱ beingȱ atȱ theirȱ home.ȱ Hadȱ theȱ twoȱ Christians,ȱ theȱ two
Marquards,ȱwhoȱhadȱusheredȱZerkelȱintoȱKonradȱReus’sȱhouse,ȱtheȱmomentȱtheir
neighborsȱreturnedȱ(andȱperhapsȱtoldȱthemȱaboutȱtheȱJewishȱscholar’sȱlastȱwords,
andȱhisȱunmarredȱhead),ȱcontinuedȱtoȱguardȱZerkel,ȱorȱhadȱtheyȱreachedȱforȱa
cudgelȱandȱjoinedȱtheȱmurderousȱmob?ȱWeȱdoȱnotȱknow.ȱTheȱphrasingȱofȱthe
testimonyȱofȱHeinrichȱShem,ȱtheȱwitnessȱwhoȱtellsȱusȱaboutȱtheȱtwoȱMarquards
whoȱ hadȱ triedȱ toȱ hideȱ Zerkel,ȱ suggestsȱ thatȱ Zerkelȱ hadȱ indeedȱ hopedȱ toȱ find
protectionȱthere,ȱandȱthatȱtheȱmobȱhadȱenteredȱtheȱhouseȱbyȱforce.ȱHeinrichȱtoo
claimsȱnotȱtoȱhaveȱpartakenȱinȱZerkel’sȱkilling,ȱyetȱweȱcan’tȱbeȱsure,ȱofȱcourse.
Whatȱweȱdoȱknowȱisȱthatȱbloodȱhadȱindeedȱbeenȱspilt,ȱandȱitȱhadȱbeenȱtheȱblood
ofȱtheȱJews.ȱ
115
ThisȱisȱtheȱcommentȱbyȱOttoȱanȱdemȱRossmarktȱ(eighthȱwitness),ȱwhoȱalsoȱclaimsȱthatȱHeinrich
vonȱEtzleinsdorf,ȱHeinrich’sȱbrother,ȱandȱKonradȱanȱderȱHochstrassȱwereȱpresentȱduringȱthe
scholar’sȱallegedȱconfessionȱ(BruggerȱandȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱ1,ȱ134,ȱno.ȱ133ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ1]).
334 BirgitȱWiedl
Fig.ȱ1:ȱStiftsmuseumȱKlosterneuburg,ȱIngeȱKitlitschka,ȱKlosterneuburg.ȱPortable
altarȱ(aroundȱ1470)ȱwithȱfourȱpaintingsȱ(upperȱleft:ȱspontaneousȱignitionȱof
candles,ȱupperȱright:ȱtheȱJewȱholdingȱtheȱhost,ȱbottomȱleft:ȱtwoȱblindȱregain
theirȱsight,ȱbottomȱright:ȱtwoȱcrippledȱareȱcured)
Figs.ȱ2ȱ–ȱ12:ȱStadtmuseumȱKorneuburg.ȱCycleȱofȱpaintings,ȱoil,ȱ1660,ȱelevenȱof
theȱoriginallyȱtwelveȱpaintingsȱthatȱwereȱonȱdisplayȱinȱtheȱcloisterȱofȱthe
monasteryȱofȱKorneuburg,ȱnowȱkeptȱatȱtheȱMunicipalȱMuseum
Fig.ȱ2:ȱ“1301,ȱtheȱJewȱZerklinȱmadeȱaȱChristianȱsellȱaȱholyȱhostȱwaferȱforȱmoney
andȱaȱcoat.”ȱBackground,ȱleft:ȱZerkelȱoffersȱaȱredȱcoatȱandȱmoneyȱtoȱthe
ȱ ȱ
Christian. [No donation]
336 BirgitȱWiedl
Fig.ȱ3:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱChristianȱsellsȱtheȱhostȱtoȱZerkelȱtheȱJewȱforȱmoneyȱandȱa
coat.”ȱDonatedȱbyȱWenzeslausȱMelzer,ȱCRSAȱ[=ȱCanonȱRegular],ȱ
parishȱpriestȱofȱKorneuburg
Fig.ȱ4:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱJewȱZerkelȱthrowsȱtheȱhostȱintoȱtheȱwellȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱthe
JewȱScholasticus.”ȱDonatedȱbyȱBlasiusȱVitalisȱSeywald,ȱimperial
Salzgegenschreiberȱ(officialȱatȱtheȱimperialȱsaltȱauthority)
338 BirgitȱWiedl
Fig.ȱ5:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱJewȱScholasticusȱretrievesȱtheȱhostȱfromȱtheȱwell,ȱandȱtheȱJew
Zerkelȱtrodsȱonȱit.”ȱOnȱtheȱbaseȱofȱtheȱwell:ȱ“JohannȱGeorgȱRekinger,ȱmember
ofȱtheȱlocalȱinnerȱcouncilȱwhoȱrecoveredȱtheȱclothȱwhichȱtheȱmostȱholyȱhostȱhad
beenȱwrappedȱinȱandȱwhichȱhadȱbeenȱhiddenȱinȱtheȱlocalȱparishȱchurchȱfor
innumerableȱyears,ȱthroughȱdivineȱdirection.”
Fig.ȱ6:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱJewȱZerkelȱshowsȱitȱ[=ȱtheȱhost]ȱtoȱaȱChristianȱsoȱthatȱhe
shouldȱthrowȱtheȱhostȱtogetherȱwithȱaȱwhiteȱclothȱintoȱtheȱDanube,ȱbutȱthe
Christianȱdidȱnotȱtakeȱtheȱhost.”ȱDonatedȱbyȱ[inscriptionȱfaded]ȱ
JacobȱSn[.ȱ.ȱ.]hacknerȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]
340 BirgitȱWiedl
Fig.ȱ7:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱtwoȱJewsȱZerkelȱandȱtheȱScholasticusȱcryȱandȱfalsely
complain,ȱasȱifȱtheȱChristianȱhadȱcarriedȱtheȱhostȱintoȱtheirȱhouse.”
Background:ȱOneȱofȱtheȱJewsȱappearsȱonȱtheȱthresholdȱwithȱtheȱhostȱwrapped
inȱcloth.ȱDonatedȱbyȱPaulusȱMüller,ȱsenatorȱofȱKorneuburg
Fig.ȱ8:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱtwoȱJewsȱZerkelȱandȱScholasticusȱagainȱthrowȱtheȱhostȱand
theȱclothȱtoȱtheȱfloorȱandȱtreadȱonȱitȱinȱanger.”ȱDonatedȱbyȱWenzislaus
Dyrnwald,ȱnotaryȱpublicȱandȱsyndicȱatȱKorneuburg
342 BirgitȱWiedl
Fig.ȱ9:ȱ“Here,ȱanȱangelȱguidesȱaȱbackerȱcalledȱLuderichȱ[!]ȱfromȱtheȱbakeryȱto
theȱJewȱZerkelȇsȱhouseȱsoȱthatȱheȱshouldȱpickȱupȱtheȱhost;ȱbutȱasȱheȱwasȱscared,
theȱhostȱmiraculouslyȱappearedȱbetweenȱhisȱfingersȱ[barelyȱreadable].”
Background:ȱTheȱbakerȱstoopsȱdownȱtoȱpickȱupȱtheȱhost.ȱ[Noȱdonation]
Fig.ȱ10:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱbakerȱputsȱtheȱhostȱwithȱutmostȱreverenceȱandȱobeisanceȱon
theȱstonyȱdoorstep,ȱwhereuponȱtheȱhostȱsweatedȱbloodȱandȱwasȱthuslyȱfound.”
Background:ȱLedȱbyȱtheȱangel,ȱtheȱbakerȱcarriesȱtheȱhost.
Donation:ȱcoatȱofȱarmsȱandȱinitialsȱCFVSȱ(accordingȱtoȱZeissl,ȱDasȱehemalige
Augustinerkloster,ȱ30ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ33],ȱtheȱcoatȱofȱarmsȱpointsȱatȱtheȱfamilyȱof
Dachsenbeck)
344 BirgitȱWiedl
Fig.ȱ11:ȱ“Here,ȱ6ȱ(?)ȱwaxȱcandlesȱigniteȱuponȱbeingȱshownȱtheȱhostȱandȱthe
bloodȬstainedȱcloth.”ȱDonatedȱbyȱJohannȱNußdorfer,ȱnotaryȱpublicȱ
atȱKorneuburg
Fig.ȱ12:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱblindȱareȱhealedȱbyȱbeingȱshownȱtheȱhostȱandȱbyȱapplication
ofȱtheȱcloth.”ȱ[Theȱbeardedȱmanȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱhandicapped.]ȱDonatedȱby
GeorgiusȱEberschwanger
Chapterȱ14
DanielȱF.ȱPiggȱ
(TheȱUniversityȱofȱTennesseeȱatȱMartin)
DoesȱtheȱPunishmentȱFitȱtheȱCrime?:ȱChaucer’s
Physician’sȱTaleȱandȱtheȱWorldsȱofȱJudgment
OfȱtheȱtalesȱinȱtheȱCanterburyȱTales,ȱtheȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱisȱcertainlyȱaȱselectionȱthat
hasȱ beenȱ notedȱ forȱ itsȱ lackȱ ofȱ narrativeȱ unity,ȱ itsȱ ratherȱ bizarreȱ logicȱ atȱ the
conclusion,ȱandȱitsȱhorrificȱrepresentationȱofȱjudgmentsȱinȱcourtȱandȱatȱhome:ȱthe
father’sȱandȱtheȱjudge’s.1ȱAsȱRobinȱBottȱhasȱnoted,ȱtheȱtaleȱconsidersȱ“society’s
concernȱwithȱtheȱsocialȱandȱpoliticalȱconsequencesȱofȱsexualȱaccessȱtoȱwomen.”2
Inȱthatȱway,ȱitȱcoheresȱwithȱaȱnumberȱofȱtheȱfabliauxȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱreligiousȱtales.
Inȱthisȱtale,ȱjusticeȱisȱitselfȱonȱtrial,ȱperhapsȱevenȱtheȱveryȱopenȱconstructionȱofȱthe
legalȱsystemȱasȱChaucerȱenvisionsȱit.ȱTheȱconcernsȱseemȱlargerȱthanȱgender,ȱbut
asȱwillȱbeȱseen,ȱtheȱtwoȱconceptsȱofȱgenderȱandȱlawȱorȱjudgmentȱareȱintertwined.
WhenȱVirginiaȱasks,ȱ“Isȱtherȱnoȱgrace,ȱisȱthereȱnoȱremedy?”ȱ(VI,ȱ235),ȱsheȱisȱasking
theȱcentralȱquestionȱofȱjusticeȱinȱtheȱtale.ȱHowever,ȱasȱseveralȱcriticsȱhaveȱnoted,
Chaucer’sȱ additionsȱ andȱ changesȱ moveȱ theȱ taleȱ awayȱ fromȱ theȱ mostȱ overtly
politicalȱ possibilitiesȱ foundȱ inȱ theȱ originalȱ sources.ȱ Asȱ Liaannaȱ Farberȱ has
observed,ȱ “Inȱ theȱ Physician’sȱ Taleȱ politicsȱ andȱ governanceȱ insteadȱ becomeȱ the
processȱofȱgettingȱpeopleȱtoȱagreeȱwithȱyou;ȱtheȱprocessȱofȱcreatingȱconsent.”3ȱ
Chaucerȱprovidesȱusȱwithȱaȱtaleȱthatȱhasȱnoȱemotionalȱrelease.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱreal
systemȱwherebyȱaȱcorruptȱjudgmentȱthatȱisȱgivenȱinȱaȱRomanȱorȱEnglishȱcourtȱof
1
AllȱquotationsȱfromȱtheȱtextȱofȱTheȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱareȱfromȱTheȱRiversideȱChaucer,ȱ3rdȱed.,ȱed.ȱLarry
Bensonȱ(Boston:ȱHoughtonȱMifflin,ȱ1987),ȱ190–93.
2
RobinȱBott,ȱ“‘OȱKeepȱMeȱFromȱTheirȱWorseȱThanȱKillingȱLust’:ȱIdeologiesȱofȱRapeȱandȱMutilation
inȱChaucer’sȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱandȱShakespeare’sȱTitusȱAndronicus,”ȱRepresentingȱRapeȱinȱMedieval
andȱEarlyȱModernȱLiterature,ȱed.ȱElizabethȱRobertsonȱandȱChristinaȱM.ȱRose.ȱTheȱNewȱMiddleȱAges
(NewȱYorkȱandȱHoundmills,ȱBasingstoke,ȱHampshire:ȱPalgrave,ȱ2001),ȱ189–211.
3
LiannaȱFarber,ȱ“TheȱCreationȱofȱConsentȱinȱtheȱPhysician’sȱTale,”ȱChaucerȱReviewȱ39ȱ(2004):ȱ151–64.
348 DanielȱF.ȱPigg
lawȱcanȱbeȱoverturned.ȱȱCorruptȱdesireȱhasȱbecomeȱitsȱownȱlaw.ȱTheȱtaleȱhasȱbeen
deemedȱunsatisfactoryȱandȱenigmatic,ȱbutȱthatȱcouldȱsimplyȱbeȱbecauseȱofȱthe
imageȱ thatȱ weȱ haveȱ ofȱ Chaucer,ȱ ifȱ weȱ assumeȱ thatȱ heȱ isȱ theȱ wittyȱ andȱ urbane
personȱofȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.4ȱHasȱChaucerȱthroughȱtheȱPhysicianȱdeconstructedȱthe
powerȱofȱtheȱsocialȱorder,ȱorȱhasȱheȱsimplyȱshownȱgapsȱwithinȱtheȱstructure?ȱHas
ChaucerȱthroughȱtheȱveryȱfictionȱofȱhisȱtextȱmovedȱtheȱworldȱfromȱimperialȱRome
inȱ someȱ wayȱ toȱ medievalȱ Europeȱ whereȱ chargesȱ inȱ theȱ courtȱ couldȱ becomeȱ a
critiqueȱofȱmasculineȱpower?ȱThisȱessayȱwillȱassertȱthatȱChaucerȱdidȱpreciselyȱthat
throughȱtheȱPhysician.ȱ
Takingȱ theȱ storyȱ fromȱ Livyȱ andȱ theȱ Romanȱ deȱ laȱ rose,5ȱ Chaucerȱ makesȱ several
uniqueȱchangesȱtoȱhisȱsources,ȱincludingȱtheȱelaborationȱonȱtheȱworkȱonȱNature,
theȱwarningȱtoȱparentsȱandȱgovernessesȱtoȱbeȱcarefulȱofȱtheirȱchildren’sȱsafety,ȱthe
sceneȱ atȱ homeȱ betweenȱ Virginiusȱ andȱ Virginiaȱ inȱ whichȱ heȱ takesȱ herȱ life,ȱ the
connectionȱ ofȱ Virginia’sȱ andȱ Jephthah’sȱ daughterȱ andȱ thusȱ ofȱ Virginiusȱ and
Jephthah,ȱandȱtheȱmoralȱtagȱendingȱthatȱseemsȱbizarreȱinȱitsȱconnectionȱtoȱthe
eventsȱofȱtheȱstory.6ȱ
TheȱjudgmentȱsceneȱinȱwhichȱVirginiusȱkillsȱhisȱdaughterȱisȱmovedȱfromȱthe
courtȱsettingȱtoȱtheirȱhome.ȱTheȱmeansȱbyȱwhichȱVirginiusȱisȱchargedȱwithȱthe
crimeȱ ofȱ theft—theȱ allegedȱ takingȱ ofȱ theȱ wouldȬbeȱ slaveȱ whoȱ isȱ actuallyȱ his
daughter—remainsȱinȱChaucer’sȱversionȱasȱinȱhisȱsources.ȱTakenȱtogether,ȱthe
originalȱtaleȱandȱtheȱChaucerianȱadditionsȱcontributeȱtoȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱdisturbing
examinationsȱofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱinȱtheȱCanterburyȱTales.ȱWhatȱseemsȱlikely
isȱthatȱChaucer’sȱuniqueȱcontributionsȱtoȱtheȱstoryȱattemptȱtoȱaddressȱissuesȱof
agencyȱandȱresponsibility.ȱWhatȱresultsȱisȱaȱcomplexȱwebȱwhichȱshowsȱtheȱvital
forceȱthatȱtheȱcommonsȱexertȱinȱtheȱunderstandingȱofȱjustice,ȱbutȱevenȱhere,ȱthat
isȱlessȱofȱaȱcritiqueȱofȱtheirȱvoiceȱasȱitȱwasȱinȱtheȱClerk’sȱTaleȱthanȱinȱtheȱfailures
builtȱintoȱaȱsystemȱripeȱforȱperverseȱabuse.
WhileȱtheȱmajorityȱofȱthisȱessayȱwillȱexamineȱtheȱspecificȱChaucerianȱadditions
toȱtheȱtale’sȱfictiveȱnarrative,ȱitȱisȱalsoȱimportantȱtoȱpointȱoutȱaȱsignificantȱissue
4
Forȱaȱsurveyȱofȱcriticismȱonȱthisȱtale,ȱseeȱHelenȱStormȱCorsa,ȱed.,ȱTheȱPhysician’sȱTale:ȱAȱVariorum
EditionȱofȱtheȱWorksȱofȱGeoffreyȱChaucer,ȱvol.ȱ11,ȱpartȱ17ȱ(Norman:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱOklahoma
Press,ȱ1986),ȱ9–41.ȱ
5
TheȱconsensusȱnowȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱthatȱChaucerȱknewȱtheȱstoryȱthroughȱaȱshorterȱversionȱfoundȱin
GuillaumeȱdeȱLorris’sȱandȱJeanȱdeȱMeun’sȱRomanȱdeȱlaȱrose.ȱForȱaȱpointȱbyȱpointȱcomparison,ȱsee
KennethȱBleeth,ȱ“TheȱPhysician’sȱTale,”ȱSourcesȱandȱAnaloguesȱofȱtheȱCanterburyȱTales,ȱvol.ȱ2,ȱed.,
RobertȱM.ȱCorrealeȱandȱMaryȱHamel.ȱChaucerȱStudiesȱ35ȱ(Cambridge:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ2002),ȱ535–63.
6
Bleeth,ȱ“TheȱPhysician’sȱTale,”ȱ537ȱ(seeȱnoteȱȱ5).
Chaucer’sȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱandȱtheȱWorldsȱofȱJudgment 349
relativeȱtoȱtheȱcourtȱscene.ȱWhileȱitȱisȱcertainlyȱclearȱthatȱChaucer’sȱsettingȱforȱthe
storyȱisȱtheȱRomanȱworld,ȱitȱisȱhisȱknowledgeȱofȱEnglishȱlawȱandȱcourtȱsystems
thatȱseemsȱmostȱdominant.ȱThatȱisȱalsoȱhowȱhisȱoriginalȱreadersȱorȱhearersȱwould
haveȱjudgedȱtheȱlegalȱsystem.ȱClaudiusȱinȱtheȱversionsȱbyȱLivy,ȱJeanȱdeȱMeun,ȱand
ChaucerȱaccusesȱVirginiusȱofȱstealingȱVirginiaȱfromȱhisȱhouse;ȱsheȱisȱaȱslaveȱstolen
fromȱhisȱhouseȱlongȱagoȱonȱanȱevening.ȱVirginiusȱindicatesȱheȱcanȱproveȱotherwise
inȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ Claudius’sȱ story,ȱ butȱ theȱ judge,ȱ actingȱ inȱ haste,ȱ willȱ notȱ allow
witnessesȱtoȱbeȱbroughtȱtoȱtheȱcourtȱproceedings.ȱInsteadȱȱAppiusȱordersȱVirginius
toȱsurrenderȱVirginiaȱtoȱhim.ȱNoȱfutureȱsonȬinȬlawȱisȱpresentȱinȱtheȱChaucerian
textȱasȱinȱLivy’sȱversion.ȱLivyȱandȱJeanȱdeȱMeunȱhaveȱVirginiaȱkillȱhisȱdaughterȱin
theȱsightȱofȱeveryone,ȱwhileȱChaucerȱmovesȱthatȱexperienceȱtoȱVirginius’sȱhouse.ȱ
Whatȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱmostȱinterestingȱtoȱaȱmedievalȱaudienceȱwouldȱrelateȱto
theȱchargesȱthemselves.ȱDerekȱG.ȱNealȱhasȱdemonstratedȱthatȱ“Accusationsȱof
thieveryȱattackedȱaȱmasculineȱsocialȱselfȱbyȱdiminishingȱit,ȱreducingȱtheȱsymbolic
spaceȱitȱoccupiedȱinȱaȱconstellationȱofȱotherȱsocialȱselves.”7ȱFurther,ȱheȱprovidesȱthe
additionalȱcontextȱofȱaccusationsȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱcommunity:
Thereȱwereȱdifferentȱwaysȱofȱimaginingȱthisȱaspectȱofȱsocialȱidentity.ȱInȱtheȱtextȱand
contextȱofȱtheseȱdefamationȱsuits,ȱtheȱrelevantȱmedievalȱwordȱwasȱfama.ȱToȱbeȱdeȬfamed
wasȱtoȱhaveȱone’sȱfamaȱdamaged.ȱYetȱfamaȱwasȱnotȱonlyȱpartȱorȱcharacteristicȱofȱan
individual.ȱItȱwasȱinseparableȱfromȱtheȱspokenȱword,ȱasȱimpliedȱbyȱtheȱstockȱlegal
phraseȱvoxȱetȱfama,ȱ“commonȱvoiceȱandȱfame,”ȱonȱwhichȱallȱwitnessesȱhadȱtoȱcomment.
Inȱbothȱaȱlifelineȱandȱasȱaȱtetherȱonȱwhichȱeitherȱsideȱcouldȱpullȱtoȱitsȱownȱadvantage.
.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ Masculineȱ famaȱ wasȱ largerȱ andȱ moreȱ variegatedȱ thanȱ theȱ feminineȱ variety.
Defendingȱone’sȱmasculineȱhonorȱmeantȱholdingȱone’sȱplaceȱ(notȱbeingȱyankedȱoutȱof
it)ȱandȱpreservingȱtheȱpossibilityȱofȱimprovingȱonȱit.8
Forȱtheȱmedievalȱworld,ȱtheȱaccusationȱofȱbeingȱaȱthiefȱasȱopposedȱtoȱbeingȱaȱtrue
manȱmeantȱthatȱtheȱthiefȱwasȱ“theȱmostȱcommonȱpersonificationȱofȱunmanliness.”9
Finally,ȱtheȱ“trueȱman”ȱdistinctionȱsignalsȱ“anȱuncomplicatedȱhonesty:ȱopenness,
manifestȱ veracity,ȱ aȱ surfaceȱ meaningȱ thatȱ isȱ theȱ onlyȱ meaning.”10ȱ Whatȱ seems
straightforwardȱ inȱ theoryȱ becomesȱ significantlyȱ complexȱ inȱ theȱ mannerȱ of
presentationȱinȱthisȱshortȱtale.
Virginius,ȱbeingȱcalledȱaȱthiefȱinȱtheȱnarrative,ȱhasȱdoubtsȱcastȱonȱhisȱmasculinity
inȱtheȱwayȱthatȱaȱtypicalȱmedievalȱchargeȱwouldȱhave.ȱThatȱhisȱdaughterȱisȱcalled
“Virginia”ȱonlyȱprovidesȱanȱintriguingȱgrammaticallyȱgenderedȱdifficultyȱtoȱthe
process,ȱasȱGlennȱBurgerȱhasȱnotedȱrelativeȱtoȱtheȱfixityȱofȱdesireȱonȱtheȱpartȱof
7
DerekȱG,ȱNeal,ȱTheȱMasculineȱSelfȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱEnglandȱ(ChicagoȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱUniversity
ofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ2008),ȱ36.ȱ
8
Neal,ȱTheȱMasculineȱSelfȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱEngland,ȱ36ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).
9
Neal,ȱTheȱMasculineȱSelfȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱEngland,ȱ41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ
10
Neal,ȱTheȱMasculineȱSelfȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱEngland,ȱ43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).
Appius.11ȱTheȱdesireȱhereȱisȱclearlyȱtoȱbringȱVirginiusȱdown,ȱtoȱfeminizeȱhimȱinȱthe
wayȱthatȱaȱchargeȱofȱtheftȱpresumes.ȱThatȱtheȱsystemȱofȱjusticeȱwillȱnotȱallowȱhim
toȱproveȱotherwise,ȱgivenȱthatȱheȱisȱunableȱtoȱcallȱwitnessesȱbeforeȱAppiusȱreaches
aȱquickȱdecision,ȱunderlinesȱthatȱtheȱwholeȱprocessȱofȱlawȱhasȱbeenȱmisused.ȱȱThe
legalȱsystemȱinȱitsȱstructuralȱformȱȱhasȱoverturnedȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱfalseȱandȱtrue
men,ȱ assumingȱ thatȱ theȱ trueȱ manȱ isȱ Virginiusȱ andȱ theȱ falseȱ oneȱ isȱ Appius.
Viriginiusȱisȱalsoȱcaughtȱinȱaȱ“noȱgrace,ȱnoȱremedy”ȱ(VI,ȱ235)ȱsituation;ȱnoneȱis
renderedȱtoȱhimȱorȱperhapsȱevenȱthroughȱhim,ȱatȱleastȱtoȱhisȱinnocentȱdaughter.
Theȱremedyȱmitigatesȱagainstȱhisȱbeingȱaȱsimpleȱtrueȱman.ȱHenceȱthisȱconundrum
addsȱtoȱtheȱtale’sȱtypicalȱunsatisfactoryȱnature.
Inȱorderȱtoȱunderstandȱtheȱcomplexitiesȱofȱguiltȱandȱinnocence,ȱofȱcrimeȱand
punishment,ȱandȱofȱmercyȱandȱmeaning,ȱweȱmustȱuntangleȱtheȱvariousȱstrataȱof
theȱstoryȱandȱreadȱthoseȱagainstȱtheȱculturalȱexpectationȱofȱlawȱthatȱwouldȱbe
commonȱinȱmedievalȱEnglandȱofȱChaucer’sȱday,ȱparticularlyȱregardingȱproperty.
Virginiaȱisȱpropertyȱasȱsuchȱandȱinȱtheȱtaleȱisȱtreatedȱlikeȱsymbolicȱcapital,ȱbut
thereȱisȱnoȱexchangeȱpossibleȱhere.ȱThisȱisȱnotȱaȱsimpleȱpatriarchalȱexchangeȱthat
willȱenhanceȱtheȱvalueȱofȱmales,ȱbutȱinsteadȱwillȱundoȱallȱconcerned.ȱ
Seenȱinȱthisȱway,ȱthisȱChaucerianȱstory—oneȱinȱwhichȱjusticeȱisȱdeniedȱandȱthe
innocentȱ oneȱ isȱ punishedȱ alongȱ withȱ theȱ guilty—becomesȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ most
profoundȱ commentariesȱ onȱ theȱ natureȱ ofȱ law,ȱ crime,ȱ andȱ punishmentȱ inȱ the
CanterburyȱTales.ȱ“Doesȱtheȱpunishmentȱfitȱtheȱcrime?”ȱisȱaȱquestionȱthatȱweȱmust
askȱ withȱ respectȱ toȱ allȱ participantsȱ inȱ theȱ story:ȱ Virginius,ȱ Virginia,ȱ Appius,
Claudius,ȱandȱtheȱcommunity.ȱInȱtheȱend,ȱallȱareȱjudged,ȱandȱallȱareȱfoundȱlacking
eitherȱexplicitlyȱorȱimplicitly.ȱȱInȱhisȱremarksȱatȱtheȱtale’sȱconclusion,ȱHarryȱBailly
perceivesȱtheȱinjusticeȱofȱAppiusȱandȱClaudiusȱandȱallȱfalseȱvoicesȱinȱtheȱjustice
system,ȱbutȱaddsȱthatȱVirginia’sȱbeautyȱ(NatureȱandȱFortune)ȱwasȱtheȱcauseȱofȱher
death.ȱIsȱtheȱinnocentȱoneȱthenȱguilty?ȱAnȱhistoricistȱreadingȱlocatesȱaȱharsher
judgmentȱofȱcrimeȱonȱVirginius,ȱwhoȱreallyȱdoesȱnotȱactȱasȱaȱknightȱshould,ȱatȱleast
aȱmedievalȱknightȱwhoȱhasȱbeenȱdefamed.ȱȱOftenȱregardedȱasȱaȱflawedȱtale,ȱthe
Physician’sȱTaleȱevokesȱvisceralȱreactionsȱwithinȱtheȱfictionȱofȱtheȱtale,ȱwithinȱthe
dramaticȱframeȱofȱstoryȱtellingȱonȱtheȱwayȱtoȱCanterbury,ȱandȱwithinȱmodern
readingȱcommunities.ȱ“Isȱtherȱnoȱremedye?”ȱisȱultimatelyȱtheȱquestionȱthatȱmust
beȱansweredȱinȱlightȱofȱtheȱcodesȱofȱhonor,ȱhospitality,ȱandȱlaw.ȱ
11
Glennȱ Burger,ȱ “Doingȱ Whatȱ Comesȱ Naturally:ȱ Theȱ Physician’sȱ Taleȱ andȱ theȱ Pardoner,”
MasculinitiesȱinȱChaucer:ȱApproachesȱtoȱMalenessȱinȱtheȱCanterburyȱTalesȱandȱTroilusȱandȱCriseyde,ȱed.
PeterȱG.ȱBeidler.ȱChaucerȱStudies,ȱ25ȱ(Cambridge:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ1998),ȱ117–30.
II
TheȱfirstȱChaucerianȱadditionȱtoȱtheȱtaleȱofȱVirginiusȱandȱVirginiaȱrevolvesȱaround
theȱnatureȱofȱVirginiaȱherself,ȱherȱphysicalȱappearance.ȱLinesȱ9–71ȱandȱ105–17ȱare
typicallyȱnotedȱasȱChaucer’sȱadditionȱtoȱtheȱmaterialsȱfoundȱinȱLivyȱandȱtheȱRoman
deȱlaȱrose.ȱDatingȱatȱleastȱfromȱtheȱwritingsȱofȱAlbertusȱMagnusȱ(ca.ȱ1209–1290),
thereȱwasȱaȱbeliefȱthatȱtheȱfactȱasȱtoȱwhomȱtheȱchildȱresembledȱwasȱanȱindictorȱof
maleȱstrengthȱorȱweaknessȱinȱconception.ȱIfȱtheȱdaughterȱresembledȱherȱmother,
thenȱherȱ“seed”ȱwasȱstrongerȱthanȱtheȱfather’sȱsperm,ȱandȱbyȱdefinitionȱtheȱmale
wasȱ“inferior.”12ȱVirginia’sȱmotherȱisȱneverȱmentionedȱdirectlyȱatȱall.ȱNowhereȱin
theȱtextȱdoȱweȱlearnȱthatȱVirginiaȱlooksȱanythingȱlikeȱVirginius—evenȱtheȱnaming
connectionȱ doesȱ notȱ doȱ that.ȱ Theȱ grammaticallyȱ genderedȱ aspectȱ ofȱ naming,
however,ȱisȱanȱimportantȱconnectionȱafterȱall.ȱThusȱthereȱmayȱbeȱsomeȱessentialist
basedȱcriticismȱofȱVirginiusȱhere,ȱwhichȱis,ȱofȱcourse,ȱratherȱsubtle.
Inȱtheȱtale,ȱNatureȱitselfȱdoesȱseemȱtoȱspeak,ȱasȱLomparisȱhasȱnoted,ȱbutȱher
voiceȱ isȱ controlledȱ byȱ theȱ Physician—anotherȱ levelȱ ofȱ masculineȱ controlȱ and
representationȱ inȱ theȱ taleȱ (23–24).13ȱ Nature,ȱ theȱ feminine,ȱ isȱ givenȱ creditȱ for
Virginia’sȱbeauty:
Thisȱmaydeȱofȱageȱtwelveȱyeerȱwasȱandȱtweye,
InȱwhichȱthatȱNatureȱhaddeȱsucheȱdelit.
Forȱrightȱasȱsheȱkanȱpaynteȱaȱlilieȱwhit,
Andȱreedȱasȱrose,ȱrightȱwithȱswichȱpeynture
Sheȱpeyntedȱhathȱthisȱnobleȱcreature,
Erȱsheȱwereȱborn,ȱuponȱhirȱlymesȱfre,
Whereȱasȱbyȱrightȱswicheȱcoloursȱshouldȱbe.”
(VI,ȱ30–36)
[Theȱmaidenȱwasȱfourteenȱyearsȱofȱage
InȱwhichȱNatureȱhadȱsuchȱdelight,
Forȱjustȱasȱsheȱcanȱpaintȱaȱlittleȱwhite
Andȱredȱasȱaȱrose,ȱjustȱwithȱsuchȱȱpainting
Sheȱhasȱpaintedȱthisȱnobleȱcreature,
Beforeȱsheȱwasȱborn,ȱuponȱherȱgenerousȱlimbs
Whereȱbyȱrightȱsuchȱcolorsȱshouldȱbe.]
12
VernȱL.ȱBullough,ȱ“OnȱBeingȱaȱMaleȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱMedievalȱMasculinities:ȱRegardingȱMen
inȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱClareȱA.ȱLeesȱwithȱThelmaȱFensterȱandȱAnnȱMcNamara.ȱMedievalȱCultures,
7ȱ(Minneapolis:ȱUniversityȱofȱMinnesotaȱPress,ȱ1994),ȱ31–45.ȱSeeȱalsoȱDanielȱF.ȱPigg,ȱ“Masculinity
Studies,”ȱTheȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱed.,ȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱde
Gruyter,ȱ2010),ȱ829–35.
13
Lindaȱ Lomperis,ȱ “Unrulyȱ Bodiesȱ andȱ Rulingȱ Practices:ȱ Chaucer’sȱ Physician’sȱ Taleȱ asȱ Socially
Symbolicȱ Act,”ȱ Feministȱ Approachesȱ toȱ theȱ Bodyȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Literature,ȱ ed.ȱ eademȱ andȱ Sarah
Stanbury.ȱNewȱCulturalȱStudiesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1993),ȱ21–37.
Nature,ȱnotȱherȱfather,ȱshapedȱherȱappearanceȱbeforeȱsheȱwasȱborn.ȱBiologyȱmay
haveȱwonȱoutȱhereȱagainstȱourȱknight,ȱbutȱtheȱPhysicianȱnotesȱthatȱVirginiaȱspeaks
wellȱinȱwords,ȱ“sownyngeȱinȱvertuȱandȱinȱgentillesse”ȱ(VI,ȱ54;ȱȱincliningȱtoȱvirtue
andȱnobility),ȱwhichȱareȱemblemsȱofȱtheȱlogicalȱmind,ȱgenderedȱmale.14ȱBeautyȱin
theȱRomanȱmind,ȱatȱleastȱasȱitȱpertainedȱtoȱwomen,ȱwasȱseenȱasȱaȱ“dangerousȱgift,
oneȱ thatȱ putȱ virtueȱ atȱ risk.”15ȱ Isȱ itȱ possibleȱ thatȱ evenȱ Natureȱ itselfȱ hasȱ setȱ up
Virginiaȱforȱaȱfallȱandȱthatȱbyȱextensionȱtheȱpassageȱbecomesȱaȱreflectionȱonȱthe
abuseȱ ofȱ nature?ȱ Inȱ theȱ openingȱ description,ȱ however,ȱ thisȱ fourteenȬyearȬold
daughterȱ seemsȱ moreȱ advancedȱ thanȱ herȱ ageȱ wouldȱ suggestȱ inȱ herȱ abilityȱ to
manageȱ herȱ virtueȱ andȱ toȱ disentangleȱ ȱ herselfȱ fromȱ situationsȱ whereȱ any
improprietyȱmightȱbeȱpossible.ȱButȱtheȱPhysicianȱnotesȱthatȱ“Forȱalȱtoȱsooneȱmau
sheȱlearneȱloreȱ/ȱOfȱbooldnesse,ȱwhanȱsheȱwoxenȱisȱaȱwyf”ȱ(VI,ȱ70–71;ȱForȱallȱtoo
soonȱ sheȱ mustȱ learnȱ theȱ teachingȱ ofȱ boldnessȱ whenȱ sheȱ isȱ grownȱ intoȱ aȱ wife).
Clearly,ȱ sheȱ hasȱ beenȱ taughtȱ aȱ patternȱ ofȱ behaviorȱ fromȱ aȱ maleȱ authority,ȱ her
father,ȱtoȱwhomȱsheȱwillȱreadilyȱgiveȱassentȱinȱhisȱnoȬwinȱsuggestionȱofȱaction.16
Sheȱisȱschooledȱtoȱreadȱallȱsituationsȱunderȱherȱfather’sȱ“governance.”ȱȱGivenȱthe
openingȱofȱtheȱtextȱshowingȱVirginia’sȱselfȱmanagement,ȱitȱmayȱseemȱveryȱstrange
thatȱtheȱsecondȱadditionȱbecomesȱanȱadmonitionȱtoȱparentsȱandȱgovernessesȱabout
theirȱprotectionȱofȱchildren.
III
Theȱadmonitionȱtoȱparentsȱhasȱattractedȱaȱgreatȱdealȱofȱattentionȱamongȱscholars,
particularlyȱitsȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱtale’sȱlogic.ȱWhatȱseemsȱapparentȱhere,ȱhowever,ȱis
theȱnotionȱthatȱtheȱruleȱofȱtheȱfatherȱisȱimportantȱinȱpreservingȱtheȱchildren:
Underȱaȱshepherdeȱsofteȱandȱnecligent
Theȱwolfȱhathȱmanyȱaȱsheepȱandȱlambȱtorent.
Suffisethȱoonȱensampleȱnowȱasȱheere,
ForȱIȱmootȱturneȱagainȱtoȱmyȱmatere.
(VI,ȱ101–04)
[Underȱanȱeasyȱandȱnegligentȱshepherd
Theȱwolfȱhasȱkilledȱmanyȱaȱsheepȱandȱaȱlamb.
14
JoyceȱSalisbury,ȱ“GenderedȱSexuality,”ȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱSexuality,ȱed.ȱVernȱL.ȱBulloughȱand
JamesȱA.ȱBrundage.ȱGarlandȱReferenceȱLibraryȱofȱtheȱHumanities,ȱ1696ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱGarland,
1996),ȱ81–102.
15
AlineȱRousselle,ȱ“TheȱFamilyȱUnderȱtheȱRomanȱEmpire:ȱSignsȱandȱGestures,”ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱthe
Family,ȱed.ȱAndréȱBurguiére,ȱChristineȱKlapischȬZuber,ȱMartineȱSegalen,ȱandȱFrancoiseȱZonabend.ȱ
Vol.ȱ1ȱ(Boston:ȱHarvardȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ270–310.
16
Farber,ȱ“TheȱCreationȱofȱConsent,”ȱ151ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
Sufficeȱitȱoneȱexampleȱnowȱtoȱhear
ForȱIȱmustȱturnȱagainȱtoȱmyȱtopic.]
TheȱcontinuingȱtaleȱofȱVirginiaȱandȱVirginiusȱthusȱturnsȱintoȱanȱexemplum.ȱJohn
Pitcherȱcontendsȱthatȱtheȱ“wolf”ȱbecomesȱVirginius;ȱ“theȱfamilyȱitselfȱ[isȱexposed]
asȱ anȱ institutionȱ ofȱ violence.”17ȱ Itȱ wouldȱ seem,ȱ however,ȱ thatȱ suchȱ aȱ reading
appliesȱ toȱ theȱ wolfȱ referenceȱ moreȱ literallyȱ thanȱ isȱ intended.ȱ Theȱ wolfȱ ofȱ the
narrativeȱwouldȱclearlyȱbeȱAppius,ȱgivenȱthatȱheȱisȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱdesiresȱtoȱdestroy
theȱbodyȱofȱVirginiaȱandȱinȱthisȱwayȱbyȱextensionȱtoȱstrikeȱatȱVirginius.ȱAsȱtheȱtale
continues,ȱtheȱimplicitȱwarningȱisȱthatȱsomeoneȱwasȱnotȱwatchingȱVirginia—her
family—andȱsomeoneȱelseȱwas—Appius.ȱNotionsȱofȱvirginityȱareȱimportantȱtoȱthe
taleȱandȱtheȱconstructionȱofȱmasculineȱdesire.ȱ
Howardȱ Bloch,ȱ attemptingȱ toȱ solveȱ theȱ conundrumȱ thatȱ theȱ Physician’sȱ Tale
represents,ȱnotesȱthatȱtheȱChurchȱFathers,ȱandȱparticularlyȱTertullian,ȱwereȱvery
muchȱconcernedȱaboutȱtheȱsexualȱdesireȱprovokedȱbyȱwomenȱseenȱinȱpublicȱtoȱthe
pointȱthatȱanyȱvirginȱwhoȱhasȱbeenȱseenȱisȱnoȱlongerȱaȱvirgin.18ȱAppiusȱidentifies
herȱbeautyȱasȱtheȱsnareȱforȱhisȱdesire—theȱconclusionȱthatȱHarryȱBaillyȱreachesȱas
toȱtheȱreasonȱforȱherȱdeathȱafterȱtheȱconclusionȱofȱtheȱtale.ȱSheȱhasȱfallenȱunderȱthe
maleȱ gaze,ȱ andȱ itȱ tooȱ isȱ oneȱ ofȱ governanceȱ butȱ moreȱ oneȱ ofȱ predatory
manipulation.ȱ
IV
Sinceȱtheȱcourtȱsceneȱitselfȱformsȱanȱimportantȱframeȱforȱunderstandingȱcrimeȱand
punishmentȱinȱthisȱtale,ȱweȱneedȱtoȱlookȱfurtherȱatȱitsȱconstructionȱbeyondȱthe
issueȱofȱgenderȱpoliticsȱnotedȱearlier.ȱInȱhisȱstudyȱonȱChaucer’sȱrepresentationȱon
legalȱprocess,ȱJosephȱAllenȱHornsbyȱhasȱnotedȱthatȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱthisȱtale,ȱthe
situationȱisȱnotȱoneȱofȱfelony,ȱbutȱinsteadȱrelativelyȱminor.ȱWeȱhaveȱanȱexampleȱof
aȱ personalȱ injuryȱ case,ȱ whatȱ modernȱ lawȱ wouldȱ callȱ “civilȱ law.”ȱ Suchȱ an
accusationȱcouldȱbeginȱwithȱaȱwritȱorȱbill,ȱwithȱtheȱbillȱbeingȱtheȱeasiestȱmethod
toȱproceed.ȱInȱthatȱtale,ȱtheȱbillȱisȱfollowedȱtoȱtheȱletterȱwithȱpainstakingȱdetail.
Accordingly,ȱ“itȱcouldȱbeȱdraftedȱbyȱtheȱplaintiffȱandȱpresentedȱdirectlyȱtoȱthe
court.”19ȱTheȱjudgeȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱlookȱatȱtheȱprincipleȱofȱequityȱinȱrestitutionȱin
theȱcaseȱofȱcrime.ȱInterestinglyȱenough,ȱsuchȱcasesȱexpectedȱthatȱprinciplesȱwould
17
JohnȱA.ȱPitcher,ȱ“Chaucer’sȱWolf:ȱExemplaryȱViolenceȱinȱTheȱPhysician’sȱTale,”ȱGenreȱ36ȱ(2003):
1–28.
18
R.ȱHowardȱBloch,ȱ“Chaucer’sȱMaidenȱHead:ȱ‘TheȱPhysician’sȱTale’ȱandȱtheȱPoeticsȱofȱVirginity,”
Representationsȱ28ȱ(1989):ȱ113–34.
19
JosephȱAllenȱHornsby,ȱChaucerȱandȱtheȱLawȱ(Norman,ȱOK:ȱPilgrimȱBooks,ȱ1988),ȱ151.
beȱfollowedȱratherȱthanȱdirectȱstipulationsȱofȱlaw.ȱTheȱjudgeȱhadȱtheȱrightȱtoȱmake
aȱdecision,ȱunderȱtheȱconceptȱofȱequity.
InȱtheȱpetitionȱofȱClaudius,ȱVirginiaȱisȱbeingȱheldȱagainstȱherȱwillȱbyȱVirginius,
andȱheȱsimplyȱwantsȱherȱtoȱbeȱreturned.ȱAllȱofȱthis,ȱhowever,ȱisȱaȱlie.ȱOneȱwonders
howȱClaudiusȱwouldȱhaveȱprovidedȱwitnesses.ȱAppius,ȱhowever,ȱspeedsȱupȱthe
verdict,ȱwithoutȱVirginius’sȱsayingȱaȱwordȱorȱanyȱwitnessesȱbeingȱcalled.ȱ
TheȱmostȱsignificantȱchangeȱandȱadditionȱtoȱtheȱoriginalȱstoryȱofȱVirginiusȱand
Virginiaȱcomesȱduringȱtheȱcourtȱscene.ȱInȱChaucer’sȱsources,ȱallȱofȱthisȱhasȱbeen
presentedȱ inȱ court,ȱ andȱ Virginius’sȱ actionsȱ areȱ inȱ public.ȱ Theȱ entireȱ scene
beginningȱwithȱtheȱmanipulationȱofȱsocialȱjusticeȱcontrolledȱandȱdenaturedȱby
debasedȱmasculineȱdesireȱisȱalsoȱrootedȱinȱclassȱconflict.ȱClaudius,ȱaȱchurl,ȱwould
haveȱnoȱrightȱtoȱanyȱcontactȱwithȱVirginius’sȱdaughter,ȱbutȱVirginiusȱmustȱbowȱto
theȱwhimȱofȱaȱlargerȱmasculineȬbasedȱruleȱofȱlaw.ȱUnlikeȱtheȱRomanȱsetting,ȱinȱthe
Physician’sȱTaleȱtheȱfutureȱbridegroomȱofȱVirginiaȱisȱnotȱincludedȱandȱtheȱroleȱof
theȱpublicȱisȱomittedȱuntilȱafterȱVirginia’sȱdeath.ȱInȱbothȱLivy’sȱversionȱandȱthe
Romanȱversion,ȱVirginiusȱkillsȱhisȱdaughterȱinȱfrontȱofȱtheȱcourt—bothȱwouldȱthus
beȱaȱpublicȱspectacle.ȱMovingȱtheȱsceneȱtoȱtheirȱhome,ȱhavingȱVirginiusȱshowȱa
countenanceȱ“deedȱasȱashenȱcolde”ȱ(VI,ȱ209),ȱandȱestablishingȱaȱdialogueȱdesigned
toȱincreaseȱpathosȱandȱtoȱgainȱconsentȱfromȱVirginiaȱmakeȱtheȱexperienceȱofȱthe
taleȱ gruesome,ȱ arresting,ȱ andȱ theȱ subjectȱ ofȱ critiqueȱ ofȱ maleȱ authority.ȱ The
statement,ȱ“Allas,ȱthatȱevereȱApiusȱtheȱsay”ȱ(VI,ȱ227;ȱAlasȱthatȱAppiusȱeverȱsaw
you),ȱ seemsȱ toȱ placeȱ theȱ blameȱ onȱ her,ȱ forȱ itȱ hasȱ madeȱ Appiusȱ renderȱ aȱ false
judgmentȱagainstȱVirginius.ȱSheȱasksȱforȱtimeȱtoȱmournȱasȱJephthahȱallowedȱfor
hisȱdaughter.ȱTheȱinterestingȱpointȱhere,ȱofȱcourse,ȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱthatȱsheȱisȱtheȱone
toȱmentionȱtheȱJephthahȱreferenceȱinȱtheȱlinesȱbelow:
“Thanneȱyifȱmeȱleyser,ȱfaderȱmyn,”ȱquodȱshe,
“Myȱdeethȱforȱtoȱcompleyneȱaȱlitelȱspace;
For,ȱparde,ȱJepteȱyafȱhisȱdoghterȱgrace
Forȱtoȱcompleyne,ȱerȱheȱhirȱslow,ȱalas!
And,ȱGodȱitȱwoot,ȱnoȱthyngȱwasȱhirȱtrespas,
Butȱforȱsheȱranȱhirȱfaderȱfirstȱtoȱsee,
Toȱwelcomeȱhymȱwithȱgreetȱsolempnitee.”
(VI,ȱ238–44)20
20
JohnȱMichealȱCrafton,ȱ“TheȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱandȱJephtha’sȱDaughter,”ȱAmericanȱNotesȱandȱQueries
20.1ȱ(2007):ȱ8–16.
[“Thenȱgiveȱmeȱtime,ȱdearȱfather,”ȱsheȱsaid
“Toȱcomplainȱforȱmyȱdeathȱaȱlittleȱspace;
ForȱcertainlyȱJephthahȱgaveȱgraceȱtoȱhisȱdaughter
Toȱcomplainȱbeforeȱheȱslewȱher!
AndȱGodȱknowsȱitȱthatȱthereȱwasȱnoȱtrespass
Exceptȱthatȱsheȱranȱoutȱfirstȱtoȱseeȱherȱfather,
Toȱwelcomeȱhimȱwithȱgreatȱsolemnity.”]
Craftonȱcontendsȱthatȱtheȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱspaceȱofȱtimeȱthatȱsheȱisȱtoȱlamentȱher
lossȱofȱlifeȱfoundȱitsȱwayȱintoȱmedievalȱpreachingȱmanualsȱtoȱargueȱagainstȱsinful
living.ȱ Heȱ writesȱ thatȱ “Weȱ areȱ askedȱ toȱ acceptȱ thatȱ theȱ narratorȱ isȱ sincerely
presentingȱtheȱtaleȱofȱVirginiaȱforȱallȱofȱitsȱmaximumȱpathosȱwhileȱhavingȱherȱplea
toȱliveȱlongerȱtoȱfollowȱtheȱexampleȱofȱoneȱwhoȱrepresentsȱtheȱoppositeȱofȱher
virtue.”21ȱSuchȱaȱreadingȱdoesȱhaveȱmerits,ȱbutȱitȱmakesȱtheȱvictimȱresponsibleȱfor
theȱactions.
TheȱparallelsȱbetweenȱJephthahȱandȱhisȱdaughterȱandȱVirginiusȱandȱVirginia
deserveȱfurtherȱconsideration.ȱItȱisȱimportantȱtoȱrememberȱthatȱinȱtheȱmedieval
ChristianȱmindȱaȱJewishȱmaleȱwasȱlessȱofȱaȱmaleȱthanȱhisȱChristianȱcounterpart,ȱof
course,ȱ centeredȱ aroundȱ theȱ notionȱ ofȱ lossȱ connectedȱ withȱ circumcision.22ȱ To
compareȱVirginiusȱtoȱhimȱisȱthusȱaȱdebasementȱonȱseveralȱlevels.ȱCriticalȱopinion
rangesȱfromȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱtheȱbiblicalȱreferenceȱmustȱbeȱaȱmistakeȱbasedȱonȱthe
Physician’sȱlackȱofȱbiblicalȱknowledgeȱtoȱcomparisonsȱthatȱwouldȱprivilegeȱmore
theȱAbraham/IsaacȱstoryȱorȱtheȱCrucifixionȱinȱplaceȱofȱtheȱactualȱreferenceȱasȱa
glossȱonȱtheȱaction.ȱWhetherȱtheȱusageȱaccordsȱwithȱmedievalȱunderstandingȱis
lessȱ significantȱ inȱ oneȱ senseȱ thanȱ mightȱ beȱ notedȱ atȱ firstȱ viewing.ȱ Assuming,
however,ȱ thatȱ theȱ comparisonȱ isȱ correctȱ andȱ intended,ȱ severalȱ noteworthy
readingsȱsurroundingȱVirginius’sȱmasculineȱstatusȱappear.ȱInȱtheȱbiblicalȱstory,ȱthe
Deuteronomisticȱ historianȱ firstȱ hasȱ Jephthahȱ promiseȱ toȱ killȱ asȱ aȱ sacrificeȱ of
thanksgivingȱforȱsuccessfullyȱdefeatingȱtheȱAmmonitesȱ(Judgesȱ11)ȱtheȱfirstȱperson
whoȱcomesȱoutȱofȱhisȱhouseȱuponȱhisȱreturn.ȱ
Theȱfollyȱisȱapparent;ȱitȱisȱmostȱlikelyȱthatȱanyoneȱcomingȱoutȱofȱhisȱhouseȱwould
eitherȱbeȱaȱfriend,ȱfamilyȱmember,ȱorȱaȱservant.ȱClearly,ȱtoȱbeȱendowedȱwithȱthe
spiritȱofȱYahwehȱdoesȱnotȱkeepȱaȱpersonȱfromȱmakingȱrashȱorȱfoolishȱstatements.
Whatȱmayȱbeȱmoreȱsignificantȱisȱthatȱheȱisȱbornȱofȱaȱprostitute.ȱBiologyȱandȱdestiny
areȱconnectedȱinȱmedievalȱnarrative;ȱtheyȱareȱalsoȱconnectedȱinȱbiblicalȱnarrative.
Second,ȱJephthah’sȱ daughter,ȱobviouslyȱdevotedȱtoȱherȱfatherȱandȱhisȱsuccess,
meetsȱhimȱwithȱtambourinesȱandȱdances.ȱThird,ȱheȱrebukesȱherȱforȱtheȱdifficulty
thatȱsheȱhasȱbroughtȱhimȱto.ȱAppliedȱtoȱtheȱVirginius/Virginiaȱstory,ȱaȱpattern
21
Crafton,ȱ“TheȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱandȱJephtha’sȱDaughter,”ȱ16ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).
22
Stevenȱ F.ȱ Kruger,ȱ Theȱ Spectralȱ Jew:ȱ Conversionȱ andȱ Embodimentȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Europe.ȱ Medieval
Cultures,ȱ40ȱ(Minneapolis:ȱUniversityȱofȱMinnesotaȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ1–25.
emerges.ȱAsȱaȱ“worthyȱknight”ȱ(VI,ȱ203),ȱVirginiusȱseesȱonlyȱtwoȱwaysȱtoȱproceed:
deathȱ orȱ shame.ȱ Bothȱ willȱ haveȱ clearȱ consequences,ȱ butȱ forȱ theȱ knight,ȱ shame
wouldȱbeȱgreaterȱbecauseȱhisȱdaughterȱwouldȱbeȱtreatedȱasȱpropertyȱtoȱbeȱabused
atȱ will.ȱ Byȱ extension,ȱ heȱ himselfȱ isȱ exposedȱ toȱ abuseȱ atȱ will.ȱ Noȱ knightȱ could
upholdȱthisȱaction.ȱUnlikeȱsomeȱknightsȱinȱtheȱlaterȱMalory’sȱLeȱMorteȱd’Arthur
(1485),ȱVirginiusȱwillȱnotȱofferȱhisȱdaughterȱtoȱaȱsuccessfulȱknightȱinȱmarriage.ȱ
Asȱremarkedȱearlier,ȱitȱisȱimportantȱtoȱnoteȱthatȱVirginiaȱmakesȱtheȱJephthah
reference.ȱInȱtheȱbiblicalȱtext,ȱhisȱdaughterȱisȱallowedȱtoȱmournȱbecauseȱsheȱwill
dieȱaȱvirgin,ȱthusȱneverȱhavingȱmarried.ȱInȱtheȱRoman,ȱVirginiaȱwasȱtoȱbeȱmarried,
andȱthatȱtooȱwillȱnotȱhappen.ȱChaucerȱneverȱmentionsȱaȱmarriageȱpossibilityȱatȱall.
Virginia,ȱalthoughȱsilentȱthusȱfarȱinȱtheȱtale,ȱhasȱnotȱbeenȱparticularlyȱpassiveȱin
herȱencountersȱwithȱtheȱworld.ȱSheȱmakesȱjudgmentsȱandȱgoesȱtoȱvariousȱplaces
withȱherȱmotherȱasȱchaperone;ȱsheȱhere,ȱtoo,ȱdesiresȱtoȱbeȱanȱactiveȱagent.ȱInȱthis
case,ȱhowever,ȱsheȱacceptsȱorȱassentsȱtoȱmaleȱauthorityȱwithoutȱquestionȱonceȱshe
isȱtoldȱthereȱisȱ“noȱgrace,ȱnoȱremedye”ȱ(VI,ȱ236).ȱȱHasȱVirginius’sȱ“governance”
takenȱonȱmoreȱsinisterȱdimensions?ȱTheȱJephthahȱreferenceȱcallsȱintoȱquestionȱthe
“why”ȱofȱtheȱsacrificeȱwithȱtheȱpotentialȱofȱaȱdirectȱrebukeȱofȱVirginius.ȱHeȱmay
beȱsuccessfulȱinȱoneȱsense,ȱbutȱheȱisȱaȱfoolȱofȱhistoricalȱproportions.ȱ
Inȱaȱmostȱpersuasiveȱarticle,ȱDanielȱKlineȱnotesȱthatȱbecauseȱVirginiusȱdoesȱnot
evenȱallowȱVirginiaȱtimeȱtoȱmournȱasȱJephthahȱdidȱpermitȱforȱhisȱdaughter,ȱweȱsee
thatȱ“VirginiusȱisȱevenȱlessȱgraciousȱthanȱJephthah.”23Inȱanȱevenȱmoreȱstriking
judgment,ȱKlineȱobservesȱthatȱtheȱ“theologyȱofȱsacrificeȱjustifiesȱbothȱtheȱstructure
andȱviolenceȱofȱtheȱpatriarchalȱfamily,ȱand,ȱbyȱextension,ȱtheȱlateȬmedievalȱculture
thatȱ dependsȱ uponȱ aȱ sacrificialȱ imperative.”24ȱ Virginiaȱ thenȱ diesȱ forȱ aȱ system.
Jephthah’sȱdaughterȱmerelyȱdiesȱafterȱaȱperiodȱofȱmourning,ȱbasedȱonȱherȱfather’s
rashȱpromiseȱofȱsacrifice.ȱJudgesȱ11:39–40ȱsetsȱupȱtheȱideaȱofȱaȱfutureȱmemorial
remembranceȱ inȱ whichȱ theȱ “daughtersȱ ofȱ Israel”ȱ willȱ “lament”ȱ theȱ lossȱ of
Jephthah’sȱdaughterȱforȱfourȱdaysȱeachȱyear.ȱVirginia’sȱdeathȱisȱaȱtragedyȱwithout
anyȱemotionalȱreleaseȱorȱritualȱactȱtoȱsublimateȱtheȱinjustice.
Feministȱ critiquesȱ ofȱ thisȱ sceneȱ haveȱ oftenȱ seenȱ littleȱ differenceȱ betweenȱ the
actionsȱofȱAppiusȱandȱClaudiusȱwhoseȱintentionsȱareȱclearlyȱrapeȱandȱotherȱabuse
andȱVirginius’sȱmurder.25ȱSettingȱasideȱtheȱpossibilityȱofȱincestȱbeingȱapparentȱin
thisȱscene,ȱasȱLomperisȱandȱRoseȱhaveȱnotedȱthatȱitȱmayȱbeȱaȱrape,ȱȱIȱwillȱoutline
23
Danielȱ Kline,ȱ “Jephthah’sȱ Daughterȱ andȱ Chaucer’sȱ Virginia:ȱ Theȱ Critiqueȱ ofȱ Sacrificeȱ inȱ The
Physician’sȱTale,”ȱJournalȱofȱEnglishȱandȱGermanicȱPhilologyȱ107.1ȱ(2008):ȱ77–103.
24
Kline,ȱ“Jephthah’sȱDaughterȱandȱChaucer’sȱVirginia:ȱTheȱCritiqueȱofȱSacrificeȱinȱtheȱPhysician’s
Tale,”ȱ103ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23).
25
SandraȱPiersonȱPrior,ȱ“VirginityȱandȱSacrificeȱinȱChaucer’sȱ“Physician’sȱTale,”ȱConstructionsȱof
WidowhoodȱandȱVirginityȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.,ȱȱCindyȱL.ȱCarlsonȱandȱAngelaȱJaneȱWeis.ȱTheȱNew
MiddleȱAgesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱSt.ȱMartin’sȱPress,ȱ1999)ȱ,ȱ165–80;ȱChristineȱM.ȱȱRose,ȱ“ReadingȱChaucer
ReadingȱRape,”ȱRepresentingȱRapeȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱLiterature,ȱ21–51ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
anȱalternativeȱreading.26ȱTheȱchargeȱofȱraptus—aȱvexingȱoneȱinȱChaucerȱstudies
bothȱbiographicalȱandȱliterary—takesȱonȱanȱimportantȱdimensionȱinȱdefiningȱtheir
action.ȱ Theȱ crimeȱ toȱ beȱ committedȱ againstȱ Virginiaȱ inȱ theȱ courtȱ ofȱ lawȱ would
actuallyȱfallȱonȱVirginius.ȱOnȱoneȱlevel,ȱrapeȱwouldȱinvolveȱaȱcrimeȱofȱproperty,
butȱinȱanotherȱsense,ȱtoo,ȱitȱisȱanȱactionȱdirectlyȱagainstȱVirginius,ȱanȱextensionȱof
himself.ȱItȱisȱnoȱaccidentȱthatȱVirginiaȱsharesȱaȱnameȱwithȱaȱdifferentȱgrammatical
ending.ȱSheȱrepresentsȱallȱthatȱheȱholdsȱvaluableȱinȱtheȱworld,ȱandȱitȱisȱaȱworld
thatȱmustȱremainȱstatic—atȱleastȱinȱChaucer’sȱversionȱofȱtheȱstory—toȱretainȱvalue.
Theȱlossȱisȱoneȱofȱproperty,ȱmasculineȱself,ȱandȱideal;ȱyetȱheȱmustȱcommitȱtheȱact
ofȱmurderȱforȱaȱhigherȱgoodȱbyȱhisȱdefinition,ȱhoweverȱflawed.ȱTheȱmasculine
worldȱofȱVirginiusȱisȱoneȱofȱmanagement,ȱbutȱinȱseekingȱtoȱmaintainȱit,ȱcontrolȱis
lost.ȱ Theȱ trueȱ manȱ ofȱ medievalȱ virtueȱ wouldȱ notȱ getȱ himselfȱ caughtȱ inȱ suchȱ a
challengeȱthatȱthreatensȱtoȱundermineȱhisȱentireȱwayȱofȱbeingȱinȱtheȱworld.
VI
Understoodȱ inȱ thisȱ cumulativeȱ way,ȱ theȱ proverbialȱ tagȱ atȱ theȱ endȱ ringsȱ inȱ a
differentȱkey:ȱ“Heereȱmayȱmenȱseeȱhowȱsynneȱhathȱitsȱmerite.ȱ/ȱBethȱware,ȱforȱno
manȱwootȱwhomȱGodȱwolȱsmyteȱ/ȱInȱnoȱdegree,ȱneȱinȱwhichȱmannereȱwyse”ȱ(VI,
277–79;ȱHereȱmayȱpeopleȱseeȱhowȱsinȱhasȱitsȱmerits,’ȱBewareȱforȱnoȱpersonȱknows
whomȱGodȱwillȱstrikeȱ/ȱInȱnoȱdegree,ȱnorȱinȱwhatȱmanner).ȱAsȱoneȱcriticȱhasȱnoted,
Virginiaȱisȱremovedȱfromȱtheȱpassage.27ȱTheȱpointȱisȱintriguingȱgivenȱthatȱinȱthe
Clerk’sȱTale,ȱwhenȱtheȱClerkȱprovidesȱanȱallegoricalȱendingȱtoȱtheȱtale,ȱheȱincludes
Griseldaȱasȱaȱreferenceȱpoint.ȱHereȱtheȱreasonȱforȱtheȱallusionȱseemsȱtoȱrelateȱmore
toȱ aȱ critiqueȱ ofȱ maleȱ action.ȱ Theȱ warningȱ isȱ clearlyȱ aȱ checkȱ onȱ Virginiusȱ and
Appius.ȱ
Virginiusȱisȱseeminglyȱjudgedȱasȱtheȱparentȱwhoȱhasȱnotȱtakenȱproperȱheedȱof
hisȱchild,ȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱPhysician’sȱadmonition.ȱHeȱhasȱviolatedȱtheȱmasculine
requirementsȱ ofȱ “protectingȱ dependents.”28ȱ Heȱ hasȱ lostȱ aȱ partȱ ofȱ himselfȱ that
cannotȱ beȱ renewed.ȱ Appiusȱ hasȱ violatedȱ hisȱ roleȱ asȱ keeperȱ andȱ dispenserȱ of
masculineȱjusticeȱbyȱcontemplatingȱraptusȱandȱbyȱhisȱsuicide,ȱseenȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Agesȱasȱaȱfeminizingȱact.29ȱGodȱhasȱactedȱthroughȱhisȱappointedȱknightȱandȱin
26
Rose,ȱ “Readingȱ Chaucerȱ Readingȱ Rape,”ȱ 21–51ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 23);ȱ Lomperis,ȱ “Unrulyȱ Bodiesȱ and
RulingȱPractices:ȱChaucer’sȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱasȱSociallyȱSymbolicȱAct,”ȱ21–37ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13).
Rose,ȱ“ReadingȱChaucerȱReadingȱRape,”ȱ21–51ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23).
27
28
Bullough,ȱ“OnȱBeingȱMaleȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱ31–45ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12)
29
AlexanderȱMurray,ȱSuicideȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,
1988),ȱ9–37;ȱJacquelineȱMurray,ȱ“HidingȱBehindȱtheȱUniversalȱMan:ȱMaleȱSexualityȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Ages,”ȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱSexuality,ȱ123–52ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).
doingȱ soȱ theȱ experienceȱ hasȱ calledȱ intoȱ questionȱ theȱ highlyȱ stagedȱ worldȱ of
masculineȱdesireȱandȱpowerȱinȱanȱearthlyȱrealm.ȱThusȱtheȱJephthahȱreferenceȱis
evenȱmoreȱhighlyȱproblematicȱthanȱhasȱbeenȱappreciatedȱbyȱearlierȱcritics.
Chaucer’sȱPhysician’sȱTaleȱnoȱdoubtȱprovokesȱaȱnumberȱofȱvehementȱresponses.
Itȱisȱveryȱlikelyȱthatȱitȱmayȱwellȱhaveȱbeenȱintendedȱto.ȱVirginiusȱresponds;ȱthe
Romanȱcitizensȱrespond.ȱHarryȱBaillyȱrespondsȱinȱaȱvisceralȱway.ȱMasculinityȱhas
beenȱanatomizedȱthroughȱanȱexplorationȱofȱbodiesȱbothȱmaterialȱandȱpolitical,ȱand
theȱ gapsȱ andȱ fissuresȱ haveȱ beenȱ revealedȱ forȱ allȱ toȱ see.ȱ “Noȱ grace”ȱ andȱ “no
remedy”ȱareȱseenȱindeed.ȱThusȱratherȱthanȱaȱflawedȱtaleȱasȱhasȱbeenȱnormativeȱin
muchȱofȱtheȱcriticalȱhistoryȱofȱTheȱPhysician’sȱTale,ȱthisȱtale,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱshortestȱin
theȱCanterburyȱcollection,ȱprovidesȱanȱintriguingȱcommentaryȱonȱtheȱlimitsȱof
masculineȱpowerȱandȱauthorityȱinȱtheȱworldȱofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishment.ȱ
Knowingȱwhoȱtheȱthiefȱisȱhere,ȱknowingȱwhoȱisȱtheȱguiltyȱone,ȱknowingȱhowȱthe
justiceȱ systemȱ hasȱ beenȱ pervertedȱ forȱ theȱ desiresȱ ofȱ someȱ ofȱ Chaucer’sȱ most
lecherousȱ characters,ȱ andȱ knowingȱ howȱ theȱ systemȱ ofȱ knightlyȱ virtueȱ cannot
alwaysȱpreserveȱitselfȱleaveȱreadersȱwithȱaȱsenseȱofȱuneasiness.ȱThatȱVirginius
thwartsȱtheȱdesireȱofȱtheȱcommonsȱtoȱseeȱtheȱdeathȱofȱClaudiusȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱthe
taleȱmayȱbeȱtheȱonlyȱpresenceȱofȱgraceȱinȱtheȱtale.ȱAppiusȱhadȱalreadyȱcommitted
suicide.ȱTheȱquestionȱremainsȱatȱwhatȱpriceȱevenȱthatȱelementȱofȱgraceȱcostsȱin
proportionȱofȱtheȱlossȱtoȱVirginius.ȱHeȱisȱaȱmedievalizedȱRomanȱknightȱwhoȱwill
neverȱbeȱtheȱsameȱagainȱandȱaȱmanȱwhoseȱworldȱcanȱonlyȱreflectȱtheȱsenseȱofȱloss
ofȱaȱhighlyȱstructuredȱuniverseȱwhereȱtheȱpunishmentȱdoesȱfitȱtheȱcrimeȱandȱthe
crimeȱhasȱsomeȱdiscernibleȱpunishment.ȱ
Assumingȱthatȱtheȱtaleȱisȱfinishedȱalthoughȱnotȱproperlyȱfittedȱintoȱtheȱfictive
narrativeȱofȱtheȱCanterburyȱjourney,ȱhumansȱmustȱcontinueȱtheirȱquestȱforȱtrue
graceȱ andȱ remedyȱ thatȱ onlyȱ aȱ religiousȱ pilgrimageȱ willȱ provide.ȱ ȱ Thatȱ central
questionȱofȱ“Isȱtherȱnoȱgrace,ȱisȱtherȱnoȱremedy?”ȱ(VI,ȱ235)ȱhasȱaȱveryȱhaunting
answerȱimplicitȱinȱitȱthatȱthreatensȱtoȱundermineȱtheȱsocialȱandȱcosmicȱstructure
asȱ understoodȱ inȱ theȱ medievalȱ world.ȱ Theȱ answerȱ atȱ presentȱ isȱ “no,”ȱ butȱ to
preserveȱtheȱorderȱimplicitȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱworld,ȱperhapsȱitȱisȱbetterȱtoȱsayȱat
leastȱforȱnowȱthereȱisȱaȱ“no”ȱanswer.ȱTheȱjudgmentȱofȱtheȱgodsȱorȱtheȱChristian
Godȱremainsȱoutsideȱtheȱframeȱofȱtheȱnarrative.ȱTheȱworldȱofȱnoȱgraceȱandȱno
remedyȱ isȱ aȱ judgmentȱ againstȱ theȱ maleȱ characters.ȱ Theȱ deathȱ ofȱ Virginiaȱ only
underscoresȱtheȱtragedyȱinȱthatȱworldȱofȱmaleȱpatriarchy.ȱ
Chapterȱ15
LiaȱB.ȱRoss
(TheȱUniversityȱofȱNewȱMexico,ȱAlbuquerque)
DeviancyȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAges:
TheȱCrimesȱandȱPunishmentȱofȱGillesȱdeȱRais
TheȱtrialȱofȱGillesȱdeȱRaisȱthatȱtookȱplaceȱinȱNantesȱinȱ1440ȱisȱexceptionalȱbothȱfor
theȱperverseȱnatureȱofȱhisȱcrimesȱ(heȱsexuallyȱabused,ȱkilled,ȱand,ȱinȱsomeȱcases,
dismemberedȱ perhapsȱ overȱ oneȱ hundredȱ children)ȱ andȱ forȱ hisȱ previousȱ good
reputationȱ asȱ companionȱ ofȱ Joanȱ ofȱ Arcȱ inȱ herȱ earlyȱ exploits.ȱ Andȱ yet,ȱ this
disturbingȱBretonȱnoblemanȱhasȱbeenȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱonlyȱfewȱandȱfarȬbetween
historicalȱ works.1ȱ Theȱ reasonȱ forȱ suchȱ weakȱ interestȱ mayȱ beȱ thatȱ theȱ very
abundanceȱofȱdocumentationȱonȱhisȱcaseȱrendersȱitȱlessȱamenableȱtoȱdiscussion,
leavingȱ historiansȱ withȱ fewȱ opportunitiesȱ forȱ makingȱ originalȱ contributions.
Amongȱ theȱ significantȱ studiesȱ onȱ thisȱ figureȱ threeȱ standȱ outȱ becauseȱ ofȱ their
distinctiveȱviews,ȱevenȱifȱallȱthreeȱareȱbasedȱonȱtheȱsameȱsetȱofȱprimaryȱdocuments,
andȱallȱthreeȱacceptȱasȱfactȱGilles’sȱculpability.2ȱ
Theȱfirstȱtrueȱbiography,ȱwrittenȱbyȱAbbéȱEugèneȱBossardȱinȱ1884–1885,ȱisȱa
workȱthatȱspansȱoverȱthreeȱhundredȱpagesȱandȱisȱnotableȱforȱtheȱmeticulousȱstudy
ofȱdocumentsȱ(includingȱsomeȱthatȱhaveȱsinceȱbeenȱlost)ȱandȱforȱrepresentingȱa
currentȱ thatȱ arguesȱ forȱ Gilles’sȱ exceptionality.3ȱ Theȱ authorȱ wondersȱ howȱ this
1
ThisȱfactȱwasȱnotedȱbyȱJacquesȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais.ȱVéritésȱetȱlégendesȱ(Paris:ȱPerrin,ȱ1994),ȱ8.
Micheletȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱhistorianȱtoȱexamineȱtheȱunpublishedȱdocuments.ȱAbbéȱEugèneȱBossard,
GillesȱdeȱRaisȱ–ȱMaréchalȱdeȱFranceȱditȱBarbeȬBleueȱ1404–1440ȱ(1885;ȱGrenoble:ȱJérômeȱMillon,ȱ1992),
201.
2
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ154–56ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱobservesȱthatȱtheȱonlyȱrecordsȱofȱGilles’sȱlastȱfiveȱyears
ofȱ lifeȱ areȱ hisȱ trialȱ documents,ȱ andȱ thatȱ theyȱ haveȱ aȱ ringȱ ofȱ truthȱ becauseȱ theyȱ representȱ the
testimoniesȱofȱvariousȱpeopleȱwhoȱwereȱquestionedȱseparately.ȱHeȱaddsȱ(185–86)ȱthatȱnoneȱof
Gilles’sȱcontemporaries,ȱnotȱevenȱhisȱfamily,ȱcontestedȱtheȱverdict.
3
Theȱdocumentsȱlostȱinȱaȱfireȱinȱ1940ȱreferredȱtoȱGilles’sȱstayȱinȱOrléansȱ(seeȱbelow).ȱGeorges
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocèsȱdeȱGillesȱdeȱRaisȱ(Paris:ȱJeanȬJacquesȱPauvert,ȱ1972),ȱ106.
360 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
gifted,ȱerudite,ȱbraveȱyoungȱman,ȱafterȱanȱhonorableȱcareerȱasȱcompanionȱofȱJoan
ofȱ Arc,ȱ suddenlyȱ plungedȱ intoȱ aȱ lifeȱ ofȱ crimeȱ thatȱ ledȱ himȱ toȱ aȱ wellȬdeserved
executionȱbyȱtheȱageȱofȱthirtyȬsix.ȱHeȱventuresȱtoȱattributeȱGilles’sȱsuddenȱchange
toȱhisȱinnateȱcuriosityȱ(inȱitselfȱaȱgoodȱquality)ȱthatȱbecameȱdivertedȱtowardȱthe
morbidȱ andȱ thenȱ theȱ horrific.4ȱ Andȱ whileȱ theȱ authorȱ judgesȱ medievalȱ Breton
societyȱ inȱ generalȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ especiallyȱ harshȱ againstȱ humbleȱ people,ȱ he
neverthelessȱ arguesȱ thatȱ Gilles’sȱ crimesȱ wereȱ particularlyȱ perverseȱ andȱ were
stoppedȱ onlyȱ thanksȱ toȱ theȱ interventionȱ ofȱ theȱ Church.5ȱ Bossardȱ followsȱ the
classicalȱ traditionȱ ofȱ biographiesȱ ofȱ tyrants:ȱ afterȱ leadingȱ aȱ virtuousȱ lifeȱ inȱ his
youthȱtheȱsubjectȱexperiencesȱtheȱsuddenȱlossȱofȱaȱkeyȱfigureȱinȱhisȱlife,ȱsuchȱasȱa
parentȱorȱtutorȱ(inȱGilles’sȱcaseȱhisȱgrandfather).ȱInȱturn,ȱthisȱlossȱmarksȱaȱbreak
withȱanȱuprightȱlifeȱandȱinitiatesȱaȱdownwardȱspiralȱofȱcrimesȱculminatingȱinȱthe
inevitableȱcatastrophicȱend.6ȱBossard’sȱworkȱhasȱtwoȱadditionalȱdistinguishing
featuresȱthatȱmarȱsomewhatȱitsȱhistoricalȱusefulness:ȱitȱcontainsȱaȱcuriousȱsurvey
ofȱlateȱlegendsȱlooselyȱinspiredȱbyȱtheȱmemoryȱofȱGilles’sȱcrimesȱthatȱconverged
intoȱtheȱmythicalȱfigureȱofȱBluebeard;ȱandȱitȱavoidsȱanyȱdirectȱreferenceȱtoȱthe
sexualȱaspectȱofȱtheȱcrimes,ȱexceptȱforȱaȱfewȱbashfulȱhintsȱatȱ“orgies”ȱandȱ“secret
pleasures.”7
Theȱsecond—andȱinȱmyȱopinionȱtheȱmostȱsignificant—majorȱstudyȱdatesȱfrom
1965,ȱalmostȱaȱcenturyȱafterȱtheȱfirst,ȱandȱisȱnotȱtheȱworkȱofȱaȱhistorian.ȱGeorges
4
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ15–17ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱHeȱthoughtȱthatȱGillesȱspokeȱLatin,ȱwasȱinterestedȱin
science,ȱandȱkeptȱaȱlibraryȱofȱclassics.ȱTheȱlegendȱofȱtheȱdualȱnatureȱofȱGillesȱisȱreflectedȱalsoȱin
literature.ȱTheȱfictitiousȱauthorȱinȱJ.ȱK.ȱHuysmans’sȱLàȬbasȱlamentsȱtheȱsuddenȱpersonalityȱchange
ofȱ thisȱ character,ȱ onceȱ aȱ braveȱ Christianȱ knightȱ andȱ companionȱ ofȱ Joanȱ ofȱ Arc,ȱ whoȱ laterȱ on
becameȱaȱ“sacrilegiousȱsadistȱandȱaȱcoward.”Butȱheȱstillȱcannotȱbutȱadmireȱsomeȱaspectsȱofȱhis
personality,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱheȱlockedȱhimselfȱupȱinȱhisȱcastleȱofȱTiffaugesȱtoȱbecomeȱan
“eruditeȱLatinist,ȱaȱbrilliantȱconversationalist,ȱaȱsureȱandȱgenerousȱfriend.”ȱJ.ȱK.ȱHuysmans.ȱLàȬbas
(downȱthere),ȱtrans.ȱKeeneȱWallaceȱ(1928;ȱNewȱYork:ȱDoverȱPublications,ȱInc.,ȱ1972),ȱ43,ȱ46.ȱBataille,
Leȱprocès,ȱ27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱdebunksȱtheȱmythȱandȱ(35)ȱisȱshockedȱatȱHuysmans’sȱnaïveȱacceptance
ofȱit.ȱGilles’sȱreputationȱforȱeruditionȱmayȱhaveȱcomeȱfromȱtheȱfactȱthatȱheȱonceȱpawnedȱaȱrichly
decoratedȱcopyȱofȱOvid’sȱMetamorphoses.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ116–17.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ109ȱ(see
noteȱ1),ȱstatesȱthatȱweȱdoȱnotȱknowȱwhatȱheȱreadȱorȱwhatȱwasȱinȱhisȱlibrary.
5
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ249–50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱAȱsimilarȱthesisȱofȱhisȱexceptionalityȱisȱsustainedȱin
moreȱrecentȱstudies,ȱp.e.ȱHanneleȱKlemettilä,ȱRitariȱSiniparta:ȱGillesȱdeȱRais’nȱtarinaȱ(Jyväskylä:
Atena,ȱ 2005).ȱ Iȱ amȱ gratefulȱ toȱ Susannaȱ Niiranenȱ (seeȱ herȱ contributionȱ “Poet’sȱ Reputation.
Troubadoursȱ–ȱAncestorsȱofȱpoètesȱmaudits?”ȱinȱtheȱpresentȱvolume)ȱforȱmakingȱavailableȱher
reviewȱofȱthisȱwork.
6
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ152,ȱn.ȱ1ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱhimselfȱsawȱclassicalȱprecedents,ȱandȱcomparedȱGilles
toȱNeroȱ(261).
7
Forȱ example,ȱ Bossard,ȱ Gilles de Rais, 136ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1),ȱ “débauches”,ȱ “orgieȱ nocturne”ȱ (272),
“plaisirsȱsecrets”ȱ(153),ȱ“capricesȱmouvantsȱdeȱsaȱpassion”ȱ(149),ȱ“plaisirsȱsensuels”ȱ(150).ȱHe
mentionsȱ thatȱ Gilles’sȱ confessionȱ embarrassedȱ theȱ judgesȱ (169–70).ȱ Theȱ lastȱ portionȱ ofȱ his
biographyȱ(293–325)ȱisȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱlateȱlegendsȱofȱBluebeard,ȱstartingȱwithȱtheirȱdiffusion
withȱPerrault.
DeviancyȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAges 361
Bataille’sȱLeȱprocèsȱdeȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱaȱtrueȱbiographyȱdespiteȱitsȱdeceptivelyȱlimiting
title,ȱdismantlesȱtheȱexceptionalistȱthesisȱofȱhisȱpredecessor,ȱwhileȱrecognizingȱthe
valueȱofȱhisȱresearch.ȱBatailleȱchallengesȱtheȱsentimentalȱportraitȱofȱtheȱlearnedȱand
valiantȱknightȱturnedȱsinnerȱandȱsubstitutesȱitȱwithȱ hisȱown,ȱbasedȱonȱGilles’s
“archaisme”ȱandȱ“niaiserie”ȱ(stupidity).ȱHeȱwasȱaȱchildish,ȱviolent,ȱandȱstupid
man—Batailleȱargues—whoȱwasȱproppedȱupȱforȱhisȱpartȱasȱmilitaryȱleaderȱand
respectableȱbaronȱbyȱanȱarchaicȱfeudalȱsystemȱbasedȱonȱprivilegeȱandȱbrutality
againstȱtheȱweak,ȱaȱsystemȱthatȱallowedȱhisȱcrimesȱtoȱgoȱunpunishedȱforȱtooȱlong,
andȱthatȱactedȱwithȱleniencyȱevenȱwhenȱforcedȱtoȱtakeȱaction.ȱTheȱconsiderable
meritsȱofȱthisȱworkȱincludeȱaȱchronologicalȱoutlineȱofȱGilles’sȱmovesȱcorrelated
withȱreportsȱofȱtheȱdisappearanceȱofȱchildren,ȱaȱcriticalȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱdocuments
relatedȱtoȱhisȱtrial,ȱandȱtheȱinclusionȱofȱtheirȱtextȱinȱFrenchȱtranslation.8ȱ
Theȱtrendȱtowardȱdiminutionȱofȱthisȱcharacterȱreachedȱitsȱzenithȱwithȱtheȱwork
ofȱ Jacquesȱ Heersȱ (1975),ȱ aȱ biographyȱ thatȱ bearsȱ theȱ terseȱ titleȱ ofȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais.
Heers,ȱwhoȱquestionsȱwhetherȱGillesȱwasȱsuchȱaȱsignificantȱfigureȱasȱtoȱbeȱworthy
ofȱ aȱ book,ȱ justifiesȱ hisȱ taskȱ thoughȱ theȱ avowedȱ goalȱ ofȱ studyingȱ himȱ without
romanticȱexaggerations,ȱasȱanȱexampleȱofȱanȱaverageȱbaronȱlivingȱinȱprecarious
timesȱwhenȱviolenceȱandȱillegalityȱwereȱtheȱnorm.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱheȱreworks
Gillesȱintoȱmainstreamȱcontemporaryȱcultureȱbyȱbringingȱtoȱtheȱforeȱnotȱsoȱmuch
hisȱ deviancyȱ andȱ crimes,ȱ butȱ ratherȱ hisȱ societyȱ andȱ milieuȱ (inȱ fact,ȱ heȱ only
dedicatesȱ theȱ lastȱ oneȬthirdȱ ofȱ theȱ bookȱ toȱ theȱ murdersȱ andȱ trial).9ȱ Notȱ an
exceptionalȱfigure,ȱevenȱlessȱaȱromanticȱrogue,ȱinȱHeers’sȱpagesȱGillesȱisȱknocked
evenȱfurtherȱdownȱfromȱhisȱpedestalȱandȱreducedȱtoȱjustȱanotherȱfifteenthȬcentury
nobleman,ȱoneȱwhoseȱlifeȱhappensȱtoȱbeȱbetterȱdocumentedȱthanȱothersȱthanksȱto
aȱcriminalȱinquiry.10ȱ
Theȱaspectȱofȱthisȱfigureȱthatȱhasȱoddlyȱbeenȱbrushedȱasideȱbyȱhisȱbiographers
isȱthatȱofȱtheȱserialȱkiller.ȱAndȱyetȱGillesȱfitsȱperfectlyȱthisȱdefinition:ȱoneȱwhoȱalone
or—lessȱfrequently—asȱpartȱofȱaȱsmallȱteamȱkillsȱmultipleȱvictimsȱinȱaȱsimilarȱway
andȱoverȱaȱperiodȱofȱtime.11ȱNotȱonlyȱthat,ȱbutȱhisȱtrialȱpreservesȱforȱtheȱmodern
8
TheȱactsȱofȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱcourtȱwereȱoriginallyȱinȱLatin,ȱlaterȱtranslatedȱintoȱFrench,ȱhenceȱthe
modernȱspellingȱinȱmostȱofȱtheȱdirectȱquotesȱ(onlyȱaȱfewȱareȱreportedȱinȱtheȱoriginalȱOldȱFrench).
TheȱactsȱofȱtheȱsecularȱcourtȱwereȱinȱFrench.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ201–03ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱHeers,
GillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ191ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱdocumentsȱareȱcontainedȱatȱpp.ȱ189–338,ȱinȱmodernȱFrench.ȱIn
hisȱcriticalȱanalysisȱheȱexoneratesȱGillesȱwheneverȱaȱdisappearanceȱdoesȱnotȱfitȱGilles’sȱmovesȱat
theȱsameȱtime.ȱSeeȱforȱexampleȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ129,ȱ132,ȱ33,ȱ141ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
9
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ12,ȱ15ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
10
Heers,ȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 16–17ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1),ȱ remindsȱ theȱ readerȱ thatȱ Gillesȱ didȱ notȱ attractȱ much
attentionȱ untilȱ hisȱ trialȱ andȱ isȱ barelyȱ mentionedȱ inȱ officialȱ chroniclesȱ asȱ justȱ anotherȱ captain
fightingȱbesideȱJoanȱofȱArc.
11
TheȱdefinitionȱisȱinȱJosephȱC.ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs:ȱPublicȱReactionsȱtoȱSerialȱMurderȱ(Westport,
CT,ȱandȱLondon:ȱPraegerȱPublishers,ȱ1997),ȱ31.ȱHeȱspecifiesȱ(18–19)ȱthatȱtheȱcentralȱelementsȱof
serialȱmurderȱare:ȱrepetitiveȱhomicideȱoverȱaȱspanȱofȱmonthsȱorȱyears,ȱmainlyȱoneȬonȬoneȱand
362 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
readerȱprobablyȱtheȱbestȱdocumentedȱcaseȱofȱserialȱmurderȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.12
AsȱHeersȱputsȱit,ȱGillesȱ mayȱnotȱdeserveȱaȱbook,ȱbutȱitȱmayȱbeȱappropriateȱto
discussȱ himȱ asȱ aȱ criminalȱ inȱ aȱ volumeȱ dedicatedȱ toȱ medievalȱ crime.ȱ Itȱ is
understandableȱthatȱhistoriansȱwouldȱshyȱawayȱfromȱanythingȱthatȱmightȱsuggest
psychohistory.ȱStill,ȱtheȱstudyȱofȱserialȱkillers,ȱtheirȱmodusȱoperandiȱbothȱinȱthe
selectionȱofȱvictimsȱandȱkillingȱmethods,ȱtheirȱreactionȱtoȱarrestȱandȱconviction,
andȱtheȱreactionȱofȱtheȱgeneralȱpublicȱtoȱtheȱsame,ȱareȱnotȱstrictlyȱconfinedȱtoȱthe
realmȱofȱpsychiatry,ȱbutȱratherȱoverflowȱintoȱthoseȱofȱsociologyȱandȱcriminology,
fieldsȱthatȱshouldȱbeȱofȱinterestȱtoȱhistoriansȱbecauseȱtheyȱgoȱbeyondȱexamining
theȱsickȱmindȱperȱseȱtoȱdelveȱinȱhowȱitȱaffectsȱsocietyȱatȱlarge.ȱ
ThereȱisȱlittleȱdisagreementȱonȱtheȱchronologicalȱdataȱofȱGilles’sȱlife.ȱHeȱwas
bornȱ inȱ 1404ȱ toȱ theȱ prominentȱ baronialȱ familyȱ ofȱ CraonȬLaval,ȱ whoȱ counted
possessionsȱinȱBrittany,ȱMaine,ȱandȱAnjou.13ȱLeftȱorphanedȱofȱbothȱparentsȱatȱthe
ageȱofȱeleven,ȱtogetherȱwithȱhisȱyoungerȱbrotherȱRenéȱheȱbecameȱwardȱofȱtheir
grandfatherȱ Jeanȱ deȱ Craon,ȱ aȱ powerful,ȱ greedy,ȱ andȱ violentȱ feudalȱ lordȱ who
throughȱ thisȱ guardianshipȱ addedȱ theȱ baronyȱ ofȱ Raisȱ toȱ hisȱ titles.14ȱ Heȱ hadȱ a
childhoodȱthatȱBatailleȱcallsȱ“sauvageȱetȱviolente”ȱ(savageȱandȱviolent)ȱafterȱhis
tutorsȱ quitȱ hisȱ serviceȱ andȱ heȱ wasȱ leftȱ toȱ theȱ careȱ ofȱ hisȱ grandfather,ȱ who,ȱ by
Gilles’sȱownȱaccount,ȱraisedȱhimȱwithȱveryȱlaxȱdiscipline.ȱInȱ1420,ȱatȱtheȱageȱof
sixteen,ȱ Gillesȱ kidnappedȱ andȱ marriedȱ inȱ secretȱ aȱ richȱ heiressȱ andȱ cousin,
Catherineȱ deȱ Thouars,ȱ byȱ whomȱ heȱ hadȱ aȱ daughterȱ aboutȱ tenȱ yearsȱ later.
Significantly,ȱbothȱwifeȱandȱdaughterȱdisappearedȱfromȱhisȱlifeȱimmediately,ȱonly
toȱreȬemergeȱafterȱhisȱexecution.15ȱByȱtheȱageȱofȱtwentyȱheȱhadȱcommittedȱ the
perpetratedȱagainstȱstrangers,ȱwithȱtheȱmotivationȱtoȱkillȱarisingȱexclusivelyȱfromȱwithinȱtheȱkiller
andȱ apparentlyȱ irrationalȱ (notȱ reflectingȱ passionȱ orȱ personalȱ gain).ȱ Allȱ conditions,ȱ asȱ itȱ will
becomeȱ apparent,ȱ areȱ satisfiedȱ byȱ Gilles’sȱ murders.ȱ Sinceȱ statisticallyȱ serialȱ killersȱ are
overwhelminglyȱmen,ȱIȱwillȱuseȱtheȱmasculineȱwhenȱtalkingȱaboutȱthemȱinȱgeneral,ȱfollowingȱthe
exampleȱofȱcriminologists.ȱSeeȱforȱexample,ȱRonaldȱM.ȱHolmesȱandȱJamesȱE.ȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerial
Murder.ȱStudiesȱinȱCrime,ȱLawȱandȱJustice,ȱ2ȱ(NewburyȱPark,ȱCA,ȱBeverlyȱHills,ȱCA,ȱandȱLondon:
SAGEȱPublications,ȱ1988),ȱ21;ȱandȱRichardȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonstersȱ–ȱJeffreyȱDahmerȱandȱthe
ConstructionȱofȱtheȱSerialȱKillerȱ(Madison,ȱWI:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱWisconsinȱPress,ȱ1997),ȱ56–57.ȱ
12
Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 181,ȱ n.ȱ 1ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3),ȱ mentionsȱ alsoȱ theȱ lateȬsixteenthȬcenturyȱ Hungarian
countessȱElizabethȱBathory,ȱwhoȱallegedlyȱtorturedȱandȱkilledȱnumerousȱyoungȱgirlsȱinȱherȱcastle.
Butȱdetailsȱofȱherȱcrimesȱareȱsketchyȱandȱsheȱwasȱnotȱtriedȱ(also,ȱsheȱbelongsȱmoreȱproperlyȱto
earlyȱmodernȱhistory).ȱ
13
HisȱfatherȱwasȱGuyȱdeȱLavalȱofȱtheȱlineȱofȱLavalȬMontmorency,ȱandȱhisȱmotherȱMarieȱdeȱCraon,
fromȱtheȱlineȱofȱRais.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ25,ȱ27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱTheȱfullȱlistȱofȱfiefsȱbelongingȱtoȱtheȱtwo
familyȱbranchesȱareȱinȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ29–30ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱSignificantly,ȱallȱtheseȱpossessions
cameȱthroughȱinheritancesȱandȱdowries,ȱnotȱthroughȱconquest,ȱandȱmostȱwereȱdisputedȱbyȱrivals.
14
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ18ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,
24ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
15
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ31(seeȱnoteȱ3).Theȱmarriageȱfollowedȱaȱ(perhapsȱstaged)ȱkidnapping,ȱwithȱthe
consentȱofȱJeanȱdeȱCraon.ȱItȱwasȱannulledȱforȱconsanguinityȱandȱthenȱofficiallyȱcelebratedȱinȱ1422
usualȱ actsȱ ofȱ violenceȱ thatȱ wereȱ typicalȱ ofȱ noblemenȱ ofȱ hisȱ age:ȱ kidnappings,
assaults,ȱandȱillegalȱseizureȱofȱland.16ȱBatailleȱseesȱinȱhisȱviolentȱupbringingȱthe
makingȱofȱaȱpersonȱwhoȱwouldȱlaterȱshowȱcompleteȱdisregardȱforȱtheȱlivesȱof
others.ȱInȱfact,ȱtheȱviolenceȱconnectedȱwithȱfeudalȱlifeȱisȱpartȱofȱtheȱ“archaisme”
thatȱheȱdeemsȱoneȱofȱtheȱtwoȱbuildingȱblocksȱofȱGilles’sȱpersonality.ȱHeers,ȱforȱhis
part,ȱjudgesȱhimȱaȱbrigandȱwhoȱearlyȱonȱalienatedȱtheȱfavorȱofȱtheȱlocalȱnobility
andȱwhoȱwouldȱpayȱdearlyȱforȱthisȱatȱtheȱtimeȱofȱhisȱtrial.17ȱBetweenȱ1420ȱandȱ1427
GillesȱparticipatedȱinȱsmallȱlocalȱskirmishesȱunderȱtheȱleadershipȱofȱJeanȱdeȱCraon
inȱsupportȱofȱtheȱdukeȱofȱBrittany,ȱagainstȱbothȱlocalȱrebelsȱandȱtheȱEnglish.ȱIn
1429ȱheȱenjoyedȱaȱbriefȱmomentȱinȱtheȱlimelight,ȱfightingȱforȱCharlesȱVIIȱagainst
theȱEnglishȱandȱsharingȱinȱtheȱearlyȱsuccessesȱofȱJoanȱofȱArc,ȱinȱparticularȱatȱthe
siegeȱofȱOrléans.ȱButȱthereȱisȱnoȱevidenceȱthatȱheȱandȱsheȱwereȱparticularlyȱclose,
despiteȱtheȱconjecturesȱofȱBossard,ȱnorȱisȱthereȱevidenceȱthatȱhisȱparticipationȱin
theȱ fightȱ wasȱ decisive.ȱ Onȱ theȱ contrary,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ Heers,ȱ heȱ hesitatedȱ to
continueȱtheȱcampaignȱtoȱconquerȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheȱfortressesȱnearȱtheȱliberatedȱcity.18
BothȱBatailleȱandȱHeersȱconvincinglyȱminimizeȱGilles’sȱmilitaryȱachievements
andȱdemonstrateȱthatȱheȱwasȱproppedȱupȱbyȱhisȱdistantȱrelation,ȱGeorgesȱdeȱLa
Trémoille,ȱwhoȱwasȱthenȱaȱfavoriteȱofȱtheȱking.ȱToȱthisȱpowerfulȱrelativeȱGilles
owedȱ hisȱ promotionȱ toȱ marshalȱ ofȱ Franceȱ aroundȱ theȱ timeȱ ofȱ Charlesȱ VII’s
withȱtheȱconsentȱofȱbothȱfamiliesȱafterȱtheȱmarriageȱofȱJeanȱdeȱCraonȱtoȱtheȱbride’sȱgrandmother
AnneȱdeȱSilléȱand,ȱafterȱaȱcomplicatedȱmatterȱofȱinheritanceȱwasȱsettled.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ83–84
(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ25–26ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ155ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱand
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ211ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱstateȱthatȱGilles’sȱwifeȱresidedȱinȱherȱcastleȱofȱPouzauges.ȱ
16
GillesȱandȱhisȱgrandfatherȱkidnappedȱGilles’sȱmotherȬinȬlawȱandȱthreatenedȱtoȱdrownȱherȱunless
sheȱrenouncedȱherȱdowry,ȱtheȱcastlesȱofȱTiffaugesȱandȱPouzauges,ȱwhichȱGillesȱwouldȱcontinue
toȱholdȱ“inȱhisȱwife’sȱname.”ȱTheȱtwoȱalsoȱassaultedȱtheȱpresidentȱofȱparlementȱwhoȱintervenedȱin
thisȱmatter.ȱTheȱfineȱimposedȱonȱGillesȱandȱhisȱgrandfatherȱforȱthisȱactȱofȱbrutalityȱwasȱneverȱpaid.
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ28–29,ȱ84–85ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ26–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
17
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ27(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱHeȱaddsȱthatȱinȱ1443,ȱthreeȱyearsȱafterȱGilles’sȱdeath,ȱtheȱParis
parlementȱcondemnedȱhisȱillegalȱactsȱofȱ1424.
18
Forȱ hisȱ earlyȱ militaryȱ actionsȱ seeȱ Heers,ȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 31–35,ȱ 42–46ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1).ȱ Theȱ author
remarksȱthatȱhisȱperiodsȱofȱmilitaryȱserviceȱwereȱfew,ȱscatteredȱoverȱaȱperiodȱofȱfifteenȱyears,ȱand
requiringȱfewȱresponsibilitiesȱasȱheȱwasȱalwaysȱsubordinateȱtoȱothers.ȱOnȱhisȱparticipationȱin
Joan’sȱcampaignsȱinȱtheȱperiodȱ1428–1430ȱheȱstatesȱ(60–65)ȱthatȱGillesȱwasȱneverȱsingledȱoutȱin
anyȱaction.ȱDespiteȱlackȱofȱevidenceȱtoȱsupportȱoneȱorȱtheȱotherȱthesis,ȱinȱtheȱlateȱnineteenth
centuryȱaȱcontroversyȱaroseȱbetweenȱValletȱdeȱViriville,ȱHistoireȱdeȱCharlesȱVII,ȱroiȱdeȱFrance,ȱetȱde
sonȱépoque,ȱ1403–1461,ȱ3ȱvols.ȱ(Paris:ȱYveȱJ.ȱRenouard,ȱ1862–1865),ȱ2:II–V,ȱwhoȱclaimedȱthatȱGilles
deliberatelyȱbetrayedȱJoanȱandȱabandonedȱherȱduringȱherȱlaterȱcampaignsȱandȱBossard,ȱGillesȱde
Rais, 33ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱwhoȱsustainedȱthatȱGillesȱwasȱalwaysȱherȱ“fidèle”ȱsupporter.ȱHeersȱaddsȱhis
ownȱconclusionȱ(70–71)ȱthatȱGillesȱdidȱnotȱhaveȱaȱpolicyȱofȱhisȱownȱinȱherȱregard,ȱbutȱfollowed
thatȱofȱhisȱmentorȱdeȱLaȱTrémoille,ȱwhoȱwasȱJoan’sȱrivalȱforȱinfluenceȱwithȱtheȱking.ȱBataille,ȱLe
procès,ȱ29ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱinsistsȱthatȱGilles’sȱgloryȱwasȱtransitoryȱandȱnotȱbasedȱonȱparticularȱskills
andȱspecifiesȱ(90–93)ȱthatȱheȱwasȱwithȱJoanȱatȱtheȱretakingȱofȱtheȱTourelles,ȱatȱtheȱcoronationȱof
CharlesȱVII,ȱandȱatȱtheȱ(unsuccessful)ȱsiegeȱofȱParis,ȱbutȱalwaysȱasȱaȱprotégéȱofȱdeȱLaȱTrémoille.ȱ
364 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
coronationȱ(Julyȱ1429),ȱbutȱbyȱ1430ȱhisȱdaysȱofȱgloryȱwereȱalreadyȱover.19ȱAtȱthis
pointȱtheȱtwentyȬsixȬyearȬoldȱbaronȱeffectivelyȱretiredȱfromȱmilitaryȱaffairsȱwith
theȱlargelyȱhonorificȱtitleȱofȱmarshalȱofȱFrance.ȱByȱ1433,ȱtheȱfallȱfromȱfavorȱofȱhis
patronȱdeȱLaȱTrémoilleȱrelegatedȱhimȱtoȱaȱlargelyȱprovincialȱpresenceȱ(yet,ȱeven
there,ȱheȱwasȱneverȱmuchȱinȱtheȱduke’sȱfavor).ȱFromȱthatȱmomentȱonwardȱGilles
onlyȱparticipatedȱinȱsmallȱlocalȱraids,ȱoccasionallyȱcalledȱuponȱtoȱperformȱminor
militaryȱfunctionsȱonȱbehalfȱofȱaȱmarginalizedȱdeȱLaȱTrémoille.ȱButȱheȱdidȱnot
seemȱtoȱhaveȱmissedȱwarȱasȱaȱmeansȱtoȱexpressȱviolence:ȱheȱleftȱtoȱhisȱbrotherȱthe
commandȱofȱhisȱlastȱtwoȱsignificantȱmilitaryȱactions,ȱandȱdelegatedȱtoȱhisȱcaptains
localȱraidsȱagainstȱneighbors.20ȱ
Inȱfact,ȱIȱsuspectȱthatȱtheȱviolenceȱofȱfeudalȱwarȱnotȱonlyȱdidȱnotȱcontributeȱto
Gilles’sȱcrimes,ȱbutȱwasȱaȱdistractionȱfromȱhisȱrealȱinterests.ȱBatailleȱtalksȱaboutȱhis
“savageȱ youth”ȱ enmeshedȱ inȱ theȱ barbaricȱ warriorȱ ritualsȱ ofȱ aȱ fierceȱ society
unmitigatedȱbyȱchivalricȱethics.ȱHowever,ȱitȱseemsȱtoȱmeȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱisȱtalking
ofȱwhatȱArnoldȱBussȱcallsȱ“instrumentalȱviolence,”ȱwhoseȱrealȱaimȱisȱnotȱsoȱmuch
hurtingȱtheȱvictimȱasȱacceptanceȱbyȱaȱpeerȱgroup.21ȱThisȱisȱnotȱtheȱsameȱasȱthe
violenceȱthatȱGillesȱwillȱlaterȱperpetrateȱinȱsecretȱandȱwithȱtheȱawarenessȱthatȱit
constitutedȱaȱtransgressionȱagainstȱtheȱveryȱsocialȱorderȱthatȱhadȱcondonedȱor
evenȱencouragedȱtheȱother.
Withȱtheȱdeathȱofȱhisȱgrandfatherȱinȱ1432ȱGillesȱbecameȱtheȱinheritorȱofȱaȱvast
wealthȱinȱcastlesȱandȱlands,ȱinȱpartȱfiefsȱofȱtheȱdukeȱofȱBrittanyȱJeanȱVȱandȱinȱpart
ofȱKingȱCharlesȱVII.22ȱButȱthisȱdidȱnotȱimproveȱhisȱfortunes,ȱandȱsoonȱheȱfound
19
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ33–34ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ66–67,ȱ69ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ
20
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ51,ȱ57ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱTheȱlastȱtasksȱonȱbehalfȱofȱdeȱLaȱTrémoilleȱwereȱtoȱrelieve
theȱbesiegedȱGranceyȱinȱ1434ȱ(whichȱGillesȱturnedȱtoȱhisȱyoungerȱbrother)ȱandȱtoȱleadȱtroopsȱto
LaonȱagainstȱJeanȱofȱLuxembourgȱinȱ1435ȱ(whichȱheȱabandonedȱdueȱtoȱlackȱofȱcaptainsȱwillingȱto
followȱhim).ȱHeȱcontinuedȱproxyȱattacksȱagainstȱneighborsȱfromȱ1435ȱtoȱ1440.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,
104,ȱ109ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ83–84ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
21
Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 37ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3).ȱ Arnoldȱ Buss,ȱ Socialȱ Behaviorȱ andȱ Personalityȱ (Hillsdale,ȱ NJ:
LawrenceȱErlbaumȱAssociatesȱPublisher,ȱ1986),ȱ52ȱandȱLeonardȱBerkowitz,ȱ“ViolenceȱandȱRuleȬ
FollowingȱBehaviour,”ȱAggressionȱandȱViolence,ȱed.ȱMarshȱPeterȱandȱAnneȱCampbellȱ(Oxford:ȱBasil
Blackwell,ȱ1982),ȱ100.ȱAlbertȱBandura,ȱAggression:ȱaȱSocialȱLearningȱAnalysis.ȱTheȱPrenticeȬHall
Seriesȱ inȱ Socialȱ Learningȱ Theoryȱ (Englewoodȱ Cliffs,ȱ NJ:ȱ PrenticeȬHall,ȱ 1973),ȱ 3,ȱ rejectsȱ the
distinction,ȱarguingȱthatȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱhostileȱaggressionȱisȱequallyȱinstrumental,ȱandȱitȱisȱmore
usefulȱtoȱdifferentiateȱaggressiveȱactionsȱinȱtermsȱofȱtheirȱfunctionalȱvalue.ȱ
22
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ52ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱventuresȱtoȱguessȱhisȱannualȱincomeȱasȱbeingȱaroundȱfortyȬ
fiveȬthousandȱlivresȱaȱyear,ȱwhichȱincludedȱhisȱregularȱentriesȱandȱhisȱsalaryȱasȱmarshal.ȱHeers,
GillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ28–30ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1,)ȱobservesȱthatȱthereȱareȱnoȱpreciseȱrecordsȱonȱhisȱwealth.ȱHisȱwas
oneȱofȱtheȱnineȱsurvivingȱbaroniesȱandȱincludedȱseveralȱscatteredȱlandsȱandȱcastles:ȱaroundȱtwelve
seigneuriesȱsouthȱofȱtheȱLoire,ȱplusȱlandsȱinȱMaine,ȱAnjou,ȱandȱBretagneȱfromȱtheȱCraonȱsideȱofȱthe
family.ȱTheȱprincipalȱpossessions,ȱsomeȱrenderedȱfamousȱforȱbeingȱtheȱsitesȱofȱhisȱcrimes,ȱwere
theȱfortressesȱofȱTiffauges,ȱChamptocé,ȱMachecoul,ȱandȱSaintȬÉtienneȬdeȬMerȬMorte.ȱHisȱbrother
Renéȱobtainedȱotherȱseigneuriesȱ(theȱprincipalȱbeingȱthatȱofȱLaȱSuze)ȱandȱtheȱhotelȱinȱNantes.
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ96ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱreportsȱthatȱJeanȱdeȱCraonȱleftȱhisȱarmorȱandȱswordȱtoȱRené,
himselfȱshortȱofȱfundsȱandȱhauntedȱbyȱdefections,ȱwhichȱeventuallyȱleftȱhimȱwith
onlyȱaȱhandfulȱofȱcloseȱassociates,ȱsomeȱofȱwhomȱatȱoneȱtimeȱorȱanotherȱwould
becomeȱaccessoriesȱtoȱhisȱcrimes.23ȱ
Someȱofȱhisȱearlyȱaccomplicesȱareȱonlyȱnames,ȱwhoseȱroleȱandȱfateȱareȱnotȱclear
fromȱtheȱdocuments:ȱchoirȱboysȱofȱhisȱchapelȱlikeȱAndréȱBuchet,ȱJeanȱRossignol,
Hicquetȱ deȱ Brémont,ȱ andȱ Robinȱ Romulartȱ (“Petitȱ Robin”).24ȱ Twoȱ active
accomplicesȱwhoȱprocuredȱvictimsȱandȱkilledȱforȱhimȱwereȱGillesȱdeȱSilléȱandȱhis
cousinȱRogerȱdeȱBricqueville.25ȱRogerȱisȱtheȱmostȱmysteriousȱofȱhisȱassociates:ȱhe
wasȱfromȱaȱnobleȱfamilyȱofȱNormandyȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱdispossessedȱbyȱtheȱEnglish
occupationȱandȱhadȱtakenȱrefugeȱwithȱJeanȱdeȱCraon.ȱHeȱhadȱbeenȱaȱyouthful
companionȱofȱGillesȱand,ȱapparently,ȱhadȱhelpedȱGillesȱinȱhisȱcrimesȱsinceȱ1432.
Thereȱ isȱ noȱ preciseȱ informationȱ onȱ theȱ extentȱ ofȱ hisȱ participation,ȱ however,
becauseȱheȱfledȱbeforeȱGilles’sȱarrest,ȱandȱlaterȱwasȱacceptedȱintoȱtheȱserviceȱof
Gilles’sȱ daughterȱ andȱ herȱ husband,ȱ whoȱ obtainedȱ fromȱ theȱ kingȱ lettersȱ of
remissionȱonȱhisȱbehalf.ȱLastly,ȱthereȱwereȱsomeȱoldȱwomenȱwhoȱwouldȱlocateȱand
procureȱ children,ȱ amongȱ whomȱ theȱ bestȱ knownȱ isȱ oneȱ Perrineȱ Martin,ȱ who
apparentlyȱwasȱalsoȱarrestedȱandȱtriedȱbutȱdiedȱinȱprison.26ȱ
Ofȱtheȱfiveȱlateȱaccomplicesȱmentionedȱatȱtheȱtrialȱtwo,ȱÉtienneȱCorrillautȱ(called
“Poitou”)ȱandȱHenrietȱGriart,ȱwereȱhisȱvaletsȱandȱboundȱtoȱhimȱbyȱanȱoathȱof
whichȱheȱinterpretsȱasȱsignȱofȱdisapprovalȱofȱGilles(butȱofȱwhatȱspecificȱactions?).ȱItȱisȱpossible,
Iȱthink,ȱthatȱtheȱgrandfatherȱwantedȱtoȱleaveȱaȱpersonalȱtokenȱtoȱtheȱyoungerȱman.
23
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ85–86ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱWhileȱitȱisȱassumedȱthatȱtheȱmodernȱserialȱkillerȱactsȱalone,
thisȱisȱnotȱalwaysȱtheȱcase;ȱinȱfact,ȱtenȱtoȱtwentyȱpercentȱofȱserialȱmurdersȱareȱ“group”ȱmurders.
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ37–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱHowever,ȱnoneȱofȱtheȱcasesȱdiscussedȱbyȱeither
Tithecottȱorȱotherȱauthorsȱcitedȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱpagesȱbelongsȱtoȱtheȱ“group”ȱcategory,ȱandȱI
wouldȱnotȱplaceȱinȱthatȱcategoryȱevenȱGilles’sȱmurders.ȱHeȱtookȱtheȱinitiativeȱandȱtheȱothers
simplyȱwentȱalongȱbecauseȱofȱfearȱand/orȱselfȬinterest.ȱItȱisȱpossibleȱthatȱBricquevilleȱandȱSillé
wereȱmoreȱactiveȱaccomplicesȱandȱmayȱhaveȱhadȱsexualȱcontactȱwithȱsomeȱofȱtheȱvictimsȱpriorȱto
turningȱ themȱ overȱ toȱ theirȱ master,ȱ butȱ givenȱ theȱ paucityȱ ofȱ informationȱ allȱ thisȱ isȱ highly
speculative.
24
Gilles’sȱservantsȱtestifiedȱthatȱBuchetȱsentȱtoȱGillesȱatȱleastȱoneȱvictimȱinȱ1438ȱandȱoneȱinȱ1440ȱ(and
helpedȱinȱdisposingȱofȱtheȱbody).ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ125,ȱ153–54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,
277ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱstatesȱthatȱRobinȱRomulartȱandȱJeanȱRossignolȱwereȱdeadȱbyȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱtrial.
25
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ64,ȱ101,ȱ155ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱLittleȱisȱknownȱaboutȱSillé,ȱwhoȱwasȱaȱdistantȱrelation
andȱtheȱcaptainȱofȱGilles’sȱguard,ȱandȱwhoȱprobablyȱfledȱtoȱhisȱownȱfief.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ210
(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ
26
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ157–60,ȱ278ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ43,ȱ108,125–26,ȱ176ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),
andȱ Heers,ȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 206–07ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1).ȱ Theȱ royalȱ “lettresȱ deȱ grâce”ȱ ofȱ 1446ȱ absolved
Bricquevilleȱonȱtheȱgroundsȱthatȱheȱwasȱveryȱyoungȱ(twentyȬthree)ȱandȱhadȱbeenȱforcedȱtoȱobey
Gilles,ȱandȱthatȱheȱhadȱleftȱhisȱserviceȱasȱearlyȱasȱ1435,ȱasȱsoonȱasȱheȱsuspectedȱfoulȱplayȱ(which
isȱfalse).ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ206ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱquotesȱtheȱstatementȱthatȱBricquevilleȱhadȱbeen
acceptedȱ inȱ Gilles’sȱ houseȱ onȱ conditionȱ ofȱ beingȱ “subgiectȱ etȱ obéissantȱ sansȱ l’oserȱ desdireȱ ni
contrarierȱdeȱsaȱvolontéȱenȱnulleȱmanière,”ȱaȱpositionȱthat—ifȱtrue—wasȱnoȱdifferentȱfromȱthat
ofȱhisȱtwoȱvalets,ȱwhoȱwereȱnotȱspared.
366 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
loyaltyȱ(andȱaȱsalary).ȱNeitherȱofȱthem,ȱasȱfarȱasȱitȱisȱknown,ȱhadȱaȱcriminalȱpast,
andȱPoitouȱhadȱhimselfȱbeenȱanȱearlyȱvictimȱofȱGilles.ȱByȱhisȱownȱadmissionȱatȱthe
trial,ȱinȱ1437,ȱwhenȱheȱwasȱnotȱquiteȱtwenty,ȱheȱhadȱbecomeȱGilles’sȱpersonalȱvalet.
Hisȱmasterȱhadȱ“commerceȱcharnel”ȱ(sexualȱrelations)ȱwithȱhimȱandȱplannedȱto
killȱhimȱafterwards,ȱbutȱBricquevilleȱandȱSilléȱconvincedȱGillesȱtoȱspareȱhimȱand
useȱhimȱasȱaȱhelperȱinȱfutureȱcrimes.ȱLaterȱinȱtheȱsameȱyearȱPoitouȱwasȱorderedȱto
introduceȱtoȱtheseȱsecretȱactivitiesȱHenriet,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱinȱhisȱmaster’sȱservice
forȱaȱfewȱyearsȱbutȱhadȱnotȱyetȱbeenȱinvolvedȱinȱhisȱcrimes.ȱBothȱwereȱswornȱto
secrecy,ȱbothȱprocuredȱvictimsȱandȱatȱtimesȱkilledȱthem,ȱandȱbothȱwereȱtasked
withȱdisposingȱofȱtheȱbodies.27ȱ
Batailleȱ pointedlyȱ remarksȱ thatȱ nobodyȱ ofȱ importanceȱ everȱ askedȱ againȱ for
Gilles’sȱhelpȱafterȱ1432,ȱandȱHeersȱmentionsȱthatȱheȱwasȱalreadyȱreceivingȱnegative
publicityȱ atȱ courtȱ forȱ hisȱ “indiscrétionȱ etȱ prodigalité”ȱ (lackȱ ofȱ discretionȱ and
extravagance).28ȱ Thisȱ couldȱ beȱ aȱ clueȱ thatȱ somethingȱ wasȱ amissȱ withȱ him
personally,ȱbecauseȱtheȱdisgraceȱofȱtheȱpatronȱdeȱLaȱTrémoilleȱatȱtheȱking’sȱcourt
shouldȱnotȱnecessarilyȱhaveȱresultedȱinȱavoidanceȱofȱtheȱprotégéȱonȱtheȱpartȱof
DukeȱJeanȱofȱBrittany.ȱGilles’sȱbiographersȱpostulateȱthat,ȱasȱifȱtoȱcompensateȱfor
hisȱmarginalization,ȱheȱlaunchedȱintoȱaȱseriesȱofȱheavyȱpersonalȱexpenditures.ȱHe
setȱupȱaȱmagnificentȱ“maisonȱecclésiastique”ȱ(clericalȱentourage)ȱsuppliedȱwith
chaplains,ȱvicars,ȱmasters,ȱevenȱaȱ“soȬcalledȱbishop,”ȱandȱaȱchoir,ȱforȱaȱtotalȱof
twentyȬfiveȱorȱthirtyȱpeople,ȱallȱsumptuouslyȱdressedȱandȱgenerouslyȱpaid,ȱand
startedȱ travelingȱ withȱ thisȱ vastȱ andȱ splendidȱ retinue.ȱ Heȱ alsoȱ maintainedȱ a
“maisonȱmilitaire”ȱ(militaryȱentourage)ȱofȱtwoȱhundredȱmountedȱtroops,ȱaȱherald,
andȱtrumpeters.29ȱAȱmoreȱegregiousȱdisplayȱofȱprodigalityȱoccurredȱduringȱhis
lengthyȱstayȱinȱOrléansȱinȱ1434–1435.ȱThereȱheȱspentȱfromȱeightyȱthousandȱtoȱa
hundredȱthousandȱgoldȱécusȱonȱlodgingsȱforȱhimselfȱandȱhisȱhousehold,ȱandȱthe
stagingȱ ofȱ aȱ particularlyȱ longȱ andȱ extravagantȱ mystère,ȱ requiringȱ hundredsȱ of
actors,ȱ toȱ celebrateȱ theȱ liberationȱ ofȱ theȱ cityȱ fromȱ theȱ Englishȱ siegeȱ sixȱ years
earlier.30ȱ
27
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ153ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ120ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱPrelatiȱwasȱaged
twentyȬthree,ȱPoitouȱtwentyȬtwo,ȱandȱHenrietȱtwentyȬsixȱatȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱtrial.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,
261,ȱ273,ȱ281ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
28
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ149ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ80–83ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱHeersȱspecifiesȱthat,
afterȱanȱattackȱagainstȱtheȱdukeȱofȱBedfordȱinȱ1432ȱonȱbehalfȱofȱtheȱcountȱofȱDunois,ȱheȱwasȱlargely
ignoredȱbyȱtheȱroyalȱside,ȱwhereȱtheȱconstableȱArthurȱdeȱRichemontȱhadȱsucceededȱinȱoustingȱhis
rivalȱdeȱLaȱTrémoille.
29
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ56–57ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ92–93ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱwhoȱaddsȱthat
GillesȱalsoȱmadeȱhimselfȱchanoineȱofȱtheȱchapterȱofȱtheȱcathedralȱofȱSaintȬHilaireȱofȱPoitiers,ȱaȱtitle
thatȱbeforeȱhimȱonlyȱtheȱdukesȱofȱAquitaineȱhadȱreceived,ȱandȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ13,ȱ56–58,ȱ112
(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱBatailleȱlabelsȱtheȱsquanderingȱofȱwealthȱduringȱthisȱperiodȱaȱ“potlatch.”
30
TheȱextantȱdocumentsȱareȱratherȱambiguousȱonȱtheȱactualȱdetailsȱofȱGilles’sȱcontributionsȱtoȱthe
play.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ115ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ81,ȱ84ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱtalksȱofȱfive
TheȱmainȱsourceȱforȱtheȱinformationȱonȱGilles’sȱsupposedlyȱmadȱexpenditures
isȱaȱdocumentȱthatȱwasȱavailableȱtoȱallȱhisȱbiographers,ȱtheȱMémoiresȱdesȱhéritiers,
whichȱwasȱwrittenȱonȱbehalfȱofȱGilles’sȱbrotherȱRenéȱdeȱLaȱSuzeȱandȱhisȱcousin
AndréȱdeȱLavalȬLohéacȱinȱ1435,ȱatȱaȱtimeȱwhenȱGillesȱneededȱtoȱraiseȱcashȱandȱwas
forcedȱ toȱ alienateȱ properties,ȱ whichȱ wereȱ eagerlyȱ acquiredȱ byȱ Dukeȱ Jeanȱ Vȱ of
Brittanyȱ andȱ hisȱ standȬins.31ȱ Naturally,ȱ theȱ familyȱ wasȱ concernedȱ aboutȱ the
reductionȱ ofȱ itsȱ patrimony,ȱ andȱ Charlesȱ VII,ȱ toȱ whomȱ theȱ documentȱ was
addressed,ȱwasȱequallyȱconcernedȱaboutȱtheȱaggrandizementȱofȱJeanȱV,ȱanȱalready
powerfulȱandȱindependentȱvassal.ȱ
TheȱrecurringȱmotifȱofȱtheȱMémoiresȱwasȱGilles’sȱinabilityȱtoȱthinkȱrationally:ȱit
accusedȱhimȱ(albeitȱinȱvagueȱterms)ȱofȱkeepingȱaȱhouseholdȱworthyȱofȱaȱkingȱand
aȱ sumptuousȱ tableȱ openȱ toȱ all;ȱ ofȱ payingȱ forȱ elaborateȱ playsȱ andȱ dances;ȱ of
endowingȱ anȱ extravagantȱ chapelȱ andȱ acquiringȱ forȱ itȱ hugeȱ organs,ȱ liturgical
vessels,ȱandȱincensoriesȱatȱmanyȱtimesȱtheirȱvalue.ȱWorseȱyet,ȱGillesȱhadȱstipulated
inȱwritingȱthatȱhisȱdaughterȱandȱherȱheirsȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱcontinueȱtoȱendowȱhis
chapelȱ afterȱ hisȱ death,ȱ ifȱ necessaryȱ throughȱ theȱ cessionȱ ofȱ theȱ castellanyȱ of
ChamptocéȱtoȱtheȱdukeȱofȱAnjouȱandȱofȱoneȬhalfȱofȱtheȱseigneuriesȱofȱRaisȱtoȱthe
dukeȱofȱBrittanyȱ(thusȱdeprivingȱhisȱheirsȱofȱmuchȱofȱtheirȱpossessions).32ȱ
Theȱ resultȱ ofȱ theȱ familyȱ complaintȱ wasȱ aȱ royalȱ interdictionȱ forbiddingȱ any
furtherȱ purchaseȱ ofȱ propertiesȱ fromȱ Gilles,ȱ anȱ injunctionȱ that—predictȬ
ably—affectedȱonlyȱtheȱpropertiesȱunderȱroyalȱjurisdictionȱandȱwasȱignoredȱbyȱthe
dukeȱwithinȱhisȱownȱterritories.ȱBatailleȱacceptsȱtheȱMémoiresȱatȱfaceȱvalueȱand
callsȱGillesȱaȱ“prodigueȱinsensé”ȱ(insaneȱspendthrift),ȱbutȱHeersȱquestionsȱthis
hundredȱactorsȱandȱofȱGillesȱpayingȱforȱtheȱmultipleȱstagesȱandȱfreeȱadmissionȱtoȱtheȱplay,ȱand
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ59–60,ȱ113–15ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱstatesȱthatȱGillesȱpaidȱforȱsomeȱcostumesȱandȱthe
refreshmentsȱthatȱwentȱalongȱwithȱtheȱperformance,ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ101–02ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
TheȱplayȱincludesȱdirectȱmentionȱofȱGilles’sȱparticipationȱinȱJoan’sȱcampaignȱinȱtwoȱscenes.ȱThis
mayȱhaveȱcontributedȱtoȱtheȱshortȱlifespanȱofȱtheȱplay,ȱwhichȱwasȱalreadyȱbannedȱbyȱ1441ȱ(108).
Toȱfaceȱtheȱenormousȱ expenses,ȱGillesȱwasȱforcedȱtoȱpawnȱvariousȱvaluableȱobjectsȱfromȱhis
chapel.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ110ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ63ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱspecifiesȱthat
toȱacquireȱcashȱatȱthatȱpointȱheȱhadȱtoȱsellȱatȱaȱdiscountedȱpriceȱtheȱrevenuesȱfromȱsaltȱminesȱand
rents.ȱ Someȱ ofȱ theȱ documentsȱ relatedȱ toȱ thisȱ periodȱ haveȱ notȱ survivedȱ toȱ beȱ examinedȱ by
subsequentȱbiographers.
31
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ174ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱInȱ1435ȱtheȱduke,ȱwhoȱcouldȱnotȱbuyȱdirectlyȱfromȱaȱvassal,
startedȱ acquiringȱ Gilles’sȱ propertiesȱ throughȱ intermediariesȱ (amongȱ whomȱ theȱ sameȱ Jeanȱ de
Malestroit,ȱ bishopȱ ofȱ Nantes,ȱ whoȱ wouldȱ presideȱ overȱ Gilles’sȱ ecclesiasticalȱ trial).ȱ However,
documentsȱrelativeȱtoȱtheȱacquisitionsȱofȱlandsȱshowȱthatȱGillesȱhadȱsoldȱthemȱatȱfairȱprice,ȱand
notȱpracticallyȱgivenȱthemȱawayȱasȱclaimedȱbyȱhisȱrelatives.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ215–16ȱ(seeȱnote
1).
32
CitedȱinȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ14ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱTheȱdocumentȱstatesȱthatȱGillesȱ“n’avaitȱniȱsensȱni
entendement.”ȱSeeȱalsoȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ58–59ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱrestȱisȱinȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,
94ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱdispositionȱofȱtheȱinheritanceȱonȱbehalfȱofȱhisȱchapelȱisȱinȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,
368 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
opinion,ȱasȱheȱobservesȱthatȱtheȱinterestsȱthatȱitȱrepresentedȱrenderȱtheȱdocument
suspectȱatȱbest.33ȱHeȱdefendsȱbothȱGilles’sȱprovisionsȱforȱtheȱpersistenceȱofȱhis
chapelȱandȱtheȱextravagantȱexpendituresȱforȱhisȱcourtȱandȱtableȱasȱnormalȱforȱthe
nobilityȱ ofȱ theȱ period:ȱ others,ȱ includingȱ theȱ dukeȱ ofȱ Brittany,ȱ hadȱ theirȱ own
chapelsȱandȱusedȱtoȱpawnȱvestmentsȱandȱjewelsȱtoȱraiseȱtroops.ȱOnȱtheȱoneȱhand,
then,ȱ standsȱ theȱ opinionȱ ofȱ Gilles’sȱ familyȱ andȱ ofȱ theȱ king,ȱ whoȱ thoughtȱ his
expendituresȱexaggerateȱevenȱbyȱlaxȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱstandards.ȱAndȱonȱtheȱother
handȱstandsȱtheȱoppositeȱoneȱofȱtheȱdukeȱofȱBrittanyȱthatȱGilles’sȱactionsȱwere
reasonable,ȱ cautiouslyȱ backedȱ byȱ Heers,ȱ andȱ equallyȱ biasedȱ inȱ theȱ opposed
direction.34
ThisȱdocumentȱalsoȱrevealsȱsomeȱaspectsȱofȱGilles’sȱtastes:ȱwhileȱhisȱloveȱforȱrich
clothes,ȱjewels,ȱandȱpreciousȱaccessoriesȱwereȱnotȱextraordinaryȱforȱhisȱageȱand
socialȱclass,ȱheȱmanifestedȱanȱunusualȱloveȱforȱtheȱtheater,ȱatȱleastȱcomparedȱwith
hisȱpeers,ȱwhoȱseemedȱratherȱfonderȱofȱchess,ȱsports,ȱandȱhunting.ȱBesidesȱhaving
stagedȱvariousȱtypesȱofȱplays,ȱGillesȱlavishedȱinterestȱonȱtheȱoneȱthatȱheȱhelped
fundȱduringȱhisȱvisitȱtoȱOrléans,ȱbecauseȱitȱwasȱaȱreȬenactmentȱofȱJoan’sȱliberation
ofȱtheȱcityȱfromȱitsȱsiegeȱinȱ1429,ȱanȱepisodeȱinȱtheȱrealȱlifeȱofȱGillesȱhimself,ȱinȱfact,
theȱhighlightȱofȱhisȱcareer.ȱThereforeȱhisȱparticipationȱinȱtheȱstagingȱofȱtheȱplayȱ(for
whichȱheȱapparentlyȱsuppliedȱcostumesȱandȱrefreshmentsȱandȱloanedȱhisȱown
standard)ȱwasȱaȱwayȱtoȱtakeȱcenterȱstageȱvicariously,ȱpreciselyȱatȱaȱtimeȱwhenȱhis
realȱfortunes,ȱpoliticalȱandȱfinancial,ȱwereȱonȱtheȱwane.ȱ
AnotherȱpuzzlingȱpieceȱofȱevidenceȱfromȱthisȱperiodȱisȱaȱletterȱdatedȱDecember
1434ȱ inȱ whichȱ Gillesȱ grantedȱ hisȱ cousinȱ Rogerȱ deȱ Bricquevilleȱ fullȱ powersȱ to
representȱhimȱinȱallȱfinancialȱdeals,ȱincludingȱarrangingȱaȱmarriageȱofȱhisȱchoosing
forȱ Gilles’sȱ ownȱ youngȱ daughterȱ Marie.35ȱ Givenȱ thatȱ aȱ favorableȱ marriage
arrangementȱcouldȱhaveȱrepresentedȱaȱreasonableȱwayȱtoȱholdȱonȱto—andȱperhaps
toȱenhance—hisȱdiminishingȱwealth,ȱitȱisȱdifficultȱnotȱtoȱinterpretȱGilles’sȱbizarre
forfeitureȱofȱparentalȱprivilegeȱasȱanythingȱbutȱanȱadmissionȱofȱfailureȱtoȱhandle
theȱmostȱmundaneȱactsȱofȱpersonalȱadministration.ȱ
Theȱ issueȱ ofȱ Gilles’sȱ economicȱ activitiesȱ isȱ ofȱ interestȱ hereȱ onlyȱ becauseȱ this
behaviorȱcouldȱserveȱasȱanȱearlyȱwarningȱsignȱofȱaȱdeeperȱproblemȱonȱhisȱpart,ȱa
contributingȱ factorȱ toȱ aȱ generalȱ pictureȱ ofȱ hisȱ personality,ȱ evenȱ ifȱ notȱ directly
33
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ61,ȱ116,ȱ(heȱspecifiesȱthatȱbeforeȱtheȱinterdictionȱGillesȱhadȱsoldȱallȱhisȱown
propertiesȱinȱPoitou,ȱMaine,ȱandȱAnjou,ȱwithȱtheȱexceptionȱofȱChamptocéȱandȱIngrandes,ȱandȱwas
leftȱonlyȱwithȱhisȱBretonȱpossessions),ȱ119ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱSeeȱalsoȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ68–69ȱ(see
noteȱ1)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ175–76ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ
34
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ90,ȱ96–97,ȱ111ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱdiscountsȱtheȱargumentsȱofȱtheȱMémoiresȱasȱthe
productȱofȱexaggerationȱandȱbias.ȱHisȱmainȱargumentȱforȱaȱrevisionȱofȱGilles’sȱhistoryȱisȱbasedȱin
partȱonȱtheȱrejectionȱofȱthisȱdocumentȱ(17).
35
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ108ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ66ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱwhereȱheȱjustifies
Gilles’sȱlackȱofȱinterestȱinȱtheȱdetailsȱofȱbusinessȱtransactions.
relatedȱ toȱ hisȱ crimes.ȱ Certainly,ȱ upȱ toȱ thisȱ pointȱ thereȱ isȱ nothingȱ extremely
worrisomeȱinȱGilles’sȱoutwardȱbehavior.ȱButȱwhileȱsoȱfarȱnoȱsingleȱclueȱcanȱbe
construedȱasȱcriticalȱinȱitself,ȱtakenȱasȱaȱwholeȱallȱhisȱactionsȱshowȱaȱtendencyȱon
Gilles’sȱpartȱtoȱbrushȱasideȱresponsibilitiesȱandȱresortȱtoȱmakeȬbelieveȱtoȱenhance
hisȱselfȬesteem.ȱOnȱaȱdifferentȱlevel,ȱhisȱspendingȱspreeȱinȱOrléansȱcouldȱexplain
whyȱGillesȱcouldȱbeȱpopularȱwithȱhumbleȱpeopleȱandȱretainȱforȱaȱlongȱtimeȱa
reputationȱforȱgenerosity.ȱ
However,ȱitȱcameȱtoȱlightȱlaterȱthatȱbyȱthisȱtimeȱheȱhadȱalreadyȱembarkedȱforȱat
leastȱthreeȱyearsȱonȱaȱcareerȱofȱsorceryȱandȱmurder,ȱtwoȱactivitiesȱthatȱapparently
becameȱ everȱ moreȱ centralȱ toȱ hisȱ lifeȱ afterȱ hisȱ returnȱ fromȱ Orléans.ȱ Theirȱ late
discoveryȱ (inȱ 1438)ȱ hasȱ contributedȱ toȱ distortingȱ theȱ interpretationȱ ofȱ Gilles’s
character:ȱdespiteȱBataille’sȱinsistenceȱonȱhisȱlifelongȱexposureȱtoȱviolence,ȱthere
isȱaȱtendencyȱtoȱviewȱhisȱlifeȱinȱtwoȱseparateȱtimeȱframes,ȱaȱlonger,ȱmoreȬorȬless
conventionalȱ beginningȱ andȱ aȱ briefȱ spiralȱ intoȱ crimeȱ inȱ theȱ lastȱ threeȱ years,ȱ a
distortionȱthatȱisȱfacilitatedȱbyȱtheȱstructureȱofȱhisȱbiographies.ȱHowever,ȱGilles’s
ownȱconfessionȱrevealedȱthatȱheȱhadȱbeenȱinterestedȱinȱsorceryȱandȱcommitted
(undetermined)ȱcriminalȱactsȱperhapsȱevenȱbeforeȱtheȱdeathȱofȱhisȱgrandfather,
andȱpossiblyȱsinceȱhisȱreturnȱfromȱtheȱcampaignsȱagainstȱtheȱEnglish,ȱthusȱmaking
himȱaȱcriminalȱforȱatȱleastȱoneȬhalfȱofȱhisȱlife.
Unfortunatelyȱlittleȱisȱknownȱaboutȱhisȱrelationȱtoȱhisȱfiefsȱorȱhisȱmanagement
ofȱpropertiesȱafterȱtheȱruinousȱstayȱinȱOrléans.ȱAllȱweȱcanȱtellȱisȱthatȱhisȱnational
fortunesȱ neverȱ revived,ȱ andȱ thatȱ heȱ spentȱ hisȱ remainingȱ yearsȱ committing
occasionalȱactsȱofȱbanditryȱandȱmovingȱamongȱaȱfewȱfavoriteȱresidences,ȱespecially
Machecoul,ȱChamptocé,ȱTiffauges,ȱandȱLaȱSuze.36ȱItȱwasȱinȱtheȱfirstȱtwoȱwhere,ȱlate
inȱ1437ȱandȱearlyȱinȱ1438,ȱsuddenlyȱsomethingȱsinisterȱemerged.ȱFearingȱGilles’s
saleȱofȱhisȱfavoriteȱfortress,ȱhisȱrelativesȱRenéȱdeȱlaȱSuzeȱandȱAndréȱdeȱLavalȬ
LohéacȱpreparedȱtoȱsendȱtroopsȱtoȱoccupyȱMachecoulȱtoȱpreventȱitȱfromȱfalling
intoȱducalȱhands.ȱBeforeȱtheirȱretainersȱcameȱtoȱtakeȱpossessionȱofȱit,ȱGillesȱquickly
sentȱtwoȱservantsȱtoȱrecoverȱfromȱaȱtowerȱtheȱskeletonsȱofȱseveralȱchildrenȱand
burnȱthemȱinȱaȱsafeȱplace.ȱTheȱjobȱofȱclearingȱtheȱtowerȱpitȱwasȱdoneȱinȱhasteȱand
atȱ night,ȱ andȱ thereforeȱ notȱ properly,ȱ soȱ thatȱ theȱ captainȱ inȱ chargeȱ ofȱ the
(temporary)ȱtakeoverȱaskedȱembarrassingȱquestionsȱaboutȱaȱcoupleȱofȱremaining
skeletons.ȱ Aȱ similarȱ episodeȱ wasȱ soonȱ repeatedȱ inȱ theȱ fortressȱ ofȱ Champtocé,
whichȱwasȱoneȱofȱtheȱpropertiesȱacquiredȱbyȱDukeȱJeanȱVȱsurreptitiouslyȱthrough
aȱ front,ȱ hisȱ chancellorȱ Jeanȱ deȱ Malestroitȱ bishopȱ ofȱ Nantes.ȱ Fromȱ thereȱ the
skeletonsȱofȱseveralȱchildrenȱwereȱremovedȱandȱtransportedȱbyȱboatȱinȱtrunksȱto
beȱburnedȱatȱMachecoulȱaheadȱofȱMalestroit.ȱPoitouȱandȱHenriet,ȱtheȱtwoȱservants
taskedȱwithȱtheȱmacabreȱduty,ȱlaterȱtestifiedȱhavingȱcountedȱaroundȱfortyȬfive
36
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ125–26ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱHeȱconcludesȱ(138)ȱthatȱGilles’sȱprecariousȱfortunesȱand
positionȱwereȱtheȱnormȱwithinȱcontemporaryȱnobility.
370 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
skullsȱandȱseveralȱdismemberedȱbodyȱpartsȱinȱvariousȱstagesȱofȱdecomposition,
witnessesȱtoȱaȱlongȱmurderousȱspree.37ȱTherefore,ȱinȱtheȱfutureȱtheyȱwouldȱburn
theȱclothesȱandȱbodiesȱofȱtheȱvictimsȱinȱaȱlargeȱchimneyȱinȱtheȱmaster’sȱroomȱto
hideȱtracesȱofȱtheȱcrimesȱ(aȱfactȱthatȱaloneȱrendersȱimpossibleȱanȱaccurateȱcountȱof
hisȱvictims).38ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱtimidȱbutȱpersistentȱrumorsȱpoppedȱupȱaboutȱthe
disappearanceȱ ofȱ localȱ children,ȱ usuallyȱ boysȱ agedȱ betweenȱ eightȱ andȱ sixteen
years,ȱmanyȱdescribedȱasȱ“beautiful,”ȱandȱallȱlastȱseenȱaroundȱGilles’sȱfavorite
residencesȱorȱinȱtheȱcompanyȱofȱhisȱservants.39
InȱMayȱ1439,ȱperhapsȱdueȱtoȱgrowingȱneedȱforȱmoney,ȱGillesȱcommittedȱanother
imprudentȱact:ȱheȱrecruitedȱaȱtwentyȬtwoȬyearȬoldȱ clericȱfromȱItaly,ȱFrancesco
Prelati,ȱtoȱhelpȱwithȱexperimentsȱofȱalchemyȱandȱtoȱsummonȱtheȱdevilȱinȱtheȱhope
ofȱacquiringȱinstantȱwealthȱthroughȱmagicalȱpractices.ȱApparently,ȱheȱsoonȱbecame
smittenȱwithȱtheȱyoung,ȱhandsome,ȱandȱwellȬeducatedȱcleric.40ȱBossardȱdefends
Gilles’sȱpracticeȱofȱalchemyȱasȱquiteȱlegitimate,ȱandȱinȱfact,ȱitȱisȱhardlyȱmentioned
inȱtheȱlistȱofȱchargesȱagainstȱhim,ȱandȱthenȱonlyȱbecauseȱitȱoccurredȱinȱconjunction
withȱsummoningȱofȱdemons.41ȱButȱPrelati,ȱlikeȱaȱfewȱwhoȱprecededȱhimȱinȱthis
role,ȱhadȱaȱdualȱtask,ȱofȱwhichȱtheȱsummoningȱofȱdemonsȱbecameȱtheȱprimaryȱone.
Gillesȱwasȱpresentȱatȱtheȱfirstȱfewȱséancesȱandȱheȱenlistedȱhisȱterrifiedȱservantsȱto
helpȱ setȱ upȱ variousȱ objectsȱ insideȱ theȱ magicȱ circleȱ whereȱ Prelatiȱ wouldȱ draw
cryptogramsȱ andȱ reciteȱ arcaneȱ formulasȱ fromȱ aȱ book.42ȱ Inȱ particular,ȱ the
37
Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 121–25,ȱ 273–74ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3)ȱ (fromȱ theȱ confessionȱ ofȱ theȱ valetȱ Poitou,ȱ who
estimatedȱtheȱnumberȱofȱskeletonsȱatȱChamptocéȱbetweenȱthirtyȬsixȱandȱfortyȬsix),ȱ282–83ȱ(from
theȱconfessionȱofȱtheȱvaletȱHenriet,ȱwhoȱconfirmsȱtheȱdetailsȱgivenȱbyȱPoitou),ȱandȱBossard,ȱGilles
deȱRais,ȱ164–65ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱ(overȱeightyȱskeletonsȱatȱMachecoulȱandȱoverȱfortyȱatȱChamptocé).
38
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ46,ȱ276ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱPoitou).ȱ
39
See,ȱforȱexample,ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ140–41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataillle,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ130ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),
andȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ160ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱInȱfact,ȱtheȱ“acteȱd’accusation”ȱrefersȱtoȱvictimsȱofȱboth
sexes,ȱbutȱtheȱvariousȱdepositionsȱmakeȱnoȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱdisappearanceȱofȱspecificȱgirls,ȱand
itȱwasȱgenerallyȱknownȱthatȱGillesȱpreferredȱboys.ȱItȱisȱpossibleȱthatȱheȱmightȱhaveȱacceptedȱgirls
whenȱboysȱwereȱnotȱavailable.ȱ
40
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ119–20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱHeȱalsoȱstatesȱ(117)ȱthatȱGillesȱusedȱtoȱdoubtȱprevious
magiciansȱandȱalchemists,ȱbutȱseemedȱtoȱhaveȱlostȱhisȱskepticismȱwithȱPrelati.ȱSeeȱalsoȱBataille,
Leȱprocès,ȱ132ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱInȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱevidence,ȱheȱonlyȱspeculatesȱ(24,ȱ67)ȱwhetherȱPrelati
wasȱhisȱmaster’sȱlover.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ151ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱaptlyȱstatesȱthatȱtheȱhandsomeȱPrelati
“séduisaitȱleȱmaîtreȱetȱleȱtenaitȱprisonnierȱdeȱsesȱrêves.”ȱ
41
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ107ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ143–44ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱButȱBataille,
Leȱprocès,ȱ66ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱtakesȱliterallyȱanȱedictȱofȱKingȱCharlesȱVȱforbiddingȱtheȱpractice,ȱand
relatesȱ(69,ȱ146)ȱaȱvisitȱtoȱTiffaugesȱbyȱtheȱdauphinȱLouisȱinȱ1439ȱthatȱpromptedȱaȱpanickyȱGilles
toȱhaveȱtheȱalchemyȱovensȱdestroyed,ȱevenȱifȱapparentlyȱtheȱvisitȱwasȱunrelatedȱtoȱtheseȱactivities.ȱ
42
TheȱfirstȱsuchȱséanceȱtookȱplaceȱinȱtheȱgreatȱroomȱofȱtheȱcastleȱofȱTiffaugesȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱof
Gilles,ȱPrelati,ȱSillé,ȱBlanchet,ȱHenriet,ȱandȱPoitou.ȱAȱsecondȱoneȱtookȱplaceȱonȱtheȱfollowingȱnight
inȱaȱmeadowȱoutsideȱtheȱsameȱfortress,ȱandȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱPrelati,ȱGilles,ȱandȱPoitou.ȱTheȱtrio
wasȱchasedȱbackȱintoȱtheȱcastleȱbyȱaȱdownpour,ȱwithoutȱsightingȱtheȱdemon.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,
impecuniousȱbaronȱwentȱtoȱextremesȱtoȱlureȱaȱdemonȱthatȱPrelatiȱusuallyȱcalled
Barron,ȱandȱevenȱwroteȱhimȱaȱ“cédule”ȱ(certificateȱofȱdebt)ȱtoȱbeȱdeliveredȱby
Prelati,ȱinȱwhichȱheȱofferedȱhimȱanythingȱthatȱheȱwanted,ȱexceptȱhisȱownȱlifeȱand
soul.ȱ Uselessȱ toȱ say,ȱ theȱ devilȱ wasȱ offendedȱ byȱ suchȱ miserlinessȱ andȱ never
appearedȱ whenȱ Gillesȱ wasȱ presentȱ (butȱ heȱ deignedȱ toȱ appearȱ toȱ Prelatiȱ asȱ a
handsomeȱyoungȱmanȱdressedȱinȱviolet).43ȱSoonȱPrelatiȱconcludedȱthatȱGilles’s
presenceȱwasȱnotȱpleasingȱtoȱtheȱdemon,ȱandȱconvenientlyȱcontinuedȱtheȱpractice
alone.ȱThisȱarrangementȱseemedȱquiteȱacceptableȱtoȱGilles,ȱwhoȱneverȱwaveredȱin
hisȱtrustȱofȱtheȱyoungȱcleric,ȱwhoseȱlaterȱcareerȱrevealedȱhimȱasȱaȱprofessional
charlatanȱandȱthief.ȱ
Theȱaccountsȱthatȱemergedȱatȱtheȱtrialȱofȱtheȱbungledȱséancesȱcontributeȱaȱspark
ofȱ Italianȱ comedyȱ toȱ theȱ otherwiseȱ somberȱ Gothicȱ drama,ȱ andȱ revealȱ Gilles’s
astonishingȱ gullibilityȱ andȱ cowardice.44ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ oneȱ nightȱ Prelatiȱ locked
himselfȱupȱinȱaȱroom,ȱfromȱwhereȱsoonȱcameȱsoundsȱofȱblowsȱandȱhisȱownȱpitiful
screams,ȱbutȱnobody,ȱincludingȱtheȱgreatȱlordȱofȱRais,ȱdaredȱbreakȱinȱandȱattempt
aȱrescue.ȱPrelatiȱemergedȱmuchȱlaterȱpaleȱandȱfeverish,ȱandȱclaimedȱthatȱheȱhad
aȱ livelyȱ meetingȱ withȱ anȱ irritableȱ Barron.ȱ Gillesȱ spentȱ theȱ followingȱ week
personallyȱnursingȱhisȱdearȱfriendȱbackȱtoȱhealth.45ȱ
EventuallyȱBarronȱaccededȱtoȱPrelati’sȱdemandsȱthatȱheȱsupplyȱwealthȱforȱGilles
andȱfilledȱaȱ wholeȱroomȱofȱtheȱcastleȱwithȱgoldȱbars.ȱ Butȱ whenȱanȱelatedȱlord
rushedȱ toȱ enjoyȱ theȱ sightȱ ofȱ hisȱ newȱ wealth,ȱ Prelatiȱ blockedȱ theȱ entryȱ and
announcedȱthatȱtheȱdevilȱhadȱplacedȱaȱlargeȱsnakeȱtoȱguardȱtheȱtreasure.ȱInȱthis
case,ȱhowever,ȱgreedȱwonȱoverȱcowardice.ȱGillesȱreturnedȱarmedȱwithȱaȱcrucifix
containingȱaȱrelic,ȱandȱPrelatiȱcouldȱnotȱkeepȱhimȱfromȱenteringȱtheȱroomȱtoȱverify
theȱclaim.ȱAȱdisappointedȱGillesȱonlyȱfoundȱsomeȱpiecesȱofȱbrass,ȱbutȱapparently
43
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ135–36,ȱ161ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ114,ȱ121–28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱI
haveȱ notȱ foundȱ anyȱ otherȱ referenceȱ toȱ thisȱ demon.ȱ Carlȱ Goldberg,ȱ Speakingȱ withȱ theȱ Devil–A
Dialogueȱ withȱ Evilȱ (Newȱ York:Penguinȱ Books,ȱ 1996),ȱ 95–96ȱ discussesȱ aȱ mentalȱ patientȱ who
identifiedȱaȱdemonicȱaspectȱofȱhisȱownȱpersonalityȱwithȱBelphegor,ȱtheȱdevilȱthatȱrepresentsȱthe
sinȱofȱsloth,ȱi.e.ȱtheȱdenialȱofȱone’sȱpotentialȱtoȱwallowȱinȱ“idle,ȱselfȬindulgent”ȱlifeȱstyle.ȱSince
Belphegorȱ isȱ alsoȱ reputedȱ toȱ induceȱ peopleȱ toȱ makeȱ discoveriesȱ withȱ theȱ promiseȱ ofȱ wealth,
perhapsȱtheȱnameȱusedȱbyȱPrelatiȱisȱaȱbastardizationȱofȱthis.ȱAlso,ȱapparentlyȱBelphegorȱcouldȱbe
representedȱasȱaȱbeautifulȱyoungȱwomanȱ(changedȱintoȱanȱattractiveȱyouthȱforȱGilles’sȱtastesȱby
hisȱcleverȱassociate).
44
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ148ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱtalksȱofȱ“véritablesȱbouffonneries.”
45
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ136–37,ȱ273(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱdepositionȱofȱEustacheȱBlanchet)ȱandȱHeers,
GillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ152ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱApparently,ȱPrelatiȱborrowedȱtheȱscriptȱfromȱanotherȱnecromancer
whoȱhadȱprecededȱhim,ȱJeanȱdeȱlaȱRivière.ȱOneȱnightȱJeanȱwentȱaloneȱintoȱaȱwoodȱnearȱPouzauges
toȱmeetȱwithȱaȱdemon,ȱwearingȱwhiteȱarmor,ȱandȱreturnedȱfrightened,ȱclaimingȱthatȱtheȱdemon
hadȱappearedȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱaȱleopard.ȱAfterȱobtainingȱmoreȱmoneyȱfromȱGilles,ȱJeanȱdisappeared
onȱtheȱfollowingȱday.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ271–72ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ153ȱ(seeȱnote
1)ȱ(fromȱtheȱdepositionȱofȱEustacheȱBlanchet).
372 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
notȱevenȱthenȱdidȱheȱsuspectȱthatȱPrelatiȱmightȱhaveȱdupedȱhim.46ȱItȱseemsȱthat
Gillesȱcravedȱguidance,ȱandȱtheȱcleverȱPrelati,ȱhisȱsocialȱinferiorȱbutȱintellectual
superior,ȱprovidedȱitȱasȱheȱcontinuedȱtoȱexploitȱhisȱmasterȱforȱoverȱaȱyearȱandȱto
exertȱaȱdarkȱascendancyȱoverȱhim.ȱForȱexample,ȱitȱwasȱapparentlyȱPrelatiȱwho
suggestedȱatȱoneȱpointȱusingȱanȱeye,ȱhand,ȱblood,ȱandȱheartȱofȱaȱmurderedȱchild
asȱsacrificialȱofferingȱtoȱtheȱfinickyȱdevil.47ȱ
AllȱthreeȱmodernȱbiographersȱdiscussȱGilles’sȱmagicȱpracticesȱapartȱfromȱhis
murderousȱones,ȱandȱIȱhaveȱfollowedȱtheirȱlead.ȱHowever,ȱtheseȱpracticesȱ(apart
fromȱalchemy)ȱwereȱaȱmajorȱissueȱatȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱtrialȱandȱoccupiedȱaȱlarge
portionȱofȱtheȱdepositionsȱofȱwitnessesȱandȱaccused,ȱintermingledȱwithȱaccounts
ofȱmurders.ȱPerhapsȱbecauseȱsuchȱaccusationsȱwouldȱsoundȱridiculousȱtodayȱthe
legitimacyȱofȱtheȱentireȱproceedingȱhasȱbeenȱplacedȱinȱdoubtȱbyȱ(admittedlyȱonly
aȱhandfulȱof)ȱhistoriansȱinȱtheȱearlyȱtwentiethȱcentury.ȱThisȱwasȱaȱtimeȱofȱviolent
anticlericalism,ȱwhenȱtheȱtrialȱofȱJoanȱofȱArcȱ(whichȱtookȱplaceȱinȱ1431,ȱonlyȱnine
yearsȱbeforeȱthatȱofȱGilles)ȱwasȱdenouncedȱasȱaȱfraud,ȱaȱprocessȱthatȱeventually
broughtȱaboutȱherȱcanonization.ȱHeers’sȱsecondaryȱpurposeȱinȱwritingȱhisȱwork
isȱpreciselyȱtoȱrefuteȱtheȱtheoryȱofȱGilles’sȱinnocenceȱandȱshowȱthatȱtheȱtrialȱwas
validȱ andȱ conductedȱ correctly,ȱ andȱ thatȱ Gilles’sȱ guilt—atȱ leastȱ ofȱ the
murders—wasȱamplyȱproven.ȱHisȱthreeȱbiographersȱexpressȱnoȱdoubtsȱonȱthis
point,ȱnorȱdidȱmedievalȱchroniclersȱinȱtheirȱterseȱreportingȱofȱtheȱevents,ȱnorȱdid
Gilles’sȱownȱfamily. 48ȱ
46
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ139ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱ
47
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ129–30ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ69,ȱ144–45ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱPrelati’s
statementsȱonȱthisȱtopic,ȱasȱinȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ264ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱareȱratherȱconfusing.ȱHeȱrecalled
theȱdevil’sȱdemandȱtoȱreceiveȱhumanȱofferings,ȱhavingȱseenȱaȱmurderedȱchildȱ(apparentlyȱan
infant)ȱonȱtheȱfloorȱofȱaȱroomȱatȱTiffauges,ȱandȱhavingȱwitnessedȱGillesȱcarryȱtheȱorgansȱofȱaȱchild
(another?)ȱinȱaȱglassȱtoȱhisȱroom.ȱStill,ȱtheȱdemonȱdidȱnotȱappearȱandȱlaterȱPrelatiȱburiedȱthe
remainsȱinȱaȱnearbyȱchapel.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱPrelatiȱcouldȱalsoȱactȱasȱGilles’sȱsocialȱconscience:
heȱclaimedȱthatȱBarronȱhadȱorderedȱGillesȱtoȱofferȱthreeȱbanquetsȱtoȱtheȱpoorȱduringȱtheȱfeastȱof
AllȱSaints,ȱandȱsinceȱGillesȱofferedȱthemȱonlyȱoneȱbanquet,ȱBarronȱrefusedȱtoȱappear.ȱBataille,ȱLe
procès,ȱ142ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ129ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
48
Inȱ1902ȱSalomonȱReinachȱmadeȱaȱcaseȱforȱGilles’sȱinnocence,ȱlikelyȱspurredȱbyȱtheȱatmosphereȱof
mistrustȱforȱstateȱjusticeȱcausedȱbyȱtheȱDreyfusȱaffairȱandȱbyȱtheȱfameȱofȱtheȱtrialȱofȱJoanȱofȱArc.
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ178–79ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱcriticizesȱReinach’sȱlackȱofȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱdocuments,ȱand
Heersȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 186–88ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1),ȱ affirmsȱ thatȱ hisȱ pamphletȱ didȱ notȱ makeȱ muchȱ ofȱ an
impressionȱatȱtheȱtime,ȱandȱitsȱthesisȱwasȱonlyȱtakenȱupȱtwice:ȱbrieflyȱinȱ1921,ȱandȱthenȱinȱ1961ȱby
E.ȱClourecȬKerlouane.ȱTheȱ“innocence”ȱthesisȱconsistsȱofȱputtingȱonȱtrialȱtheȱjudges,ȱbyȱclaiming
incorrectlyȱthatȱhisȱwasȱanȱinquisitorialȱtrail,ȱwithȱanonymousȱwitnessesȱandȱwithȱitsȱimplicitȱaura
ofȱintoleranceȱandȱobscurantism.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ205–07ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱmakesȱtheȱsameȱpoints
aboutȱtheȱtrial.ȱCharlesȱVIIȱdidȱmakeȱinquiriesȱonȱsomeȱaspectsȱofȱtheȱprocedureȱinȱ1443ȱ(three
yearsȱafterȱGilles’sȱexecution)ȱinȱresponseȱtoȱaȱcomplaintȱbyȱGilles’sȱdaughterȱMarieȱdeȱCraonȱand
herȱhusbandȱPrégentȱdeȱCoëtivy.ȱButȱtheȱfinalȱverdictȱwasȱnotȱcontested.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ205
(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱSeeȱalsoȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ274–75ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ
Experimentingȱwithȱalchemyȱsoundsȱreasonableȱenoughȱifȱoneȱlooksȱatȱitȱasȱa
formȱofȱchemistry;ȱandȱitȱcouldȱbolsterȱBossard’sȱargumentȱthatȱGillesȱwasȱgifted
withȱanȱinquisitiveȱmind.ȱButȱwhileȱtheȱsummoningȱofȱdemonsȱtodayȱwouldȱnot
beȱaddedȱtoȱtheȱlistȱofȱcharges,ȱitȱcouldȱbeȱbroughtȱupȱatȱaȱtrialȱasȱaȱmeansȱto
completeȱtheȱpsychologicalȱportraitȱofȱtheȱaccused.ȱInȱfact,ȱGilles’sȱbehaviorȱinȱthis
matterȱgoesȱbeyondȱtheȱcommonȱbeliefȱinȱdemonsȱandȱoccasionalȱtransgression
intoȱblackȱmagic.ȱForȱyearsȱheȱhadȱobsessivelyȱdedicatedȱtimeȱandȱresourcesȱto
recruitingȱsorcerers,ȱfinallyȱsettlingȱonȱPrelati.ȱHisȱnaïvetéȱisȱastonishingȱwhenȱone
readsȱthatȱheȱhadȱhisȱcompanionsȱinvokeȱtheȱdevilȱ“inȱtheȱnameȱofȱtheȱFather,ȱthe
Son,ȱtheȱHolyȱGhost,ȱtheȱVirginȱMaryȱandȱallȱtheȱsaints,”ȱandȱthatȱafterȱoverȱaȱyear
ofȱeffortsȱheȱwouldȱnotȱentertainȱdoubtsȱonȱtheȱefficacyȱofȱPrelati’sȱtechniques,ȱin
factȱbelievedȱhimȱhisȱgoodȱfriendȱtoȱtheȱendȱandȱpartedȱfromȱhimȱinȱprisonȱwith
aȱheartfeltȱfarewell.49ȱIȱseeȱinȱhisȱdelusionȱtoȱharnessȱdemonsȱanotherȱexampleȱof
hisȱtendencyȱtoȱliveȱinȱaȱmakeȬbelieveȱworldȱinȱwhichȱheȱfeltȱallȬpowerful.ȱ
Aȱfinalȱexampleȱofȱhisȱ“niaiserie”ȱisȱtheȱactionȱthatȱbroughtȱaboutȱhisȱruin.ȱAfter
sellingȱ theȱ castleȱ ofȱ SaintȬÉtienneȬdeȬMerȬMorteȱ toȱ theȱ treasurerȱ ofȱ Brittany
GeoffreyȱLeȱFerronȱ(orȱtoȱhisȱbrotherȱGuillaume,ȱbishopȱofȱLéon),ȱheȱdecidedȱto
takeȱitȱbackȱbyȱforce.50ȱTheȱnewȱownerȱhadȱplacedȱtheȱpropertyȱinȱtheȱcareȱofȱa
thirdȱbrother,ȱaȱclericȱnamedȱJeanȱLeȱFerron.ȱOnȱMayȱ15ȱ1440,ȱGilles,ȱarmedȱwith
aȱpikeȱandȱaccompaniedȱbyȱhisȱhenchmen,ȱburstȱintoȱtheȱvillageȱchurchȱwhereȱLe
Ferronȱhadȱofficiatedȱmass,ȱthreatenedȱtheȱclericȱwithȱdeath,ȱandȱthenȱspiritedȱhim
toȱ theȱ fortress,ȱ whichȱ heȱ had,ȱ inȱ theȱ meantime,ȱ reoccupied.ȱ Theȱ ducalȱ court
respondedȱbyȱfiningȱGillesȱfiftyȱthousandȱgoldȱécus;ȱGillesȱnotȱonlyȱrefusedȱtoȱpay,
butȱinȱretaliationȱrelocatedȱtheȱprisonerȱtoȱTiffauges,ȱoutsideȱducalȱjurisdiction.51
Thisȱ blatantȱ violationȱ ofȱ clericalȱ immunityȱ alsoȱ raisedȱ theȱ ireȱ ofȱ theȱ bishopȱ of
NantesȱJeanȱdeȱMalestroit,ȱinȱwhoseȱdioceseȱtheȱpropertyȱresided.ȱTheȱbishopȱhad
alreadyȱ initiatedȱ aȱ rapidȱ seriesȱ ofȱ investigationsȱ intoȱ Gilles’sȱ otherȱ criminal
activities,ȱand,ȱthroughoutȱtheȱsummer,ȱtheȱdepositionsȱofȱseveralȱparentsȱand
acquaintancesȱ ofȱ lostȱ childrenȱ wereȱ collected,ȱ whileȱ theȱ murders—incredibly
—continued.ȱOnȱJulyȱ29,ȱwithȱallȱappearanceȱofȱacquiescenceȱonȱtheȱduke’sȱpart,
49
[“parȱleȱPère,ȱleȱFilsȱetȱleȱSaintȬEsprit,ȱparȱlaȱViergeȱMarieȱetȱtousȱtheȱsaints”]ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,
263ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱdepositionȱofȱPrelati).ȱGilles’sȱfarewellȱtoȱPrelatiȱtookȱplaceȱafterȱtheȱtwo
wereȱquestionedȱtogetherȱinȱGilles’sȱcell.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ236–37ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱBataille,
Leȱprocès,ȱ24,ȱ165ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱTheȱtext,ȱinȱFrenchȱ(“Adieu,ȱFrançois,ȱmonȱami!ȱJamaisȱplusȱnous
neȱnousȱreverronsȱenȱceȱmondeȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]”)ȱisȱinȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ240–41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
50
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ151ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱgivesȱGeoffreyȱLeȱFerronȱasȱtheȱbuyer;ȱHeersȱ(GillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ178)
(seeȱ noteȱ 1)ȱ andȱ Bossard,ȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 178ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1),ȱ stateȱ thatȱ theȱ buyerȱ wasȱ hisȱ brother
GuillaumeȱLeȱFerron,ȱbishopȱofȱLéon.ȱApparently,ȱGillesȱwantedȱtoȱresellȱtheȱcastleȱtoȱaȱcousin,
butȱLeȱFerronȱhadȱrefusedȱtoȱreturnȱit.ȱBateille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ71ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
51
Theȱ“acteȱd’accusation”ȱsaysȱthatȱheȱenteredȱtheȱchurchȱ“deȱmanièreȱfuribondeȱetȱtéméraire.”
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ162ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱTheȱaccount,ȱexceptȱforȱsomeȱminorȱdetails,ȱisȱalsoȱinȱBossard,
GillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ178–81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
374 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
theȱbishopȱpublishedȱ“lettresȱpatentes”ȱ(openȱletters)ȱaccusingȱGillesȱofȱsodomy,
murder,ȱandȱcommerceȱwithȱdevilsȱ(curiously,ȱnoȱmentionȱwasȱmadeȱofȱtheȱattack
onȱLeȱFerron,ȱperhapsȱtoȱavoidȱtheȱimpressionȱofȱpoliticalȱmotivation).52ȱ
Fromȱthisȱmomentȱonwardȱeventsȱmovedȱquickly.ȱOnȱAugustȱ25ȱtheȱconstable
ofȱ Franceȱ Arthurȱ deȱ Richemontȱ (aȱ brotherȱ ofȱ theȱ duke)ȱ occupiedȱ theȱ French
fortressȱofȱTiffaugesȱandȱfreedȱLeȱFerron,ȱatȱwhichȱpointȱGilles’sȱaccomplicesȱSillé
andȱ Bricquevilleȱ fled,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ otherȱ servants.ȱ Onȱ Septemberȱ 13ȱ Gillesȱ was
summonedȱtoȱappearȱinȱfrontȱofȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱtribunalȱofȱNantesȱtoȱanswerȱthe
chargesȱ containedȱ inȱ theȱ bishop’sȱ letters.ȱ Twoȱ daysȱ laterȱ ducalȱ troops,
accompaniedȱbyȱaȱnotary,ȱarrestedȱGillesȱatȱMachecoulȱ(whichȱwasȱaȱducalȱfief),
togetherȱ withȱ Henriet,ȱ Poitou,ȱ andȱ Prelati.ȱ Theyȱ wereȱ takenȱ toȱ Nantes,ȱ where
GillesȱwasȱcomfortablyȱhousedȱinȱanȱupperȱroomȱofȱtheȱcastleȱofȱtheȱTourȬNeuve,
andȱtheȱrestȱinȱcommonȱprisons.53ȱ
TheȱvisitȱbyȱtheȱducalȱgendarmesȱshouldȱnotȱhaveȱcomeȱasȱaȱsurpriseȱtoȱGilles,
asȱinȱDecemberȱ1439ȱoneȱofȱhisȱpreviousȱassociates,ȱtheȱpriestȱEustacheȱBlanchet,
hadȱsentȱhimȱdireȱwarningsȱthatȱrumorsȱofȱhisȱcrimesȱwereȱspreading,ȱaddingȱa
sternȱadmonitionȱthatȱtheȱlordȱofȱRaisȱshouldȱmendȱhisȱways.ȱNotȱonlyȱdidȱGilles
notȱheedȱtheȱadmonitions,ȱbutȱheȱsentȱoneȱofȱhisȱemployees,ȱtheȱgoldsmithȱJean
Petit,ȱtoȱreturnȱtheȱdefectorȱforciblyȱtoȱTiffauges.54ȱBlanchetȱwasȱarrestedȱseparately
inȱSeptemberȱ1440ȱinȱtheȱnearbyȱvillageȱofȱMortagneȱwhereȱheȱresided.55ȱItȱseems
clearȱatȱthisȱpointȱthatȱtheȱLeȱFerronȱincidentȱwasȱonlyȱaȱpretextȱ(notȱunlikeȱthe
traditionalȱaccusationȱofȱtaxȱevasionȱtoȱjustifyȱtheȱarrestȱofȱnotoriousȱgangsters)
52
ApparentlyȱtheȱlastȱmurderȱtookȱplaceȱaroundȱAugustȱ15,ȱ1440.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ154ȱ(seeȱnote
3).ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ190ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱdatesȱtheȱbishop’sȱopenȱletterȱJulyȱ30ȱandȱdoesȱnot
mentionȱtheȱlastȱmurder.ȱTheȱletter,ȱafterȱsupplyingȱaȱlistȱofȱwitnesses,ȱconcludesȱthatȱGillesȱ“avec
certainsȱdeȱsesȱcomplices,ȱavaitȱégorgé,ȱtuéȱetȱmassacréȱdeȱfaçonȱodieuse,ȱplusieursȱjeunesȱgarçons
innocents,ȱqu’ilȱavaitȱpratiquéȱavecȱcesȱenfantsȱlaȱluxureȱcontreȱnatureȱetȱleȱviceȱdeȱsodomie,
souventȱfaitȱetȱfaitȱfaireȱl’horribleȱévocationȱdesȱdémons,ȱavaitȱsacrifiéȱàȱceuxȬciȱetȱfaitȱdesȱpactes
avecȱeux.”ȱTheȱsecondȱletterȱ(datedȱSeptemberȱ13)ȱaccusesȱhimȱofȱheresyȱandȱsummonsȱhimȱto
appearȱinȱcourt.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ190–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱJeanȱV,ȱwhoȱhadȱrecentlyȱrebelledȱagainst
theȱking,ȱwantedȱtoȱavoidȱanyȱconfrontation,ȱandȱ negotiatedȱanȱallianceȱwithȱhisȱbrotherȱthe
constableȱArthurȱdeȱRichemont,ȱpromisingȱhimȱaȱshareȱofȱtheȱexpectedȱspoilsȱfromȱGilles’sȱlast
properties.ȱTheȱtrialȱwasȱapparentlyȱonlyȱaȱformality.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ154–55ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
53
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ191–95ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ156ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱde
Rais,ȱ179ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
54
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ66,ȱ142,ȱ144ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱApparentlyȱ(147)ȱPetitȱwasȱthrownȱintoȱaȱdungeon
whenȱheȱreturnedȱfromȱhisȱfailedȱmission,ȱbutȱGillesȱdidȱnotȱgiveȱupȱandȱsentȱotherȱservantsȱto
retrieveȱtheȱrunawayȱpriest.ȱ
55
Blanchetȱ onlyȱ confessedȱ toȱ havingȱ introducedȱ Prelatiȱ toȱ hisȱ master.ȱ Heȱ deniedȱ havingȱ had
anythingȱtoȱdoȱwithȱkidnappingsȱandȱmurders,ȱorȱhavingȱparticipatedȱofȱhisȱownȱwillȱtoȱsummons
ofȱtheȱdevil.ȱHeȱclaimedȱhavingȱfledȱTiffaugesȱinȱ1439,ȱandȱwhenȱheȱlaterȱheardȱrumorsȱaboutȱthe
secretȱactivitiesȱthatȱwereȱtakingȱplaceȱinȱthatȱcastleȱofȱhisȱexȬmaster,ȱheȱhadȱseverelyȱwarnedȱhim.
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ207–08ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱSeeȱalsoȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ173–74ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
becauseȱtheȱchargesȱofȱheresy,ȱsodomy,ȱandȱmurderȱtookȱprecedenceȱinȱtheȱ“acte
d’accusation”ȱ(billȱofȱindictment)ȱoverȱthoseȱofȱaggravatedȱassaultȱonȱLeȱFerron,
whichȱhadȱoccurredȱaȱgoodȱthreeȱmonthsȱearlier.56ȱ
HistoriansȱhaveȱbeenȱpuzzledȱbyȱtheȱomissionȱofȱreferencesȱtoȱLeȱFerronȱasȱwell
asȱ byȱ theȱ suddenȱ interestȱ ofȱ Malestroitȱ inȱ aȱ seriesȱ ofȱ murdersȱ thatȱ hadȱ been
allowedȱ toȱ goȱ onȱ forȱ soȱ long.ȱ Whileȱ Bossardȱ defendsȱ theȱ bishop’sȱ honest
intentions,ȱHeersȱisȱmoreȱskeptical,ȱandȱoffersȱaȱlessȱflatteringȱportraitȱofȱaȱgreedy
andȱpoliticalȱbishop,ȱwhoȱmightȱevenȱhaveȱenvisionedȱcomingȱintoȱsomeȱofȱGilles’s
possessions.ȱHeȱcautions,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱtheȱinquiryȱintoȱGilles’sȱsinisterȱactivities
hadȱ beenȱ ongoingȱ forȱ aȱ whileȱ byȱ theȱ timeȱ theȱ Leȱ Ferronȱ incidentȱ occurred.
Malestroitȱhimselfȱstatedȱhavingȱinitiatedȱitȱinȱresponseȱtoȱpopularȱdemandsȱinȱthe
courseȱofȱhisȱpastoralȱvisits,ȱandȱtheȱarrestingȱofficersȱwereȱalertedȱtoȱsearchȱthe
castleȱforȱcluesȱofȱmurderousȱactivity.57ȱOnȱSeptemberȱ28ȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱcourt
openedȱ itsȱ firstȱ sessionȱ while,ȱ inȱ parallel,ȱ theȱ ducalȱ courtȱ continuedȱ itsȱ own
inquiriesȱandȱquestioningȱofȱwitnesses.ȱTheirȱdepositionsȱcollectedȱthroughoutȱthe
trail,ȱ togetherȱ withȱ theȱ confessionsȱ ofȱ theȱ accused,ȱ haveȱ allowedȱ modern
biographersȱtoȱreconstructȱaȱrecordȱofȱcriminalȱactivityȱthatȱstartedȱsinceȱtheȱdeath
ofȱJeanȱdeȱCraonȱinȱ1432,ȱifȱnotȱearlier,ȱandȱthatȱhasȱsinceȱbeenȱtheȱmainȱsourceȱof
theȱBreton’sȱposthumousȱfame.58ȱ
Gillesȱchoseȱhisȱvictimsȱoneȱatȱaȱtime,ȱamongȱboysȱofȱpoorȱfamilies,ȱandȱlured
themȱintoȱhisȱcastlesȱwithȱpromisesȱofȱalmsȱandȱjobs.59ȱOnceȱtheȱpreyȱwasȱinside,
56
Thisȱopinionȱisȱsharedȱtoȱsomeȱdegreeȱbyȱallȱthreeȱbiographers.ȱSeeȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ180ȱ(see
noteȱ 1),ȱ Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 154ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3),ȱ andȱ Bossard,ȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 191ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1).ȱ No
documentȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱducalȱinquiryȱsurvives,ȱbutȱtwoȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱinquiryȱhave
survived.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ180ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
57
TheyȱfoundȱaȱsmallȱbloodyȱshirtȱinȱtheȱresidenceȱofȱPrelatiȱandȱBlanchet.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,
181–83ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ194ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
58
TheȱonsetȱofȱGilles’sȱcriminalȱactivitiesȱisȱdebatable,ȱgivenȱthatȱsourcesȱareȱcontradictory.ȱTheȱ“acte
d’accusation”ȱdatesȱtheȱfirstȱdemonicȱséanceȱandȱmurderȱtoȱ1426.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ211,ȱ214,ȱ217
(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱButȱGilles’sȱownȱconfessionȱandȱallȱextantȱtestimoniesȱofȱtheȱvictims’ȱparentsȱdateȱit
1432.ȱGilles,ȱhowever,ȱconfessedȱtoȱcommittingȱ(undefined)ȱ“actesȱillicites”ȱsinceȱchildhoodȱand
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ39–42ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱpostulatesȱthatȱheȱmayȱhaveȱreferredȱtoȱtheȱbutcheriesȱofȱthe
warȱyearsȱ1427–1429,ȱwhichȱtoȱmeȱsoundsȱunconvincing,ȱbecauseȱheȱwouldȱnotȱhaveȱviewedȱsuch
actsȱasȱillicit.ȱHeȱmayȱinsteadȱhaveȱbeenȱreferringȱtoȱaȱcontactȱinȱ1426ȱwithȱaȱknightȱwhoȱhadȱbeen
accusedȱofȱheresyȱandȱfromȱwhomȱheȱadmittedȱhavingȱlearntȱprinciplesȱofȱnecromancy.ȱBataille,
Leȱprocès,ȱ62,ȱ161,ȱ224ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱAsȱforȱtheȱchronologyȱofȱtheȱtwoȱparallelȱtrials,ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱde
Rais,ȱ 191–92ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1),ȱ statesȱ thatȱ theȱ presidentȱ ofȱ Brittanyȱ Pierreȱ deȱ l’Hôpitalȱ openedȱ his
sessionsȱ onȱ Septemberȱ 18,ȱ whileȱ theȱ courtȱ clerkȱ Jeanȱ deȱ Toucheronȱ continuedȱ collectingȱ the
depositionsȱofȱotherȱwitnesses:ȱnineȱonȱSeptemberȱ18,ȱfourȱonȱSeptemberȱ24,ȱthirtyȬtwoȱbetween
Septemberȱ28ȱandȱSeptemberȱ30,ȱtwentyȱonȱOctoberȱ4,ȱandȱfifteenȱonȱOctoberȱ10.ȱTheȱmajorityȱof
theseȱhaveȱnotȱsurvived.ȱInȱparallel,ȱbetweenȱSeptemberȱ28ȱandȱOctoberȱ11,ȱnineȱmoreȱwitnesses
fromȱNantesȱandȱvicinityȱwereȱquestionedȱinȱtheȱepiscopalȱchapelȱ(theȱmajorityȱofȱwhomȱhad
alreadyȱbeenȱheardȱinȱJuly).ȱ
59
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ148ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ192ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱspecifyȱthatȱonlyȱtwo
376 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
hisȱservantsȱwouldȱtakeȱhimȱtoȱaȱroomȱwhereȱGillesȱstagedȱhisȱdeadlyȱplay.ȱAtȱfirst
heȱterrorizedȱandȱconfusedȱtheȱchild,ȱforȱexampleȱbyȱpartiallyȱhangingȱhim;ȱthen
heȱ wouldȱ suddenlyȱ takeȱ himȱ downȱ andȱ sootheȱ himȱ playfully;ȱ thenȱ justȱ as
suddenlyȱ heȱ wouldȱ sexuallyȱ assaultȱ him.ȱ Gilles’sȱ threeȱ biographersȱ haveȱ not
commentedȱonȱtheȱdetailsȱofȱtheȱsexualȱassaultsȱ(Bossardȱavoidsȱspecificȱmention
ofȱthem),ȱbutȱreportȱwithoutȱcommentsȱtheȱunambiguousȱdepositionsȱofȱhisȱtwo
servantsȱHenrietȱandȱPoitou.ȱGillesȱusedȱtoȱmasturbateȱandȱthenȱrubȱhisȱpenis
betweenȱtheȱchild’sȱlegsȱorȱagainstȱhisȱabdomen.60ȱAfterwardsȱheȱwouldȱkillȱthe
child,ȱorȱhaveȱhimȱkilledȱbyȱhisȱservants,ȱusuallyȱbyȱstabbing,ȱdecapitation,ȱor
cuttingȱhisȱthroat.ȱAtȱtimesȱtheȱkillingȱwouldȱcomeȱfirst,ȱandȱGillesȱwouldȱsitȱon
theȱ abdomenȱ ofȱ theȱ dyingȱ orȱ deadȱ victim,ȱ laughingȱ atȱ theȱ sightȱ ofȱ hisȱ agony,
which—inȱ hisȱ ownȱ words—intensifiedȱ hisȱ pleasure.61ȱ Afterwardsȱ heȱ might
dismemberȱ theȱ bodyȱ toȱ admireȱ itsȱ innerȱ organs,ȱ orȱ stageȱ grotesqueȱ beauty
pageantsȱfeaturingȱtheȱseveredȱheadȱofȱtheȱvictimȱofȱtheȱdayȱandȱofȱthoseȱofȱthe
previousȱdays,ȱandȱrewardȱtheȱwinnerȱwithȱkisses.62ȱ
Thisȱ patternȱ ofȱ seizure,ȱ frightening,ȱ verbalȱ interaction,ȱ andȱ sexualȱ releaseȱ to
coincideȱwithȱmurderȱrecallsȱtheȱstyleȱofȱotherȱserialȱkillers,ȱwhoȱinȱmodernȱtimes
haveȱreceivedȱasȱmuchȱattentionȱasȱGillesȱdidȱinȱhisȱownȱdays.ȱAnȱaptȱexampleȱis
theȱnotoriousȱJeffreyȱDahmer,ȱwhoȱraped,ȱkilled,ȱandȱdismemberedȱsixteenȱboys
andȱyoungȱmenȱinȱMilwaukeeȱ(Wisconsin,ȱUnitedȱStates)ȱbetweenȱ1987ȱandȱ1991.63
ofȱtheȱvictimsȱseemȱtoȱbelongȱtoȱprofessionalȱfamiliesȱ(aȱmasonȱandȱaȱbutcher),ȱandȱtheȱrestȱcame
fromȱhumbleȱbackground.
60
Poitou,ȱinȱhisȱconfession,ȱstatedȱthatȱGillesȱusedȱtoȱtakeȱ“saȱvergeȱouȱsonȱmembreȱvirilȱentreȱl’une
ouȱl’autreȱdeȱsesȱmains,ȱlaȱfrottaitȱouȱl’érigeaitȱouȱlaȱtendait,ȱpuisȱilȱlaȱposaitȱentreȱlesȱcuissesȱou
lesȱ jambesȱ desditsȱ garçonsȱ etȱ fillesȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ avecȱ uneȱ grandeȱ délectation,ȱ uneȱ ardeurȱ etȱ une
concupiscenceȱlibidineuse,ȱjusqu’àȱceȱqueȱleȱspermeȱs’émitȱsurȱleursȱventres.”ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,
275ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱApparentlyȱheȱusedȱ(theȱrare)ȱfemaleȱvictimsȱinȱtheȱsameȱway,ȱas,ȱinȱhisȱown
words,ȱitȱgaveȱhimȱ“plusȱdeȱplaisir,ȱetȱmoinsȱdeȱpeine,ȱqu’àȱjouirȱd’ellesȱenȱleurȱnature.”ȱBataille,
Leȱprocès,ȱ172ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱTheȱ“acteȱd’accusation”ȱreportsȱinȱscandalizedȱtonesȱthatȱGillesȱdidȱnot
treatȱhisȱfemaleȱvictimsȱdifferentlyȱfromȱtheȱmalesȱandȱavoidedȱtheirȱ“vaseȱnaturel.”ȱBataille,ȱLe
procès,ȱ160,ȱ211ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱButȱthisȱisȱnotȱapparentlyȱanȱattitudeȱlimitedȱtoȱmedievalȱauthorities:
anȱFBIȱofficerȱseemedȱappreciativeȱofȱaȱrapistȱwhoȱwouldȱnotȱbeatȱorȱverballyȱabusedȱhisȱvictims,
andȱ“engagedȱinȱvaginalȱassaultȱonly.”ȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ152ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱ
61
Theȱ “acteȱ d’accusation”ȱ specifiesȱ thatȱ theȱ childrenȱ wereȱ “égorgés,ȱ tuésȱ etȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ tormentés
honteusement,”ȱandȱthatȱGillesȱcommittedȱagainstȱthemȱtheȱsinȱofȱsodomyȱwhileȱtheyȱwereȱstill
living,ȱdying,ȱorȱalreadyȱdead.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ160,ȱ210–11ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱSeeȱalsoȱBossard,ȱGilles
deȱRais,ȱ149ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱdescriptionȱofȱtheȱtorments,ȱkillings,ȱandȱdismembermentȱareȱin
Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 44–46,ȱ 275ȱ (fromȱ theȱ depositionȱ ofȱ Poitou),ȱ 282–83ȱ (fromȱ theȱ depositionȱ of
Henriet)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱ
62
Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 45–46,ȱ 166,ȱ 243–44ȱ (fromȱ theȱ confessionȱ ofȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais),ȱ 285ȱ (fromȱ the
confessionȱofȱHenriet)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱ
63
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ164ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱIȱamȱlimitingȱrecentȱexamplesȱtoȱkillersȱwhoȱwereȱ(are)
maleȱandȱpreyedȱonȱyoungȱmales,ȱforȱtheȱsakeȱofȱspaceȱandȱtoȱmaintainȱaȱcloseȱparallelȱwith
Gilles.ȱButȱIȱdoȱnotȱseeȱmuchȱdifferenceȱinȱtheȱstyleȱofȱtheȱmuchȱmoreȱnumerousȱonesȱwhose
Likeȱ Gilles,ȱ heȱ operatedȱ inȱ aȱ limitedȱ geographicalȱ areaȱ andȱ preyedȱ onȱ those
marginalizedȱbyȱsociety:ȱmainlyȱAfricanȬAmericansȱorȱAsianȬAmericansȱpicked
upȱ inȱ shoppingȱ mallsȱ orȱ gayȱ bathhousesȱ andȱ drawnȱ toȱ hisȱ apartmentȱ byȱ the
prospectȱ ofȱ moneyȱ (forȱ example,ȱ toȱ poseȱ forȱ pictures).64ȱ Also,ȱ likeȱ Gilles,ȱ he
preferredȱsexualȱcontactȱwithȱaȱdebilitated,ȱunconscious,ȱorȱevenȱdeadȱpartner.
Apparently,ȱforȱbothȱpredatorsȱdominationȱwasȱtheȱkeyȱtoȱpleasure,ȱandȱtherefore
bothȱdeliberatelyȱprecludedȱtheȱpossibilityȱofȱconsensualȱsex.ȱSinceȱDahmerȱlacked
helpȱinȱsubduingȱtheȱvictim,ȱheȱwouldȱrenderȱhimȱincapacitatedȱwithȱaȱdrinkȱlaced
withȱaȱtranquilizer,ȱor,ȱinȱsomeȱcases,ȱbyȱhittingȱhimȱonȱtheȱheadȱwithȱaȱrubber
mallet.ȱAfterȱmurderingȱhisȱpreyȱheȱwouldȱdismemberȱtheȱbodyȱandȱtakeȱpictures
atȱvariousȱstagesȱofȱtheȱprocedure,ȱandȱpreserveȱhands,ȱheads,ȱandȱotherȱbody
partsȱinȱbizarreȱways,ȱforȱexampleȱbyȱfreezingȱthemȱorȱinjectingȱthemȱwithȱacid,
inȱanȱattemptȱatȱprolongingȱpossessionȱofȱtheirȱbeauty,ȱanȱactivityȱthatȱclosely
resembledȱGilles’sȱown.ȱForȱbothȱkillersȱtheȱvictimȱwasȱaȱdehumanized,ȱaesthetic
objectȱtoȱbeȱcollected.65
Inȱhisȱstudyȱonȱtheȱinteractionȱofȱtheȱserialȱkillerȱwithȱsociety,ȱJosephȱC.ȱFisher
statesȱthatȱthreeȱfactorsȱstandȱinȱtheȱwayȱofȱapprehendingȱsuchȱaȱcriminal:ȱthe
characteristicsȱofȱtheȱvictims,ȱtheȱbehaviorȱofȱtheȱkillerȱhimself,ȱandȱtheȱstructure
ofȱtheȱsocietyȱinȱwhichȱtheȱkillerȱoperates.66ȱIfȱoneȱwondersȱhowȱGillesȱcouldȱgoȱon
forȱyearsȱwithȱhisȱoutrageousȱbehavior,ȱitȱisȱhelpfulȱtoȱconsiderȱthatȱheȱsharedȱall
threeȱfactorsȱwithȱmodernȱcounterparts.ȱFirst,ȱheȱchoseȱvictimsȱfromȱaȱsegmentȱof
societyȱ whoȱ eitherȱ wouldȱ carefullyȱ avoidȱ policeȱ contactȱ orȱ makeȱ policeȱ work
difficultȱoutȱofȱfearȱforȱtheirȱownȱexistence.ȱLikewise,ȱmodernȱserialȱkillersȱprefer
toȱpreyȱonȱtransientsȱbecauseȱaȱdisappearanceȱfromȱwithinȱtheirȱranksȱisȱhardly
noticeable,ȱorȱonȱpeopleȱwhoȱbelongȱtoȱaȱmarginalȱgroupȱlikeȱtheȱhomosexual
communityȱofȱMilwaukeeȱinȱDahmer’sȱdays.ȱTheȱluckyȱfewȱamongȱthemȱtoȱescape
fromȱ himȱ withȱ theirȱ lives,ȱ butȱ druggedȱ andȱ severelyȱ injured,ȱ neverȱ pressed
charges,ȱ butȱ onlyȱ sharedȱ inȱ whispersȱ amongȱ themselvesȱ theȱ disturbing
informationȱaboutȱhim.67ȱ
victimsȱwereȱfemale.ȱAlsoȱforȱtheȱsakeȱofȱspaceȱIȱwillȱconfineȱmostȱexamplesȱtoȱfootnotes.
64
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ176ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱApparentlyȱseveralȱwereȱaspiringȱmodels.ȱOnlyȱtheȱfirst
twoȱvictimsȱ(oneȱoutsideȱtheȱ“serial”ȱpattern)ȱandȱtheȱlastȱwereȱWhite;ȱtwoȱwereȱHispanicȱandȱone
NativeȱAmerican.ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ175,ȱTableȱ7.1ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱ
65
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ120,ȱ163ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱHeȱaddsȱ(171)ȱthatȱDahmerȱ“confusedȱlove
withȱpossession.”ȱHeȱmentionsȱanotherȱserialȱkillerȱ(172)ȱwhoȱtriedȱtoȱreȬcreateȱtheȱbeautyȱof
Michelangeloȱ sculpturesȱ withȱ theȱ bodyȱ ofȱ aȱ victim.ȱ Dahmer’sȱ drugȱ ofȱ choiceȱ wasȱ Halcion
(Triazolam).ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ181–82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱAccordingȱtoȱaȱpsychiatristȱwhoȱstudied
him,ȱ “Dahmerȱ preferredȱ softȱ sexȱ consistingȱ ofȱ holding,ȱ caressing,ȱ andȱ foreplay.ȱ Heȱ disliked
rougherȱformsȱofȱsexȱandȱhadȱaȱparticularȱaversionȱtoȱanalȱintercourse.”ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,
66
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ164ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
67
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ179–80ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱSeeȱalsoȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ78,ȱ81ȱ(see
378 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
FromȱvariousȱtestimoniesȱitȱappearsȱthatȱGilles’sȱservantsȱwereȱsentȱamongȱthe
communityȱtoȱintimidateȱtheȱhumbleȱpotentialȱwitnesses,ȱaȱtaskȱfacilitatedȱbyȱthe
easeȱwithȱwhichȱaȱkidnappingȱcouldȱthenȱbeȱdisguisedȱamongȱaȱmultitudeȱofȱother
causesȱ forȱ aȱ child’sȱ disappearance.ȱ Suchȱ eventsȱ wereȱ soȱ frequentȱ thatȱ Bataille
recordsȱ thatȱ sometimesȱ theȱ reportedȱ lossȱ ofȱ aȱ childȱ wasȱ unlikelyȱ toȱ haveȱ been
causedȱbyȱGilles,ȱbecauseȱheȱwasȱnotȱinȱresidenceȱatȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱvanishing.
ThusȱGilles’sȱservantsȱcouldȱconvinceȱdesperateȱparentsȱthatȱtheirȱsonȱhadȱfledȱor
hadȱbeenȱtakenȱhostageȱbyȱtheȱEnglish,ȱtwoȱacceptableȱexcusesȱinȱthatȱtormented
periodȱwhenȱarmedȱraidsȱwereȱtheȱnorm.68ȱ
Theȱsecondȱfactor,ȱtheȱbehaviorȱofȱtheȱkiller,ȱisȱtheȱmostȱintriguingȱpieceȱofȱthe
puzzle.ȱ Unfortunatelyȱ thereȱ isȱ notȱ enoughȱ informationȱ aboutȱ Gilles’sȱ youthful
transgressions,ȱwhichȱheȱconfessedȱhavingȱcommittedȱasȱearlyȱasȱ1426.ȱWeȱonly
knowȱofȱaȱpreviousȱclashȱwithȱtheȱChurchȱwhenȱheȱbrieflyȱarrestedȱaȱclericȱfrom
Angersȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱhisȱtutorȱandȱofȱhisȱearlyȱquarrelsȱwithȱrivalsȱoverȱproperties
which,ȱaccordingȱtoȱHeers,ȱpreparedȱtheȱgroundȱforȱhisȱlaterȱdebacle.69ȱTheȱfact
thatȱ thereȱ wereȱ noȱ seriousȱ investigationsȱ aboutȱ murderousȱ activitiesȱ untilȱ late
shouldȱ notȱ comeȱ asȱ aȱ surprise,ȱ however,ȱ asȱ thisȱ patternȱ isȱ evidentȱ alsoȱ with
modernȱserialȱmurderers.ȱAsȱFisherȱstates,ȱthereȱareȱseveralȱearlyȱcluesȱasȱtoȱwhat
typeȱofȱpersonȱtheȱserialȱkillerȱmayȱbecome,ȱbutȱnoneȱasȱobviousȱasȱtoȱcauseȱan
earlyȱarrest.ȱ
noteȱ 11).ȱ Asȱ aȱ comparison,ȱ seeȱ theȱ fearȱ ofȱ reprisalȱ voicedȱ byȱ theȱ victims’ȱ relativesȱ andȱ other
servantsȱofȱGilles.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ163ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ
68
See,ȱforȱexample,ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ101ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱAnotherȱmodernȱserialȱkillerȱwhoȱsharesȱsome
significantȱpointsȱofȱcontactȱwithȱGillesȱisȱJohnȱW.ȱGacy,ȱwhoȱwasȱconvictedȱofȱtheȱrapeȱand
murderȱofȱthirtyȬthreeȱadolescentȱboysȱbetweenȱ1972ȱandȱ1978ȱinȱIllinoisȱ(UnitedȱSates).ȱTwiceȬ
marriedȱandȱfatherȱofȱtwoȱdaughters,ȱheȱhadȱbeenȱbrieflyȱimprisonedȱforȱmolestingȱaȱboy,ȱbutȱhad
escapedȱtrialȱbyȱsuccessfullyȱintimidatingȱtheȱpotentialȱwitness.ȱUsingȱhisȱbusinessȱ(remodeling
contractor)ȱasȱfaçade,ȱheȱluredȱboysȱtoȱhisȱhomeȱwithȱpromisesȱofȱjobs.ȱHisȱmethodsȱofȱabducting,
terrorizing,ȱassaultingȱtheȱvictimsȱwithȱpartialȱstrangulationȱandȱdrowningȱwereȱrevealedȱinȱhis
confessionȱorȱrelatedȱbyȱaȱfewȱwhoȱmanagedȱtoȱescapeȱfromȱhimȱorȱwereȱvoluntarilyȱreleased.
Mostȱofȱhisȱvictimsȱwereȱburiedȱinȱtheȱcrawlȱspaceȱunderȱhisȱhouse.ȱTheȱdataȱonȱhisȱcaseȱreported
hereȱderiveȱfromȱtheȱrecollectionsȱofȱanȱattorneyȱinvolvedȱwithȱhisȱprosecution,ȱTerryȱSullivan
withȱPeterȱT.ȱMaiken,ȱKillerȱClownȱ(NewȱYork:ȱGrossetȱ&ȱDunlapȱPublishers,ȱ1983).ȱAmongȱthe
pointsȱofȱsimilarityȱwithȱGillesȱareȱhisȱmethodsȱofȱsubduingȱtheȱvictimȱbyȱchokingȱorȱpartially
drowningȱhim,ȱputtingȱonȱandȱthenȱremovingȱhandcuffs,ȱandȱofȱalternatingȱthreatsȱwithȱtalksȱof
playȱ(222–23);ȱhisȱreadyȱexcusesȱforȱtheȱdisappearanceȱofȱhisȱyoungȱapprenticesȱ(188);ȱandȱtheȱfact
thatȱaȱfewȱofȱhisȱvictims,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱbrutalizedȱbutȱnotȱkilled,ȱcomplainedȱtoȱtheȱpolice,ȱbut
Gacyȱwasȱneverȱformallyȱcharged,ȱandȱstartedȱbelievingȱinȱhisȱimmunityȱ(219,ȱ224–25,ȱ245).
69
Inȱ1436ȱheȱkidnappedȱandȱbrieflyȱimprisonedȱMichelȱdeȱFontenay,ȱaȱpriestȱofȱAngersȱwhoȱhad
beenȱhisȱtutorȱandȱwhoȱhadȱcollaboratedȱinȱtheȱroyalȱlettersȱofȱinterdiction.ȱHeȱwasȱforcedȱto
releaseȱhimȱbyȱtheȱinterventionȱofȱtheȱbishopȱandȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱAngers.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ118
(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGilles de Rais, 116ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱwhereȱheȱstatesȱthatȱGillesȱheldȱtheȱpriestȱfor
ransom.
AnȱamazingȱexampleȱisȱonceȱagainȱDahmer.ȱHeȱhadȱbeenȱfascinatedȱbyȱdeath
sinceȱchildhoodȱandȱtortured,ȱkilled,ȱandȱdismemberedȱsmallȱanimals.ȱInȱhigh
schoolȱheȱwasȱnotedȱforȱoutrageousȱbehaviorȱandȱoveruseȱofȱalcohol,ȱwhich,ȱasȱfor
Gilles,ȱthroughoutȱhisȱlifeȱwasȱtoȱplayȱaȱroleȱinȱovercomingȱinhibitions.ȱHisȱfirst
murderȱtookȱplaceȱinȱ1978,ȱwellȱaheadȱofȱhisȱserialȱspree,ȱwhenȱheȱstrangledȱa
youngȱmanȱwhoȱrefusedȱtoȱspendȱtheȱnightȱwithȱhimȱandȱdismemberedȱtheȱbody,
aȱmurderȱthatȱremainedȱunresolvedȱuntilȱDahmer’sȱarrestȱyearsȱlater.ȱAfterȱbeing
dischargedȱ fromȱ theȱ Armyȱ forȱ hisȱ alcoholism,ȱ heȱ wentȱ toȱ liveȱ withȱ his
grandmotherȱuntilȱsheȱforcedȱhimȱtoȱmoveȱoutȱbecauseȱofȱhisȱbizarreȱbehavior:
contactsȱwithȱpoliceȱforȱindecentȱexposure,ȱnecrophiliaȱ(heȱtriedȱtoȱexhumeȱthe
bodyȱofȱaȱboyȱrecentlyȱdead),ȱandȱdrinkingȱaȱbloodȱsampleȱwhileȱworkingȱinȱa
plasmaȱcenter. 70ȱ
Still,ȱ despiteȱ theseȱ disturbingȱ signs,ȱ Dahmerȱ remainedȱ “invisible,ȱ belowȱ the
thresholdȱofȱattention,”ȱhiddenȱ“behindȱaȱmaskȱofȱsocialȱconvention.”71ȱTwiceȱthe
policeȱwereȱcalledȱtoȱtheȱhousingȱcomplexȱwhereȱheȱwentȱtoȱreside:ȱoneȱtimeȱfor
theȱmurderȱofȱaȱmanȱwhoȱlivedȱaboveȱhisȱapartmentȱ(theȱpoliceȱfoundȱnothing
suspicious)ȱandȱtheȱotherȱtimeȱtoȱinvestigateȱtheȱoverpoweringȱsmellȱfromȱhisȱown
apartmentȱ(theȱpoliceȱburstȱintoȱtheȱwrongȱone).ȱByȱtheȱtimeȱofȱhisȱfinalȱarrest
Dahmerȱhadȱatȱleastȱsevenȱcontactsȱwithȱtheȱlaw,ȱwasȱarrestedȱthreeȱtimesȱfor
minorȱchargesȱofȱsexualȱmisconduct,ȱputȱonȱprobationȱtwiceȱandȱinȱprisonȱonce.
AndȱyetȱheȱwasȱordinaryȬlooking,ȱpolite,ȱandȱalwaysȱreadyȱwithȱcalmȱexcusesȱfor
hisȱmajorȱcrimesȱthatȱwereȱacceptedȱatȱfaceȱvalueȱbyȱtheȱpolice.ȱHeȱwasȱfinally
arrestedȱbyȱchanceȱwhenȱhisȱeighteenthȱvictimȱwasȱableȱtoȱescapeȱandȱforceȱthe
policeȱtoȱinvestigate.ȱUntilȱtheȱveryȱendȱhisȱlackȱofȱaȱsenseȱofȱguiltȱhadȱallowedȱhim
toȱfoolȱauthoritiesȱbyȱpresentingȱaȱsuaveȱexterior.72
Theȱthirdȱfactor,ȱtheȱcompositionȱofȱtheȱsocietyȱinȱwhichȱtheȱserialȱkillerȱlives,
alsoȱhelpsȱinȱdelayingȱhisȱdiscovery,ȱandȱhereȱonceȱagainȱtheȱmedievalȱbaronȱwas
notȱaloneȱinȱtakingȱadvantageȱofȱtheȱunconsciousȱsocietalȱbiasȱthatȱpermitsȱaȱserial
killerȱtoȱcontinueȱundetected.ȱInȱaȱcityȱincreasinglyȱmadeȱupȱofȱsegregatedȱand
poorȱgroupsȱDahmer,ȱtheȱonlyȱwhiteȱtenantȱinȱanȱapartmentȱcomplexȱinhabitedȱby
minorities,ȱwasȱreadilyȱbelievedȱbyȱtheȱpolice,ȱwhoȱfailedȱtoȱcheckȱonȱhisȱhistory
ofȱarrests.ȱHeȱdidȱattractȱtheȱsuspicionsȱofȱhisȱneighbors,ȱbutȱtheseȱbeingȱpoorȱand
marginal,ȱtheirȱsuspicionsȱdidȱnotȱprovokeȱseriousȱinvestigation.ȱForȱexample,ȱthey
complainedȱ ofȱ theȱ soundȱ ofȱ sawingȱ andȱ foulȱ smellȱ thatȱ emanatedȱ fromȱ his
apartment,ȱandȱnoticedȱthatȱ“nearȬfranticȱcatsȱfollowedȱhimȱtoȱtheȱdumpsterȱand
70
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ172–74ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱAlsoȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ97ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
71
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ176–77ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
72
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ182,ȱ188ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱAtȱtheȱchocolateȱfactoryȱwhereȱheȱworkedȱheȱkept
theȱ skullȱ ofȱ oneȱ ofȱ hisȱ victimsȱ inȱ theȱ locker.ȱ Heȱ removedȱ itȱ whenȱ heȱ wasȱ finallyȱ firedȱ for
absenteeism,ȱbutȱstillȱnobodyȱsuspectedȱ(164–66).
380 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
swarmedȱoverȱtheȱtrashȱbagsȱheȱthrewȱin.”73ȱTheȱmostȱnotoriousȱepisodeȱofȱwhat
Fisherȱcallsȱ“linkageȱblindness”ȱ(thatȱis,ȱoverlookingȱcluesȱthatȱpointȱtoȱaȱserial
pattern)ȱoccurredȱwhenȱsomeȱofȱDahmer’sȱneighborsȱcalledȱtheȱpoliceȱtoȱreportȱa
dazed,ȱbleeding,ȱfourteenȬyearȬoldȱLaotianȱboyȱstaggeringȱoutsideȱhisȱapartment.
Dahmerȱcalmlyȱexplainedȱthatȱtheȱboyȱ(whoseȱnameȱheȱseemedȱtoȱignore)ȱwasȱhis
nineteenȬyearȬoldȱ roommate,ȱ thatȱ heȱ hadȱ beenȱ drinking,ȱ andȱ thatȱ theyȱ had
quarreled.ȱTheȱneighborsȱinsistedȱinȱvainȱthatȱtheȱboyȱwasȱaȱminorȱandȱthatȱheȱdid
notȱliveȱwithȱDahmer.ȱNothingȱsuspiciousȱturnedȱupȱfromȱaȱcursoryȱsearchȱofȱthe
apartmentȱandȱtheȱboyȱwasȱreturnedȱtoȱhisȱcaptor,ȱonlyȱtoȱbeȱkilledȱshortlyȱafter
theȱpoliceȱhadȱleft.74ȱ
Likewise,ȱGillesȱandȱhisȱentourageȱcameȱcloseȱtoȱdisasterȱaȱcoupleȱofȱtimes,ȱbut
societyȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱturnedȱaȱblindȱeye:ȱonceȱwhenȱBricquevilleȱallowedȱtwo
ladiesȱtoȱspyȱsecretlyȱonȱtheȱremovalȱofȱtheȱremainsȱfromȱtheȱtowerȱatȱChamptocé,
andȱanotherȱtimeȱwhenȱPrelati,ȱaccompaniedȱbyȱoneȱofȱGilles’sȱcaptains,ȱpaidȱa
visitȱ toȱ theȱ motherȱ ofȱ twoȱ boysȱ whoȱ hadȱ disappearedȱ atȱ Machecoulȱ onȱ the
previousȱ day,ȱ toȱ teaseȱ herȱ withȱ mockȱ questionsȱ aboutȱ herȱ missingȱ children.75
Incredibleȱ asȱ theyȱ seem,ȱ theseȱ actsȱ ofȱ extremeȱ recklessnessȱ onȱ theȱ partȱ ofȱ the
murderousȱteamȱfailedȱtoȱprovokeȱaȱreactionȱatȱtheȱtime,ȱandȱitȱseemsȱthatȱthe
floodȱofȱevidenceȱburstȱoutȱsuddenlyȱonlyȱafterȱtheȱofficialȱinquiryȱhadȱstartedȱand
itȱwasȱclearȱthatȱtheȱlordȱhadȱfinallyȱlostȱhisȱsocialȱprotectiveȱwall.ȱ
Dahmer’sȱaverageȱappearanceȱandȱdemeanor,ȱandȱhisȱbelongingȱtoȱaȱdominant
groupȱ(heȱcameȱfromȱaȱmiddleȬclass,ȱeducated,ȱprofessionalȱwhiteȱfamily)ȱserved
himȱ wellȱ inȱ deflectingȱ reportsȱ ofȱ shadyȱ activitiesȱ byȱ hisȱ lowȬclassȱ neighbors.
Gilles’sȱ ownȱ loftyȱ statusȱ andȱ reputationȱ forȱ accessibilityȱ andȱ generosityȱ also
73
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ178–79ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱHeȱwouldȱexplainȱthatȱtheȱfoulȱsmellȱcameȱfromȱa
dirtyȱaquariumȱorȱspoiledȱmeat.ȱ
74
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ184–85ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱTheȱpolicemenȱstatedȱlaterȱthatȱtheyȱdidȱnotȱseeȱany
indicationȱ ofȱ theȱ boy’sȱ ageȱ inȱ hisȱ clothesȱ leftȱ inȱ theȱ apartmentȱ andȱ thatȱ Dahmerȱ producedȱ a
seminudeȱphotoȱofȱtheȱvictimȱtoȱvalidateȱhisȱclaimȱofȱbeingȱacquaintedȱwithȱhim.ȱTheyȱnoticed,
butȱdidȱnotȱquestion,ȱtheȱfoulȱodorȱinȱhisȱapartmentȱthatȱcameȱfromȱtheȱdecomposingȱbodyȱofȱa
priorȱvictimȱ(186).ȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ70,ȱ76–77ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱpositsȱthatȱtheȱcynical
attitudeȱofȱtheȱpoliceȱwasȱillustrativeȱofȱtheirȱprejudiceȱagainstȱhomosexualsȱ(andȱproducesȱa
revealingȱrecordingȱofȱtheirȱconversation).ȱFisherȱinsteadȱassertsȱ(22)ȱthatȱthisȱreactionȱbyȱthe
policeȱisȱquiteȱcommonȱinȱcasesȱofȱserialȱmurders.ȱItȱisȱpuzzlingȱthatȱinȱmanyȱcasesȱtheȱkillerȱisȱone
ofȱtheȱsuspectsȱandȱevenȱoneȱofȱtheȱfirstȱtoȱbeȱquestionedȱbyȱinvestigators.ȱYet,ȱforȱaȱmyriadȱof
differentȱ reasons,ȱ heȱ isȱ letȱ goȱ andȱ inadvertentlyȱ allowedȱ toȱ continueȱ killing.ȱ Fisherȱ callsȱ this
“linkageȱblindness”ȱandȱconcludesȱ(24)ȱthatȱlikeȱallȱhumans,ȱpoliceȱ“tendȱtoȱexplainȱeventsȱin
termsȱofȱexperiencesȱthatȱtheyȱencounterȱdaily.”
75
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ286ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱHenriet),ȱ147–48.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,
145ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱalsoȱremarksȱonȱtheȱextremeȱcarelessnessȱdemonstratedȱbyȱtheȱepisode.ȱThe
personȱwhoȱaccompaniedȱPrelatiȱonȱhisȱmissionȱwasȱLenano,ȱmarquisȱofȱCeva,ȱwhoȱisȱsometimes
mentionedȱasȱoneȱofȱGilles’sȱaides,ȱandȱwhoȱleftȱaȱbriefȱdepositionȱonȱtheȱLeȱFerronȱaffair.ȱBataille,
Leȱprocès,ȱ289–90ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
providedȱhimȱwithȱaȱrespectableȱfaçade.76ȱIronically,ȱtheȱveryȱ“average”ȱqualities
ofȱtheȱbaronȱGillesȱdeȱRais—onȱwhichȱHeersȱinsists—reinforcedȱhisȱabilityȱtoȱhide
asȱ aȱ serialȱ killer.ȱ Andȱ yet,ȱ asȱ inȱ Dahmer’sȱ case,ȱ theȱ termȱ “hiding”ȱ shouldȱ be
qualified.ȱBothȱkillersȱexploitedȱtheȱcasualȱattitudeȱofȱtheȱgroupȱtoȱwhichȱthey
belonged,ȱbutȱmembersȱofȱtheȱgroupȱwhoȱperceivedȱthemȱasȱoutsiders,ȱsuchȱasȱthe
tenantsȱofȱDahmer’sȱapartmentȱcomplexȱorȱtheȱpoorȱBretonȱpeasantsȱwhoȱwould
riskȱ theȱ safetyȱ ofȱ theirȱ childrenȱ forȱ almsȱ andȱ aȱ chanceȱ atȱ paidȱ service,ȱ hadȱ no
difficultyȱinȱrecognizingȱthatȱsomethingȱsuspiciousȱwasȱgoingȱon.77ȱ
Onceȱ Gilles’sȱ activitiesȱ wereȱ disclosed,ȱ heȱ enjoyedȱ anotherȱ advantageȱ that
furtherȱ delayedȱ hisȱ arrest:ȱ theȱ practicalȱ difficultyȱ ofȱ apprehendingȱ aȱ powerful
baron,ȱsurroundedȱbyȱarmedȱguards,ȱandȱableȱtoȱmoveȱresidenceȱswiftlyȱtoȱescape
theȱ justiceȱ ofȱ eitherȱ oneȱ ofȱ hisȱ rivalȱ feudalȱ lords.ȱ Gilles’sȱ biographersȱ have
understandablyȱbeenȱperplexedȱbyȱtheȱopportunismȱevidencedȱbyȱexploitingȱthe
LeȱFerronȱincident.ȱBataille,ȱinȱparticular,ȱremarksȱthatȱitȱtookȱaȱ(relativelyȱminor)
episodeȱ againstȱ authorityȱ toȱ spurȱ prosecutionȱ ofȱ muchȱ moreȱ seriousȱ crimes
committedȱ duringȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ yearsȱ againstȱ helplessȱ people.ȱ However,ȱ as
evidencedȱbyȱexamplesȱofȱmodernȱserialȱkillers,ȱtheȱpatternȱofȱlateȱarrestsȱisȱnot
unusual:ȱaccordingȱtoȱFisher,ȱmostȱareȱcapturedȱbyȱchanceȱratherȱthanȱasȱtheȱresult
ofȱaȱcoordinatedȱinvestigation.78
Onceȱtheȱtortuousȱphasesȱofȱinvestigationȱandȱarrestȱwereȱover,ȱGilles’sȱdouble
trialȱtookȱplaceȱwithȱamazingȱspeedȱandȱefficiency.ȱFirst,ȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱcourt,
presidedȱbyȱBishopȱMalestroitȱflankedȱbyȱtheȱviceȬinquisitorȱJeanȱBlouynȱandȱother
churchȱmembers,ȱopenedȱitsȱsessionsȱonȱSeptemberȱ28ȱandȱwasȱattendedȱbyȱthe
presidentȱ ofȱ Brittanyȱ Pierreȱ deȱ l’Hôpital,ȱ theȱ supremeȱ magistrateȱ whoȱ would
76
Thisȱapplied,ȱmutatisȱmutandi,ȱalsoȱtoȱDahmer,ȱwhoȱwasȱdescribedȱasȱ“polite”ȱinȱFisher,ȱKiller
AmongȱUs,ȱ164ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱGillesȱcouldȱbeȱcourteousȱinȱpublic,ȱforȱexample,ȱwaitingȱhisȱturnȱin
churchȱamongȱcommonersȱtoȱreceiveȱtheȱEucharist.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ150ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
77
Anȱexampleȱofȱtheȱoppositeȱsituation,ȱwhenȱtheȱkillerȱisȱprotectedȱbyȱbeingȱpartȱofȱtheȱsameȱgroup
asȱ hisȱ victims,ȱ isȱ thatȱ ofȱ Wayneȱ Bertramȱ Williams,ȱ aȱ youngȱ Africanȱ Americanȱ manȱ whoȱ was
convictedȱofȱkillingȱ(mainlyȱbyȱasphyxiation)ȱtwentyȬnineȱAfricanȱAmericanȱchildrenȱinȱAtlanta
(Georgia,ȱUnitedȱStates)ȱbetweenȱ1979ȱandȱ1981.ȱTheȱvictimsȱwereȱinȱgreatȱpartȱboys,ȱagedȱeight
toȱ fifteenȱ (onlyȱ theȱ lastȱ sixȱ wereȱ youngȱ adults),ȱ whoȱ cameȱ predominantlyȱ fromȱ lowȬincome
familiesȱandȱwhoȱhadȱdisappearedȱwhileȱtryingȱtoȱearnȱpocketȱchange.ȱTheȱpolice,ȱwhoȱdescribed
theȱvictimsȱasȱ“hustlers”ȱandȱ“streetȬwise,”ȱdemonstratedȱhowȱeasilyȱaȱnonȬthreateningȱperson
couldȱabductȱaȱchildȱinȱtheȱtargetedȱneighborhood:ȱitȱhadȱsomeȱofȱitsȱmembersȱinȱplainclothes
approachȱchildrenȱandȱfoundȱthatȱvirtuallyȱallȱacceptedȱtoȱcomeȱalongȱwithȱthemȱforȱmoney.
Authoritiesȱstartedȱsuspectingȱthatȱtheȱabductorȱbelongedȱtoȱtheȱsameȱracialȱgroupȱasȱtheȱvictims,
butȱtheȱAtlantaȱAfricanȱAmericanȱcommunityȱrefusedȱtoȱbelieveȱitȱandȱopposedȱauthoritiesȱfrom
theȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱinvestigation.ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ129,ȱ136,ȱ149–50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
78
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ18,ȱ22ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱHeȱlistsȱ(22–23)ȱsomeȱofȱtheȱotherȱinhibitorsȱinȱfinding
andȱarrestingȱaȱserialȱkillerȱinȱtheȱmodernȱUnitedȱStates,ȱsomeȱofȱwhichȱ(paradoxically)ȱareȱnot
tooȱdissimilarȱfromȱmedievalȱones:ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱmultiplicityȱandȱoverlappingȱofȱjurisdictions
thatȱrenderȱdifficultȱtheȱcoordinationȱofȱinvestigations.ȱ
382 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
presideȱoverȱtheȱswiftȱsecularȱprocedure.79ȱTheȱformalȱchargesȱcomprisedȱfortyȬ
nineȱarticles,ȱofȱwhichȱtheȱfirstȱfourteenȱwereȱpurelyȱtoȱestablishȱtheȱcompetence
ofȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱtribunalȱandȱtheȱrestȱdealtȱwithȱsodomy,ȱheresy,ȱandȱviolation
ofȱecclesiasticȱimmunity.80ȱ
AtȱfirstȱGillesȱattemptedȱaȱbluffȱbyȱgoingȱonȱtheȱattackȱagainstȱtheȱjudges,ȱcalling
themȱ “simoniaques”ȱ andȱ “ribauds”ȱ (debauched)ȱ andȱ refusingȱ toȱ acknowledge
theirȱrightȱtoȱtryȱhim.ȱWhenȱheȱsawȱthatȱtheseȱmaneuversȱleftȱthemȱundeterred,ȱon
Octoberȱ15ȱheȱabruptlyȱswitchedȱtacticsȱandȱaskedȱ“humblement,ȱdévotementȱet
enȱlarmes”ȱ(withȱhumility,ȱdevotion,ȱandȱtears)ȱtheirȱforgivenessȱforȱhisȱprevious
“parolesȱblessantesȱàȱleurȱadresse”ȱ(cuttingȱwordsȱagainstȱthem).81ȱButȱheȱstillȱonly
confessedȱtoȱtheȱlesserȱchargeȱofȱhavingȱpracticedȱalchemyȱwithȱtheȱhelpȱofȱthree
Italians,ȱamongȱthemȱPrelati.82ȱHeȱstillȱrefutedȱtheȱchargesȱofȱheresyȱandȱdemonic
invocationsȱandȱdeclaredȱhimselfȱreadyȱtoȱundergoȱ“l’épreuveȱduȱfeu”ȱ(trialȱby
fire),ȱanȱobviousȱbluff,ȱandȱchallengedȱtheȱprosecutorȱGuillaumeȱChapeillonȱto
provideȱwitnessesȱforȱtheȱmoreȱseriousȱcharges.ȱChapeillonȱpromptlyȱproduced
sixȱwitnesses,ȱwhoȱtookȱtheirȱoathȱinȱGilles’sȱpresence.83ȱ
Betweenȱ Octoberȱ 16ȱ andȱ 17ȱ theȱ tribunalȱ collectedȱ theȱ depositionsȱ ofȱ Poitou,
Henriet,ȱPrelati,ȱandȱBlanchet,ȱwhichȱeffectivelyȱsealedȱGilles’sȱfateȱasȱwellȱasȱthat
ofȱtheȱfirstȱtwo.ȱTheirȱseparateȱconfessionsȱ(explicitlyȱgivenȱ“spontaneously”ȱand
withoutȱ theȱ aidȱ ofȱ torture)ȱ agreedȱ quiteȱ comfortablyȱ withȱ eachȱ other.84ȱ Itȱ is
impossibleȱtoȱdiscernȱfromȱtheirȱdetailedȱbutȱunemotionalȱdepositionsȱwhether
theyȱwereȱwillingȱaccomplices.ȱItȱseems,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱneitherȱservantȱwasȱfound
guiltyȱofȱsodomyȱorȱhavingȱinitiatedȱorȱparticipatedȱonȱtheirȱownȱinitiativeȱinȱthe
79
Otherȱmembersȱofȱtheȱcourtȱwereȱ GuillaumeȱdeȱMalestroitȱbishopȱofȱLeȱMans,ȱJeanȱPrégent,
bishopȱofȱSaintȬBrieuc,ȱandȱJacquesȱdeȱPentcoetdic,ȱjudgeȱofȱtheȱordinaryȱecclesiasticalȱtribunal
ofȱNantes.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ188ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
80
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ216–20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ159–60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱremarksȱthatȱthe
listȱofȱcrimesȱisȱcompleteȱbutȱgroupedȱconfusedly,ȱandȱthatȱsomeȱdatesȱinȱitȱareȱunreliable.ȱFor
example,ȱitȱgivesȱ1426ȱasȱtheȱonsetȱofȱmurders,ȱwhileȱGilles’sȱownȱconfessionȱsaysȱ1432,ȱandȱthe
recentȱattackȱonȱLeȱFerronȱasȱoccurringȱinȱ1438.ȱItȱalsoȱgivesȱtheȱnumberȱofȱvictimsȱasȱoneȱhundred
forty,ȱaȱnumberȱthatȱisȱnotȱbackedȱbyȱtheȱdepositionsȱofȱwitnesses.
81
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ162–63,ȱ223ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱSeeȱalsoȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ229–30ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
82
Prelati,ȱinȱturnȱrecruitedȱasȱhelperȱtheȱgoldsmithȱJeanȱPetitȱfromȱParis.ȱGillesȱmentionedȱalsoȱone
AntonioȱofȱPalermoȱandȱFrancescoȱLombardo.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ145ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱBataille,
Leȱprocès,ȱ249ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱGillesȱdeȱRais).ȱAnȱalchemistȱwhoȱpreceded
Prelatiȱwasȱfiredȱinȱ1436ȱbecauseȱGillesȱfoundȱhimȱdrunkȱ“onȱtheȱjob.”ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ65ȱ(see
noteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ144ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ
83
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ225–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱOnlyȱtheȱdepositionsȱofȱtheȱfirstȱfourȱhaveȱreachedȱus.
Unfortunately,ȱallȱtheȱdepositionsȱofȱanotherȱfifteenȱwitnessesȱthatȱwereȱintroducedȱatȱtheȱsession
ofȱOctoberȱ19,ȱamongȱthemȱthatȱofȱaȱsurgeonȱandȱaȱlawyer,ȱareȱalsoȱlost.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ231ȱ(see
noteȱ3).ȱForȱtheȱofferȱtoȱbeȱsubjectedȱtoȱtheȱtestȱofȱfire,ȱseeȱalsoȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ230ȱ(seeȱnote
1).
84
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ232ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ192–93ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
demonicȱséances,ȱandȱbothȱwereȱonlyȱtriedȱbyȱtheȱsecularȱcourtȱforȱkidnappingȱand
murder,ȱ forȱ whichȱ theyȱ wereȱ sentenced,ȱ onȱ Octoberȱ 23,ȱ toȱ deathȱ byȱ hanging
followedȱbyȱburning.ȱPrelatiȱwasȱtreatedȱwithȱleniency,ȱperhapsȱbecauseȱheȱwas
aȱclericȱandȱaȱforeigner.ȱAtȱanyȱrate,ȱhisȱdepositionȱ(preservedȱinȱitsȱentirety)ȱmust
haveȱconvincedȱtheȱjudgesȱthatȱheȱdidȱnotȱparticipateȱinȱtheȱactualȱmurders,ȱand
soȱheȱreceivedȱaȱlifeȱsentenceȱbutȱlaterȱescaped.ȱBlanchetȱaloneȱwasȱacquitted.85
Theȱjudges,ȱarmedȱwithȱtheȱconfessionsȱofȱtheȱotherȱaccused,ȱwarnedȱGillesȱthat
theyȱ neededȱ betterȱ informationȱ fromȱ him,ȱ andȱ thatȱ heȱ wouldȱ beȱ scheduledȱ to
undergoȱtorture.ȱAtȱthisȱpointȱheȱbrokeȱdownȱandȱconfessedȱeverythingȱprivately
onȱOctoberȱ21ȱtoȱPierreȱdeȱl’HôpitalȱandȱtheȱbishopȱJeanȱPrégentȱinȱhisȱroom,ȱand
againȱ “enȱ jugement”ȱ (inȱ openȱ courtȱ session)ȱ onȱ theȱ followingȱ day,ȱ inȱ aȱ long
statementȱthatȱconfirmedȱthoseȱofȱhisȱservants.ȱOnȱOctoberȱ25ȱtheȱjudgesȱpassed
theirȱ sentenceȱ onȱ Gilles:ȱ heȱ wasȱ excommunicatedȱ forȱ “perfideȱ apostasie”
(perfidiousȱapostasy)ȱandȱ“horribleȱévocationȱdesȱdémons,”ȱ(horribleȱsummoning
ofȱdemons)ȱasȱwellȱasȱforȱ“pratiqueȱsodomite”ȱ(actsȱofȱsodomy)ȱonȱchildrenȱofȱboth
sexes,ȱ andȱ immediatelyȱ turnedȱ overȱ toȱ theȱ secularȱ courtȱ forȱ theȱ restȱ ofȱ the
judgment.ȱTheȱsecularȱcourtȱlistedȱitsȱownȱaccusations:ȱkidnapping,ȱsexualȱabuse,
andȱmurderȱofȱ“perhapsȱoverȱtwoȱhundred”ȱchildren;ȱhavingȱdefiedȱtheȱdukeȱby
attemptingȱtoȱrepossessȱaȱsoldȱproperty;ȱandȱhavingȱattackedȱJeanȱLeȱFerronȱand
(later)ȱ someȱ officersȱ ofȱ theȱ dukeȱ whoȱ hadȱ beenȱ sentȱ toȱ collectȱ theȱ fineȱ ofȱ fifty
thousandȱ écusȱ forȱ theȱ attack.86ȱ Itȱ thenȱ sentencedȱ himȱ toȱ deathȱ byȱ hangingȱ and
burning,ȱandȱalsoȱtoȱtheȱexpropriationȱofȱhisȱducalȱfiefs,ȱonȱtheȱveryȱsameȱday.
Onceȱheȱsawȱhimselfȱlost,ȱGillesȱmadeȱaȱgoodȱspectacleȱofȱhisȱrepentance;ȱinȱfact
fromȱthatȱmomentȱonwardȱitȱwasȱhardȱtoȱstopȱhisȱseeminglyȱuninterruptedȱflow
ofȱwords.87ȱHeȱkneltȱinȱtears,ȱaccusedȱhimselfȱrepeatedly,ȱandȱthenȱregaledȱthe
audienceȱ withȱ aȱ sermonȱ onȱ avoidingȱ excessiveȱ indulgenceȱ inȱ rearingȱ their
children.ȱ Heȱ declaredȱ thatȱ hisȱ grandfatherȱ hadȱ raisedȱ himȱ tooȱ lenientlyȱ and
withoutȱrestraints,ȱandȱpointedȱtoȱhisȱlaxȱupbringingȱandȱtasteȱforȱrefinedȱfoodȱand
drinksȱ asȱ theȱ primeȱ causesȱ ofȱ hisȱ criminalȱ lifeȱ (thus,ȱ inȱ aȱ sense,ȱ exculpating
85
Heers,ȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 193,ȱ 209ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1).ȱ Gilles’sȱ biographersȱ doȱ notȱ dwellȱ onȱ theȱ lenient
treatmentȱofȱPrelatiȱandȱBlanchet.ȱPrelatiȱwasȱlaterȱhiredȱbyȱDukeȱRenéȱofȱAnjou,ȱtogetherȱwith
Blanchet,ȱandȱmadeȱcaptainȱofȱLaȱRocheȬsurȬYon,ȱwhereȱinȱ1445ȱheȱdetainedȱGeoffreyȱLeȱFerron.
Theȱlatter,ȱinȱturn,ȱhadȱhimȱarrestedȱandȱhangedȱforȱcounterfeitingȱhisȱsignature,ȱwhichȱPrelatiȱhad
foundȱonȱsomeȱblankȱlettersȱ(“blancȬseings”).ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ1772ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGilles
deȱRais,ȱ210ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
86
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ243–45,ȱ251ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ254–59,ȱ296–97ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱand
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ193–94ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱGilles’sȱconfessionȱ“enȱjugement”ȱisȱinȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,
241–54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱhisȱsentenceȱandȱthatȱofȱhisȱservantsȱinȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ333–35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱ
87
LikewiseȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ89,ȱ124ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱsaysȱthatȱtheȱserialȱkillerȱDavidȱBerkowitz,
theȱ“SonȱofȱSam,”ȱwhoȱshotȱthirteenȱpeopleȱ(killingȱsix)ȱinȱNewȱYork,ȱNewȱYorkȱ(UnitedȱStates)
betweenȱ1976ȱandȱ1977,ȱonceȱinȱprisonȱbecameȱ“aȱcompulsiveȱcommunicator.”
384 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
himself).88ȱHeȱconcludedȱwithȱanȱadmonitionȱforȱparentsȱtoȱsteerȱtheirȱchildren
awayȱfromȱidlenessȱandȱtheȱattractionȱofȱelegantȱclothes.89ȱWhatȱimpressionȱthis
adviceȱmadeȱamongȱtheȱfamiliesȱofȱvictimsȱwhoȱhadȱlivedȱonȱcharityȱandȱoddȱjobs
isȱnotȱrecorded.
Whileȱ theȱ beliefȱ inȱ theȱ influenceȱ ofȱ foodȱ onȱ one’sȱ personality,ȱ commonȱ in
medievalȱtimes,ȱisȱnoȱlongerȱacceptedȱinȱmedicalȱtheory,ȱtheȱassertionȱthatȱalcohol
isȱatȱleastȱpartlyȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱunacceptableȱbehaviorȱofȱtheȱaccusedȱisȱstill
ubiquitousȱinȱcriminalȱ trials.ȱAsȱforȱGilles’sȱapparentlyȱ naïveȱthesisȱthatȱbeing
raisedȱwithȱindulgenceȱcontributedȱtoȱhisȱlaterȱcriminalȱacts,ȱsomeȱresearchers
haveȱindeedȱpostulatedȱthatȱabnormallyȱlowȱ“fearȱconditioning”ȱinȱchildhoodȱmay
predisposeȱtoȱcriminality.90ȱAsȱanȱexample,ȱoneȱfindsȱechoesȱofȱGilles’sȱownȱlenient
upbringingȱ inȱ theȱ backgroundȱ ofȱ aȱ notoriousȱ modernȱ killer,ȱ Wayneȱ Bertram
Williams,ȱwhoȱwasȱfoundȱguiltyȱofȱhavingȱkidnappedȱandȱmurderedȱtwentyȬnine
children in Atlanta (Georgia, United States) between 1979 and 1981. Theȱindulgedȱonly
sonȱofȱolder,ȱeducatedȱparents,ȱheȱwasȱconsideredȱaȱchildȱprodigy.ȱHeȱreached
earlyȱsuccessȱinȱhisȱtwentiesȱwithȱaȱradioȱventureȱandȱtriedȱforȱtheȱrestȱofȱhisȱlife
toȱ “recaptureȱ thisȱ briefȱ momentȱ inȱ theȱ limelight.”ȱ Soonȱ heȱ revealedȱ himselfȱ a
“profligateȱspender,”ȱandȱwhenȱheȱfailedȱtoȱobtainȱaȱcollegeȱdegreeȱheȱdisplayed
“aȱpenchantȱtoȱinflateȱhisȱaccomplishments”ȱandȱtoȱclaimȱ“aggrandizingȱtitles.”ȱHe
fanciedȱhimselfȱanȱentertainmentȱpromoterȱ(anȱactivityȱthatȱgaveȱhimȱaccessȱto
youngȱboysȱeagerȱtoȱaudition,ȱjustȱasȱGilles’sȱdazzlingȱchapelȱwouldȱattractȱchoir
boys).91ȱ Afterȱ hisȱ arrestȱ heȱ calledȱ aȱ pressȱ conferenceȱ andȱ distributedȱ aȱ résumé
amongȱ theȱ reporters,ȱ andȱ atȱ hisȱ trialȱ heȱ alternatedȱ displaysȱ ofȱ amiabilityȱ with
“petulanceȱandȱbelligerence,”ȱallȱofȱwhichȱcallȱtoȱmindȱGilles’sȱownȱperformance.
88
Gillesȱclaimedȱthatȱhisȱ“aviditéȱinsatiable”ȱforȱfineȱwinesȱandȱrichȱfoodȱwasȱaȱstimulantȱtoȱcommit
hisȱcrimes.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ160,ȱ252ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱGillesȱdeȱRais)ȱand
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ193ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
89
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ238–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ166–67,ȱ252ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱthe
confessionȱofȱGillesȱdeȱRais),ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ193ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱwhereȱheȱspecifiesȱthatȱthe
audiencesȱwereȱpublic.ȱThisȱhappenedȱatȱtheȱsessionȱofȱOctoberȱ22,ȱfollowingȱGilles’sȱprivate
confessionȱofȱtheȱpreviousȱday.ȱHeȱaskedȱthatȱhisȱconfessionȱbeȱdisseminatedȱinȱFrenchȱratherȱthan
Latin,ȱtoȱreachȱaȱwiderȱaudience.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ242ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱGilles
deȱRais).ȱLikewiseȱDahmer’sȱconfessionȱwasȱsoldȱtoȱmagazines.ȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,
101ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱAlsoȱWilliamsȱ(theȱAtlantaȱchildrenȱmurderer)ȱatȱhisȱtrialȱscoldedȱparentsȱfor
leavingȱtheirȱchildrenȱunsupervised.ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ142ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱOtherȱdetailsȱon
Williams’ȱbackgroundȱareȱinȱnoteȱno.ȱ77.
90
PhilippȱSterzer,ȱ“BornȱtoȱbeȱCriminal?ȱWhatȱtoȱMakeȱofȱEarlyȱBiologicalȱRiskȱFactorsȱforȱCriminal
Behavior,”ȱAmericanȱJournalȱofȱPsychiatryȱ167.1ȱ(Januaryȱ2010):ȱ1–3.
91
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ98ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱdeniesȱanyȱevidenceȱthatȱGillesȱabusedȱthisȱinstitutionȱto
retainȱaȱsupplyȱofȱyoungȱboys,ȱandȱarguesȱthatȱmaintainingȱchapelsȱandȱchoirsȱwasȱcommon
amongȱtheȱaristocracy.ȱ
Aȱfriendȱdescribedȱhimȱwithȱtheȱincisiveȱstatementȱthatȱheȱ“wasȱaȱpromiseȱalways
aboutȱtoȱbeȱfulfilled,”ȱaȱdefinitionȱthatȱseemsȱquiteȱapplicableȱtoȱGilles.92ȱ
Gillesȱ endedȱ hisȱ emotionalȱ speechȱ byȱ askingȱ forgivenessȱ fromȱ Godȱ andȱ the
familiesȱ ofȱ theȱ childrenȱ thatȱ heȱ hadȱ “soȱ cruellyȱ murdered.”93ȱ Whileȱ his
melodramaticȱandȱpubliclyȬstagedȱrepentanceȱmayȱbeȱexpectedȱasȱaȱdisplayȱof
“medievalȱemotionalism,”ȱsuchȱbehaviorȱisȱactuallyȱemblematicȱofȱserialȱkillers:
Dahmer,ȱforȱexample,ȱmadeȱaȱbigȱshowȱofȱhisȱremorseȱandȱnewlyȬfoundȱChristian
faith.ȱInȱfact,ȱpoliceȱexpertsȱconfirmȱthatȱtheseȱcriminalsȱseemȱtoȱfeelȱreliefȱatȱbeing
finallyȱapprehended,ȱandȱonceȱarrestedȱareȱoverȬeagerȱtoȱconfessȱandȱcooperate
inȱresolvingȱsimilarȱcases,ȱandȱevenȱtoȱhelpȱpotentialȱvictimsȱinȱavoidingȱtheȱfate
ofȱtheirȱown.ȱPsychiatristsȱexplainȱthisȱbizarreȱbehaviorȱasȱoriginatingȱfromȱthe
serialȱkiller’sȱfeelingȱofȱinferiority,ȱwhichȱheȱtriesȱtoȱovercomeȱatȱfirstȱthroughȱthe
repeatedȱmurdersȱbutȱthenȱ(paradoxically)ȱrealizesȱonlyȱthroughȱtheȱpublicityȱof
theȱtrail.ȱRichardȱTithecott,ȱinȱhisȱworkȱonȱtheȱ“mythification”ȱofȱtheȱserialȱkiller,
evenȱpositsȱthatȱthisȱcriminal,ȱonceȱ“physicallyȱimprisoned,ȱisȱfiguredȱbyȱsociety
asȱaȱseer,ȱableȱtoȱtranscendȱphysicalȱbarriersȱandȱlookȱdeepȱintoȱtheȱsoulȱofȱfellow
monstersȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ andȱ consequentiallyȱ perceivedȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ asȱ aȱ potentialȱ defenderȱ of
societyȱfromȱfurtherȱviolence.”94ȱHowever,ȱthereȱmayȱbeȱmoreȱthanȱaȱsuggestion
ofȱterritorialȱinstinctȱatȱworkȱinȱallȱthis,ȱratherȱthanȱsuddenȱmagnanimity,ȱasȱeach
serialȱkillerȱnaturallyȱwantsȱtoȱbeȱtheȱlastȱofȱhisȱkind.ȱ
Afterȱ aȱ secondȱ sceneȱ ofȱ tearfulȱ repentanceȱ onȱ Octoberȱ 25,ȱ theȱ bishopȱ lifted
Gilles’sȱ excommunicationȱ andȱ accededȱ toȱ twoȱ additionalȱ requestsȱ ofȱ the
condemnedȱ man:ȱ thatȱ hisȱ bodyȱ wouldȱ notȱ beȱ burnedȱ butȱ ratherȱ interredȱ inȱ a
church,ȱandȱthatȱtheȱentireȱcityȱwouldȱstageȱaȱprocessionȱonȱtheȱmorningȱofȱhis
executionȱtoȱprayȱforȱtheȱsalvationȱofȱhisȱsoulȱandȱofȱthatȱofȱhisȱtwoȱservants.ȱHe
alsoȱaskedȱtoȱbeȱexecutedȱaheadȱofȱthem,ȱsoȱthatȱtheyȱwouldȱnotȱdespairȱinȱthe
beliefȱthatȱtheirȱmaster—theȱtrueȱinstigatorȱofȱtheȱcrimes—wasȱtoȱbeȱspared.ȱIn
otherȱ words,ȱ heȱ stagedȱ hisȱ executionȱ onȱ hisȱ ownȱ terms,ȱ likeȱ aȱ leadingȱ actor
choosingȱhisȱlines.ȱBataille,ȱwhoȱdoesȱnotȱhideȱhisȱamazementȱatȱtheȱleniencyȱofȱthe
92
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ156–58,ȱ160ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱ
93
[“siȱcruellementȱmassacrés”]ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ253ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
94
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ110ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11)ȱ(anȱexampleȱofȱspecificȱhelpȱtoȱtheȱpolice:ȱthe
childȱrapistȱandȱkillerȱWestleyȱAllanȱDodd,ȱwhoȱwroteȱarticlesȱfromȱjailȱgivingȱadviceȱtoȱchildren
onȱhowȱtoȱescapeȱsexualȱattacks),ȱ111ȱ(theȱquote),ȱ139ȱ(theȱneedȱtoȱbeȱcaught),ȱ137ȱ(Dahmer’sȱlate
repentance).ȱForȱtheȱserialȱkillers’ȱtalkativenessȱandȱeagernessȱtoȱcooperate,ȱseeȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMen
andȱMonsters,ȱ101ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱSullivan,ȱ205ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ68),ȱandȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ83ȱ(seeȱnote
11).ȱFisherȱalsoȱdiscussesȱ(85)ȱtheȱbehaviorȱofȱJohnȱNormanȱChapmanȱCollins,ȱtheȱ“CoedȱKiller”
whoȱallegedlyȱkilledȱsevenȱyoungȱwomenȱbetweenȱ1967ȱandȱ1969ȱinȱMichiganȱ(UnitedȱStates)ȱand
who,ȱafterȱhisȱarrest,ȱdisplayedȱcooperativenessȱandȱimpeccableȱmanners.ȱLikeȱGillesȱheȱrefused
toȱtestifyȱinȱhisȱownȱdefense.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ254ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ26ȱ(see
noteȱ11),ȱmentionsȱtheȱpublicityȱfreelyȱlavishedȱbyȱtheȱmediaȱonȱserialȱkillers,ȱevenȱbeforeȱtheir
arrestȱandȱtrial.
386 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
judges,ȱwondersȱwhetherȱsuchȱexhibitionismȱwasȱdueȱtoȱaȱlastȬminuteȱhopeȱof
reprieveȱ orȱ becauseȱ Gilles’sȱ mindȱ wasȱ “enȱ désordre”ȱ (deranged).95ȱ But
criminologistsȱhaveȱsuggestedȱthatȱserialȱkillersȱareȱindeedȱeagerȱforȱaȱtheatrical
execution,ȱand,ȱtoȱthisȱend,ȱtheyȱtendȱtoȱclaimȱsoleȱresponsibilityȱforȱtheirȱactions,
refusingȱtheȱeasyȱexcuseȱofȱinsanity.96ȱ
Allȱ threeȱ biographersȱ ofȱ Gillesȱ affirmȱ thatȱ hisȱ doubleȱ trialȱ wasȱ impeccably
conducted,ȱswiftȱdespiteȱtheȱpartialȱredundancyȱofȱprocedureȱandȱbasedȱonȱsolid
evidence.ȱTheȱ“acteȱd’accusation”ȱwasȱtranslatedȱintoȱFrenchȱtoȱallowȱtheȱaccused
toȱrefuteȱeachȱpoint.ȱFurther,ȱfarȱfromȱappearingȱinsensitiveȱtoȱGilles’sȱhumble
victims,ȱtheȱrecordsȱofȱtheȱdepositionsȱofȱwitnessesȱmentionȱtheirȱfateȱandȱtheȱgrief
ofȱtheirȱfamiliesȱinȱheartfeltȱterms.97ȱDuringȱtheȱcourseȱofȱtheȱproceedings,ȱwhich
wereȱopenȱtoȱtheȱpublic,ȱtheȱjudgesȱtoleratedȱtheȱdefendant’sȱchildishȱoutbursts
andȱgaveȱhimȱeveryȱopportunityȱtoȱcrossȬexamineȱwitnesses,ȱwhileȱresistingȱhis
moreȱ frivolousȱ requests.98ȱ Itȱ evenȱ appearsȱ thatȱ theyȱ treatedȱ himȱ withȱ special
respectȱafterȱhisȱshockingȱconfession.ȱOneȱmayȱbeȱtemptedȱtoȱspeculateȱthatȱGilles
receivedȱspecialȱtreatmentȱbecauseȱofȱhisȱsocialȱstatus,ȱorȱthatȱtheȱjudgesȱactedȱwith
particularȱ cautionȱ inȱ hisȱ caseȱ toȱ preventȱ theȱ kingȱ fromȱ findingȱ faultȱ withȱ the
proceedingsȱandȱdeȬlegitimizingȱanyȱsubsequentȱconfiscationȱofȱhisȱpropertyȱon
theȱduke’sȱpart.ȱ
Heers,ȱhowever,ȱconvincinglyȱminimizesȱtheȱimpactȱofȱcalculationsȱandȱselfȬ
interestȱonȱtheȱjudgmentȱagainstȱGilles.ȱInȱfact,ȱheȱbringsȱtoȱnoticeȱthatȱneither
dukeȱnorȱkingȱprofitedȱmuchȱfromȱhisȱdemise,ȱandȱthat,ȱinȱdefinitive,ȱneitherȱof
themȱhadȱinitiatedȱtheȱtrial;ȱthatȱhisȱfamilyȱwasȱratherȱsuccessfulȱinȱrecuperating
someȱofȱtheȱlostȱlands;ȱthatȱifȱgreedȱhadȱbeenȱtheȱreasonȱforȱeliminatingȱGilles,ȱit
wouldȱhaveȱbeenȱmuchȱsimplerȱtoȱplanȱanȱassassinationȱthanȱaȱcomplexȱtrialȱwith
scoresȱ ofȱ witnesses,ȱ whoȱ wouldȱ haveȱ toȱ beȱ partȱ ofȱ aȱ vastȱ conspiracy.ȱ Andȱ he
95
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ75,ȱ256,ȱ335–36ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱInȱfact,ȱheȱwasȱhangedȱaheadȱofȱhisȱtwoȱservantsȱand
hisȱbodyȱonlyȱpartiallyȱburnt.ȱThenȱ“aucuneȱdemoiselleȱdeȱsonȱlignageȱetȱdesȱdamesȱeȱgrandȱétat”
(perhapsȱaȱreferenceȱtoȱhisȱdaughterȱandȱhisȱwidow)ȱcollectedȱitȱandȱburiedȱitȱinȱtheȱchurchȱofȱthe
monasteryȱofȱtheȱCarmelitesȱinȱNantes.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ256–60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLe
procès,ȱ77–78,ȱ168–69,ȱ336–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(theȱoriginalȱdocumentsȱdescribingȱtheȱtripleȱexecution)
andȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ194ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
96
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ139ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱHeȱalsoȱquotesȱ(136)ȱDahmer’sȱstatementȱinȱan
interview,ȱthatȱ“theȱpersonȱtoȱblameȱisȱtheȱpersonȱsittingȱacrossȱfromȱyou.ȱNotȱparents,ȱnotȱsociety,
notȱpornography.ȱThoseȱareȱjustȱexcuses.”ȱDahmerȱwasȱdeniedȱaȱspectacularȱexecution:ȱheȱwas
sentencedȱtoȱserveȱfifteenȱconsecutiveȱlifeȱsentencesȱinȱprisonȱbutȱthenȱsufferedȱaȱsecondȬrateȱexit
whenȱaȱfellowȱinmateȱbludgeonedȱhimȱtoȱdeathȱinȱ1994.ȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ137,ȱ179
(seeȱnoteȱ11)ȱandȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ198ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ272–73ȱ(seeȱnote
1),ȱbringsȱattentionȱtoȱtheȱfactȱthatȱnobodyȱatȱhisȱtrialȱ(witnessesȱorȱjudges)ȱthoughtȱGillesȱinsane.
97
Theȱfamiliesȱtestifiedȱ“avecȱdeȱgrandesȱclameurs,ȱdouloureusementȱetȱdansȱlesȱlarmes“ȱthatȱtheir
childrenȱhadȱbeenȱ“méchammentȱabusés.“ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ198ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱ
98
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ227–31ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ190ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱGillesȱrenounced
hisȱrightȱtoȱrebuttalsȱandȱcrossȬexaminationȱofȱwitnesses.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ232–34ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
concludesȱthat,ȱifȱMalestroitȱdidȱhaveȱaȱpersonalȱfeudȱwithȱtheȱaccusedȱ(whichȱis
notȱproven),ȱthisȱdoesȱnotȱexcludeȱGilles’sȱguilt,ȱwhichȱwasȱamplyȱrevealedȱby
confessionsȱthatȱwereȱobtainedȱseparatelyȱandȱagreedȱinȱcriticalȱdetails.99ȱ
Itȱappears,ȱthen,ȱthatȱGilles’sȱcaseȱdoesȱnotȱstandȱoutȱasȱbeingȱallȱtooȱdifferent
fromȱ othersȱ ofȱ thisȱ kind,ȱ bothȱ inȱ respectȱ toȱ hisȱ personalȱ historyȱ andȱ modus
operandiȱandȱtoȱhisȱrelationsȱwithȱauthoritiesȱbeforeȱandȱafterȱtheȱfinalȱarrest.ȱA
moreȱcomplexȱpicture,ȱhowever,ȱemergesȱfromȱexaminingȱtheȱperceptionȱofȱthe
serialȱkillerȱwithinȱsociety.ȱInȱmodernȱdaysȱtwoȱoppositeȱviewsȱofȱsuchȱcriminal
haveȱsurfaced.ȱOneȱisȱthatȱsocietyȱisȱtheȱvictimȱofȱanȱallȬpowerful,ȱsuperȬintelligent
beingȱwhoȱactsȱasȱifȱaboveȱtheȱlaw.100ȱThisȱviewȱisȱfacilitatedȱwhenȱtheȱkiller’s
presenceȱisȱacknowledged,ȱyetȱtheȱinvestigationȱyieldsȱnoȱresultsȱandȱtheȱmurders
continue.ȱAtȱthisȱpointȱtheȱserialȱkillerȱappearsȱtoȱtauntȱauthorities,ȱandȱsociety
transfersȱitsȱbeliefȱinȱtheȱ“omniscienceȱandȱomnipotence”ȱofȱthoseȱpursuingȱthe
killerȱtoȱtheȱkillerȱhimself,ȱwhoȱstartsȱtakingȱonȱ“largerȱthanȱlifeȱdimensionȱinȱthe
publicȱmind.”101ȱTheȱotherȱviewȱregardsȱtheȱserialȱkillerȱasȱaȱweak,ȱmarginalized
individualȱinȱanȱallȬpowerfulȱsocietyȱthatȱdemandsȱconformity,ȱandȱhisȱmurders
asȱaȱtwistedȱexpressionȱofȱaȱneedȱtoȱreȬestablishȱaȱsenseȱofȱself.102ȱTheȱdilemma
translatesȱintoȱtwoȱconceptionsȱofȱhisȱprosecution:ȱinȱtheȱfirstȱcaseȱitȱbecomesȱa
struggleȱbetweenȱGoodȱandȱEvil,ȱuniversalȱforcesȱtranscendingȱtheȱindividual;ȱin
theȱ secondȱ caseȱ itȱ becomesȱ aȱ medicalȱ matter,ȱ akinȱ toȱ excisingȱ aȱ tumorȱ toȱ heal
societyȱwhileȱmaintainingȱaȱdetached,ȱclinicalȱviewȱofȱtheȱcriminal’sȱmentality,ȱa
taskȱthatȱisȱusuallyȱaccomplishedȱwithȱtheȱhelpȱofȱpsychiatricȱexperts.103ȱ
99
Heers,ȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 195–202ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1).ȱ Inȱ 1448ȱ theȱ newȱ dukeȱ ofȱ Brittanyȱ Francisȱ IIȱ ceded
Ingrandesȱ andȱ Champtocéȱ toȱ theȱ admiralȱ deȱ Coetivy,ȱ husbandȱ ofȱ Marieȱ deȱ Craonȱ (Gilles’s
daughter).ȱ Butȱ aȱ newȱ disputeȱ aroseȱ afterȱ theȱ deathȱ ofȱ theȱ admiralȱ inȱ 1450.ȱ Mostȱ possessions
eventuallyȱwentȱtoȱGilles’sȱbrotherȱRenéȱdeȱLaȱSuze.ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ213–14ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱSee
alsoȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ290–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
100
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ145,ȱ176ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱHeȱthinksȱ(39)ȱthatȱthisȱtheoryȱfindsȱits
appealȱamongȱtheȱpublicȱbecauseȱevilȱoriginatesȱandȱdiesȱwithȱtheȱcriminal.ȱWhileȱhisȱexamples
includeȱonlyȱmodernȱAmericanȱserialȱkillers,ȱheȱmentionsȱ(48)ȱthatȱinȱnineteenthȬcenturyȱvampire
storiesȱtheȱ“beastȱtoȱbeȱdestroyed”ȱwasȱanȱaristocratȱ(forȱexample,ȱDracula).
101
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ20–21ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱHeȱcallsȱthisȱcollectiveȱresponseȱ“transference,”ȱbecause
ofȱitsȱsimilarityȱtoȱtheȱknownȱpsychologicalȱprocessȱofȱunconsciousȱredirectionȱofȱfeelingsȱtoward
aȱnewȱobject.
102
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ176ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱtheoryȱthatȱmarginalizationȱisȱaȱcauseȱofȱcrime
isȱdefended,ȱforȱexample,ȱinȱGoldberg,ȱSpeakingȱwithȱtheȱDevil,ȱ31,ȱ38–39,ȱ51,ȱ144,ȱ173ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ43).
Heȱ seesȱ inȱ shameȱ andȱ aȱ senseȱ ofȱ inadequacyȱ majorȱ developmentalȱ forcesȱ thatȱ produceȱ the
“malevolentȱpersonality.”ȱButȱTithecottȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ42–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱarguesȱthatȱtoo
muchȱemphasisȱhasȱbeenȱplacedȱonȱtheȱ“dysfunctional”ȱfamilyȱbackgroundȱofȱtheȱserialȱkiller,
notingȱ insteadȱ thatȱ manyȱ suchȱ criminalsȱ comeȱ fromȱ normalȱ families,ȱ inȱ factȱ (54)ȱ successful
bourgeoisȱfamiliesȱwithȱaȱstableȱincome.
103
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ17–18ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱInȱthisȱrespect,ȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ137ȱ(see
noteȱ11),ȱsuggestsȱthatȱinsanityȱisȱ“aȱsetȱofȱinfluencesȱdispersedȱsocially.”
388 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
Onȱtheȱsurfaceȱtheȱfirstȱviewȱappearsȱmoreȱappropriateȱtoȱaȱmedievalȱsetting,ȱas
itȱ doesȱ notȱ excludeȱ thatȱ anȱ external,ȱ perhapsȱ supernatural,ȱ forceȱ hasȱ taken
possessionȱofȱtheȱperpetrator.ȱAndȱinȱfactȱsomethingȱakinȱtoȱthisȱviewȱseemsȱto
haveȱ resonatedȱ withȱ theȱ villagersȱ whoȱ knewȱ theȱ Bretonȱ lord.ȱ Accordingȱ to
Blanchet,ȱbeforeȱGilles’sȱarrestȱaȱrumorȱwasȱcirculatingȱthatȱheȱmurderedȱchildren
inȱorderȱtoȱwriteȱwithȱtheirȱbloodȱaȱdemonicȱbookȱthatȱwouldȱhaveȱmadeȱhimȱallȬ
powerfulȱandȱableȱtoȱconquerȱanyȱfortress.ȱInȱeffectȱtheseȱpeopleȱwereȱlinkingȱin
aȱlogicalȱfashionȱtheȱkillingsȱandȱtheȱdemonicȱpractices,ȱandȱinȱsoȱdoingȱtheyȱwere
bestowingȱsomeȱgrandeurȱuponȱGilles’sȱsins,ȱanȱimageȱquiteȱremovedȱfromȱthe
patheticȱrealityȱthatȱeventuallyȱemergedȱfromȱtheȱtrial.104ȱYetȱGillesȱneverȱsaidȱthat
theȱdemonȱthatȱheȱassiduouslyȱpursuedȱ(andȱwhoȱperverselyȱeludedȱhim)ȱhadȱever
possessedȱhim,ȱandȱnoneȱofȱtheȱclericalȱjudgesȱsuggestedȱthisȱasȱaȱpossibility.ȱHe
reputedȱhimselfȱsolelyȱresponsibleȱforȱhisȱactions,ȱandȱinȱthisȱheȱconformedȱtoȱthe
behaviorȱofȱmostȱmodernȱserialȱkillers.105
Whereȱmodernȱviewsȱdivergeȱmostlyȱfromȱmedievalȱonesȱisȱinȱtheȱsecond,ȱor
psychological,ȱinterpretation.ȱButȱonceȱagainȱtheȱbreakȱwithȱtheȱpastȱisȱnotȱallȱthat
abrupt,ȱasȱitȱisȱnotȱdifficultȱtoȱfindȱaȱnicheȱforȱGillesȱinȱmodernȱcriminalȱtaxonomy.
Forȱexample,ȱheȱisȱrecognizableȱinȱtheȱsuccinctȱmanualȱofȱcriminologyȱbyȱRonald
M.ȱ Holmesȱ andȱ Jamesȱ Deȱ Burgerȱ dedicatedȱ toȱ serialȱ killers.ȱ Heȱ fitsȱ the
demographicsȱofȱmodernȬdayȱserialȱmurderers,ȱusuallyȱmalesȱinȱtheȱageȱrangeȱof
twentyȬfiveȱtoȱthirtyȬfive,ȱoftenȱfromȱaȱfavorableȱsocialȱbackground,ȱandȱgifted
withȱpositiveȱphysicalȱandȱmentalȱattributesȱandȱstatusȱ(forȱexample,ȱbeingȱthe
oldestȱson).106ȱHeȱevenȱbelongsȱtoȱaȱpreciseȱcategoryȱwithinȱtheȱlargerȱgroup,ȱwhat
104
Bossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ131ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ144,ȱ269ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱdeposition
ofȱ Eustacheȱ Blanchet)ȱ andȱ Heers,ȱ Gillesȱ deȱ Rais,ȱ 157,ȱ 208ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1).ȱ However,ȱ Heersȱ (170)
disagreesȱwithȱthoseȱwhoȱlinkedȱGilles’sȱthirstȱforȱgoldȱtoȱtheȱmurders,ȱsinceȱtheȱkillingȱstarted
wellȱbeforeȱ hisȱ financialȱdifficulties.ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcaseȱofȱJackȱtheȱRipper:ȱamongȱtheȱpseudoȬ
scientificȱexplanationsȱforȱtheȱmotivesȱofȱthisȱmysteriousȱassassin,ȱoneȱ“popularȱspeculation”
suggestedȱ thatȱ heȱ wasȱ hiredȱ byȱ “anȱ Americanȱ anatomist”ȱ toȱ supplyȱ himȱ withȱ organsȱ forȱ a
technicalȱmanuscriptȱonȱwhichȱheȱwasȱworkingȱ(twentyȱpoundsȱforȱeachȱspecimen).ȱFisher,ȱKiller
AmongȱUs,ȱ204ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱ
105
Atȱleastȱaȱcoupleȱofȱmodernȱserialȱkillersȱhaveȱmadeȱ(indirect)ȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱDevil.ȱInȱaȱrambling
noteȱ leftȱ besideȱ theȱ bodiesȱ ofȱ twoȱ victims,ȱ Davidȱ Berkowitzȱ (theȱ “Sonȱ ofȱ Sam”)ȱ callsȱ himself
“Beelzebub”ȱandȱtalksȱofȱhisȱold,ȱmeanȱfatherȱ(Sam)ȱwhoȱneedsȱtoȱdrinkȱtheȱbloodȱofȱvictimsȱto
recoverȱ hisȱ youth.ȱ Fisher,ȱ Killerȱ Amongȱ Us,ȱ 103–04ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 11).ȱ Beforeȱ hisȱ trialȱ theȱ judge
commentedȱ(113)ȱonȱhisȱclaimsȱofȱhavingȱbeenȱledȱtoȱkillingȱbyȱdemons.ȱAndȱGacyȱwroteȱinȱa
letterȱfromȱjailȱthatȱ“theȱdarkȱshadowȱofȱSatanȱhasȱcomeȱoverȱme.”ȱSullivan,ȱKillerȱClown,ȱ217ȱ(see
noteȱ68).ȱ
106
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱHolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ21,ȱ48–49
(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱTheȱvictimsȱwhomȱtheyȱdescribe,ȱhowever,ȱareȱusuallyȱfemales.ȱTheyȱalsoȱidentify
(65–67)ȱsomeȱsocialȱcausesȱpresentȱinȱcasesȱofȱmodernȱAmericanȱserialȱmurderersȱthatȱcouldȱapply
toȱGilles’sȱownȱbackground:ȱnormalizationȱofȱinterpersonalȱviolenceȱandȱimpulsiveness,ȱstrong
emphasisȱonȱcomforts,ȱimmediateȱgratification,ȱandȱthrills,ȱmagicalȱthinking,ȱexcessȱofȱviolentȱrole
theȱ twoȱ authorsȱ callȱ theȱ “lustȬorientedȱ hedonistic”ȱ type,ȱ whoseȱ killings
“demonstrateȱaȱprimaryȱandȱcentralȱfocusȱonȱsexualȱgratification”ȱthatȱbecomes
psychologicallyȱlinkedȱtoȱtheȱ“processȱofȱtheȱhomicide.”107ȱAsȱtheȱauthorsȱexplain,
theȱlustȱkillerȱisȱusuallyȱinȱtouchȱwithȱrealityȱexceptȱinȱthisȱoneȱarea,ȱinȱwhichȱhe
receivesȱ gratificationȱ “fromȱ theȱ useȱ andȱ abuseȱ ofȱ others.”ȱ Someȱ psychologists
explainȱhisȱmotivationȱtoȱkillȱasȱderivingȱfromȱunconsciousȱmotives,ȱothersȱfrom
aȱmultipleȱpersonalityȱstructure,ȱaȱ“beast”ȱwithin,ȱ“lurkingȱjustȱbelowȱtheȱsurface.”
Butȱinȱanyȱcaseȱtheȱmotiveȱisȱpsychogenic,ȱintrinsicȱwithinȱtheȱperpetratorȱand
unknownȱtoȱothers,ȱevenȱfamilyȱmembersȱandȱintimates.108ȱThisȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱthe
caseȱ withȱ Gilles,ȱ whoȱ claimedȱ atȱ oneȱ pointȱ thatȱ hisȱ mysteriousȱ murderous
impulsesȱ wereȱ forcedȱ onȱ himȱ byȱ planetaryȱ influencesȱ (whichȱ determineȱ one’s
personality).109ȱ
Theȱ authorsȱ furtherȱ subdivideȱ theȱ lustȱ killerȱ intoȱ twoȱ types,ȱ basedȱ onȱ other
factors.ȱTheȱ“disorganizedȱasocial”ȱoffenderȱisȱusuallyȱtheȱproductȱofȱharshȱfamily
discipline:ȱheȱshowsȱdisorganizationȱinȱallȱaspectsȱofȱlife,ȱmayȱhaveȱbelowȬaverage
intelligence,ȱandȱlacksȱbasicȱsocialȱskills.ȱThereforeȱheȱavoidsȱsocialȱsituationsȱwith
peers,ȱincludingȱsexualȱintimacy.ȱTheȱ“organizedȱnonsocial”ȱtypeȱisȱmoreȱdifficult
toȱidentifyȱbecauseȱheȱappearsȱmoreȱ“normal.”ȱHeȱmayȱhaveȱanȱaverageȱorȱabove
averageȱintelligenceȱandȱeducation,ȱhasȱtheȱskillsȱforȱcompetentȱsocialȱinteraction,
includingȱ sexualȱ skills,ȱ andȱ oftenȱ hasȱ knownȱ successȱ inȱ hisȱ field.ȱ Most
interestingly,ȱthisȱtypeȱ(likeȱGilles)ȱisȱoftenȱtheȱproductȱofȱinconsistentȱdiscipline
models,ȱandȱextensiveȱspatialȱmobility.ȱSeeȱalsoȱJulieȱB.ȱWiest,ȱCreatingȱCulturalȱMonsters:ȱSerial
MurderȱinȱAmericaȱ(BocaȱRaton,ȱFL:ȱCRCȱPress,ȱ2011).ȱTheȱresearchȱtopicȱisȱactuallyȱendless.
107
HolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ76ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱTheȱauthorsȱdistinguishȱfourȱtypesȱofȱserial
killersȱ(56–59):ȱvisionaryȱ(usuallyȱpsychotic:ȱwhoȱmurderȱinȱresponseȱtoȱtheȱcommandȱofȱvoices
orȱ visions),ȱ missionȬorientedȱ (whoȱ haveȱ theȱ consciousȱ goalȱ ofȱ eliminatingȱ particularȱ people),
hedonisticȱ(whoȱmurderȱforȱpleasureȱorȱthrillȬseeking),ȱandȱpower/controlȱorientedȱ(whoȱderive
satisfactionȱ fromȱ theȱ feelingȱ ofȱ powerȱ ofȱ lifeȱ andȱ deathȱ overȱ theȱ victim.ȱ Theȱ Power/ControlȬ
Orientedȱtype,ȱwhoseȱprimalȱmotivationȱisȱtoȱexerciseȱ“absoluteȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱdominanceȱoverȱanother
humanȱ being,”ȱ isȱ oftenȱ mistakenȱ forȱ theȱ Hedonisticȱ LustȬorientedȱ one.ȱ However,ȱ withȱ the
Power/ControlȬOrientedȱtypeȱaȱhistoryȱofȱ“selfȬconceptȱproblems”ȱisȱalsoȱpresent,ȱinȱparticular
lossȱofȱ“heroȱstatus”ȱ(79).ȱWhileȱthisȱtypeȱcouldȱfitȱGilles,ȱtoo,ȱIȱfindȱitȱlessȱlikely,ȱbecauseȱheȱhad
alreadyȱusedȱalternateȱmethodsȱ(excessiveȱspending,ȱtheater,ȱdemonicȱpractices)ȱtoȱsatisfyȱhisȱneed
forȱ heroȱ status.ȱ Iȱ alsoȱ doȱ notȱ findȱ himȱ aȱ particularlyȱ controllingȱ person,ȱ inȱ fact,ȱ ratherȱ more
inclinedȱtoȱlettingȱhimselfȱbeȱcontrolled,ȱfirstȱbyȱhisȱgrandfather,ȱthenȱbyȱdeȱLaȱTrémoille,ȱthen
(possibly)ȱbyȱBricqueville,ȱandȱfinallyȱbyȱPrelati.
108
HolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ24–25,ȱ50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱTheyȱaddȱ(56)ȱthatȱtheȱpsychogenic
originȱisȱalmostȱalwaysȱ“aȱsociopathicȱpersonalityȱpattern”ȱthatȱdrivesȱhimȱtoȱkillȱwithoutȱremorse,
andȱnot,ȱforȱexample,ȱextrinsicȱmotivesȱlikeȱthoseȱofȱrevolutionariesȱandȱterrorists.ȱInȱotherȱwords,
theȱrewardsȱofȱtheȱhomicidalȱactȱareȱpurelyȱpsychological.ȱSeeȱalsoȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,
28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱonȱtheȱ“disregardȱforȱmotive”ȱofȱserialȱkillersȱandȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ15ȱ(see
noteȱ11),ȱonȱhowȱtheȱmotivesȱofȱtheȱserialȱkillerȱareȱunknown,ȱandȱ“theȱunknownȱisȱfearedȱmost.”
109
Heers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ166ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ285ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱdeposition
ofȱHenriet).
390 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
asȱaȱchild;ȱresortsȱtoȱmurderȱduringȱsituationsȱofȱstress;ȱandȱgenerallyȱusesȱalcohol
toȱreleaseȱhisȱinhibitionsȱduringȱtheȱactualȱcrime.ȱInȱaddition,ȱthisȱtypeȱisȱmore
deliberateȱ inȱ theȱ selectionȱ ofȱ victims;ȱ isȱ moreȱ verbalȱ withȱ theȱ victim;ȱ mayȱ use
restraintsȱ andȱ prolongȱ theȱ killingȱ processȱ toȱ enjoyȱ thisȱ phase;ȱ isȱ lessȱ likelyȱ to
commitȱnecrophilia;ȱandȱleavesȱaȱneatȱcrimeȱscene.110ȱ
Basedȱonȱtheȱprofile,ȱGillesȱseemsȱtoȱbelongȱtoȱtheȱsecondȱcategory.ȱApparently
hisȱ planningȱ phaseȱ wasȱ careful,ȱ andȱ probablyȱ followedȱ aȱ specificȱ pattern.
Assumingȱthatȱhisȱvictimsȱtotaledȱaroundȱoneȱhundredȱ(aȱmiddleȱnumberȱbetween
whatȱBatailleȱconsidersȱtheȱveryȱminimumȱofȱthirtyȬȱfiveȱandȱaȱmaximumȱofȱtwo
hundred)ȱandȱassumingȱtheȱstartingȱdateȱofȱtheȱserialȱmurdersȱtoȱbeȱ1432ȱ(theȱone
onȱwhichȱmostȱwritersȱagree),ȱthenȱthisȱwouldȱbringȱtheȱhomicideȱrateȱtoȱaround
oneȱ murderȱ aȱ month.111ȱ Duringȱ eachȱ periodȱ hisȱ retainersȱ orȱ aȱ paidȱ procuress
spottedȱaȱlikelyȱvictimȱandȱluredȱhimȱintoȱtheȱtrap,ȱtheȱcrimeȱwasȱperpetrated,ȱand
theȱremainsȱdestroyed.ȱThenȱaȱfewȱdaysȱorȱweeksȱofȱintervalȱmayȱgoȱbyȱtoȱletȱthe
latestȱrumorȱdie,ȱandȱthenȱtheȱactivityȱwouldȱresumeȱwithȱtheȱnextȱvictim.ȱThe
actualȱmurderȱrateȱwasȱprobablyȱlessȱregular:ȱinȱfactȱfromȱvariousȱdepositionsȱit
seemsȱthatȱitsȱfrequencyȱincreasedȱasȱtimeȱwentȱon,ȱaȱpatternȱtypicalȱforȱthisȱtype
ofȱcrime.ȱUnfortunately,ȱitȱisȱimpossibleȱtoȱassociateȱGilles’sȱmurdersȱwithȱprecise
eventsȱofȱhisȱlifeȱthatȱmightȱhaveȱprecipitatedȱsituationalȱstress,ȱexceptȱperhaps
towardȱ theȱ veryȱ end.ȱ Itȱ isȱ notȱ farȬfetchedȱ toȱ postulateȱ thatȱ theȱ bishop’sȱ letters
(postedȱinȱJuly)ȱcausedȱhimȱsomeȱstress,ȱandȱthisȱcouldȱaccountȱforȱtheȱfactȱthatȱhe
continuedȱtoȱkillȱthroughȱtheȱmonthȱofȱAugust.
AccordingȱtoȱHolmesȱandȱDeȱBurgerȱtheȱlustȱkillerȱstagesȱhisȱcrimesȱinȱfour
phases:ȱ fantasizing,ȱ searchingȱ forȱ victims,ȱ murderȱ withȱ accompanyingȱ sexual
release,ȱandȱdisposalȱofȱremains.112ȱInȱGilles’sȱcaseȱoneȱcanȱonlyȱhypothesizeȱonȱthe
firstȱphase;ȱandȱbecauseȱheȱcouldȱcountȱonȱhelpers,ȱtheȱsecondȱandȱfourthȱphases
wereȱperformedȱbyȱothersȱwithȱapparentlyȱonlyȱminorȱinvolvementȱonȱhisȱpart.
Forȱexample,ȱatȱtimesȱheȱwouldȱgoȱtoȱpersonallyȱinspectȱaȱpotentialȱvictim,ȱbut
usuallyȱothersȱdidȱitȱforȱhim,ȱandȱafterȱtheȱmurderȱheȱwouldȱfallȱasleepȱonȱhisȱbed,
110
HolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ101–03ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11)ȱ(disorganized),ȱ103–05ȱ(organized),
106–08ȱ (additionalȱ characteristics).ȱ Theseȱ labelsȱ areȱ appliedȱ toȱ realȱ cases.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ a
psychiatristȱatȱDahmer’sȱtrialȱdeclaredȱhimȱ“anȱorganized,ȱnonsocial,ȱlustȱmurdererȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱdriven
byȱobsessiveȱfantasiesȱofȱpowerȱoverȱothers.”ȱCitedȱinȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ138ȱ(seeȱnote
11).
111
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ172ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱestimatesȱaȱveryȱminimumȱofȱthirtyȱfiveȱ(butȱbelievesȱitȱtoo
low).ȱ Theȱ numberȱ ofȱ twoȱ hundredȱ victimsȱ appearsȱ inȱ theȱ textȱ ofȱ theȱ sentenceȱ ofȱ theȱ secular
tribunal,ȱbutȱisȱgivenȱasȱaȱguessȱonly.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ135–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1)ȱandȱBataille,ȱLe
procès,ȱ 296ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3).ȱ Theȱ totalȱ numberȱ ofȱ victimsȱ isȱ impossibleȱ toȱ determineȱ fromȱ the
depositionsȱofȱwitnessesȱ(forȱexample,ȱmoreȱthanȱoneȱwitnessȱmayȱreferȱtoȱtheȱsameȱchild)ȱand
becauseȱtooȱmanyȱbodiesȱwereȱburnt.ȱGillesȱconfessedȱkillingȱanȱundeterminedȱ“grandȱnombre”
ofȱchildren.ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ243ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱGillesȱdeȱRais).ȱ
112
HolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ97–100ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
inȱaȱdrunkenȱstupor,ȱwhileȱhisȱservantsȱwentȱaboutȱtheȱtaskȱofȱdestroyingȱevidence
inȱhisȱroomȱtoȱleaveȱaȱ“neat”ȱcrimeȱscene.ȱSinceȱthoseȱareȱtheȱtwoȱmostȱlaborious
andȱtimeȬconsumingȱphases,ȱthisȱfactȱaloneȱmayȱexplainȱGilles’sȱextremelyȱhigh
killingȱrate,ȱevenȱbyȱserialȱkiller’sȱstandards.113ȱAsȱtoȱtheȱverbalȱinteraction,ȱitȱis
knownȱthatȱheȱdidȱtalkȱtoȱhisȱvictimsȱbothȱtoȱthreatenȱandȱtoȱcajole.ȱAndȱhisȱsexual
competenceȱwasȱdemonstratedȱbyȱtheȱfactȱthatȱheȱproducedȱaȱdaughterȱandȱhad
relationsȱ withȱ homosexualȱ partnersȱ whoȱ wereȱ apparentlyȱ consentingȱ andȱ not
destinedȱtoȱbeȱmurdered.114
Twoȱelementsȱofȱtheȱprofileȱareȱpuzzling,ȱhowever,ȱbecauseȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱquiteȱfit
theȱ“organized”ȱtype.ȱFirst,ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱheȱcommittedȱnecrophiliaȱ(byȱhisȱown
admissionȱandȱthatȱofȱhisȱaccomplices),ȱandȱsecond,ȱasȱBatailleȱhasȱpersuasively
argued,ȱ thatȱ heȱ lackedȱ intelligenceȱ andȱ theȱ abilityȱ toȱ plan.ȱ Theȱ absoluteȱ truth
cannotȱ beȱ ascertainedȱ fromȱ theȱ extantȱ documents,ȱ butȱ Iȱ wouldȱ ventureȱ a
hypothesisȱthatȱcouldȱhelpȱjustifyȱhisȱpresenceȱinȱtheȱ“organized”ȱgroup.ȱInȱthe
firstȱplaceȱhisȱnecrophiliaȱwasȱrelative,ȱbecauseȱheȱwouldȱperformȱtheȱsexualȱact
onȱvictimsȱwhoȱwereȱdyingȱorȱjustȱdeadȱbutȱstillȱwarm.ȱInȱotherȱterms,ȱheȱwanted
aȱ passive,ȱ helplessȱ partner,ȱ butȱ oneȱ whoȱ wouldȱ haveȱ theȱ attributesȱ ofȱ aȱ live
being.115ȱ Asȱ forȱ hisȱ allegedȱ lackȱ ofȱ intelligence,ȱ itȱ seemsȱ toȱ meȱ thatȱ the
manifestationsȱofȱwhatȱBatailleȱcallsȱhisȱ“niaiserie”ȱcouldȱratherȱbeȱsymptomatic
ofȱaȱpersonalityȱdisorder.ȱ
Inȱ fact,ȱ Gillesȱ fitsȱ theȱ portraitȱ ofȱ theȱ antisocialȱ personalityȱ orȱ sociopath.116
Grantedȱthatȱhisȱpersonalityȱtraits,ȱwhenȱtakenȱsingly,ȱcannotȱserveȱasȱirrefutable
proofȱofȱthisȱtheory,ȱnevertheless,ȱwhenȱtakenȱasȱaȱwhole,ȱtheyȱstronglyȱsuggest
thisȱtypeȱofȱdisorder.ȱHolmesȱandȱDeȱBurgerȱidentifyȱsociopathicȱtendenciesȱasȱthe
mainȱ componentȱ ofȱ theȱ personalityȱ ofȱ theȱ serialȱ killerȱ and,ȱ toȱ thisȱ endȱ they
distinguishȱtheȱsociopathȱfromȱtheȱpsychopathȱinȱthatȱtheȱbehaviorȱofȱthisȱcriminal
isȱ antisocialȱ inȱ nature,ȱ derivingȱ fromȱ “anȱ aberrantȱ andȱ sociallyȬdefectiveȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]
psyche,”ȱandȱavoidȱsuggestingȱthatȱtheȱserialȱkillerȱisȱpsychotic,ȱorȱ“mentallyȱill”
113
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ276ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱPoitou).ȱForȱexample,ȱoneȱtimeȱGilles
accompaniedȱPoitouȱtoȱtakeȱaȱchildȱfromȱhisȱhomeȱandȱpraisedȱhisȱservantȱforȱlocatingȱaȱvictim
“belȱcommeȱunȱange,”ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ130,ȱ300ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱdepositionȱofȱtheȱvictim’s
mother).
114
AtȱleastȱtwoȱofȱtheȱchoirȱboysȱwereȱhisȱfavoritesȱandȱBlanchetȱinȱhisȱdepositionȱclaimsȱthatȱaȱboy
namedȱ Perrinetȱ wasȱ Gilles’sȱ “mignon,”ȱ apartȱ fromȱ Poitou,ȱ whoȱ wasȱ alreadyȱ inȱ hisȱ twenties.
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ271ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱNoteȱthatȱGacyȱwasȱalsoȱmarriedȱtwiceȱandȱaȱfather.ȱSullivan,
KillerȱClown,ȱ255ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ68).
115
InȱhisȱconfessionȱPoitouȱspecifiesȱthat.ȱGillesȱ“commettaitȱsesȱluxures”ȱonȱaȱdeadȱbodyȱ“tantȱqu’il
restaitȱquelqueȱchaleur.”ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ276ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
116
Amongȱtheȱthreeȱbiographersȱmentionedȱinȱthisȱchapter,ȱonlyȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ166–67ȱ(see
noteȱ1),ȱdedicatesȱtwoȱpagesȱtoȱdiscussingȱGilles’sȱpossibleȱmentalȱillness.ȱTheȱonlyȱtrueȱclinical
hypothesisȱwasȱformulatedȱinȱ1932ȱbyȱRobertȱSoucix,ȱwhoȱattributedȱtoȱhimȱonlyȱanȱ“obsession
sexuelleȱetȱsanguinaire.”ȱ
392 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
inȱtheȱcommonlyȬunderstoodȱmeaning.ȱThisȱsubjectȱisȱasocialȱandȱfeelsȱnoȱguiltȱin
breakingȱcollectiveȱnormsȱorȱhurtingȱothers;ȱisȱdrivenȱbyȱincontrollableȱdesires;ȱis
highlyȱ impulsiveȱ andȱ showsȱ aȱ tendencyȱ toȱ avoidȱ responsibilityȱ andȱ social
restrictions;ȱisȱaggressiveȱandȱtendsȱtoȱreactȱtoȱfrustrationȱwithȱfuryȱandȱassaults
againstȱothers;ȱandȱhasȱaȱwarpedȱcapacityȱforȱlove,ȱformingȱatȱbestȱonlyȱfleeting
attachments.117ȱThereȱareȱseveralȱtheoriesȱonȱtheȱoriginȱofȱthisȱpersonality:ȱmost
researchersȱ attributeȱ itȱ toȱ faultyȱ socializationȱ inȱ theȱ developmentalȱ yearsȱ that
blockedȱtheȱprogressȱofȱwhatȱweȱcallȱ“conscience,”ȱforȱexample,ȱbyȱwithholding
parentalȱaffection.ȱHowever,ȱsinceȱthereȱisȱsomeȱvaguenessȱasȱtoȱwhatȱchildhood
yearsȱareȱformativeȱinȱthisȱcase,ȱandȱnoȱrealȱexplanationȱofȱwhyȱaȱmalfunctioning
familyȱ couldȱ produceȱ bothȱ sociopathsȱ andȱ normalȱ childrenȱ (like,ȱ forȱ example,
Gilles’sȱbrotherȱRené),ȱtheȱonlyȱremarkableȱconclusionȱthatȱtheȱtwoȱauthorsȱreach
onȱ thisȱ topicȱ isȱ thatȱ suchȱ anȱ environmentȱ seemsȱ unrelatedȱ toȱ socioȬeconomic
factorsȱandȱisȱfoundȱinȱallȱsocialȱclasses.118ȱ
Framedȱinȱsuchȱgeneralȱterms,ȱthisȱprofileȱisȱnotȱatȱoddsȱwithȱwhatȱisȱknownȱof
Gilles,ȱbutȱdoesȱnotȱseemȱuniquelyȱfitting.ȱHowever,ȱthereȱisȱmoreȱevidenceȱfrom
otherȱsources.ȱGillesȱmanifestedȱobviousȱsignsȱofȱnarcissism,ȱaȱsyndromeȱallegedly
foundȱ“toȱsomeȱdegreeȱinȱvirtuallyȱallȱindividualsȱwithȱpersonalityȱdisorders.”ȱIts
symptomsȱcanȱbeȱsummarizedȱas:ȱ“grandiosity”ȱ(senseȱofȱsuperiority,ȱboastful
behavior,ȱ arrogance,ȱ presenceȱ ofȱ pretentiousȱ fantasies,ȱ needȱ forȱ attentionȱ and
admiration)ȱandȱ“shallowȱvocationalȱcommitment”ȱwithȱ“aȱpatternȱofȱearlyȱsuccess
followedȱ byȱ laterȱ mediocrityȱ [and]ȱ preoccupationȱ withȱ fantasiesȱ ofȱ unlimited
success.”119ȱ Whileȱ someȱ ofȱ theseȱ attitudesȱ (arrogance,ȱ boastfulȱ behavior)
characterizeȱmanyȱnoblemenȱofȱGilles’sȱage,ȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱallȱofȱthemȱinȱhimȱis
stronglyȱ suggestive,ȱ inȱ particularȱ ifȱ oneȱ recallsȱ hisȱ briefȱ earlyȱ militaryȱ success
followedȱbyȱoblivion,ȱhisȱobsessionȱwithȱtheatricsȱandȱtendencyȱtoȱliveȱinȱaȱmakeȬ
117
HolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ66–68ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱTheȱcodificationȱofȱtheȱfeaturesȱofȱthis
personalityȱ derivesȱ fromȱ aȱ 1964ȱ studyȱ onȱ theȱ criminalȱ mindȱ byȱ McCords.ȱ Asȱ aȱ practical
application,ȱ seeȱ excerptsȱ ofȱ theȱ psychiatricȱ reportȱ onȱ Gacy:ȱ “aȱ psychopathicȱ (antisocial)
personality,ȱwithȱsexualȱdeviationȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱUnusualȱdegreeȱofȱselfȬreferenceȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱgreatȱneedȱtoȱbeȱloved
andȱ admiredȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ exploitativeȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ charmingȱ onȱ theȱ surface,ȱ coldȱ andȱ ruthlessȱ underneath.ȱ .ȱ .
noticeableȱabsenceȱofȱfeelingsȱofȱremorseȱandȱguiltȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱlossȱofȱegoȬcontrolȱunderȱtheȱinfluenceȱof
alcohol,ȱdrugs,ȱextremeȱfatigue.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱbutȱsaneȱtoȱstandȱtrial.ȱSullivan,ȱKillerȱClown,ȱ232–33ȱ(seeȱnote
68).ȱThereȱisȱalsoȱreferenceȱtoȱhisȱnarcissism,ȱsadism,ȱegocentrism,ȱneedȱtoȱexertȱfullȱcontrolȱover
victims,ȱandȱtendencyȱtoȱrationalizationȱ(235).ȱAnotherȱpsychiatricȱevaluationȱconcludedȱthatȱhe
showedȱnormalȱintelligence,ȱaȱtendencyȱtoȱbeȱmanipulative,ȱandȱ“totalȱdenialȱofȱresponsibility.”
Sullivan,ȱKillerȱClown,ȱ249ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ68).
118
HolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ68–69ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱTheȱauthorsȱcautionȱ(80)ȱnotȱtoȱconfuse
correlationȱwithȱcausation:ȱwhileȱitȱisȱimportantȱtoȱexamineȱtheȱbackgroundȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱcommit
homicides,ȱitȱwouldȱbeȱaȱmistakeȱtoȱassertȱthatȱtheȱbackgroundȱisȱtheȱcauseȱforȱtheȱhomicides.
119
JonathanȱD.ȱC.ȱPerryȱandȱJ.ȱChristopherȱPerry,ȱConflicts,ȱDefenses,ȱandȱtheȱStabilityȱofȱNarcissistic
PersonalityȱFeaturesȱ(Psychiatryȱ64.4,ȱWinterȱ2004):ȱ310–30;ȱhereȱ311,ȱ320.
believeȱ worldȱ ofȱ magic,ȱ hisȱ grandioseȱ butȱ illȬconceivedȱ projectȱ ofȱ harnessing
supernaturalȱ forcesȱ toȱ achieveȱ success,ȱ hisȱ irresponsibleȱ expenditures,ȱ andȱ his
overȬgenerousȱgiftsȱtoȱhangersȬonȱandȱbareȱacquaintancesȱ(forȱexample,ȱexcessive
remunerationȱtoȱaȱchoirȱboyȱandȱtheȱboy’sȱparents).120ȱSomeȱhaveȱsuggestedȱthat
narcissistsȱareȱunableȱ“toȱdependȱonȱothers,ȱalthoughȱonȱtheȱsurfaceȱtheyȱmay
appearȱtoȱbeȱ‘dependent’ȱbecauseȱofȱtheirȱstrongȱneedȱforȱtributeȱandȱadoration.”121
This,ȱ too,ȱ fitsȱ Gilles,ȱ inȱ whomȱ theȱ needȱ forȱ sadisticȱ violenceȱ coexistedȱ withȱ an
almostȱinfantileȱdependencyȱonȱtheȱthinningȱranksȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱaccompaniedȱhim
inȱhisȱjourneyȱtoȱdisaster,ȱallȱofȱwhomȱlivedȱlavishlyȱatȱhisȱexpensesȱ(forȱexample,
PrelatiȱandȱBricqueville,ȱintoȱwhoseȱhandsȱGillesȱleftȱtheȱcompleteȱmanagement
ofȱhisȱaffairs).
Ifȱoneȱlooksȱatȱstudiesȱoutsideȱcriminology,ȱtheȱportraitȱofȱtheȱsociopathȱbecomes
moreȱcomplex,ȱtheȱsignsȱofȱaberrationȱmoreȱevident,ȱandȱGilles’sȱpictureȱmore
complete.ȱ Inȱ hisȱ classicalȱ workȱ Theȱ Maskȱ ofȱ Sanity,ȱ basedȱ onȱ hisȱ vastȱ clinical
experienceȱwithȱthisȱpersonalityȱdisorder,ȱHerveyȱCleckleyȱlistsȱsixteenȱtraits,ȱof
whichȱatȱleastȱoneȬhalfȱstandȱoutȱinȱGilles’sȱcase:ȱsuperficialȱcharm,ȱchildishness,
unreliability,ȱhedonismȱandȱegocentricity,ȱmarkedlyȱeccentricȱbehaviorȱunderȱthe
influenceȱ ofȱalcohol,ȱinabilityȱtoȱprofitȱfromȱexperience,ȱlackȱofȱjudgment,ȱand
sexualȱlifeȱthatȱisȱtrivial,ȱimpersonal,ȱandȱpoorlyȱintegrated.122ȱWhileȱtheȱfirstȱseven
seemȱ suchȱ aȱ perfectȱ fitȱ forȱ himȱ thatȱ theyȱ doȱ notȱ requireȱ anyȱ furtherȱ comment
(unreliabilityȱmayȱbeȱtheȱreasonȱwhy,ȱdespiteȱhisȱloftyȱofficialȱtitle,ȱheȱwasȱnot
calledȱtoȱparticipateȱinȱanyȱactionsȱonȱbehalfȱofȱtheȱkingȱorȱtheȱduke),ȱtheȱlastȱneeds
someȱclarification.ȱ
120
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ113ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ93ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱHeȱassignedȱaȱrente
worthȱtwoȱhundredȱlivresȱtoȱhisȱfavoriteȱchoirȱboyȱRossignolȱandȱgaveȱtwoȱhundredȱécusȱtoȱthe
boy’sȱparents.ȱSeeȱalsoȱSullivan,ȱKillerȱClown,ȱ189ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ68),ȱonȱhowȱGacyȱwouldȱtryȱ(inȱpart
successfully)ȱtoȱingratiateȱhisȱneighborsȱwithȱChristmasȱgiftsȱandȱ“hugeȱthemeȱparties.”ȱHeȱalso
posedȱasȱaȱprofessionalȱclownȱandȱatȱtimesȱasȱaȱpoliceman,ȱwhichȱindicateȱaȱneedȱtoȱplayact.ȱHis
childishȱbehaviorȱwasȱnotedȱbyȱthoseȱacquaintedȱwithȱhim.ȱSullivan,ȱKillerȱClown,ȱ242ȱ(seeȱnote
68).ȱOnȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱpreferenceȱforȱmakeȬbelieveȱseeȱDahmer’sȱstatementȱ“Iȱmadeȱmyȱfantasyȱlife
moreȱpowerfulȱthanȱmyȱrealȱone”ȱcitedȱinȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ122ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
121
PerryȱandȱPerry,ȱConflicts,ȱDefensesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ119):ȱ310–30.ȱNarcissistsȱalsoȱhaveȱaȱlowȱlevelȱof
inhibitionȱandȱmayȱmanifestȱsevereȱmoodȱswingsȱandȱovertȱangerȱatȱbeingȱthwartedȱbyȱothers.
IȱdoȱnotȱseeȱdirectȱevidenceȱofȱabnormalȱmoodȱswingsȱinȱGilles,ȱevenȱifȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ117
(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱtalksȱaboutȱangerȱatȱhisȱfailuresȱandȱalternatingȱhopeȱwithȱdespairȱandȱBataille,ȱLe
procès,ȱ35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱtalksȱaboutȱmoodȱswingsȱduringȱhisȱtrialȱ(whichȱIȱfindȱratherȱnatural,ȱgiven
thatȱhisȱlifeȱwasȱonȱtheȱline).ȱ
122
HarveyȱCleckley,ȱM.D.,ȱTheȱMaskȱofȱSanity,ȱ4thȱed.ȱ(SaintȱLouis:ȱTheȱC.V.ȱMosbyȱCompany,ȱ1964),
363,ȱ368–400.ȱOnȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱchildishnessȱheȱnotesȱ(208)ȱthatȱsociopathsȱtendȱtoȱarouseȱthe
maternalȱinstinctȱofȱwomen.ȱNoteȱonȱtheȱfourthȱedition:ȱheȱsignificantlyȱreplacedȱ(8)ȱtheȱolderȱterm
psychopathicȱpersonalityȱwithȱsociopathicȱpersonalityȱinȱ1955,ȱinȱlineȱwithȱaȱchangeȱinȱtheȱofficial
psychiatricȱnomenclature.
394 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
Cleckleyȱsuggestsȱthatȱsociopathsȱinȱgeneralȱlackȱaȱvigorousȱlibidinousȱdriveȱthat
couldȱmanifestȱitselfȱinȱobsessiveȱeroticȱformsȱlikeȱmasochism,ȱsadism,ȱbestiality,
andȱsoȱforth.ȱButȱheȱaddsȱthat,ȱgivenȱtheȱsociopath’sȱpropensityȱforȱunacceptable
behaviorȱ (forȱ example,ȱ theȱ tendencyȱ toȱ seekȱ sexualȱ gratificationȱ “inȱ sordid
surroundingsȱwithȱpersonsȱofȱlowȱintellectualȱorȱsocialȱstatus”),ȱheȱneedsȱmuch
lessȱstimulationȱtoȱindulgeȱinȱdeviantȱsexualȱpractices.ȱTherefore,ȱinȱtheȱrareȱcases
whenȱaȱsociopathȱisȱalsoȱaȱsadistȱheȱisȱaȱveryȱdangerousȱcriminal.ȱHeȱconcludes
withȱ theȱ ominousȱ statementȱ thatȱ peopleȱ ofȱ thisȱ sortȱ “areȱ oftenȱ responsibleȱ for
perverseȱandȱmurderousȱattacksȱonȱchildren.”123ȱItȱisȱevidentȱfromȱtheȱtrialȱrecords
thatȱ Gilles’sȱ sexualȱ practicesȱ rangedȱ fromȱ theȱ normalȱ (withȱ hisȱ wifeȱ andȱ with
consentingȱ maleȱ partners)ȱ toȱ theȱ extremelyȱ perverse.ȱ Additionally,ȱ theȱ latter
occurredȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱparaphilia,ȱwhatȱpsychiatristsȱdefineȱasȱtheȱ“recurrent,
intense,ȱsexuallyȱarousingȱfantasies”ȱinvolvingȱfetishesȱ(inȱhisȱcase,ȱbodyȱpart);ȱthe
needȱforȱhumiliationȱ(theȱinitialȱfrighteningȱofȱtheȱvictimȱwithȱstagedȱhanging);ȱthe
presenceȱ ofȱ childrenȱ orȱ otherȱ nonȬconsentingȱ partners;ȱ frotteurismȱ and
exhibitionismȱ(heȱmasturbatedȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱvictimsȱandȱservants);ȱsadism
andȱvoyeurismȱ(heȱreachedȱtheȱhighestȱexcitementȱinȱwatchingȱtheȱvictim’sȱagony
andȱdeath).124ȱ
Aȱ majorȱ traitȱ ofȱ theȱ sociopathicȱ personalityȱ isȱ theȱ presenceȱ ofȱ “capricious
irresponsibility,”ȱdisloyalty,ȱabsenceȱofȱremorse,ȱandȱinȱgeneralȱ“povertyȱinȱmajor
affectiveȱreactions.”ȱTheȱsociopathȱmayȱdisplayȱ“spite,ȱquickȱandȱlabileȱflashesȱof
quasiȬaffection,ȱpeevishȱresentment,ȱshallowȱmoodsȱofȱselfȬpity,ȱandȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱshowy
posesȱofȱindignation,”ȱbutȱisȱincapableȱofȱmatureȱanger,ȱofȱ“honest,ȱsolidȱgrief,
sustainingȱpride,ȱdeepȱjoy,ȱandȱgenuineȱdespair.”125ȱWhileȱtheȱbishopȱandȱhisȱcourt
seemedȱtoȱhaveȱtakenȱatȱfaceȱvalueȱGilles’sȱtheatricalȱdisplayȱofȱtearsȱandȱremorse,
theseȱwereȱmoreȱlikelyȱtheȱresultȱofȱimpulsiveȱplayacting.ȱAfterȱall,ȱGillesȱwas
consciousȱofȱhisȱguiltȱwhenȱheȱtriedȱtoȱbullyȱhisȱwayȱoutȱofȱtheȱtrialȱbyȱattacking
hisȱjudges;ȱthen,ȱonceȱcornered,ȱwhenȱheȱattemptedȱtoȱskirtȱtheȱrealȱissueȱofȱhis
crimesȱ andȱ triedȱ toȱ steerȱ theȱ courtȱ towardȱ theȱ lesserȱ chargeȱ ofȱ havingȱ abused
alchemyȱ(aȱploy,ȱincidentally,ȱnotedȱbyȱBossard);ȱandȱlastly,ȱonceȱitȱwasȱclearȱthat
theȱjudgesȱhadȱhadȱenoughȱofȱhisȱgamesȱandȱthreatenedȱtorture,ȱwhenȱheȱlaunched
intoȱaȱtearfulȱconfessionȱcountingȱonȱtheirȱpaternalȱinstincts.ȱAllȱofȱtheseȱchanges
123
Cleckley,ȱMaskȱofȱSanity,ȱ320–21,ȱ394–99ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ122).
124
MichaelȱB.ȱFirst,ȱM.D.ȱandȱRobertȱL.ȱHalon,ȱPh.D.,ȱ“UseȱofȱDSMȱParaphiliaȱDiagnosesȱinȱSexually
ViolentȱPredatorȱCommitmentȱCases,”ȱJournalȱofȱtheȱAmericanȱAcademyȱofȱPsychiatry,ȱLaw,ȱ36.4
(2008):ȱ443–54.ȱ
125
Cleckley,ȱMaskȱofȱSanity,ȱ281,ȱ380ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ122).ȱInȱfact,ȱsociopathsȱalmostȱneverȱcommitȱsuicide
(393).ȱ Compareȱ Gilles’sȱ overconfidentȱ behaviorȱ toȱ thatȱ ofȱ Henriet,ȱ whoȱ confessedȱ having
attemptedȱsuicideȱafterȱhisȱarrest.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ194ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ156,
326ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱHenriet:ȱheȱspecifiesȱhavingȱtriedȱtoȱcutȱhisȱownȱthroatȱto
avoidȱinterrogation)ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ179ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
occurredȱ inȱ aȱ matterȱ ofȱ days,ȱ andȱ Iȱ doubtȱ thatȱ theyȱ followedȱ aȱ trueȱ strategy.
Rather,ȱ likeȱ aȱ truantȱ child,ȱ heȱ wentȱ throughȱ aȱ seriesȱ ofȱ adȬhocȱ survival
maneuvers.126
Cleckleyȱalsoȱtalksȱofȱtheȱsociopath’sȱextremeȱlackȱofȱinsightȱandȱselfȬappraisal,
toȱ aȱ degreeȱ seldomȱ foundȱ inȱ psychoticȱ patients,ȱ despiteȱ hisȱ freedomȱ from
delusions.ȱ Whenȱ cornered,ȱ heȱ usesȱ pretextsȱ andȱ rationalizations,ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ a
“mimicryȱofȱinsight.”127ȱAȱdramaticȱexampleȱofȱthisȱisȱGilles’sȱtortuousȱresponse
toȱPierreȱdeȱl’Hôpital’sȱquestionȱofȱwhyȱheȱhadȱcommittedȱhisȱcriminalȱacts.ȱHis
initialȱreactionȱwasȱoneȱofȱannoyance,ȱandȱheȱquipped,ȱ“Comeȱon,ȱsir,ȱyouȱtorment
meȱandȱyourself.”ȱOnlyȱafterȱtheȱotherȱpersistedȱdidȱheȱrespond,ȱ“Truly,ȱthereȱare
noȱotherȱreasonsȱthanȱwhatȱIȱalreadyȱtoldȱyou,ȱandȱwhatȱIȱtoldȱyouȱisȱmoreȱthan
enoughȱ toȱ executeȱ tenȱ thousandȱ men.”128ȱ Thisȱ secondȱ answer,ȱ whichȱ inȱ effect
amountsȱ toȱ sayingȱ thatȱ heȱ hadȱ actedȱ entirelyȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ willȱ andȱ forȱ hisȱ own
pleasure,ȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱdictatedȱmoreȱbyȱaȱneedȱtoȱmoveȱbeyondȱtheȱquestionȱthan
byȱgenuineȱinsight.ȱInȱfact,ȱheȱactedȱasȱifȱheȱhadȱnoȱideaȱofȱwhatȱtheȱjudgeȱwanted
toȱknow,ȱbecauseȱitȱhadȱneverȱoccurredȱtoȱhimȱthatȱheȱshouldȱhaveȱanyȱmotives
atȱall.ȱAtȱtimesȱheȱseemedȱtoȱexhibitȱaȱglimmeringȱofȱperceptionȱofȱtheȱcompulsive
natureȱofȱhisȱactsȱofȱviolence.ȱForȱexample,ȱheȱhadȱmadeȱoccasionalȱstatementsȱto
hisȱservantsȱtoȱtheȱeffectȱthatȱheȱplannedȱtoȱmakeȱaȱcleanȱbreakȱandȱundertakeȱan
expiatoryȱpilgrimageȱtoȱJerusalemȱ(aȱplan—typically—neverȱmaterialized).ȱHe
appearsȱalsoȱtoȱhaveȱsensedȱthatȱthereȱwasȱsomethingȱsickȱaboutȱhisȱbehavior,ȱbut
couldȱnotȱstopȱhimself,ȱandȱsoȱheȱbreezilyȱexplainedȱthatȱhisȱrulingȱplanetȱmade
himȱcommitȱcrimesȱthatȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱunderstoodȱbyȱothers.129ȱ
AlmostȱasȱifȱtoȱcontradictȱBossard,ȱCleckleyȱwarnsȱagainstȱtrustingȱsociopaths
onȱtheȱbasisȱofȱtheirȱoutwardȱsocialȱgraces.ȱTheyȱcanȱappearȱattentiveȱinȱsmall
courtesiesȱandȱfavors,ȱandȱevenȱbehaveȱgenerouslyȱwhenȱtheȱcostȱisȱnotȱdecisive.
Butȱtheyȱareȱproneȱtoȱsquanderingȱfamilyȱwealthȱwithȱtheirȱinabilityȱtoȱfollowȱaȱlife
126
Bossard,ȱ107,ȱ230ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱlackȱofȱplanningȱinȱhisȱdefenseȱwasȱalsoȱnotedȱbyȱBataille,ȱLe
procès,ȱ35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
127
Cleckley,ȱMaskȱofȱSanity,ȱ383–84ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ122).
128
Theȱactualȱtext,ȱinȱoldȱFrenchȱamongȱtheȱoriginalȱLatin,ȱgoes,ȱ“Hélas!ȱmonseigneur,ȱvousȱvous
tourmentezȱetȱmoyȱavecquesȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱVrayementȱilȱn’yȱavoitȱautreȱcause,ȱfinȱneȱintencionȱqueȱceȱque
jeȱvousȱayȱdit:ȱjeȱvousȱayȱditȱdeȱplusȱgransȱchosesȱqueȱn’estȱcestȱcyȱetȱassezȱpourȱfaireȱmourirȱdix
milleȱhommes.”ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ239,ȱnoteȱno.ȱ1ȱandȱ3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(fromȱtheȱconfessionȱofȱGilles
deȱRais).ȱEarlierȱheȱhadȱadmittedȱcommittingȱhisȱcrimesȱ“suivantȱsonȱimaginationȱetȱsaȱpensée,
sansȱleȱconseilȱdeȱpersonne,ȱetȱselonȱsonȱpropreȱsens,ȱseulementȱpourȱsonȱplaisirȱetȱsaȱdélectation
charnelle,ȱetȱnonȱpourȱquelqueȱautreȱintentionȱouȱquelqueȱautreȱfin.”ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ165ȱ(see
noteȱ3).
129
Theȱ“acteȱd’accusation”ȱsummarizesȱthusȱGilles’sȱrecidivismȱafterȱvainȱtalksȱofȱcontritionȱand
pilgrimages:ȱ “leȱ chienȱ retourneȱ àȱ sonȱ vomi.”ȱ Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 218ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3).ȱ Astrological
influenceȱasȱdeterminantȱforȱtheȱfutureȱserialȱkillerȱwasȱalsoȱclaimedȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱ“Coed
Killer.”ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ73ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
396 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
plan,ȱandȱdisplayȱtheirȱpathologicalȱconditionȱinȱotherȱaspectsȱofȱlifeȱ(forȱexample,
inȱtheirȱoutlandishȱbehaviorȱwhileȱintoxicated,ȱwellȱbeyondȱwhatȱisȱobservableȱin
trueȱalcoholics),ȱandȱeventuallyȱmayȱendȱupȱfailingȱ“withȱspectacularȱandȱbizarre
splendor.”130ȱInȱaȱsocietyȱusedȱtoȱdrinking,ȱGilles’sȱabuseȱofȱalcoholȱwasȱaȱrecurring
themeȱinȱtheȱtestimoniesȱofȱhisȱaccomplicesȱandȱhisȱownȱ(inȱfact,ȱheȱattributedȱto
it,ȱinȱpart,ȱhisȱmurderousȱbehavior).ȱAndȱhisȱtendencyȱtoȱwasteȱhisȱfortuneȱhas
sufficientlyȱbeenȱdiscussed.
Finally,ȱCleckleyȱpointedlyȱdifferentiatesȱtheȱsociopath’sȱmodusȱoperandiȱfrom
thatȱofȱtheȱ“ordinaryȱcriminal.”ȱInȱtheȱfirstȱplace,ȱtheȱlatterȱpursuesȱhisȱownȱends
withȱhisȱcriminalȱacts,ȱwhileȱtheȱsociopathȱ“almostȱneverȱworksȱconsistentlyȱin
crimeȱorȱinȱanythingȱelseȱtoȱachieveȱaȱpermanentȱpositionȱofȱpowerȱorȱwealthȱor
security.”ȱ Second,ȱ theȱ criminal’sȱ ends,ȱ evenȱ ifȱ theȱ methodsȱ areȱ illicit,ȱ are
understandableȱtoȱtheȱaverageȱperson,ȱwhileȱtheȱsociopathȱwillȱ“deliberatelyȱthrow
awayȱsoȱmuchȱinȱorderȱtoȱseekȱwhatȱisȱveryȱtrivialȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱandȱveryȱephemeral.”
Third,ȱ theȱ criminalȱ willȱ tryȱ toȱ spareȱ himselfȱ risksȱ andȱ harmȱ others,ȱ whileȱ the
sociopathȱmayȱincidentallyȱcauseȱtroubleȱforȱothers,ȱbutȱusuallyȱplacesȱhimselfȱin
aȱ“shamefulȱandȱmostȱuncomfortable”ȱposition.ȱLastly,ȱtheȱfewȱsociopathsȱwho
indulgeȱ inȱ seriousȱ criminalȱ activityȱ seemȱ toȱ doȱ soȱ withoutȱ takingȱ into
considerationȱtheȱconsequencesȱofȱtheirȱactions.131ȱFromȱCleckley’sȱargumentsȱJean
deȱCraonȱcouldȱeasilyȱbeȱconsideredȱanȱordinaryȱcriminalȱ(asȱarguedȱbyȱBataille),
whileȱ Gilles,ȱ inȱ allȱ activitiesȱ undergoneȱ onȱ hisȱ ownȱ initiative,ȱ seemsȱ toȱ have
squanderedȱwhatȱheȱhadȱratherȱthanȱactingȱpurposefullyȱtoȱacquireȱmore.132ȱ
Theȱutterȱsenselessnessȱofȱhisȱcriminalȱactivitiesȱspeaksȱtoȱhisȱincredibleȱlackȱof
judgment.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ hadȱ heȱ beenȱ anȱ “ordinaryȱ criminal”ȱ heȱ wouldȱ have
insistedȱthatȱPrelatiȱshowȱhimȱsomeȱresultsȱforȱhisȱinvestmentȱofȱtimeȱandȱmoney;
orȱafterȱkidnappingȱandȱabusingȱchildrenȱheȱcouldȱhaveȱkilledȱthemȱtoȱprevent
themȱfromȱdisclosingȱhisȱtreatmentȱofȱthem.ȱButȱweȱknowȱthatȱnoneȱofȱthisȱcrossed
Gilles’sȱsickȱmind:ȱtheȱinvocationȱofȱdemonsȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱbecomeȱanȱendȱinȱitself,
perhapsȱ evenȱ anȱ excuseȱ toȱ keepȱ Prelatiȱ close,ȱ withȱ theȱ pursuitȱ ofȱ wealthȱ a
secondaryȱobjective,ȱandȱtheȱkillingȱwas—inȱhisȱownȱwords—theȱbestȱpartȱofȱa
fleetingȱexcitement.ȱFurther,ȱtheȱLeȱFerronȱincidentȱhasȱnotȱbeenȱexplainedȱbyȱany
historianȱusingȱlogicalȱarguments,ȱandȱcanȱonlyȱbecomeȱunderstandableȱwithinȱa
pathologicalȱframework.ȱItȱwouldȱbeȱevenȱmoreȱdifficultȱtoȱtryȱtoȱexplainȱinȱlogical
termsȱwhyȱGillesȱcontinuedȱhisȱmurderousȱactivityȱafterȱtheȱfirstȱaccusatoryȱletter
ofȱtheȱbishopȱbecameȱpublic.ȱButȱtheȱultimateȱquestionȱthatȱanȱordinaryȱcriminal
wouldȱaskȱofȱGillesȱis:ȱwhyȱdidȱheȱnotȱfleeȱlikeȱBricquevilleȱandȱSillé,ȱgivenȱthatȱhe
130
Cleckley,ȱMaskȱofȱSanity,ȱ387,ȱ388,ȱ390–92,ȱ400ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ122).
131
Cleckley,ȱMaskȱofȱSanity,ȱ276–77ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ122).
132
Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 29ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3).ȱ Heȱ callsȱ attentionȱ toȱ theȱ contrastȱ betweenȱ theȱ oldȱ man’s
purposefulȱviolenceȱandȱtheȱyoungȱone’sȱchildishȱbrutality.
hadȱtheȱsameȱinformationȱasȱtheyȱdidȱpriorȱtoȱhisȱarrest,ȱandȱthatȱheȱknewȱhimself
guiltyȱofȱmurder?
Toȱsummarize,ȱinȱtheȱmodernȱjudicialȱsystemȱtheȱambivalenceȱofȱperception
aboutȱ theȱ serialȱ killer—superȬintelligent,ȱ rationalȱ criminalȱ orȱ maladjusted
deviant—isȱalwaysȱpresent,ȱwithȱculturalȱcurrentsȱfavoringȱoneȱorȱtheȱotherȱview.
Butȱ evenȱ afterȱ routineȱ psychiatricȱ evaluation,ȱ theȱ accusedȱ isȱ usuallyȱ deemed
competentȱtoȱstandȱtrial,ȱbecauseȱnothingȱinȱtheȱsociopath’sȱbehaviorȱpointsȱto
inabilityȱtoȱperceiveȱtheȱrealityȱofȱmurder,ȱandȱtheȱverdictȱisȱusuallyȱ“guilty.”ȱThe
medievalȱsystemȱresolvedȱsomewhatȱtheȱambiguityȱbyȱcompartmentalizingȱthe
procedureȱagainstȱtheȱaccused.ȱConsequently,ȱtheȱmoralȱaspectȱofȱGilles’sȱactivities
cameȱunderȱtheȱjurisdictionȱofȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱcourtȱwhileȱhisȱcriminalȱactions
cameȱunderȱthatȱofȱtheȱsecularȱcourt.ȱBut,ȱasȱitȱisȱtrueȱofȱmodernȱserialȱkillers,ȱin
bothȱ courtsȱ heȱ wasȱ judgedȱ toȱ beȱ solelyȱ responsibleȱ forȱ hisȱ behavior,ȱ an
interpretationȱinȱwhichȱheȱconcurred,ȱevenȱifȱhisȱexplanationȱforȱhisȱmotivesȱwas
(typicallyȱforȱaȱsociopath)ȱsuperficialȱandȱchildish.ȱItȱisȱhoweverȱevidentȱfromȱthe
veryȱdiscrepancyȱinȱextantȱdocumentation,ȱwhichȱisȱmuchȱmoreȱabundantȱforȱthe
ecclesiasticalȱtrial,ȱthatȱtheȱkeyȱjudgmentȱthatȱestablishedȱGilles’sȱreputationȱrested
withȱtheȱbishop’sȱcourt.ȱ
Twoȱattitudesȱofȱthisȱcourt,ȱinȱparticular,ȱmayȱsurpriseȱmodernȱreaders.ȱTheȱfirst
isȱ aȱ (refreshingly)ȱ rationalȱ positionȱ towardȱ theȱ victimsȱ andȱ theirȱ families.ȱ For
example,ȱthereȱwasȱnoȱattemptȱtoȱattributeȱtoȱtheȱfamiliesȱpartȱofȱtheȱresponsibility
forȱ theirȱ children’sȱ murders,ȱ evenȱ ifȱ mostȱ familiesȱ hadȱ willinglyȱ allowedȱ their
childrenȱtoȱcomeȱintoȱGilles’sȱclutchesȱforȱmoney.ȱInȱcontrast,ȱsomeȱwitnessesȱat
Williams’sȱtrialȱinȱAtlantaȱopenlyȱaccusedȱtheȱparentsȱofȱbeingȱparticipantsȱtoȱthe
murdersȱofȱtheirȱchildrenȱforȱhavingȱallowedȱtheȱlatterȱtooȱmuchȱfreedomȱinȱthe
streets.ȱAndȱatȱDahmer’sȱtrialȱsomeȱmembersȱofȱtheȱpressȱandȱpoliceȱblamedȱthe
victimsȱ themselvesȱ forȱ havingȱ broughtȱ aboutȱ theirȱ deathȱ withȱ theirȱ “risky”
lifestyle.133ȱ
Theȱsecondȱstanceȱofȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱcourtȱthatȱseemsȱmostȱatȱoddȱwithȱmodern
practicesȱisȱthatȱofȱconsentingȱtoȱtheȱritualȱofȱmassȱreconciliationȱthatȱwasȱstaged
toȱcoincideȱwithȱtheȱexecution.ȱBataille,ȱinȱparticular,ȱhasȱraisedȱdoubtsȱaboutȱthe
sincerityȱofȱthisȱevent,ȱwhichȱmanyȱmightȱhaveȱattendedȱagainstȱtheirȱwillȱorȱwith
133
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ70–72ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱcitesȱaȱpoliceman’sȱstatementȱthatȱDahmer’s
victimsȱwereȱ“criminalȱfacilitatingȱvictims”ȱwhoȱchoseȱaȱriskyȱlifeȱstyle.ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,
143ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱstatesȱthatȱaȱnȱFBIȱagentȱaccusedȱtheȱparentsȱofȱtheȱAtlantaȱvictimsȱofȱmurdering
themȱbecauseȱtheyȱwereȱ“nuisances.”ȱHeȱobservesȱ(16)ȱthatȱamongȱtheȱmodernȱpublicȱthereȱisȱthe
tendencyȱ toȱ blameȱ victimsȱ ofȱ assaultsȱ andȱ murderȱ whoȱ haveȱ beenȱ selectedȱ forȱ theirȱ lifestyle
(prostitutes,ȱ drifters,ȱ andȱ homosexuals),ȱ inȱ anȱ attemptȱ atȱ relievingȱ theȱ publicȱ ofȱ collective
responsibility.ȱInȱGilles’sȱsocietyȱtheȱsightȱofȱboysȱwanderingȱaloneȱorȱinȱgroupsȱoutsideȱtheȱhome
andȱtakingȱcareȱofȱthemselvesȱwasȱnotȱperceivedȱinȱsuchȱnegativeȱterms.ȱSee,ȱforȱexample,ȱRobert
Muchembled,ȱL’inventionȱdeȱl’hommeȱmoderneȱ(Paris:ȱFayard,ȱ1988),ȱ296–306.
398 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
theȱ secretȱ intentȱ ofȱ prayingȱ forȱ Gilles’sȱ damnation.ȱ Iȱ thinkȱ thatȱ thisȱ collective
drama,ȱsoȱalienȱtoȱourȱsocietyȱandȱwhichȱleavesȱBatailleȱperplexed,ȱwasȱpotentially
therapeutic,ȱasȱitȱofferedȱaȱsymbolicȱ“closure”ȱofȱtheȱcaseȱalsoȱforȱtheȱbereaved
familiesȱbyȱplacingȱthem—soȱtoȱspeak—inȱcontrolȱofȱtheȱculprit’sȱeternalȱdestiny.134
Onȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱduringȱandȱafterȱsomeȱofȱtheȱmostȱspectacularȱtrialsȱofȱmodern
serialȱkillers,ȱtheȱcommunity’sȱwoundsȱseemȱtoȱbeȱalmostȱperverselyȱreopenedȱas
theȱ courtroomȱ dramaȱ andȱ itsȱ aftermathsȱ areȱ keptȱ aliveȱ withȱ endlessȱ televised
sessions,ȱsaleȱofȱconfessionsȱandȱotherȱmemorabilia,ȱtelevisionȱinterviewsȱwith
anyoneȱremotelyȱassociatedȱwithȱtheȱculprit’sȱactivities,ȱandȱtheȱinevitableȱflurry
ofȱlawȱsuits.135ȱ
Tithecottȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheȱpublicȱhasȱaȱneedȱtoȱmythifyȱtheȱserialȱkiller,ȱand
makeȱhimȱlargerȱthanȱlifeȱ(forȱexample,ȱbyȱacceptingȱwithoutȱquestionȱtheȱclaim
thatȱ Dahmerȱ wasȱ aȱ cannibalȱ orȱ thatȱ Jackȱ theȱ Ripperȱ wasȱ anȱ importantȱ person
somehowȱ connectedȱ withȱ theȱ royalȱ court).136ȱ Howeverȱ nothingȱ indicatesȱ that
Gilles’sȱcontemporaries,ȱafterȱtheȱatonementȱofȱhisȱcrimes,ȱfeltȱtheȱneedȱtoȱmythify
thisȱrepulsiveȱfigure.ȱTooȱweakȱtoȱstandȱtheȱtestȱofȱcollectiveȱmemoryȱonȱhisȱown,
aȱ fuzzyȱ remembranceȱ ofȱ hisȱ crimesȱ hasȱ survivedȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ Bretonȱ legendȱ of
Bluebeard,ȱtheȱfearsomeȱnoblemanȱwhoȱmarriesȱaȱseriesȱofȱyoungȱwomenȱonlyȱto
murderȱ them,ȱ withȱ itsȱ sanitizedȱ andȱ convenientlyȱ distortedȱ factsȱ toȱ satisfy
134
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ77ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱisȱbaffledȱbyȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱcourtȱandȱaudienceȱseemȱtoȱhave
beenȱmovedȱbyȱGilles’sȱtearsȱandȱjudgesȱthemȱnaïve.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ263ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),
remindsȱ theȱ readerȱ thatȱ attendanceȱ atȱ publicȱ executionsȱ wasȱ anȱ obligationȱ forȱ headsȱ of
households,ȱandȱtakesȱGilles’sȱrepentanceȱ(229,ȱ238)ȱandȱtheȱbishop’sȱgraceȱ(199–200)ȱatȱfaceȱvalue,
statingȱthatȱafterȱpassingȱsentenceȱ“leȱprêtreȱprendȱlaȱplaceȱduȱjuge.”ȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ204ȱ(see
noteȱ1),ȱnotesȱthatȱeveryoneȱseemedȱtoȱhaveȱtakenȱpartȱinȱtheȱprocessionȱandȱprayȱasȱexpected.ȱIn
contrast,ȱseeȱtheȱcommentsȱofȱHolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ143–44ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱonȱthe
angerȱandȱsenseȱofȱbetrayalȱexperiencedȱbyȱmodernȱsurvivorsȱofȱserialȱkillers,ȱwhoȱfeelȱthatȱall
resourcesȱofȱsocietyȱ(includedȱpsychiatricȱcounseling)ȱareȱdevotedȱtoȱtheȱkillerȱhimselfȱandȱnotȱto
them.ȱ
135
Fisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ195–98ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱTithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ125–28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
Commercialȱexploitationȱofȱserialȱkillersȱisȱnotȱaȱrecentȱphenomenon,ȱhowever.ȱAfterȱtheȱseries
ofȱ murdersȱ ofȱ prostitutesȱ attributedȱ toȱ Jackȱ theȱ Ripperȱ inȱ 1888ȱ stopped,ȱ theȱ residentsȱ of
Whitechapelȱsetȱupȱrefreshmentȱstandsȱatȱtheȱmurderȱsitesȱtoȱcaterȱtoȱtheȱcurious.ȱFisher,ȱKiller
AmongȱUs,ȱ209ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
136
Tithecott,ȱ Ofȱ Menȱ andȱ Monsters,ȱ 65–66ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 11),ȱ statesȱ thatȱ Dahmerȱ himselfȱ mentioned
cannibalismȱ(heȱallegedlyȱfriedȱandȱateȱaȱbicepsȱfromȱaȱvictim).ȱBut,ȱdespiteȱtheȱflurryȱofȱstories
aboutȱ hisȱ cannibalisticȱ activity,ȱ theȱ policeȱ reportedȱ noȱ conclusiveȱ evidenceȱ thatȱ heȱ hadȱ ever
engagedȱinȱit.ȱTithecott,ȱhowever,ȱsuppliesȱ(86)ȱaȱcuriousȱstatistic:ȱoutȱofȱaȱgroupȱofȱthirtyȱserial
killers,ȱsevenȱwereȱfoundȱtoȱbeȱinvolvedȱinȱtheȱfoodȱbusiness.ȱForȱadditionalȱmythsȱonȱcannibalism
seeȱ Allisonȱ P.ȱ Coudert,ȱ “Theȱ Ultimateȱ Crime:ȱ Cannibalismȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Mindsȱ and
Imaginations”ȱinȱtheȱpresentȱvolume.ȱAsȱforȱtheȱvariousȱhypothesesȱonȱtheȱidentityȱofȱJackȱthe
Ripperȱ(amongȱtheȱsuspectsȱwasȱtheȱdukeȱofȱClarence)ȱseeȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ214ȱ(seeȱnote
11).
Romanticȱtastes.137ȱAsȱforȱtheȱreactionȱofȱhisȱcontemporaries,ȱweȱareȱonlyȱleftȱwith
theȱterseȱcommentsȱofȱchroniclers.ȱForȱexample,ȱEnguerrandȱdeȱMonstrelet,ȱwho
isȱusuallyȱconciseȱandȱnoncommittalȱinȱhisȱreporting,ȱstatesȱinȱfewȱsentencesȱthat
theȱmarshalȱofȱFranceȱhadȱbeenȱaccusedȱofȱheresyȱandȱconfessedȱkillingȱseveral
childrenȱandȱpregnantȱwomenȱ[sic]ȱtoȱwriteȱwithȱtheirȱbloodȱbooksȱofȱ“diabolical
formulas,”ȱinȱorderȱtoȱacquireȱhonorsȱandȱpower.ȱBeforeȱbeingȱexecutedȱheȱhad
madeȱaȱ“beautifulȱandȱdevout”ȱconfessionȱaskingȱGod’sȱforgiveness.ȱBretonȱnobles
wereȱsaddenedȱbyȱhisȱendȱbecauseȱ“beforeȱthisȱcalamityȱhappenedȱtoȱhimȱ[he]ȱhad
enjoyedȱaȱgreatȱreputationȱasȱaȱbraveȱknight.”ȱAndȱJacquesȱChartier,ȱtheȱofficial
Frenchȱhistoriographerȱnotoriousȱforȱhisȱtendencyȱtoȱwhitewashȱscandals,ȱopens
withȱaȱconciseȱmentionȱofȱtheȱexecution,ȱorderedȱbyȱtheȱdukeȱofȱBrittany.ȱHeȱthen
brieflyȱaddsȱthatȱGillesȱhadȱbeenȱaccusedȱofȱtheȱmurderȱofȱseveralȱchildren,ȱand,
havingȱ succumbedȱ toȱ theȱ devil,ȱ performedȱ actsȱ againstȱ theȱ faithȱ throughȱ the
adviceȱofȱoneȱofȱhisȱservantsȱ(perhapsȱaȱreferenceȱtoȱPrelati).ȱBeforeȱbeingȱhanged
“itȱwasȱsaidȱthatȱheȱrepentedȱquiteȱwell.”138ȱBothȱwritersȱrepresentedȱwhatȱweȱmay
callȱ theȱ “establishment”ȱ (Monstreletȱ theȱ gentryȱ andȱ Chartierȱ theȱ Church),ȱ and
predictablyȱenoughȱtheyȱcautiouslyȱavoidedȱtheȱdetailsȱofȱGilles’sȱmurdersȱand
trial,ȱwhichȱhaveȱsoȱcaptivatedȱmodernȱaudiences.139ȱTheyȱchoseȱinsteadȱtoȱfreeze
inȱtime,ȱwithȱmuchȱexaggeration,ȱGilles’sȱearlyȱchivalricȱexploits,ȱandȱdelveȱonȱhis
faceȬsavingȱconfession.ȱ
Inȱconclusion,ȱIȱwouldȱargueȱthat,ȱwhileȱitȱmakesȱsenseȱtoȱuseȱtheȱknownȱfacts
aboutȱGillesȱdeȱRaisȱasȱvaluableȱtoolsȱtoȱreconstructȱtheȱlifeȱofȱanȱaverageȱlateȬ
137
OfȱtheȱthreeȱhistoriansȱonlyȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ293–325ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱtiesȱexplicitlyȱtheȱlegend
ofȱBluebeardȱwithȱtheȱrealȱGilles.ȱThereȱareȱtwoȱversionsȱofȱtheȱlateȱlegend.ȱTheȱfirstȱisȱcontained
inȱaȱnineteenthȬcenturyȱBretonȱballad:ȱtheȱbaronȱdeȱRaisȱhasȱkilledȱallȱhisȱwivesȱandȱterrorizesȱthe
localȱgirls,ȱbutȱanȱoldȱman,ȱwhoȱrevealsȱhimselfȱasȱJeanȱdeȱMalestroit,ȱpromisesȱjustice.ȱInȱthe
secondȱtheȱevilȱlordȱGillesȱdeȱLaval,ȱafterȱkillingȱhisȱsevenȱwivesȱandȱburyingȱthemȱunderȱhis
castle,ȱisȱhostȱtoȱaȱcountȱandȱhisȱbeautifulȱfiancéeȱBlanche.ȱSuddenlyȱheȱhasȱtheȱcountȱthrownȱinto
aȱdungeonȱandȱforcesȱBlancheȱtoȱtheȱaltarȱtoȱmakeȱherȱhisȱeighthȱwife.ȱAfterȱsomeȱresistanceȱshe
acceptsȱtoȱmarryȱhim,ȱbutȱinȱthatȱinstantȱsheȱturnsȱintoȱaȱblueȱdemonȱthatȱchangesȱGilles’sȱbeard
fromȱredȱtoȱblueȱandȱannouncesȱhisȱeternalȱdamnationȱunderȱtheȱnameȱofȱBluebeard.ȱSeeȱalso
Bataille,ȱLeȱprocès,ȱ182–84ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ(whoȱnoticesȱhowȱtheȱlegendȱhasȱincorporatedȱsomeȱcorrect
detailsȱthatȱemergedȱfromȱtheȱtrial).ȱ
138
[“conjurationsȱdyaboliquesȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱbelleȱetȱdévotteȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱavantȱqueȱcesteȱadventureȱluiȱadvenist,ȱil
estoitȱmoultȱrenomméȱd’estreȱtrèsȱvaillantȱchevalier”]ȱLaȱChroniqueȱd’EnguerranȱdeȱMonstrelet,ȱed.
L.ȱ DouëtȬd’Arcq,ȱ 6ȱ vols.ȱ (Paris:ȱ 1857–1863),ȱ 5:425–26.ȱ [“etȱ disoitȬonȱ qu’ilȱ eutȱ bienȱ bonne
repentance”]ȱJeanȱChartier,ȱChroniquesȱdeȱCharlesȱVII,ȱroiȱdeȱFrance,ȱed.ȱA.ȱValletȱdeȱViriville,ȱ3ȱvols.
(Paris:ȱP.ȱJannetȱLibraire,ȱ1858),ȱ2:ȱ5–6.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱsuggestsȱthatȱChartier
mightȱhaveȱbeenȱpartȱofȱGilles’sȱcourt.ȱForȱChartier’sȱavoidanceȱofȱ“gossip,”ȱsee,ȱforȱexample,ȱhis
almostȱridiculousȱdenialȱofȱtheȱliaisonȱbetweenȱCharlesȱVIIȱandȱhisȱfamousȱmistressȱAgnèsȱSorel
(Chartier,ȱ2:182–86).
139
ThisȱfactȱwasȱnotedȱbyȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ141ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
400 LiaȱB.ȱRoss
medievalȱbaronȱ(asȱHeersȱdid),ȱneverthelessȱheȱwasȱnotȱanȱaverageȱpersonȱwith
averageȱ responsesȱ toȱ theȱ precariousȱ natureȱ ofȱ feudalȱ life.140ȱ Norȱ wasȱ heȱ an
exceptionallyȱgiftedȱyoungȱmanȱwhoseȱcuriosityȱandȱdaringȱbroughtȱhimȱtoȱplay
withȱfireȱ(Bossard’sȱthesis),ȱaȱbraveȱknightȱwhoȱsuddenlyȱturnedȱtoȱcrime,ȱaȱfallen
angel,ȱorȱaȱvictimȱofȱoverȬindulgenceȱandȱalcoholism.ȱIȱwouldȱevenȱdeviate—ifȱless
strongly—fromȱBataille’sȱthesisȱthatȱheȱwasȱaȱstupidȱpersonȱwithȱaȱcriminalȱmind
encouragedȱbyȱaȱbrutalȱsocietyȱthatȱglorifiedȱaggression,ȱbecauseȱhisȱparticular
brandȱofȱcriminalityȱwasȱuniversallyȱcondemned.141ȱHeȱwasȱaȱmurdererȱforȱhalfȱof
hisȱlifeȱandȱhisȱentireȱadultȱlife,ȱwhoȱwasȱableȱtoȱfitȱmarginallyȱintoȱsocietyȱ(which
inȱhisȱdayȱimpliedȱaȱcertainȱlevelȱofȱviolence)ȱjustȱasȱotherȱserialȱkillersȱhaveȱdone
byȱ exploitingȱ theȱ tendencyȱ ofȱ averageȱ peopleȱ toȱ avoidȱ confrontingȱ disturbing
suspicions.ȱHisȱbehaviorȱwasȱnotȱwithinȱtheȱacceptedȱlimitsȱinȱhisȱdayȱanyȱmore
thanȱitȱisȱinȱmodernȱtimes,ȱandȱtheȱreactionȱofȱauthorities,ȱwhenȱeventuallyȱfaced
withȱit,ȱwasȱtoȱhangȱhimȱlikeȱaȱcommonȱcriminal.142ȱHowever,ȱgivenȱtheȱmedieval
beliefȱinȱindividualȱresponsibility,ȱhorrorȱatȱhisȱcrimesȱdidȱnotȱtrickleȱdownȱtoȱhis
familyȱ orȱ contaminateȱ hisȱ surroundings.ȱ Bothȱ hisȱ widowȱ andȱ daughterȱ soon
contractedȱmarriagesȱwithȱpowerfulȱmenȱwhoȱwouldȱ(atȱleastȱforȱaȱwhile)ȱprotect
theirȱrights,ȱandȱhisȱcastles,ȱevenȱwhenȱtheyȱhadȱbeenȱtheȱtheaterȱofȱmurders,ȱwere
preservedȱandȱlaterȱacquiredȱ(while,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱapartmentȱcomplexȱwhere
Dahmerȱhadȱresidedȱwasȱemptiedȱandȱlaterȱrazed).143ȱ
Tithecottȱsuggestsȱthatȱ“serialȱmurdersȱhaveȱaȱcertainȱliteraryȱqualityȱtoȱthem,”
asȱtheyȱ“happenȱregularlyȱoverȱtimeȱandȱeachȱnewȱoneȱcreatesȱanȱexpectation;ȱthey
140
Bataille,ȱ Leȱ procès,ȱ 26ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3),ȱ summarizesȱ hisȱ environmentȱ inȱ theseȱ terms,ȱ ”unȱ chaos
contradictoireȱ deȱ calculs,ȱ deȱ violences,ȱ deȱ bonneȱ humeur,ȱ deȱ désordreȱ sanglant,ȱ d’angoisse
mortelleȱetȱd’absenceȱdeȱsouci.”
141
AlongȱtheseȱlinesȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ132ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱaffirmsȱthatȱtheȱactsȱofȱperversionȱand
crueltyȱpracticedȱbyȱGillesȱandȱaccomplicesȱsurpassedȱthoseȱofȱallȱotherȱsorcerersȱinȱcontemporary
accounts.
142
ThisȱwasȱnotedȱbyȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ268ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
143
Toȱprotectȱherȱdowry,ȱhisȱwidowȱCatherineȱdeȱThouarsȱmarriedȱinȱ1441ȱ(aȱfewȱmonthsȱafterȱher
husband’sȱexecution)ȱJeanȱdeȱVendôme,ȱvidameȱofȱChartresȱandȱchamberlainȱofȱtheȱduke.ȱOnȱthe
otherȱhand,ȱtoȱpreventȱtheȱfamily’sȱFrenchȱpossessionsȱfromȱbeingȱaddedȱtoȱtheȱduke’sȱterritories,
theȱ kingȱ tookȱ uponȱ himselfȱ toȱ arrangeȱ theȱ marriageȱ ofȱ Gilles’sȱ youngȱ daughterȱ Marieȱ (the
marriageȱwasȱstipulatedȱinȱ1442ȱandȱtookȱplaceȱinȱ1444).ȱAsȱsoonȱasȱsheȱturnedȱfourteenȱsheȱwas
marriedȱtoȱtheȱadmiralȱofȱFranceȱPrégentȱdeȱCoëtivy,ȱwhoȱ(perhapsȱtoȱpleaseȱtheȱbride)ȱmadeȱa
halfȬheartedȱattemptȱtoȱobtainȱtheȱrehabilitationȱofȱhisȱdeceasedȱfatherȬinȬlaw.ȱAfterȱtheȱadmiral’s
deathȱatȱtheȱsiegeȱofȱCherbourg,ȱMarieȱmarriedȱherȱcousinȱAndréȱdeȱLavalȬLohéac,ȱoneȱofȱthe
authorsȱofȱtheȱMémoiresȱdesȱhéritiers.ȱSheȱdiedȱchildlessȱinȱ1457ȱandȱtheȱbaronyȱofȱRaisȱpassedȱto
Gilles’sȱbrotherȱRenéȱdeȱlaȱSuze.ȱBossard,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ283–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱBataille,ȱLeȱprocès,
174–75ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱandȱHeers,ȱGillesȱdeȱRais,ȱ211–13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱtheȱentire
housingȱcomplexȱofȱwhichȱDahmer’sȱapartmentȱwasȱpartȱwasȱrazedȱasȱtheȱsiteȱitselfȱassumedȱ“an
evilȱaura.”ȱFisher,ȱKillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ19,ȱ190ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱSimonȱKemp,ȱMedievalȱPsychologyȱ(New
York:ȱGreenwoodȱPress,ȱ1990),ȱ159ȱexplainsȱthatȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱindividualȱresponsibilityȱin
medievalȱmindȱwasȱlikelyȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱconceptȱofȱindividualȱsalvation.
involveȱplot,ȱaȱconsummateȱvillainȱandȱanȱabsolutelyȱpureȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱvictim.”144ȱAnd
Fisherȱobservesȱthatȱalthoughȱrare,ȱserialȱmurderȱreceivesȱ“inordinateȱattentionȱin
theȱ media”ȱ andȱ inȱ academicȱ studies,ȱ whichȱ mayȱ beȱ theȱ reasonȱ whyȱ soȱ much
materialȱ isȱ availableȱ onȱ them.145ȱ Thisȱ attitudeȱ mayȱ haveȱ beenȱ presentȱ alsoȱ in
Gilles’sȱdays,ȱwithȱtheȱ(lucky)ȱresultȱthatȱenoughȱmaterialȱhasȱbeenȱpreservedȱon
hisȱcrimesȱandȱpunishmentȱtoȱbuildȱaȱfairlyȱcompleteȱsketchȱofȱthisȱindividual.ȱIn
fact,ȱIȱwouldȱsuggestȱthatȱtheȱmainȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱhisȱcaseȱandȱsimilarȱmodern
onesȱrestsȱonȱtheȱamountȱandȱqualityȱofȱdataȱpertainingȱtoȱtheȱvictims.ȱButȱthe
recordsȱcollectedȱduringȱGilles’sȱownȱcaseȱcompareȱquiteȱfavorablyȱwithȱmodern
onesȱasȱmeansȱtoȱshedȱlightȱintoȱtheȱpsycheȱofȱtheȱperpetrator.ȱOr,ȱtoȱturnȱthe
argumentȱupsideȬdown,ȱweȱdoȱnotȱnecessarilyȱ“know”ȱDahmerȱorȱWilliamsȱany
betterȱasȱaȱpersonȱthanȱweȱ“know”ȱGilles.146ȱWhatȱhasȱcontributedȱtoȱtheȱrecent
volumeȱofȱresearchȱonȱserialȱkillersȱisȱtheȱfactȱthatȱsufficientȱinformationȱhasȱbeen
collectedȱfromȱenoughȱcasesȱtoȱbeȱableȱtoȱtraceȱaȱpatternȱofȱpersonality,ȱmodus
operandi,ȱ andȱ behaviorȱ beforeȱ andȱ afterȱ arrestȱ andȱ duringȱ trialȱ toȱ placeȱ these
criminalsȱinȱaȱcategoryȱofȱtheirȱown.ȱToȱthatȱend,ȱtheȱextantȱrecordsȱonȱGillesȱde
Raisȱdoȱshedȱenoughȱlightȱonȱhisȱmentalityȱandȱcriminalȱmethodsȱtoȱreserveȱfor
himȱaȱplaceȱinȱtheȱannalsȱofȱcriminologyȱasȱaȱsociopathicȱkiller.ȱInȱaddition,ȱthey
permitȱ theȱ modernȱ readerȱ toȱ completeȱ aȱ coherentȱ psychologicalȱ portraitȱ that
incorporatesȱcollateralȱpersonalityȱtraitsȱ(suchȱasȱnarcissism,ȱirresponsibility,ȱand
inabilityȱ toȱ manageȱ hisȱ affairs)ȱ whoseȱ significance,ȱ ifȱ takenȱ singlyȱ andȱ inȱ the
absenceȱofȱhisȱmurderousȱactivities,ȱcouldȱhaveȱbeenȱoverlookedȱinȱbuildingȱhis
profile.147ȱ
144
Tithecott,ȱOfȱMenȱandȱMonsters,ȱ122–23ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
145
KillerȱAmongȱUs,ȱ13,ȱ17ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱHeȱdeemsȱtheȱflurryȱofȱacademicȱstudiesȱonȱthisȱtopicȱaȱ“type
ofȱcollectiveȱdefenseȱmechanism.”
146
Theȱserialȱkillerȱmayȱcontributeȱinformationȱaboutȱtheȱmentalityȱofȱaȱpersonȱlikeȱhimselfȱinȱgeneral
terms,ȱ notȱ necessarilyȱ viaȱ anyȱ personalȱ reference.ȱ Forȱ exampleȱ Tedȱ Bundy,ȱ aȱ charmingȱ Law
studentȱ whoȱ wasȱ convictedȱ ofȱ killingȱ severalȱ womenȱ betweenȱ 1974ȱ andȱ 1978,ȱ wasȱ readyȱ to
concedeȱanȱinformativeȱinterviewȱinȱprison,ȱbutȱduringȱitȱheȱalwaysȱreferredȱtoȱhypotheticalȱserial
killersȱ “whomȱ heȱ hadȱ known,”ȱ notȱ toȱ himself,ȱ asȱ heȱ claimedȱ hisȱ innocence.ȱ Yetȱ heȱ wasȱ very
talkativeȱandȱinsightful.ȱHolmesȱandȱDeȱBurger,ȱSerialȱMurder,ȱ134–36ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).
147
Editor’sȱnote:ȱBenȱParsons,ȱ“SympathyȱforȱtheȱDevil:ȱGillesȱdeȱRaisȱandȱHisȱModernȱApologists,”
FifteenthȬCenturyȱStudiesȱ37ȱ(2012):ȱ113–37,ȱobservesȱthatȱGilles’sȱcontemporariesȱpaidȱsurprisingly
littleȱattentionȱtoȱhisȱmassiveȱnumberȱofȱmurderingȱofȱchildren,ȱandȱthatȱinsteadȱheȱwasȱmadeȱinto
aȱmythicalȱfigureȱassociatedȱwithȱevil.ȱ“InȱeffectȱtheȱtransformationȱofȱGillesȱintoȱaȱwifeȬkilling
ogreȱisȱanotherȱmanifestationȱofȱmedievalȱindifferenceȱtoȱhisȱcrimes.ȱTheȱlaisȱandȱpantomimesȱcan
affordȱtoȱdispenseȱwithȱtheȱnatureȱofȱhisȱactionsȱbecauseȱitȱisȱnotȱsignificantȱforȱthem:ȱitȱisȱenough
thatȱheȱisȱregardedȱasȱevilȱinȱaȱgeneralȱsense,ȱandȱtheȱfactȱthatȱheȱtargetedȱchildrenisȱunimportant
forȱtheseȱtextsȱandȱtheirȱaudiences”ȱ(129).
Chapterȱ16
JohnȱBeusterien
(TexasȱTechȱUniversity,ȱLubbock)
TheȱCelebratoryȱConicalȱHatȱinȱLaȱCelestina
Let’sȱbeginȱbyȱpointingȱoutȱtwoȱapparentlyȱunrelatedȱinstancesȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhat:
oneȱasȱheadgearȱofȱcelebrationȱandȱoneȱasȱheadgearȱforȱtheȱKlan.ȱPeopleȱwear
brightlyȱ coloredȱ conicalȱ hatsȱ forȱ birthdayȱ partiesȱ andȱ everyȱ yearȱ peopleȱ in
LouisianaȱdressȱupȱwithȱlargeȱcoloredȱconicalȱhatsȱforȱCourirȱdeȱMardiȱGras,ȱa
traditionalȱMardiȱGrasȱeventȱheldȱinȱmanyȱCajunȱcommunitiesȱofȱsouthȱLouisiana
onȱtheȱTuesdayȱbeforeȱAshȱWednesday.ȱInȱcontrastȱtoȱtheseȱcelebrationȱevents,ȱin
theȱearlyȱtwentiethȱcenturyȱtheȱKuȱKluxȱKlanȱadoptedȱtheȱwhiteȱconicalȱhatȱasȱpart
ofȱitsȱcostume.ȱEarlyȱversionsȱofȱtheȱKlan’sȱuseȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱcanȱbeȱfirstȱseen
inȱtheȱfilmȱBirthȱofȱaȱNation.ȱ
Theȱconicalȱhat’sȱearlyȱfunctionȱasȱsignȱofȱhumiliationȱprovidesȱanȱexplanation
forȱhowȱitȱbecameȱheadgearȱofȱtheȱKlanȱandȱpartyȱheadwear.ȱEverȱsinceȱtheȱMiddle
Ages,ȱwearingȱaȱlargeȱconicalȱhatȱwasȱaȱsignȱofȱpublicȱshame.1ȱTheȱpunishedȱand
theȱpenitentȱworeȱtheȱhatȱinȱpublic,ȱmarkedȱasȱsinnerȱorȱcriminalȱinȱaȱshowȱof
publicȱshame.ȱInȱSpain,ȱitȱwasȱwornȱinȱtheȱparadesȱbyȱbrotherhoodsȱ(hermandades)
dressedȱasȱhoodedȱpenitentsȱduringȱHolyȱWeekȱ(paradesȱthatȱstillȱcanȱbeȱseen
todayȱ acrossȱ southernȱ Spain)ȱ and,ȱ followingȱ itsȱ functionȱ asȱ markerȱ ofȱ a
brotherhood,ȱtheȱKuȱKluxȱKlanȱadoptedȱtheȱSpanishȱhoodedȱpenitentȱcostume.2ȱ
1
Iȱ shouldȱmentionȱthat,ȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱtheȱconicalȱhat,ȱauthoritiesȱalsoȱmadeȱpunishedȱmenȱ go
bareheadedȱ(theyȱcouldȱnotȱcoverȱtheirȱhead),ȱanotherȱsignȱofȱpublicȱhumiliationȱinȱtheȱmedieval
period.ȱ Iȱ wouldȱ likeȱ toȱ thankȱ Rosaȱ A.ȱ Perez,ȱ anotherȱ contributorȱ toȱ thisȱ volume,ȱ forȱ this
information.
2
ForȱmoreȱonȱtheȱSpanishȬKlanȱconnection,ȱseeȱDonaldȱRobertȱBeagleȱandȱBryanȱAlbinȱGiemza,
PoetȱofȱtheȱLostȱCause:ȱAȱLifeȱofȱFatherȱRyanȱ(Knoxville:ȱUniversityȱofȱTennesseeȱPress.ȱ2008),ȱ169.
404 JohnȱBeusterien
Asȱaȱresponseȱtoȱtheȱpenitentȱthatȱworeȱtheȱhatȱinȱimitationȱofȱpublicȱshaming
duringȱHolyȱWeek,ȱtheȱhatȱwasȱwornȱinȱfestivityȱandȱcelebrationȱtoȱopenȱtheȱLent
season.ȱ Theȱ worldȬupsideȬdownȱ celebrationȱ ofȱ carnivalȱ radicallyȱ alteredȱ the
conicalȱhat’sȱmeaningȱasȱpunishmentȱandȱpenitence.ȱInȱcarnival,ȱtheȱsignȱofȱthe
sinnerȱtransformedȱintoȱtheȱsignȱofȱsaved,ȱtheȱsignȱofȱtheȱoutcastȱtransformedȱinto
theȱsignȱofȱinclusion,ȱandȱtheȱsignȱofȱpublicȱshameȱtransformedȱintoȱtheȱsignȱofȱa
party.ȱSinceȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱhadȱmeaningȱasȱaȱsignȱofȱselfȬinflictedȱpunishment
whenȱ wornȱ byȱ penitentsȱ duringȱ theȱ sacredȱ timeȱ ofȱ Lent—Holyȱ Weekȱ andȱ the
remembranceȱofȱChrist’sȱpassionȱandȱpublicȱhumiliation—peopleȱturnedȱitsȱvalue
asȱsignȱofȱpublicȱshameȱintoȱthatȱofȱfestiveȱiconȱinȱtheȱcostumeȱforȱcarnivalȱatȱthe
beginningȱofȱLent.ȱ
Understandingȱ theȱ historyȱ ofȱ theȱ conicalȱ hatȱ asȱ signȱ ofȱ publicȱ shameȱ helps
elucidateȱhowȱitȱevolvedȱintoȱaȱfestiveȱhatȱand,ȱalternatively,ȱtheȱheadgearȱofȱone
ofȱ theȱ mostȱ dreadfulȱ groupsȱ thatȱ blotȱ U.S.ȱ history.ȱ Theȱ followingȱ essayȱ first
examinesȱhowȱtheȱSpanishȱuseȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱinȱpublicȱpunishmentȱwasȱoneȱof
theȱmostȱsignificantȱpostȬmedievalȱinstancesȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱasȱaȱsignȱofȱpublic
shame.ȱTheȱSpanish,ȱinȱfact,ȱkeptȱtheȱpracticeȱaliveȱafterȱtheȱmedievalȱperiodȱand
wereȱ directlyȱ andȱ indirectlyȱ responsibleȱ forȱ itsȱ moreȱ recentȱ permutationsȱ as
headgearȱinȱfestivitiesȱandȱforȱtheȱKlan.ȱ
AfterȱexaminingȱitsȱhistoryȱinȱtheȱSpanishȱcontext,ȱthisȱessayȱtakesȱupȱtheȱconical
hatȱasȱaȱsignȱofȱpublicȱshameȱinȱLaȱCelestina,ȱaȱclassicȱlateȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱwork
fromȱSpainȱaboutȱaȱwomanȱwhoȱprocuresȱsexȱforȱmenȱandȱwhoȱhasȱaȱbrothelȱwith
prostitutes.ȱ Essentiallyȱ Iȱ wantȱ toȱ argueȱ thatȱ theȱ storyȱ ofȱ theȱ conicalȱ hatȱ inȱ La
CelestinaȱreflectsȱtheȱprincipalȱcharacterȱCelestina’sȱdesireȱtoȱconvertȱtheȱhatȱinto
aȱsignȱofȱcelebration.ȱCelestinaȱyearnsȱforȱtheȱhatȱnotȱtoȱsignifyȱpunishment,ȱbut
ratherȱfemaleȱpower.ȱTheȱhatȱforȱCelestinaȱreflectsȱherȱnostalgiaȱforȱaȱtimeȱinȱwhich
femaleȱfriendship,ȱfemaleȱmidwifery,ȱandȱfemaleȱauthorityȱwereȱnotȱdemonized,
butȱpracticedȱinȱbroadȱdaylight.
Oneȱlateȱpermutationȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱasȱsignȱofȱpunishmentȱwasȱtheȱdunce
cap.ȱTheȱpracticeȱofȱpunishingȱstudentsȱwithȱaȱdunceȱcapȱdidȱnotȱbeginȱuntilȱthe
nineteenthȱcentury—oneȱofȱtheȱearliestȱappearancesȱofȱtheȱwordȱinȱEnglishȱwas
chapterȱ 24ȱ ofȱ Charlesȱ Dicken’sȱ 1840ȱ novelȱ Theȱ Oldȱ Curiousityȱ Shop.3ȱ Butȱ early
manifestationsȱofȱtheȱdunceȱcapȱasȱsignȱofȱpublicȱshame,ȱoftenȱincludingȱass’sȱears,
formedȱpartȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱpunishmentȱspectacleȱacrossȱEurope.ȱMedievalȱcanon
lawȱoftenȱincludedȱpunishmentsȱthatȱconsistedȱofȱputtingȱpeopleȱinȱtheȱpillory
withȱaȱconeȱhatȱthatȱdepictedȱtheȱwearer’sȱcrimeȱandȱscenesȱofȱdamnation.ȱInȱearly
fourteenthȬcenturyȱFrance,ȱoneȱsourceȱrecordsȱthatȱtheȱpunishedȱindividualȱhad
3
SeeȱCharlesȱDickens,ȱTheȱOldȱCuriosityȱShopȱ(http://dickens.thefreelibrary.com/TheȬOldȬCuriosityȬ
Shop/1Ȭ24;ȱlastȱaccessedȱ5ȱMarchȱ2012).
TheȱCelebratoryȱConicalȱHatȱinȱLaȱCelestina 405
toȱwearȱaȱ“parchmentȱcrownȱonȱwhichȱtheȱcauseȱofȱhisȱcondemnationȱwasȱwritten
inȱlargeȱredȱletters.”4ȱ
JustȱasȱitȱbeganȱdyingȱoutȱinȱEuropeȱasȱaȱformȱaȱpunishment,ȱtheȱtraditionȱofȱthe
coneȱhatȱasȱpublicȱpunishmentȱspectacleȱbeganȱtoȱflourishȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱSpain.
Theȱhatȱwouldȱformȱanȱessentialȱpartȱofȱtheȱpunishmentȱceremonyȱinstitutedȱby
theȱ Inquisition.ȱ Theȱ sambenitoȱ wasȱ aȱ specialȱ uniformȱ thatȱ servedȱ asȱ partȱ of
punishmentȱinstitutedȱbyȱtheȱSpanishȱInquisition.ȱTheȱsambenitoȱcomesȱfromȱthe
combinedȱSpanishȱwordsȱsacoȱbenditoȱorȱholyȱsack.ȱInȱmedievalȱChristianȱtradition,
theȱ outcastȱ andȱ sinnerȱ woreȱ aȱ hairȱ shirtȱ orȱ sackȱ clothȱ andȱ sacoȱ inȱ thisȱ Spanish
contextȱindicatesȱthatȱtheȱhereticȱworeȱtheȱsackȱgarmentȱthatȱcallsȱattentionȱtoȱhis
fallenȱ condition.ȱ Theȱ sacoȱ benitoȱ uniformȱ wasȱ notȱ completeȱ withoutȱ theȱ large
conicalȱhat.ȱTheȱrobeȱoftenȱhadȱaȱblackȱcrossȱpaintedȱonȱitȱandȱtheȱhatȱoftenȱhad
flames,ȱindicatingȱtheȱinfernalȱdestinationȱofȱtheȱheretic.ȱTheȱpaintedȱconicalȱhat
leftȱ theȱ faceȱ exposedȱ becauseȱ publicȱ shamingȱ constitutedȱ theȱ cruxȱ ofȱ the
punishment.ȱSignificantlyȱandȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱtheȱconicalȱhat’sȱpunishmentȱfunction,
whenȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱandȱsacoȱwereȱadoptedȱbyȱpenitentȱbrotherhoodȱgroups,ȱthe
faceȱwasȱgenerallyȱcoveredȱbyȱaȱhood,ȱpreservingȱtheȱpenitent’sȱanonymityȱ(the
sameȱSpanishȱpublicȱpenitentȱuniformȱofȱconicalȱhat,ȱcoveredȱface,ȱandȱrobesȱwith
aȱcrossȱcanȱbeȱseenȱinȱtheȱcostumeȱinȱtheȱKlanȱfiguresȱinȱTheȱBirthȱofȱtheȱNation).ȱ
TheȱvisualȱdisplayȱofȱtheȱsixteenthȬcenturyȱsambenitoȱcostumeȱinȱSpainȱwasȱnot
limitedȱtoȱtheȱmomentȱofȱsentencingȱofȱtheȱaccused.ȱInitially,ȱtheȱheretic,ȱforcedȱto
wearȱtheȱlongȱrobeȱtraversedȱbyȱaȱblackȱcrossȱandȱaȱlargeȱconicalȱhat,ȱwasȱexposed
toȱscornȱandȱderisionȱandȱputȱonȱdisplayȱinȱtheȱtownȱsquare,ȱbutȱthatȱcostume
wouldȱhaveȱaȱlifeȱthatȱoutlivedȱitsȱwearer.ȱAfterȱitsȱimmediateȱutilityȱhadȱpassed,
theȱ sambenitoȱ wasȱ oftenȱ hungȱ upȱ inȱ theȱ parishȱ church,ȱ accompaniedȱ byȱ an
inscriptionȱ intendedȱ toȱ humiliateȱ theȱ wearerȱ andȱ family.ȱ Theȱ displayȱ ofȱ the
sambenitoȱhungȱinȱchurchesȱinspiredȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱhangingȱaȱclothȱinȱchurches
thatȱlistedȱhereticalȱnames.ȱ
TheȱInquisitionȱreleasedȱtheȱnamesȱofȱtheȱpeopleȱthatȱhadȱbeenȱtriedȱandȱwrote
themȱ onȱ aȱ “manta”ȱ (aȱ largeȱ clothȱ orȱ “blanket”)ȱ inȱ aȱ conspicuousȱ placeȱ inȱ the
church.ȱ Theȱ sambenitoȱ alsoȱ spawnedȱ aȱ socialȱ crazeȱ asȱ manifestȱ inȱ the
disseminationȱofȱ“green”ȱbooksȱthatȱconsistedȱofȱtheȱnamesȱofȱthoseȱtriedȱbyȱthe
Inquisitionȱreadȱaloudȱinȱparishes.ȱInȱtheȱpopularȱtradition,ȱsomeȱofȱtheȱgreen
booksȱ wereȱ alsoȱ knownȱ asȱ “Stainsȱ andȱ Sambenitosȱ ofȱ Nobleȱ Lineages.”5ȱ ȱ The
4
MoniqueȱLangloisȱandȱYvonneȱLanhers,ȱConfessionsȱetȱjugementsȱdeȱcriminelsȱauȱparlementȱdeȱParis
(1319–1350)ȱ(Paris:ȱS.ȱE.ȱV.ȱE.ȱN.,ȱ1971),ȱ156.ȱIȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱthankȱJolantaȱN.ȱKomorrnicka,ȱanother
contributorȱtoȱthisȱvolume,ȱforȱthisȱreference.
5
SeeȱFranciscoȱdeȱMendozaȱyȱBobadilla,ȱElȱtizónȱdeȱlaȱnoblezaȱespañolaȱoȱmáculasȱyȱsambenitosȱdeȱsus
linajesȱ(Barcelona:ȱLaȱSelecta,ȱ1880).ȱForȱmoreȱonȱtheȱtraditionȱofȱnameȱslandering,ȱgreenȱbooks,
conicalȱhatȱbeganȱasȱstandardȱInquisitionalȱpunishmentȱinȱtheȱsixteenthȱcentury
andȱstillȱcouldȱbeȱfoundȱinȱearlyȱnineteenthȱcentury.ȱGoyaȱexploresȱtheȱshaming
punishmentȱ ofȱ theȱ sambenitoȱ onȱ twoȱ occasions.ȱ Inȱ hisȱ Inquisitionalȱ Tribunal
QuestioningȱHereticsȱ(1812–1819),ȱtheȱaccusedȱwearȱpaintedȱhatsȱandȱoneȱsitsȱonȱa
platformȱinȱfrontȱofȱtheȱaudienceȱofȱtheȱcourt.ȱInȱanotherȱGoyaȱinkȱandȱbrushȱpiece
producedȱinȱtheȱsameȱperiod,ȱtheȱhereticȱpenitentȱcoversȱhisȱface,ȱtheȱlocusȱof
shame,ȱwearingȱtheȱsambenitoȱgownȱandȱconicalȱhat.
Evenȱ thoughȱ theȱ sambenitoȱ didȱ notȱ developȱ intoȱ aȱ fullȬfledgedȱ institutional
punishmentȱpracticeȱthatȱslanderedȱfamilyȱnamesȱlinkedȱtoȱunorthodoxȱreligious
practiceȱ untilȱ theȱ sixteenthȱ century,ȱ sambenitoȱ logicȱ alreadyȱ affectedȱ and
influencedȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱLaȱCelestinaȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury.ȱFernandoȱdeȱRojas
hadȱfamilyȱmembersȱtriedȱbyȱtheȱInquisition.ȱTheȱInquisitionȱsentencedȱhisȱfather
asȱaȱJudaizerȱinȱ1488,ȱburningȱhimȱaliveȱatȱtheȱstake.ȱRojasȱindirectlyȱsuggestsȱhis
concernȱ withȱ theseȱ eventsȱ whenȱ Celestinaȱ recallsȱ theȱ historyȱ ofȱ Claudina.
Celestina’sȱbestȱfriendȱwasȱClaudinaȱandȱsheȱoftenȱremembersȱherȱfondlyȱinȱthe
work.ȱȱAfterȱdescribingȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱpunishmentȱofȱClaudina,ȱCelestinaȱstates
“theyȱmadeȱherȱconfessȱtoȱbeingȱwhatȱsheȱwasn’t,”6ȱaȱreferenceȱthatȱevokesȱthe
forcedȱandȱcoercedȱreligiousȱconversionsȱoccurringȱwhenȱRojasȱwasȱwriting.7ȱ
DespiteȱtheȱsuggestedȱconnectionsȱbetweenȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱinȱLaȱCelestinaȱandȱthe
sambenitoȱheadgear,ȱmyȱinterestȱinȱtheȱLaȱCelestinaȱisȱnotȱanȱattemptȱtoȱlinkȱRojas
toȱreligiousȱheterodoxy.ȱRather,ȱmyȱprimaryȱinterestȱisȱtoȱperformȱaȱcloseȱreading
ofȱtheȱtextȱinȱorderȱtoȱexamineȱCelestina’sȱdepictionȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhat.8ȱWomen
transferredȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȱcenturyȱintoȱtheirȱown
theȱ“manta,”ȱandȱsambenitos,ȱseeȱJohnȱBeusterien,ȱ“BlottedȱGenealogies:ȱAȱSurveyȱofȱtheȱlibros
verdes,”ȱBulletinȱofȱHispanicȱStudiesȱ(2001):ȱ183–97.
6
Fernandoȱ deȱ Rojas,ȱ Laȱ Celestina:ȱ Comediaȱ oȱ tragicomediaȱ deȱ Calistoȱ yȱ Melibea,ȱ ed.ȱ Peterȱ Russell
(Madrid:ȱ Castalia,ȱ 1991),ȱ 369:ȱ “laȱ hizieronȱ aquellaȱ vezȱ confessarȱ loȱ queȱ noȱ era.”ȱ English
translationsȱareȱfromȱPeterȱBush,ȱtrans.,ȱFernandoȱdeȱRojas,ȱCelestina,ȱintro.ȱJuanȱGoytisoloȱ(New
York:ȱPenguin,ȱ2010),ȱ82.ȱ
7
StephenȱGilmanȱhasȱinterpretedȱthisȱquoteȱbyȱsuggestingȱthatȱClaudinaȱhasȱbeenȱpunishedȱbyȱthe
Inquisition.ȱSeeȱTheȱSpainȱofȱFernandoȱdeȱRojasȱ(Princeton:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1972).ȱPeter
Russel,ȱinȱturn,ȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱGilman’sȱconclusionȱmayȱbeȱunfoundedȱsinceȱtheȱInquisitionȱstill
hadȱnotȱtakenȱoverȱtheȱjurisdictionȱinȱsuchȱmatters.ȱSeeȱPeterȱRussell,ȱTemasȱdeȱLaȱCelestinaȱyȱotros
estudios:ȱDelȱCidȱalȱQuijoteȱ(Barcelona:ȱAriel,ȱ1978),ȱ367.
8
TheȱinterestȱinȱtheȱhatȱitselfȱinȱthisȱchapterȱfollowsȱonȱtheȱworkȱofȱHispanistsȱofȱtheȱearlyȱmodern
periodȱ thatȱ seeksȱ toȱ examineȱ costumeȱ historyȱ andȱ materialȱ culture.ȱ Forȱ furtherȱ readingȱ on
differentȱapproachesȱtoȱtheseȱtwoȱcriticalȱinquiries,ȱsee:ȱBarbaraȱFuchs,ȱExoticȱNation:ȱMaurophilia
andȱtheȱConstructionȱofȱEarlyȱModernȱSpainȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress.ȱ2009);
EnriqueȱGarcíaȱSantoȬTomás,ȱModernidadȱbajoȱsospecha:ȱSalasȱBarbadilloȱyȱlaȱculturaȱmaterialȱdelȱsiglo
XVIIȱ(Madrid:ȱConsejoȱSuperiorȱdeȱInvestigacionesȱCientíficas,ȱ2008);ȱandȱLauraȱBass,ȱTheȱDrama
ofȱ theȱ Portrait:ȱ Theaterȱ andȱ Visualȱ Cultureȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Spainȱ (Universityȱ Park:ȱ Pennȱ State
UniversityȱPress,ȱ2008).ȱ
fashionȱitem.ȱThisȱconicalȱhat,ȱknownȱasȱtheȱhenin,ȱalsoȱincludedȱaȱhangingȱveil.9
InȱCelestina’sȱcase,ȱasȱtheȱtitleȱofȱthisȱchapterȱsuggests,ȱCelestinaȱdoesȱnotȱmakeȱthe
conicalȱhatȱaȱsignȱofȱfashion,ȱbutȱinvestsȱaȱuniqueȱprideȱinȱtheȱhatȱand,ȱIȱwillȱargue
inȱwhatȱfollows,ȱsheȱcelebratesȱitȱasȱanȱiconȱofȱwomen’sȱpowerȱandȱherȱfriendship
withȱClaudina.10ȱ
Theȱconicalȱhatȱwasȱaȱshamingȱpunishmentȱreservedȱforȱtheȱsocialȱoutcast,ȱbut,
inȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheȱplotȱofȱLaȱCelestina,ȱtheȱhatȱisȱspecificallyȱaȱpunishmentȱfor
witchȱpractice.ȱCelestinaȱtellsȱtheȱservantȱPármenoȱthat
(t)heȱfirstȱtimeȱtheyȱaccusedȱ(Claudina)ȱofȱbeingȱaȱwitchȱbecauseȱthey’dȱcaughtȱherȱat
nightȱcollectingȱearthȱbyȱaȱcrossroadsȱbyȱcandlelight,ȱandȱtheyȱputȱherȱinȱtheȱstocksȱto
beȱpilloriedȱinȱtheȱtownȱsquareȱforȱhalfȱaȱday,ȱwithȱaȱpaintedȱconeȱonȱherȱhead.11ȱ
Rojasȱwroteȱatȱaȱtimeȱwhen,ȱfueledȱbyȱpublicationsȱlikeȱtheȱwitchȬhuntingȱguide
MalleusȱMalificarumȱ(1484),ȱreligiousȱandȱpoliticalȱinstitutionsȱacrossȱEuropeȱwere
steppingȱupȱtheirȱpersecutionȱofȱwitches.ȱInȱSpain,ȱcivilȱlawȱcodeȱdemandedȱthat
aȱwitchȱbeȱsentencedȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱfire.ȱReligiousȱlawȱ(thatȱis,ȱtheȱcanonicalȱlawȱout
ofȱwhichȱmanyȱInquisitionȱpunishmentsȱwouldȱdevelop)ȱclassifiedȱtwoȱtypesȱof
witches.ȱTheȱbrujaȱworshippedȱtheȱdevilȱandȱwasȱoftenȱchargedȱwithȱfornicating
withȱhimȱwhileȱtheȱhechiceraȱdidȱnotȱworshipȱtheȱdevil,ȱbutȱheldȱcertainȱpowers
overȱhim.12ȱ
Theȱ firstȱ scholarȱ toȱ commentȱ onȱ theȱ Laȱ Celestina,ȱ anȱ anonymousȱ sixteenthȬ
centuryȱ Spanishȱ churchman,ȱ notesȱ thatȱ theȱ referenceȱ toȱ theȱ conicalȱ hatȱ inȱ La
Celestinaȱisȱanȱexampleȱofȱaȱwitchȱpunishmentȱasȱdescribedȱinȱcanonicalȱlaw.ȱThe
anonymousȱchurchmanȱwritesȱthatȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱClaudinaȱandȱtheȱconical
hatȱsceneȱinȱLaȱCelestinaȱareȱanȱexampleȱinȱwhichȱtheȱwitchȱisȱplacedȱonȱaȱplatform
inȱpublicȱspectacleȱandȱisȱ“mitered.”13ȱAntonioȱdeȱNebrija,ȱwritingȱatȱtheȱtimeȱof
theȱpublicationȱofȱLaȱCelestina,ȱfurtherȱglossesȱtheȱnotionȱofȱ“mitering”ȱbyȱwriting
9
HildaȱAmphlett,ȱHats:ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱFashionȱinȱHeadwearȱ(London:ȱRichardȱSadlerȱLtd.,ȱ1974),ȱ55–56.
10
Thisȱ studyȱ examinesȱ Celestina’sȱ personalȱ viewȱ ofȱ Claudinaȱ andȱ notȱ theȱ rhetoricalȱ strategies
employedȱinȱherȱdescriptionȱofȱClaudina.ȱJosephȱSnowȱhasȱfocusedȱonȱhowȱCelestina’sȱmemory
ofȱClaudinaȱformsȱpartȱofȱrhetoricalȱstrategyȱthatȱisȱdesignedȱtoȱmanipulateȱandȱtoȱwinȱover
Pármeno’sȱfavor.ȱSnowȱarguesȱthatȱtheȱmemoryȱofȱhisȱmotherȱClaudinaȱonlyȱangersȱPármeno
sinceȱtheȱstoryȱmakesȱhimȱawareȱofȱhisȱignobleȱheritage.ȱTheȱClaudinaȱstoryȱultimatelyȱbackfires
onȱ Celestinaȱ sinceȱ Pármenoȱ stabsȱ Celestinaȱ outȱ ofȱ rageȱ andȱ humiliation.ȱ Seeȱ “Celestina’s
Claudina,”ȱHispanicȱStudiesȱinȱHonorȱofȱAlanȱD.ȱDeyermond:ȱAȱNorthȱAmericanȱTribute,ȱed.ȱJohnȱS.
Miletichȱ(Madison:ȱHispanicȱSeminaryȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱ1986),ȱ257–77.ȱ
11
FernandoȱdeȱRojas,ȱLaȱCelestina,ȱ367:ȱ“Yȱaunȱlaȱunaȱleȱlevantaronȱqueȱeraȱbruxa,ȱporqueȱlaȱhallaron
deȱnocheȱconȱunasȱcandelillas,ȱcogendoȱtierraȱdeȱunaȱencruzijada,ȱyȱlaȱtovieronȱmedioȱdíaȱenȱuna
escaleraȱenȱlaȱplaça,ȱpuestoȱunoȱcomoȱrocaderoȱpintadoȱenȱlaȱcabeça.”ȱEnglishȱtranslationȱBush,
Celestina,ȱ82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
12
SeeȱRussell,ȱTemasȱdeȱLaȱCelestina,ȱ330ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).
13
Celestinaȱcomentada,ȱed.ȱLouiseȱFothergillȬPayne,ȱEnriqueȱFernaыndezȱRivera,ȱPeterȱFothergillȬPayne
(Salamanca:ȱUniversidadȱdeȱSalamanca,ȱ2002).
thatȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱisȱalsoȱcalledȱaȱmitraȱsclerataȱaȱterminologyȱthatȱtranslatesȱas
“cursed”ȱorȱ“damning”ȱmiter.14ȱ
Paintingȱinfernalȱimagesȱonȱtheȱdamningȱmiterȱ(bothȱinȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱwitches
andȱotherȱreligiousȱhereticsȱsuchȱasȱconversos)ȱcontrastedȱwithȱtheȱreligiousȱpractice
ofȱpaintingȱholyȱimagesȱonȱtheȱreligiousȱmiter.ȱParishionersȱbeganȱtoȱseeȱtheir
highestȱreligiousȱfiguresȱwearingȱaȱconeȱhatȱwithȱtheȱinstitutionalizationȱofȱthe
miterȱasȱheadgearȱinȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury.ȱInȱmedievalȱChristianity,ȱwhileȱthe
crownȱsignaledȱtheȱheadȱofȱtheȱsovereignȱruler,ȱaȱlong,ȱoftenȱconical,ȱhatȱsignaled
religiousȱauthority.ȱTheȱpopeȱorȱbishopȱworeȱaȱmiter,ȱanȱelaborateȱheaddressȱoften
paintedȱwithȱimagesȱofȱsacredȱscenes.
Headgearȱthatȱservedȱasȱemblemȱofȱsalvationȱtookȱonȱmoreȱmajesticȱsignificance
inȱSpainȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȱandȱsixteenthȱcentury.ȱTheȱpaintedȱmiter,ȱamplifyingȱthe
humanȱheadȱasȱaȱvehicleȱforȱtheȱobserverȱtoȱcomprehendȱheavenȱandȱmakeȱits
wearerȱ anȱ exemplaryȱ celestialȱ figure,ȱ becameȱ especiallyȱ magnificentȱ atȱ the
beginningȱ ofȱ Spain’sȱ tenureȱ asȱ worldȱ power.ȱ Inȱ Theȱ Burialȱ ofȱ Countȱ Orgaz
(1586–1588),ȱ oneȱ ofȱ Elȱ Greco’sȱ mostȱ famousȱ works,ȱ Saintȱ Augustineȱ hasȱ come
downȱ fromȱ heavenȱ toȱ assistȱ inȱ theȱ burialȱ ofȱ Countȱ ofȱ Orgaz,ȱ wearingȱ an
embroideredȱgarmentȱwithȱimagesȱandȱaȱmagnificentȱgoldȱmiter.ȱ
TheȱElȱGrecoȱmiterȱisȱonlyȱaȱrepresentedȱimage,ȱbutȱmanyȱrealȱearlyȱSpanish
mitersȱstillȱexist,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱfamedȱsixteenthȬcenturyȱEscorialȱmiter.ȱTheȱEscorial
miterȱ containsȱ aȱ Mexicanȱ featherȱ mosaicȱ arrangedȱ toȱ resembleȱ aȱ stainedȱ glass
window.ȱ Itsȱ textileȱ supportȱ portraysȱ multipleȱ iconographicȱ images,ȱ including:
Christ’sȱRedemptionȱofȱHumanity;ȱepisodesȱofȱChrist’sȱPassion;ȱtheȱCrucifixion;
theȱResurrection;ȱtheȱAscensionȱofȱChrist;ȱtheȱLastȱJudgment;ȱtheȱAssumptionȱand
CoronationȱofȱtheȱVirginȱMary;ȱandȱtheȱHolyȱTrinity.ȱAsideȱfromȱtheseȱimages,
moreȱ thanȱ twoȱ hundredȱ humanȱ facesȱ areȱ representedȱ inȱ theȱ multicolored
compositionȱonȱtheȱmiter.15ȱ
TheȱEscorialȱmiterȱonȱtheȱheadȱofȱtheȱsacredȱauthoritativeȱfigureȱandȱitsȱimages
servedȱasȱaȱvehicleȱdirectingȱtheȱreligiousȱobserverȱtowardȱtheȱheavenlyȱrealm.ȱIn
contrast,ȱtheȱpaintedȱcursedȱmiterȱbecameȱaȱsignȱofȱitsȱwearer’sȱinfernalȱconnection
justȱ asȱ theȱ sacredȱ paintedȱ miterȱ signaledȱ itsȱ wearer’sȱ celestialȱ connection.
Specifically,ȱinȱLaȱCelestina,ȱtheȱmitraȱsclerataȱwouldȱnotȱhaveȱportrayedȱimagesȱof
sacredȱscenesȱandȱtheȱroadȱtoȱheaven,ȱbutȱaȱdescriptionȱofȱClaudina’sȱsinsȱasȱwitch
andȱ imagesȱ thatȱ conjuredȱ hell.ȱ Johnȱ Mabbe’sȱ 1631ȱ Englishȱ translationȱ ofȱ the
14
Seeȱtheȱentryȱ“coroza,”ȱinȱLidioȱNietoȱJiménezȱandȱManuelȱAlvarȱEzquerra,ȱed.,ȱNuevoȱtesoro
lexicográficoȱdelȱespañolȱ(s.ȱXIVȱ–ȱ1726),ȱvol.ȱ4.ȱ(Madrid:ȱArcoȱLibros,ȱ2007),ȱ2968.
15
TeresaȱOrtizȱSalazar,ȱ“TheȱFeatherȱAdargaȱofȱPhillipȱIIȱandȱtheȱEscorialȱMiter,”ȱNuevoȱmundo,
mundosȱnuevosȱ(1–25–2006;ȱhttp://nuevomundo.revues.org/pdf/1468;ȱlastȱaccessedȱonȱMarchȱ5,
2012).
Claudinaȱpassageȱhighlightsȱtheȱconicalȱhat’sȱroleȱasȱheadȱornamentȱthatȱcontains
damningȱ textȱ andȱ image.ȱ Mabbeȱ describesȱ theȱ coneȱ hatȱ asȱ “aȱ highȱ paperȱ Hat
paintedȱfullȱofȱDivels,ȱwhereonȱherȱfaultȱwasȱwritten.”16ȱ
FaultingȱnotȱonlyȱClaudina,ȱbutȱalsoȱCelestina,ȱtheȱfirstȱsixteenthȬcenturyȱscholar
toȱ writeȱ aboutȱ Laȱ Celestinaȱ beginsȱ aȱ longȱ moralizingȱ criticalȱ traditionȱ that
understandsȱLaȱCelestinaȱasȱwitchȱworthyȱofȱcontempt.ȱIndeed,ȱthatȱscholarȱargues
thatȱherȱnameȱisȱaȱborrowingȱofȱscelus,ȱtheȱsameȱLatinȱrootȱwordȱthatȱgivesȱsclerata.
Thisȱ paper,ȱ however,ȱ divergesȱ fromȱ theȱ criticalȱ traditionȱ thatȱ understands
Celestinaȱasȱpartȱofȱtheȱ“badȱwitch”ȱtradition,ȱthatȱis,ȱthatȱenvisionsȱasȱherȱmorally
retrograde.17ȱ Instead,ȱ itȱ conceivesȱ Laȱ Celestinaȱ inȱ generalȱ andȱ theȱ conicalȱ hat
specificallyȱwithinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱaȱ“goodȱwitch”ȱtradition,ȱthatȱis,ȱaȱtraditionȱin
whichȱtheȱwordȱ“Celestina”ȱdoesȱnotȱpointȱtoȱtheȱLatinȱwordȱmeaningȱ“damned,”
butȱratherȱaȱLatinȱwordȱthatȱconnectsȱherȱtoȱtheȱstarsȱorȱtheȱcelestial.ȱ
CelestinaȱremembersȱtheȱtimeȱthatȱherȱbelovedȱfriendȱClaudinaȱhadȱonceȱworn
theȱ coneȱ hatȱ withȱ pride.ȱ Celestinaȱ reminiscesȱ aboutȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ herȱ friend
Claudinaȱworeȱtheȱhatȱinȱbroadȱdaylightȱinȱfrontȱofȱonlookersȱandȱdidȱnotȱfeel
shame.ȱCelestina,ȱinȱaȱposthumousȱpanegyricȱforȱClaudina,ȱrecallsȱtheȱClaudina
episode:ȱ
Sheȱdidn’tȱmindȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱSheȱalwaysȱgotȱitȱright,ȱIȱswearȱtoȱGodȱandȱmyȱconscience.ȱEven
whenȱsheȱwasȱinȱthatȱpillory,ȱherȱlooksȱandȱgesturesȱshowedȱsheȱcouldn’tȱcareȱless
aboutȱtheȱpeopleȱlookingȱupȱatȱher.18ȱȱ
Indeed,ȱCelestinaȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱClaudina,ȱsubjectedȱtoȱpublicȱscornȱinȱtheȱcone
hat,ȱinȱnoȱwayȱshouldȱloseȱherȱreputationȱjustȱasȱVirgilȱshouldȱnotȱeither.ȱCelestina
concludes:ȱ
Iȱsupposeȱyou’veȱheardȱaboutȱthatȱcleverȱVirgil.ȱTheyȱputȱhimȱinȱaȱbasketȱandȱhung
himȱfromȱaȱtowerȱwithȱallȱRomeȱwatching.ȱItȱdidn’tȱmeanȱheȱwasȱnoȱlongerȱrespected
orȱthatȱtheȱgoodȱnameȱofȱVirgilȱwasȱsoiled.19
16
JamesȱMabbe,ȱCelestinaȱorȱTheȱTragickeȬComedyȱofȱCalistoȱandȱMelibea,ȱIntro.JamesȱFitzmauriceȬ
Kelley,ȱTheȱTudorȱTranslations,ȱed.ȱW.ȱE.ȱHenley,ȱvol.ȱ6.ȱ(London:ȱDavidȱNutt,ȱ1894),ȱ132.
17
Oneȱexampleȱofȱtheȱcriticalȱ“badȱwitch”ȱtraditionȱcanȱbeȱfoundȱinȱJeanȱDangler’sȱargumentȱthat
RojasȱdeprecatesȱCelestinaȱsoȱasȱtoȱdissuadeȱreadersȱfromȱseekingȱtheȱserviceȱofȱwomen.ȱDangler
writes:ȱ“Rojas’sȱattackȱisȱparticularlyȱdirectedȱtowardȱwomenȱhealers,ȱwhoseȱlegitimateȱmedieval
statusȱincreasinglyȱerodedȱinȱtheȱfifteenthȱandȱsixteenthȱcenturiesȱwithȱtheȱprofessionalizationȱof
medicine”ȱ(JeanȱDangler,ȱMakingȱDifferenceȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIberiaȱ[NotreȱDame,ȱIN:
UniversityȱofȱNotreȱDameȱPress,ȱ2005],ȱ111).
18
FernandoȱdeȱRojas,ȱLaȱCelestina,ȱ367:ȱ“Yȱmiraȱenȱquéȱtanȱpocoȱloȱtuvoȱconȱsuȱbuenȱsesoȱ...ȱEnȱtodo
teníaȱgracia;ȱqueȱenȱDiosȱyȱenȱmiȱconciencia,ȱaunȱenȱaquellaȱescaleraȱestavaȱyȱparecíaȱqueȱaȱtodos
losȱ deȱ baxoȱ noȱ teníaȱ enȱ unaȱ blanca,ȱ segúnȱ suȱ meneoȱ yȱ presencia.”ȱ Englishȱ translationȱ Bush,
Celestina,ȱ82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
19
FernandoȱdeȱRojas,ȱLaȱCelestina,ȱ368:ȱ“VerásȱquiénȱfueȱVirgilioȱyȱquéȱtantoȱsupo;ȱmasȱyaȱhavrás
oýdoȱcómoȱestovoȱenȱunȱcestoȱcolgadoȱdeȱunaȱtorre,ȱmirándoleȱtodaȱRoma.ȱPeroȱporȱesoȱnoȱdexó
Claudinaȱ isȱ Celestina’sȱ Virgil.ȱ Virgilȱ wasȱ notȱ justȱ theȱ premierȱ poeticȱ model
(particularlyȱhisȱuseȱofȱtheȱepic)ȱforȱtheȱmedievalȱmind,ȱbutȱalsoȱoneȱofȱtheȱperiod’s
mostȱimportantȱhistoricalȱauthorities.ȱClaudina,ȱcan,ȱlikeȱtheȱcourtȱjesterȱorȱthe
clown,ȱwearȱtheȱhatȱinȱanȱimitationȱofȱmasculineȱauthority.ȱButȱsheȱdoesȱnotȱonly
wearȱtheȱhatȱinȱaȱcarnivalȱactȱthatȱsimplyȱmocksȱauthority.ȱClaudinaȱisȱanȱauthority
forȱCelestinaȱlikeȱVirgilȱisȱtoȱtheȱmaleȱestablishment.ȱInȱCelestina’sȱmind,ȱClaudina
wearsȱtheȱcrownȱofȱaȱsageȱauthority.ȱȱ
Asȱcriticsȱhaveȱcommented,ȱRojasȱwasȱinterestedȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱnotionȱofȱLady
FortuneȱwhenȱheȱconstructedȱtheȱplotȱofȱLaȱCelestina.20ȱTheȱtwoȱloversȱinȱtheȱstory,
afterȱbeingȱatȱtheȱ“top,”ȱquiteȱliterallyȱfallȱtoȱtheirȱdeaths:ȱCalistoȱfromȱaȱwallȱand
Melibeaȱfromȱaȱtower.ȱTheȱmedievalȱallegoryȱofȱFortuneȱisȱconnectedȱwithȱthe
semioticsȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhat.ȱTheȱtipȱofȱtheȱhatȱpointingȱupwardȱsuggestsȱtheȱtop
ofȱFortune’sȱwheelȱandȱwhenȱfallenȱandȱpointingȱdownwardȱitȱsuggestsȱtheȱbottom
ofȱtheȱwheel.ȱOneȱmayȱthinkȱofȱaȱjester’sȱhatȱwithȱtheȱtipȱpointingȱdownward.
Fortuneȱ wasȱ connectedȱ withȱ knowingȱ whatȱ isȱ inȱ theȱ starsȱ andȱ theȱ conicalȱ hat
signaledȱtheȱoneȱthatȱwasȱableȱtoȱreadȱtheȱstars.ȱWithȱitsȱcircularȱbaseȱandȱpoint
reachingȱ upȱ toȱ theȱ heavens,ȱ theȱ conicalȱ hatȱ evokesȱ theȱ mindȱ ofȱ theȱ wiseȱ sage
familiarȱwithȱtheȱstars.ȱ
TheȱmeaningȱofȱtheȱhatȱinȱCelestina’sȱmindȱisȱmeantȱtoȱcastȱasideȱtheȱsignȱof
shameȱandȱtoȱevokeȱaȱconeȱofȱpower,ȱlikeȱtheȱconicalȱcrownȱofȱEgyptianȱpharaohs
thatȱdenotedȱtheȱkingȇsȱunionȱwithȱtheȱSkyȬgoddessȱorȱtheȱRomanȱapexȱthatȱwas
sometimesȱdescribedȱasȱaȱconicalȱhatȱwornȱbyȱaȱpriesthoodȱofȱwomen.ȱCelestina
reminiscesȱwhenȱsheȱmetȱClaudinaȱatȱnightȱwithȱotherȱwomenȱandȱformedȱaȱcircle
withȱaȱcandleȱinȱtheȱmiddleȱtoȱpracticeȱtheirȱarts.ȱTheȱearlyȱSpanishȱmeaningȱofȱthe
wordȱ cercoȱ (fromȱ Latinȱ circus)ȱ hadȱ aȱ specificȱ meaningȱ inȱ aȱ militaryȱ context,
referringȱtoȱaȱgroupȱofȱmaleȱsoldiersȱthatȱformedȱaȱcircularȱformationȱinȱtheȱsiege
ofȱaȱcity.21ȱRojasȱusesȱtheȱcharacterȱofȱtheȱCelestinaȱtoȱuseȱtheȱwordȱcerco,ȱnotȱto
meanȱaȱgroupȱofȱmenȱformingȱaȱcircleȱofȱmilitaryȱmight,ȱbutȱtoȱreferȱtoȱaȱgroupȱof
womenȱformingȱaȱdifferentȱsortȱofȱcircleȱofȱpower.ȱ
Celestina’sȱuseȱofȱtheȱwordȱcercoȱtoȱdescribeȱherȱtimeȱinȱtheȱcircleȱwithȱClaudina
isȱnotȱonlyȱoneȱ ofȱherȱfondestȱmemoriesȱofȱClaudina,ȱbutȱalso,ȱIȱ wouldȱargue,
contributesȱtoȱmoreȱfullyȱunderstandingȱtheȱlogicȱforȱtheȱshapeȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhat
deȱserȱhonrradoȱniȱperdióȱelȱnombreȱdeȱVirgilio.”ȱEnglishȱtranslationȱBush,ȱCelestina,ȱ82ȱ(seeȱnote
6).
20
StephenȱGilmanȱmakesȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱextensiveȱanalysesȱofȱFortune’sȱWheelȱatȱworkȱinȱtheȱArt
ofȱLaȱCelestinaȱ(Madison:ȱUniversityȱofȱWisconsinȱPress,ȱ1956),ȱhereȱ125.ȱ
21
Seeȱtheȱentryȱ“cerco”ȱinȱNietoȱJiménezȱandȱAlvarȱEzquerra,ȱed.,ȱNuevoȱtesoroȱlexicográfico,ȱ2382ȱ(see
noteȱ14).
asȱCelestinaȱenvisionsȱitȱonȱClaudina’sȱhead.ȱTheȱshapeȱofȱtheȱtraditionalȱwitch
cercoȱisȱaȱshapeȱinȱwhichȱwomenȱformȱaȱcircleȱandȱenvisionȱtheirȱplacementȱinȱthat
circleȱasȱpartȱofȱaȱlargerȱconeȱinȱwhichȱtheȱcenterȱofȱtheirȱcircleȱdoesȱnotȱcorrespond
toȱtheȱtwoȱdimensionalȱcenterȱofȱtheȱcircle,ȱbutȱtoȱtheȱtopȱofȱaȱconeȱthatȱreachesȱinto
theȱheavens.ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱimaginedȱconeȱshapeȱofȱtheȱfemaleȱcercoȱconnectsȱtoȱthe
coneȱ shapeȱ ofȱ theȱ hatȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ energyȱ fromȱ whichȱ theȱ witchȱ gathersȱ her
energy:ȱtheȱconeȱofȱpower.ȱMuchȱlater,ȱGoyaȱwillȱofferȱoneȱgoodȱvisualȱexample
ofȱ theȱ divergentȱ andȱ convergingȱ meaningsȱ ofȱ theȱ cone.ȱ Inȱ Witchesȱ inȱ theȱ Air
(1797–1798),ȱ aȱ groupȱ ofȱ witchesȱ wearȱ paintedȱ coneȱ hats.ȱ Theȱ womenȱ areȱ also
arrangedȱinȱaȱcircle,ȱbutȱhaveȱconjuredȱtheirȱpowerȱinȱaȱsuccessfulȱactȱofȱlevitation:
theȱthreeȱconeȬheadedȱwitchesȱareȱlevitatingȱinȱtheȱair.ȱTheȱgroupedȱbodiesȱofȱthe
witchesȱformȱtheȱshapeȱofȱaȱflyingȱcone.ȱȱ
TheȱClaudinaȱstoryȱrepresentsȱaȱmomentȱofȱCelestina´sȱnostalgia.ȱHerȱnostalgia
enfoldsȱaȱtimeȱinȱwhichȱsheȱandȱClaudinaȱheldȱspecialȱpowerȱinȱtheirȱcommunity
andȱwereȱnotȱscornedȱasȱ“badȱwitches.”ȱEveryoneȱknewȱbothȱofȱthemȱandȱgreeted
themȱonȱtheȱstreet.ȱWhenȱCelestinaȱremembersȱClaudina,ȱsheȱyearnsȱforȱaȱmoment
ofȱ femaleȱ agencyȱ condemnedȱ byȱ maleȱ authorities.ȱ Evenȱ asȱ maleȱ practitioners
increasinglyȱ tookȱ overȱ theȱ workȱ ofȱ childbirth,ȱ Claudinaȱ practicedȱ midwifery,
havingȱhelpedȱdeliverȱcountlessȱchildrenȱinȱtheȱcommunity:ȱ“Whenȱweȱwereȱinȱthe
street,ȱeveryoneȱsheȱbumpedȱintoȱshe’dȱbroughtȱintoȱthisȱworld.”22ȱCelestinaȱand
Claudinaȱwereȱalsoȱcuranderasȱsinceȱtheyȱwereȱfamiliarȱwithȱcurativeȱherbsȱand
otherȱmedicinalȱpractice.ȱTheyȱprocuredȱsexualȱpartnersȱforȱtheȱmenȱinȱtheȱtown.
Finally,ȱ theyȱ hadȱ aȱ closeȱ andȱ specialȱ friendship.ȱ Theyȱ wentȱ outȱ toȱ drinkȱ wine
together.ȱCelestinaȱsaysȱthatȱsheȱandȱClaudinaȱdidȱeverythingȱtogetherȱandȱthatȱ“in
thisȱlifeȱIȱneverȱhadȱaȱgreaterȱfriend,ȱcompanionȱorȱcomfortȱinȱmyȱtravails.”23ȱInȱa
powerfulȱelegyȱtoȱherȱfriendȱsheȱstates:ȱ“Whoȱsharedȱmyȱsecrets?ȱWhoȱcouldȱIȱtell
myȱcaresȱto?”24ȱȱȱ
TheȱplotȱofȱLaȱCelestinaȱultimatelyȱcelebratesȱfemaleȱsexuality,ȱfemaleȱcommunity
andȱfemaleȱjustice.ȱEvenȱthoughȱClaudinaȱhasȱdied,ȱCelestinaȱcontinuesȱtoȱhave
closeȱrelationshipsȱwithȱwomen.ȱAreúsaȱisȱanotherȱimportantȱfemaleȱcharacterȱin
theȱwork.ȱSheȱpracticesȱprostitutionȱsecretlyȱandȱisȱtherebyȱinȱaȱdangerousȱsocial
positionȱ sinceȱ sheȱ couldȱ beȱ denouncedȱ byȱ herȱ neighborsȱ andȱ punished.
Nonetheless,ȱ sheȱ isȱ anȱ exampleȱ ofȱ anȱ independentȱ womanȱ andȱ inȱ oneȱ scene
22
Fernandoȱ deȱ Rojas,ȱ Laȱ Celestina,ȱ 366:ȱ “Siȱ salíamosȱ porȱ laȱ calle,ȱ quantosȱ topávamosȱ eranȱ sus
ahijados.”ȱEnglishȱtranslationȱBush,ȱCelestina,ȱ81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
23
FernandoȱdeȱRojas,ȱLaȱCelestina,ȱ364:ȱ“yȱtuveȱyoȱenȱesteȱmundoȱotraȱtalȱamiga,ȱotraȱtalȱcompañera,
talȱaliviadoraȱdeȱmisȱtrabajosȱyȱfatigas.”ȱEnglishȱtranslationȱBush,ȱCelestina,ȱ80ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
24
FernandoȱdeȱRojas,ȱLaȱCelestina,ȱ364:“¿quiénȱsabíaȱmisȱsecretos,ȱaȱquiénȱdescobríaȱmiȱcoraçón?”
Englishȱtranslation,ȱPeterȱBush,ȱCelestina,ȱ80ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).
CelestinaȱandȱAreúsaȱovertlyȱflirtȱandȱfondleȱeachȱother.25ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱcharacter
ofȱAreúsaȱformsȱpartȱofȱaȱfemaleȱmicrosocietyȱthatȱexercisesȱjusticeȱinȱconstrastȱto
theȱ examplesȱ ofȱ aȱ failedȱ maleȱ justiceȱ systemȱ inȱ theȱ work.26ȱ Inȱ Laȱ Celestina,ȱ the
justiceȱsystem’sȱmaleȱrepresentatives,ȱtheȱjudgeȱandȱtheȱconstable,ȱdoȱnotȱserve
theirȱpurposeȱandȱflounderȱinȱfailure.ȱ
TheȱjudgeȱwhoȱsentencesȱPármenoȱandȱSempronioȱforȱtheȱdeathȱofȱCelestinaȱis
corruptȱ(heȱisȱaȱpersonalȱcronyȱofȱCalisto’sȱfamily),ȱtheȱconstableȱarrivesȱtooȱlate
toȱsaveȱCelestina,ȱandȱtheȱservantsȱjumpȱfromȱtheȱwindowȱthwartingȱtheȱlegal
systemȱinȱactingȱagainstȱtheirȱcrimeȱ(sinceȱtheyȱareȱalreadyȱnearȱdeadȱbeforeȱthe
“execution”).ȱEvenȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhat,ȱatȱleastȱforȱCelestina,ȱfails
asȱanȱinstrumentȱofȱjusticeȱonȱClaudina’sȱhead.ȱȱ
Inȱturn,ȱtheȱwomenȱeffectivelyȱcarryȱoutȱjustice,ȱalbeitȱnotȱnecessarilyȱasȱplanned.ȱ
AreúsaȱhasȱusedȱherȱinfluenceȱasȱprostituteȱtoȱfreeȱherȱclientȱCenturio,ȱaȱscoundrel
soldier,ȱthreeȱtimesȱfromȱpunishment.ȱAsideȱfromȱinfluencingȱtheȱauthoritiesȱto
releaseȱCenturio,ȱAreúsaȱalsoȱtakesȱjusticeȱinȱherȱownȱhandsȱbyȱseekingȱrevenge
forȱtheȱdeathsȱofȱPármenoȱandȱSempronio.ȱAreúsaȱemploysȱCenturioȱtoȱkillȱCalisto
inȱorderȱtoȱavengeȱtheȱdeathȱofȱherȱlover,ȱPármeno.ȱAlthoughȱCenturioȱfailsȱonȱhis
mission,ȱheȱdoesȱgetȱTrasoȱtoȱcreateȱaȱscuffleȱthatȱleadsȱtoȱCalisto’sȱdeathȱand,
althoughȱnotȱcarriedȱoutȱasȱsheȱexpected,ȱAreúsa’sȱrevengeȱplotȱandȱjusticeȱbring
aboutȱtheȱdesiredȱend.ȱAreúsaȱthereforeȱconstruesȱherȱownȱversionȱofȱjusticeȱin
parallelȱtoȱCelestinaȱwhoȱalsoȱconstruesȱherȱ ownȱmeaningȱofȱjusticeȱwhenȱshe
rejectsȱtheȱmeaningȱtoȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱasȱitȱservesȱtheȱneedsȱofȱtheȱmaleȱjustice
system.
Celestinaȱreconstruesȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhat,ȱconvertingȱitȱfromȱanȱobject
ofȱtheȱmaleȱjusticeȱsystemȱthatȱpunishesȱtheȱfemaleȱintoȱaȱsignȱofȱwoman’sȱpride.
Likeȱ Celestina,ȱ whoȱ invertsȱ theȱ meaningȱ ofȱ theȱ hatȱ asȱ signȱ ofȱ humiliation,ȱ the
carnivalȱcostumeȱcanȱalsoȱturnȱmeaning.ȱInȱaȱruralȱcommunityȱinȱGalicia,ȱSpain,
carnivalȱgoersȱsometimesȱcombineȱsignsȱofȱmedievalȱpublicȱshameȱinȱtheȱsame
costume.ȱItȱisȱnotȱuncommonȱtoȱfindȱaȱcarnivalȱcostumeȱthatȱnotȱonlyȱconsistsȱof
theȱdecoratedȱconicalȱhat,ȱbutȱalsoȱfeathers.ȱInȱtheȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodern
periodȱinȱSpain,ȱfemaleȱpimpsȱ(alcahuetas)ȱwereȱanimalizedȱandȱshamedȱthrough
theȱpracticeȱofȱfeathering:ȱCelestinaȱsupposedlyȱwasȱfeatheredȱonȱthreeȱoccasions.27
25
SeeȱSherryȱM.ȱVelasco,ȱLesbiansȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱSpainȱ(Nashville,ȱTN:ȱVanderbiltȱUniversityȱPress,
2011),ȱ andȱ Maryȱ S.ȱ Gossy,ȱ Empireȱ onȱ theȱ Vergeȱ ofȱ aȱ Nervousȱ Breakdownȱ (Liverpool:ȱ Liverpool
UniversityȱPress,ȱ2009).
26
Forȱ moreȱ onȱ theȱ Celestina’sȱ femaleȱ microsociety,ȱ seeȱ Alanȱ Deyermond,ȱ “Femaleȱ Societiesȱ in
Celestina,”ȱFernandoȱdeȱRojasȱandȱCelestina:ȱApproachingȱtheȱFifthȱCentenary,ȱed.ȱIvyȱA.ȱCorfisȱand
JosephȱT.ȱSnowȱ(Madison,ȱWI:ȱTheȱHispanicȱSeminaryȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱ1993),ȱ1–32.ȱȱ
27
FernandoȱdeȱRojas,ȱLaȱCelestina,ȱ274:ȱ“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱyȱloȱqueȱmásȱdeȱelloȱsientoȱesȱvenirȱaȱmanosȱdeȱaquella
trotaconventos,ȱdespuésȱdeȱtresȱvecesȱemplumada”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).ȱȱAccordingȱtoȱoneȱearlyȱsource,
TheȱstoryȱofȱtheȱClaudinaȱconicalȱhat,ȱhowever,ȱisȱnotȱaȱmockingȱofȱauthorityȱby
puttingȱonȱaȱtemporaryȱcostumeȱinȱcarnival.ȱ
ForȱCelestina,ȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱonȱClaudinaȱisȱanȱinstanceȱofȱfemaleȱprideȱand
Celestina’sȱcelebrationȱofȱtheȱconicalȱhatȱrejectsȱtheȱmaleȬdominatedȱreligiousȱand
politicalȱinstitutionsȱthatȱmarginalizedȱexpressionsȱofȱfemaleȱpower.ȱTheȱconical
hatȱisȱnotȱaȱshamingȱpunishmentȱimposedȱbyȱtheȱemergingȱmaleȬdominatedȱstate
apparatus,ȱbutȱaȱhatȱwithȱitsȱownȱpowerȱsymbolics,ȱincludingȱfemaleȱauthorityȱin
medicalȱpractice,ȱmidwifery,ȱnonȬsanctionedȱfemaleȱreligiousȱpractice,ȱandȱfemale
sexualȱagency,ȱincludingȱprostitution,ȱlesbianȱdesireȱandȱfreedomȱforȱaȱwoman
whoȱprocuredȱsexȱforȱothers.
theȱfeatheringȱpunishmentȱisȱreservedȱforȱalcahuetasȱandȱitȱconsistedȱofȱstrippingȱtheȱupperȱhalf
ofȱ theȱ woman’sȱ body,ȱ spreadingȱ itȱ withȱ honeyȱ andȱ thenȱ stickingȱ littleȱ feathersȱ toȱ theȱ torso.
SebastiánȱdeȱCovarrubiasȱwritesȱinȱtheȱTesoroȱdeȱlaȱlenguaȱcastellanaȱoȱespañola:ȱ“Aȱlasȱalcahuetas
acostumbranȱdesnudarlasȱdelȱmedioȱcuerpoȱarribaȱy,ȱuntadasȱconȱmiel,ȱlasȱsiebranȱdeȱplumas
menudas,ȱqueȱparecenȱmonstruos,ȱmedioȱavesȱmedioȱmugeres”ȱ(ed.ȱMartínȱdeȱRiquerȱ[Barcelona:
S.ȱA.ȱHorta,ȱ1943],ȱ508).
Chapterȱ17
KathleenȱM.ȱLlewellyn
(SaintȱLouisȱUniversity,ȱSt.ȱLouis)
EqualȱOpportunityȱVengeanceȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱof
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre
Aȱcunningȱhusbandȱlustsȱafterȱhisȱwife’sȱbuxomȱyoungȱchambermaid.ȱHeȱsuggests
toȱhisȱwifeȱthatȱheȱpunishȱtheȱchambermaidȱforȱherȱlazinessȱbyȱwhippingȱherȱout
ofȱbedȱonȱtheȱFeastȱofȱtheȱInnocents,ȱaȱpropositionȱthatȱhisȱwifeȱaccepts.ȱButȱhe
“whips”ȱherȱinȱtheȱbedȱratherȱthanȱoutȱofȱit,ȱtheȱtoolȱheȱusesȱisȱnoȱwhip,ȱneitherȱhe
norȱtheȱchambermaidȱregardsȱtheȱactivityȱasȱpunishment,ȱandȱtheȱonlyȱ“innocent”
involvedȱinȱthisȱstoryȱisȱtheȱratherȱdimȬwittedȱwife,ȱwhoȱrefusesȱtoȱbelieveȱreports
ofȱherȱhusband’sȱinfidelity.ȱThisȱfortyȬfifthȱnovellaȱofȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre’s
Heptaméronȱasksȱfundamentalȱquestionsȱthatȱweȱareȱponderingȱinȱthisȱcollection
ofȱessays:ȱwhatȱconstitutesȱaȱcrimeȱandȱwhoȱdecides?ȱwhatȱisȱpunishmentȱandȱwho
dispensesȱit?ȱwhoȱisȱinnocentȱandȱwhoȱisȱguilty?ȱLikeȱtheȱHeptaméronȱasȱaȱwhole,
inȱwhichȱthereȱisȱnoȱdominantȱvoice,ȱnoȱprevailingȱpointȱofȱview,ȱnoȱoneȱtruth,
novellaȱ45ȱprovidesȱnoȱrealȱanswersȱtoȱtheseȱquestions.ȱTheȱhusbandȱinȱthisȱstory
isȱunfaithful,ȱbutȱthatȱwasȱnotȱmuchȱofȱaȱcrimeȱinȱRenaissanceȱFrance.ȱItȱseemsȱthat
noȱoneȱwasȱpunished,ȱnotȱtheȱunfaithfulȱhusbandȱnorȱtheȱvivaciousȱchambermaid.
Nor,ȱaccordingȱtoȱatȱleastȱoneȱofȱtheȱHeptaméron’sȱstorytellers,ȱtheȱdupedȱwife.ȱIn
theȱ discussionȱ thatȱ followsȱ thisȱ tale,ȱ Parlamente,ȱ aȱ woman,ȱ assertsȱ thatȱ “’Cest
hommeȬlàȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱestoitȱmerveilleusementȱmauvays’”ȱ(“‘Theȱmanȱinȱtheȱstoryȱwasȱan
extremelyȱbadȱcharacter’”),1ȱwhereuponȱHircan,ȱherȱhusband,ȱcounters:ȱ“’Vous
n’avezȱdoncquesȱpasȱbienȱentenduȱleȱcompteȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱpourȱceȱqu’ilȱestȱdictȱqu’ilȱles
contantaȱtoutesȱdeuxȱenȱuneȱmatinée;ȱqueȱjeȱtrouveȱungȱgrandȱacteȱdeȱvertu’”
1
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱed.ȱMichelȱFrançoisȱ(Paris:ȱBordas,ȱ1991),ȱ307.ȱTranslation
ofȱLȇHeptaméronȱisȱfromȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱTheȱHeptameron,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱP.ȱA.ȱChilton
(London:ȱ Penguinȱ Books,ȱ 1984),ȱ 404.ȱ Unlessȱ otherwiseȱ indicated,ȱ allȱ Englishȱ translationsȱ of
L’Heptaméronȱareȱfromȱthisȱtext.ȱ
416 KathleenȱM.ȱLlewellyn
(“‘Youȱ haven’tȱ understoodȱ theȱ storyȱ properlyȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ Theȱ pointȱ isȱ thatȱ theȱ man
satisfiedȱthemȱbothȱinȱoneȱmorning!ȱIȱthinkȱthatȱheȱshowedȱgreatȱprowess’”).2ȱ
Theȱcharactersȱinȱthisȱnovellaȱareȱutterlyȱconventional:ȱtheȱcheatingȱhusband,ȱthe
foolishȱ wife,ȱ theȱ lustyȱ chambermaidȱ (notȱ toȱ mentionȱ theȱ lustyȱ neighbor,ȱ who
wishesȱ she,ȱ too,ȱ hadȱ aȱ husbandȱ likeȱ that).ȱ Butȱ ifȱ theȱ charactersȱ inȱ thisȱ taleȱ are
stereotypical,ȱtheyȱexistȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱalongsideȱcharactersȱfromȱotherȱnovellas
whoȱareȱsingularȱandȱhighlyȱnuanced.ȱAndȱsimilarly,ȱtheȱcavalierȱattitudeȱtoward
wrongdoingȱ andȱ itsȱ consequencesȱ thatȱ thisȱ novellaȱ seemsȱ toȱ implyȱ isȱ not
representativeȱofȱtheȱwholeȱofȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre’sȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱsubjectȱin
herȱHeptaméron.ȱInȱthisȱessay,ȱIȱargueȱthatȱtheȱqueenȱofȱNavarreȱusesȱcrimeȱand
punishmentȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱtoȱcommentȱonȱrightȱandȱwrongȱinȱearlyȱmodern
France,ȱandȱtoȱreconsiderȱtheȱroleȱofȱwomenȱasȱbothȱvictimsȱandȱperpetratorsȱof
wrongdoing.ȱTheȱreaderȱofȱtheȱHeptaméronȱdiscoversȱthatȱtheȱreasonsȱforȱwhich
womenȱ wereȱ punished,ȱ andȱ evenȱ theȱ waysȱ inȱ whichȱ theyȱ wereȱ punished,
paradoxicallyȱ empowerȱ theȱ womenȱ inȱ theȱ novellas.ȱ Forȱ whileȱ historically,
women’sȱpunishmentȱoftenȱdifferedȱfromȱmen’s,3ȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱMarguerite
deȱNavarreȱestablishesȱaȱcertainȱequivalencyȱbetweenȱmenȱandȱwomen,ȱevenȱin
theirȱpunishmentȱforȱwrongdoing.ȱ
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre’sȱHeptaméron,ȱwrittenȱinȱmidȬsixteenthȱcenturyȱFrance,
isȱconsideredȱbyȱmanyȱtoȱbeȱprimarilyȱaȱcollectionȱofȱloveȱstories.ȱElizabethȱC.
ZeguraȱdescribesȱtheȱHeptaméronȱasȱ“aȱveritableȱcompendiumȱofȱvariationsȱonȱthe
themeȱofȱlove.”4ȱIndeed,ȱsixtyȬfourȱofȱtheȱseventyȬtwoȱstoriesȱareȱtalesȱofȱlove,ȱor
atȱleastȱofȱlust.ȱButȱmanyȱofȱthoseȱtalesȱmightȱbeȱconsideredȱ“warȱstories”ȱofȱaȱsort,
for,ȱasȱJulesȱGelerntȱobserves,ȱ MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre’sȱnovellasȱareȱ“soȱmany
skirmishesȱinȱtheȱubiquitousȱbattleȱofȱtheȱsexesȱforȱwhichȱtheȱoverȬallȱdesignȱofȱthe
2
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ307–08;ȱTheȱHeptaméron,ȱ404ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
3
Forȱ example,ȱ “Womenȱ wereȱ oftenȱ executedȱ inȱ aȱ mannerȱ differentȱ fromȱ men,ȱ buriedȱ aliveȱ or
drownedȱinsteadȱofȱbeingȱbeheaded,ȱlargelyȱbecauseȱcityȱexecutionersȱthoughtȱwomenȱwould
faintȱatȱtheȱsightȱofȱtheȱswordȱorȱaxȱandȱmakeȱtheirȱjobȱmoreȱdifficult,”ȱMerryȱE.ȱWiesner,ȱWomen
andȱ Genderȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Europeȱ (Cambridge:ȱ Cambridgeȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1993),ȱ 33.
Furthermore,ȱClaudeȱGauvardȱhasȱobservedȱthat:ȱ“ilȱapparaîtȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱqueȱdesȱfemmesȱquiȱontȱavoué
desȱcrimesȱgravesȱsousȱlaȱtortureȱpeuvent,ȱplusȱfacilementȱqueȱlesȱhommesȱtraitésȱdansȱlesȱmêmes
conditions,ȱéchapperȱàȱlaȱcondamnationȱàȱmortȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱLesȱdélibérationsȱdesȱjugesȱmontrentȱaussi
leursȱhésitations”ȱ(“Itȱappearsȱthatȱwomenȱwhoȱconfessedȱunderȱtortureȱtoȱseriousȱcrimesȱcould,
moreȱeasilyȱthanȱmenȱtreatedȱinȱsimilarȱfashion,ȱescapeȱtheȱdeathȱpenaltyȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheȱdeliberations
ofȱtheȱjudgesȱalsoȱdemonstrateȱtheirȱhesitation”).ȱClaudeȱGauvard,ȱDeȱGraceȱEspecial:ȱCrime,ȱétat
etȱ sociétéȱ enȱ Franceȱ àȱ laȱ finȱ duȱ Moyenȱ Age,ȱ vol.ȱ 1.ȱ Histoireȱ ancienneȱ etȱ médiévale,ȱ 24ȱ (Paris:
PublicationsȱdeȱlaȱSorbonne,ȱ1991),ȱ303.ȱ
4
ElizabethȱC.ȱZegura,ȱ“TrueȱStoriesȱandȱAlternativeȱDiscourses:ȱTheȱGameȱofȱLoveȱinȱMarguerite
deȱNavarreȇsȱHeptaméron,”ȱDiscoursesȱonȱLove,ȱMarriage,ȱandȱTransgressionȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarly
ModernȱLiterature,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen.ȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱTextsȱandȱStudies,ȱ278ȱ(Tempe,
AZ:ȱArizonaȱCenterȱforȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱStudies,ȱ2004),ȱ351–68;ȱhereȱ351.
EqualȱOpportunityȱVengeance 417
Heptameronȱ providesȱ theȱ battleground.”5ȱ Theȱ “crimes”ȱ inȱ theȱ Heptaméronȱ are
generallyȱ perpetratedȱ byȱ oneȱ sexȱ againstȱ theȱ other;ȱ theȱ firstȱ day’sȱ stories,ȱ for
example,ȱareȱdelicatelyȱdescribedȱasȱ“desȱmauvaisȱtoursȱqueȱlesȱfemmesȱontȱfaicts
auxȱhommesȱetȱlesȱhommesȱauxȱfemmes”6ȱ(“illȱturnsȱthatȱwomenȱdidȱtoȱmenȱand
menȱdidȱtoȱwomen”).
TheȱHeptaméronȱisȱaȱparticularlyȱrichȱsourceȱforȱtheȱstudyȱofȱfictionalȱcrimeȱand
punishmentȱduringȱtheȱFrenchȱRenaissance.ȱTheȱreaderȱofȱthisȱtextȱhasȱaccessȱnot
onlyȱtoȱtheȱnarrator’sȱjudgmentȱ(bothȱimpliedȱandȱstated)ȱregardingȱ“crimes”ȱand
theirȱ“punishment,”ȱandȱtoȱtheȱjudgmentȱofȱtheȱcharactersȱwithinȱtheȱnovellas,ȱbut
anotherȱsetȱofȱcommentaryȱasȱwell,ȱdueȱtoȱtheȱstructureȱofȱthisȱtext.ȱForȱMarguerite
deȱNavarreȱhasȱcreatedȱaȱgroupȱofȱstorytellers,ȱdevisants,ȱwhoȱnotȱonlyȱrecountȱthe
tales,ȱbutȱdiscussȱthemȱafterward,ȱpassingȱjudgmentȱonȱtheȱcharactersȱwithinȱthe
talesȱ (whichȱ areȱ claimedȱ byȱ theȱ devisantsȱ toȱ beȱ true)ȱ andȱ sometimesȱ passing
judgmentȱonȱeachȱother.
TheȱcharactersȱinȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre’sȱnovellasȱareȱpunishedȱforȱaȱwide
varietyȱofȱtransgressions,ȱbothȱrealȱandȱimagined:ȱmurder,ȱinfidelity,ȱindiscretion,
attemptedȱrape,ȱandȱthreateningȱtheȱhonorȱofȱone’sȱownȱfamilyȱorȱthatȱofȱanother.
ReflectingȱFrenchȱsocietyȱatȱtheȱtime,ȱbothȱmenȱandȱwomenȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱare
punishedȱforȱtheirȱoffenses;ȱasȱMerryȱE.ȱWeisnerȱpointsȱout,ȱduringȱtheȱsixteenth
century,ȱ“Inȱgeneral,ȱwomenȱthroughoutȱEuropeȱwereȱresponsibleȱforȱtheirȱown
criminalȱactionsȱandȱcouldȱbeȱtorturedȱandȱexecutedȱjustȱlikeȱmen.”7ȱOneȱmight
imagine,ȱgivenȱtheȱdeliberateȱbalanceȱthatȱtheȱQueenȱofȱNavarreȱestablishesȱamong
herȱstorytellers—fiveȱmenȱandȱfiveȱwomen—andȱtheȱcarryingȱoutȱofȱ“illȱturns”ȱby
bothȱsexes,ȱthatȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱmenȱwouldȱpunishȱwomenȱandȱwomenȱwould
punishȱmen.ȱOrȱperhapsȱthatȱtheȱopinionȱofȱOisille,ȱtheȱeldestȱ(andȱwisest)ȱofȱthe
storytellers,ȱwouldȱbeȱrespected,ȱthatȱ“’Laȱcorrectionȱdesȱhommesȱappartientȱaux
hommesȱ etȱ desȱ femmesȱ auxȱ femmes’”ȱ (“‘Corporalȱ punishmentȱ shouldȱ be
administeredȱtoȱmenȱbyȱmen,ȱandȱtoȱwomenȱbyȱwomen’”).8ȱHowever,ȱpunishment
inȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre’sȱnovellasȱisȱgenerallyȱmetedȱoutȱbyȱmen,ȱonlyȱrarelyȱby
women,ȱnoȱmatterȱwhatȱtheȱoffenseȱagainstȱthemȱmightȱbe.ȱFromȱthisȱperspective,
treatmentȱofȱpunishmentȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱappearsȱutterlyȱtraditional,ȱaȱproduct
ofȱtheȱpatriarchalȱsocietyȱinȱwhichȱtheȱtextȱwasȱcomposed.ȱ
Theȱfourthȱnovellaȱinȱthisȱcollection,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱbestȱknownȱofȱtheȱHeptaméron’s
tales,ȱisȱaȱtypicalȱexampleȱofȱaȱwrongedȱwomanȱchoosingȱnotȱtoȱpunishȱaȱguilty
man.ȱThisȱisȱtheȱstoryȱofȱanȱattemptedȱrape,ȱfeaturingȱaȱdespicableȱvillainȱandȱan
5
JulesȱGelernt,ȱWorldȱofȱManyȱLoves:ȱTheȱHeptameronȱofȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱ(ChapelȱHill,ȱNC:
UniversityȱofȱNorthȱCarolinaȱPress,ȱ1966),ȱ68.
6
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ11;ȱmyȱtranslationȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
7
Weisner,ȱWomenȱandȱGenderȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope,ȱ33ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
8
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ310;ȱTheȱHeptameron,ȱ408ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
innocentȱvictim.ȱManyȱscholarsȱbelieveȱitȱisȱbasedȱonȱaȱtrueȱstory,ȱanȱattackȱonȱthe
queenȱofȱNavarreȱherself.9ȱTheȱassailantȱinȱthisȱtaleȱisȱaȱcharmingȱandȱhandsome
gentlemanȱwhoȱisȱenamoredȱofȱaȱyoungȱandȱvivaciousȱprincess.ȱSheȱrebuffsȱhis
amorousȱ advances:ȱ “saȱ responceȱ fustȱ telleȱ qu’ilȱ appartenoitȱ àȱ uneȱ princesseȱ et
vrayeȱ femmeȱ deȱ bienȱ (“herȱ responseȱ wasȱ theȱ sortȱ ofȱ answerȱ thatȱ becomesȱ an
honestȱwomanȱandȱaȱprincess”).10ȱButȱbecauseȱsheȱisȱaȱwidow,ȱandȱaȱlively,ȱyoung
widowȱ atȱ that,ȱ heȱ convincesȱ himselfȱ thatȱ “s’ilȱ laȱ povoitȱ trouverȱ enȱ lieuȱ àȱ son
avantaige,ȱ elleȱ quiȱ estoitȱ vefve,ȱ jeune,ȱ etȱ enȱ bonȱ poinct,ȱ etȱ deȱ fortȱ bonne
complexion,ȱprandroitȱpeultȬestreȱpitiéȱdeȱluyȱetȱd’elleȱensemble”ȱ(“[i]fȱheȱcould
findȱtheȱrightȱtimeȱandȱplace,ȱthenȱ[sheȱmight]ȱrelentȱandȱindulgeȱhimȱaȱlittle,ȱand
indulgeȱherselfȱatȱtheȱsameȱtime”).11ȱHeȱsneaksȱintoȱherȱbedȱoneȱnightȱandȱtriesȱto
takeȱherȱbyȱforce.ȱ
Theȱprincessȱmanagesȱtoȱfightȱhimȱoffȱandȱcallȱforȱhelp;ȱafraidȱthatȱheȱmightȱbe
caught,ȱherȱattackerȱescapes.ȱTheȱprincess,ȱtriumphant,ȱdeclares:ȱ“‘saȱtesteȱsera
tesmoingȱdeȱmaȱchasteté’”ȱ(“‘I’llȱhaveȱtheȱman’sȱheadȱasȱproofȱofȱmyȱchastity!’”).12
ButȱherȱladyȬinȬwaitingȱconvincesȱherȱnotȱtoȱseekȱrevenge,ȱforȱdoingȱsoȱwould
makeȱtheȱattackȱpublic,ȱandȱwouldȱruinȱtheȱprincess’ȱreputation.ȱSheȱwarns:ȱ“‘si
courraȱleȱbruictȱpartoutȱqu’ilȱauraȱfaictȱdeȱvousȱàȱsaȱvolunté’”ȱ(“‘peopleȱwillȱsay
thatȱheȱmustȱhaveȱhadȱhisȱwayȱwithȱyou’”),13ȱandȱfurthermore,ȱtheyȱwillȱblameȱthe
princessȱforȱhavingȱencouragedȱtheȱman.ȱTheȱladyȬinȬwaitingȱadvises:ȱ“‘laissez
faireȱàȱl’amourȱetȱàȱlaȱhonte,ȱquiȱleȱsçaurontȱmieulxȱtormenterȱqueȱvous’”ȱ(“‘You
shouldȱleaveȱhimȱtoȱhisȱpassionȱandȱhisȱhumiliationȱ–ȱhe’llȱtortureȱhimselfȱmuch
moreȱthanȱyouȱcould’”).14ȱSoȱitȱwasȱaȱman,ȱtheȱguiltyȱpartyȱhimself,ȱwhoȱendsȱup
punishingȱtheȱattacker.15ȱHisȱvictimȱdoesȱnotȱpermitȱherselfȱtoȱpunishȱhim,ȱand
indeedȱkeepsȱtheȱassaultȱaȱsecret,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱprotectȱherȱownȱreputation.
9
“Novellaȱ4,ȱaȱstoryȱofȱattemptedȱrape,ȱisȱbelievedȱtoȱbeȱbasedȱonȱwhatȱhappenedȱtoȱtheȱwriterȱin
herȱownȱbed.”ȱPatriciaȱFrancisȱCholakian,ȱRapeȱandȱWritingȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱofȱMargueriteȱde
Navarreȱ(CarbondaleȱandȱEdwardsville,ȱIL:ȱSouthernȱIllinoisȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1991),ȱ7.
10
11
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ28;ȱTheȱHeptameron,ȱ90–91ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
12
13
14
15
Althoughȱtheȱprincessȱinȱnovellaȱ4ȱdoesȱinjureȱherȱattacker,ȱitȱisȱwithȱtheȱintentionȱofȱfightingȱhim
off,ȱnotȱpunishingȱhim.ȱ“elleȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱseȱdesfitȱdeȱsesȱmains,ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱseȱmeitȱàȱleȱfraper,ȱmordreȱetȱesgratiner”
(“Strugglingȱoutȱofȱhisȱclutches,ȱsheȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱproceededȱtoȱlashȱout,ȱscratchingȱandȱbitingȱforȱallȱsheȱwas
worth”),ȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ30;ȱTheȱHeptameron,ȱ92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱAȱsimilar
situationȱoccursȱinȱNovellaȱ46,ȱwhenȱaȱwomanȱkicksȱherȱpursuerȱdownȱtheȱstairs.ȱHeȱisȱinjured;
theȱnarratorȱtellsȱusȱthatȱ“ilȱobliaȱleȱmalȱqu’ilȱs’estoitȱfaictȱàȱcheoir,ȱetȱs’enfouytȱleȱplusȱtostȱqu’il
peutȱhorsȱdeȱlaȱvilleȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ“ȱ(“heȱdidȱnotȱevenȱstopȱtoȱlickȱhisȱwounds,ȱbutȱfledȱfromȱtheȱtownȱasȱfast
asȱheȱcouldȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”),ȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ309;ȱTheȱHeptameron,ȱ406ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
However,ȱtheȱwoman’sȱgoalȱisȱtoȱprotectȱherself,ȱnotȱtoȱpunishȱtheȱoffendingȱfriar.ȱ
Men,ȱthough,ȱareȱallowedȱtoȱpunishȱthoseȱwhoȱoffendȱthem,ȱandȱcertainȱvery
righteousȱandȱhonorableȱmenȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱpunishȱmenȱwhoȱharmȱwomen,
orȱevenȱthreatenȱtoȱharmȱthem.ȱNovellaȱ12ȱtellsȱtheȱstoryȱofȱaȱDukeȱofȱtheȱhouse
ofȱMedici,ȱandȱaȱgentlemanȱinȱhisȱservice.ȱTheȱDukeȱlustsȱafterȱtheȱgentleman’s
sister,ȱaȱthoroughlyȱvirtuousȱwoman.ȱHeȱtearfullyȱexplainsȱtoȱtheȱgentlemanȱthat
“siȱ parȱ sonȱ moyenȱ n’enȱ avoitȱ laȱ joissance,ȱ ilȱ neȱ voyoitȱ pasȱ qu’ilȱ peustȱ vivre
longuement”ȱ(“ifȱhisȱfriendȱdidȱnotȱmakeȱitȱpossibleȱforȱhimȱtoȱenjoyȱherȱfavours,
thenȱ heȱ couldȱ notȱ seeȱ howȱ heȱ couldȱ goȱ onȱ living”).16ȱ Theȱ narratorȱ ofȱ thisȱ tale,
Dagoucin,ȱmakesȱitȱabundantlyȱclearȱthatȱtheȱgentlemanȱisȱmotivatedȱbyȱtheȱdesire,
indeedȱtheȱobligation,ȱtoȱprotectȱtheȱhonorȱofȱhisȱfamily.ȱHeȱtellsȱus:ȱ“Leȱfrereȱ.ȱ.ȱ.
aymoitȱsaȱseurȱetȱl’honneurȱdeȱsaȱmaisonȱplusȱqueȱleȱpliasirȱduȱduc”ȱ(“theȱbrother
hadȱmoreȱconcernȱforȱhisȱsister’sȱhonour,ȱandȱforȱthatȱofȱhisȱfamilyȱname,ȱthanȱfor
theȱDuke’sȱpleasures”).17ȱSoȱtheȱgentlemanȱprotests,ȱheȱimploresȱtheȱDukeȱnotȱto
takeȱadvantageȱofȱhim,ȱofȱtheirȱrelationship,ȱbyȱforcingȱhimȱ“deȱpourchasserȱle
deshonneurȱdeȱsonȱsang”ȱ (“toȱ bringȱdishonourȱuponȱhisȱownȱlineage”).18ȱThis
responseȱtoȱtheȱDuke’sȱappealȱnotȱonlyȱemphasizesȱtheȱgentleman’sȱmotivationȱfor
theȱbenefitȱofȱtheȱtale’sȱaudienceȱ(bothȱinternalȱandȱexternalȱtoȱtheȱtext),ȱbutȱalso
makesȱitȱclearȱthatȱbothȱnoblemenȱinȱthisȱstory,ȱtheȱgentlemanȱhimselfȱandȱthe
Duke,ȱwouldȱunderstandȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱprotectingȱfamilyȱhonor.ȱTheȱnarrator
tellsȱus:ȱ“queȱsonȱsang,ȱsonȱcueurȱneȱsonȱhonneurȱneȱseȱpovoientȱaccorderȱàȱluy
faireȱceȱservice”ȱ(“Hisȱhonour,ȱhisȱheart,ȱtheȱveryȱbloodȱthatȱflowedȱinȱhisȱveins
preventedȱ himȱ fromȱ lendingȱ himselfȱ toȱ suchȱ aȱ service”).19ȱ Indeed,ȱ protecting
familyȱhonorȱisȱsoȱsignificant,ȱandȱsuchȱaȱcompellingȱreasonȱnotȱtoȱgrantȱtheȱDuke
hisȱsister’sȱfavors,ȱthatȱitȱisȱtheȱonlyȱargumentȱthatȱtheȱgentlemanȱmakesȱagainst
arrangingȱsuchȱaȱtryst.ȱ
TheȱDukeȱisȱnotȱtoȱbeȱreasonedȱwith,ȱthough,ȱandȱissuesȱaȱveiledȱthreat:ȱ“‘Siȱvous
aymezȱmaȱvie,ȱaussiȱferayȬjeȱlaȱvostre’”ȱ(“‘Takeȱcareȱforȱmyȱlife,ȱandȱIȱwillȱdoȱthe
sameȱforȱyou’”)20ȱwhichȱtheȱgentlemanȱunderstandsȱtoȱmeanȱthatȱheȱwillȱbeȱkilled
ifȱheȱdoesȱnotȱcomplyȱwithȱtheȱDuke’sȱdemand.ȱTheȱgentlemanȱwrestlesȱwithȱthis
dilemmaȱ forȱaȱdayȱorȱ two.ȱHeȱowesȱtheȱDukeȱgreatlyȱforȱhonorsȱandȱmaterial
benefits.ȱBut,ȱandȱagainȱtheȱnarratorȱremindsȱus,ȱtheȱgentlemanȱisȱkeenlyȱawareȱof
theȱdangerȱtoȱ“l’honneurȱdeȱsaȱmaison,ȱl’honnestetéȱetȱchastetéȱdeȱsaȱseur”ȱ(“the
honourȱofȱhisȱfamilyȱname,ȱtheȱchastityȱofȱhisȱsister”).21ȱEvenȱifȱsheȱwereȱtricked
intoȱanȱassignationȱwithȱtheȱDuke,ȱorȱrapedȱbyȱhim,ȱ“àȱjamaysȱluyȱetȱlesȱsiensȱen
16
17
18
19
20
21
seroientȱdiffamez”ȱ(“itȱwouldȱbringȱdownȱinfamyȱonȱhimselfȱandȱhisȱwholeȱfamily
forȱtheȱrestȱofȱtime”).22ȱFinally,ȱdespiteȱallȱthatȱheȱowesȱtheȱDuke,ȱdespiteȱhisȱinitial
internalȱconflict,ȱtheȱgentlemanȱdecidesȱtoȱkillȱtheȱDuke,ȱasȱheȱputsȱit:ȱ“‘vengerȱdu
plusȱgrandȱennemyȱquȱj’ayeȱenȱceȱmonde’”ȱ(“‘toȱavengeȱmyselfȱofȱtheȱgreatest
enemyȱIȱhaveȱinȱthisȱworld’”).23ȱInȱoneȱofȱtheȱgoriestȱscenesȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱhe
andȱhisȱownȱmanservantȱslayȱtheȱDukeȱwithȱtheirȱdaggers.ȱ
Asȱitȱturnsȱout,ȱneitherȱtheȱDukeȱnorȱtheȱgentlemanȱisȱquiteȱtheȱmanȱheȱseems
toȱbeȱatȱfirst.ȱThoughȱheȱdepictsȱhimselfȱasȱquiteȱtheȱcourtlyȱloverȱ(sufferingȱfrom
passionȱsoȱintenseȱthatȱheȱcouldȱnotȱgoȱonȱlivingȱifȱheȱwereȱnotȱallowedȱtoȱenjoy
theȱ“favours”ȱofȱtheȱwomanȱheȱloves),ȱtheȱDukeȱisȱfeminizedȱinȱseveralȱwaysȱin
thisȱtale.ȱGaryȱFergusonȱobservesȱthat:ȱ
Theȱ duke’sȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ murderȱ looksȱ likeȱ aȱ rape,ȱ notȱ onlyȱ becauseȱ itȱ substitutesȱ forȱ the
intendedȱrapeȱofȱtheȱmurderer’sȱsister,ȱbutȱalsoȱbecauseȱaȱminionȱrefusesȱtoȱsuccumb,
andȱ aȱ masterȱ findsȱ himselfȱ “foulé,”ȱ “suppedité,”ȱ “subjugué,”ȱ “abattu’”24ȱ (beaten,
overpowered,ȱsubjugated,ȱslaughtered).ȱ
TheȱDukeȱisȱfurtherȱfeminizedȱbyȱstrikingȱparallelsȱbetweenȱhisȱdeathȱandȱthatȱof
theȱmuletièreȱ(muleȱdriver’sȱwife)ȱofȱnovellaȱ2,ȱwhoȱisȱrapedȱandȱmurderedȱbyȱher
husband’sȱservant.ȱBothȱtheȱDukeȱandȱtheȱmuletièreȱareȱsurprisedȱinȱbedȱbyȱtheir
attackers,ȱeachȱassailantȱclutchingȱaȱbareȱsword,ȱanȱ“espéeȱnue.”25ȱBothȱtheȱDuke
andȱtheȱmuletièreȱareȱstabbedȱrepeatedly,ȱuntilȱtheȱlossȱofȱbloodȱpreventsȱthem
fromȱstruggling.ȱAtȱthisȱpoint,ȱtheȱmuletière‘sȱattackerȱrapesȱherȱandȱleavesȱherȱto
dieȱonȱtheȱfloorȱofȱherȱbedroom.ȱBackȱinȱtheȱDuke’sȱbloodyȱbedroom,ȱonceȱheȱis
tooȱweakȱtoȱdefendȱhimselfȱtheȱgentlemanȱandȱhisȱservantȱfinishȱhimȱwithȱtheir
daggers.ȱSo,ȱthoughȱtheȱDuke’sȱstruggleȱisȱportrayedȱasȱvaliant,ȱitȱisȱnoȱmoreȱso
thanȱthatȱofȱaȱyoungȱwomanȱprotectingȱherȱhonor—aȱbraveȱandȱvirtuousȱ“martire
deȱchasteté”ȱ(“martyrȱofȱchastity”),26ȱbutȱaȱwomanȱnonetheless—andȱhisȱdemise
closelyȱresemblesȱthatȱofȱaȱfemaleȱrapeȱvictim.
Norȱ isȱ theȱ Duke’sȱ gentlemanȱ quiteȱ asȱ honorableȱ andȱ heroicȱ asȱ oneȱ might
imagine.ȱTheȱnarratorȱofȱtheȱtale,ȱaȱman,ȱaddsȱdetailsȱtoȱtheȱstoryȱthatȱcastȱthe
gentlemanȱinȱaȱlessȬthanȬhonorableȱlight.ȱHavingȱslainȱtheȱDuke,ȱtheȱgentleman
decidesȱthatȱ“[il]ȱseȱpensaȱqueȱsonȱeuvreȱseroitȱimparfaict,ȱs’ilȱn’enȱfoisoitȱautant
22
23
24
GaryȱFerguson,ȱ“HistoryȱorȱHerȱStory?ȱ(Homo)sociality/sexualityȱinȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre’s
Heptaméronȱ12,”ȱNarrativeȱWorlds:ȱEssaysȱonȱtheȱNouvelleȱinȱFifteenthȬȱandȱSixteenthȬcenturyȱFrance,
ed.ȱ Garyȱ Fergusonȱ andȱ Davidȱ LaGuardia.ȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Renaissanceȱ Textsȱ andȱ Studies,ȱ 285
(Tempe,ȱArizona:ȱArizonaȱCenterȱforȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱStudies,ȱ2005),ȱ97–122;ȱhereȱ121.ȱ
25
Margueriteȱ deȱ Navarre,ȱ LȇHeptaméron,ȱ 19ȱ (nouvelleȱ 2)ȱ andȱ 92ȱ (nouvelleȱ 12),ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1).ȱ My
translation.
26
àȱcinqȱouȱsixȱdeȱceulxȱquiȱestoientȱlesȱprochainsȱduȱduc”ȱ(“hisȱmissionȱwouldȱbe
incompleteȱifȱheȱdidȱnotȱalsoȱdispatchȱtheȱfiveȱorȱsixȱmenȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱcloseȱto
theȱ Duke”).27ȱ Notȱ onlyȱ isȱ thisȱ unnecessarilyȱ vicious,ȱ but,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ the
manservant,ȱtheȱtwoȱofȱthemȱwouldȱbeȱunableȱtoȱcompleteȱtheȱbrutalȱtaskȱbefore
daylight,ȱjudgingȱbyȱtheȱdurationȱandȱintensityȱofȱtheirȱstruggleȱtoȱassassinateȱthe
Duke.ȱIndeed,ȱinȱthatȱlethalȱbattle,ȱtheȱDukeȱseemsȱconsiderablyȱmoreȱvaliantȱthan
ourȱgentleman.ȱ
TheȱnarratorȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱtheȱDukeȱisȱunarmed,ȱunlikeȱtheȱgentlemanȱand
hisȱmanservant,ȱbutȱheȱfightsȱhisȱattackersȱwithȱgreatȱcourage,ȱandȱtheȱgentleman
isȱunableȱtoȱdefeatȱhimȱwithoutȱtheȱhelpȱofȱhisȱservant.ȱTheȱgentlemanȱbelieves
thatȱbyȱkillingȱtheȱDukeȱheȱhasȱsavedȱpeopleȱfromȱtyranny,ȱbutȱtheȱnarratorȱofȱthe
taleȱ tellsȱ usȱ thatȱ theȱ gentlemanȱ suffersȱ fromȱ aȱ guiltyȱ conscience,ȱ “laȱ mauvaise
conscience,”28ȱandȱdescribesȱtheȱDuke’sȱdeathȱasȱaȱ“meudre”ȱ(“murder”),29ȱrather
than,ȱforȱexample,ȱanȱexecution,ȱandȱtellsȱusȱthatȱtheȱgentlemanȱwasȱ“crainctif”
(“nervous”)30ȱaboutȱwhatȱheȱhadȱdone—hardlyȱtheȱreactionȱofȱaȱtrueȱhero—so
nervousȱthatȱheȱfleesȱtoȱTurkeyȱtoȱavoidȱretribution.ȱThatȱisȱtheȱlastȱthatȱweȱhear
ofȱhim.ȱAndȱthoughȱtheȱgentlemanȱconsideredȱtheȱDukeȱtoȱbeȱsuchȱaȱtyrantȱthat
heȱhopedȱhisȱdeathȱwouldȱ“mettreȱenȱlibertéȱlaȱchoseȱpublicque”ȱ(“setȱtheȱstate
free”),31ȱ noȱ oneȱ elseȱ withinȱ theȱ taleȱ seemsȱ toȱ holdȱ theȱ sameȱ opinion.ȱ Theȱ only
positiveȱreactionȱtoȱtheȱDuke’sȱdeathȱisȱthatȱofȱtheȱgentleman’sȱsister:ȱ“combien
qu’elleȱfustȱestonnéeȱduȱcasȱadvenu,ȱsiȱestȬceȱqu’elleȱenȱaymaȱdavantaigeȱsonȱfrere,
quiȱn’avoitȱpasȱespargnéȱleȱhazardȱdeȱsaȱvie,ȱpourȱlaȱdelivrerȱd’unȱsiȱcruelȱprince
ennemy”ȱ(“Sheȱwasȱhorrifiedȱbyȱwhatȱhadȱhappened,ȱbutȱlovedȱherȱbrotherȱthe
moreȱforȱhavingȱdeliveredȱherȱfromȱaȱprinceȱwhoȱwasȱsoȱcruelȱaȱfoe”).32
Ultimately,ȱthough,ȱtheȱgentlemanȱsavesȱhisȱsisterȱfromȱtheȱDuke’sȱassaultȱonȱher
honor.ȱWeȱareȱtoldȱthatȱtheȱstoryȱ“engendraȱdiversesȱoppinions”ȱ(“engendered
diverseȱopinions”)33ȱamongȱtheȱdevisants,ȱbutȱasȱGaryȱFergusonȱobserves,34ȱthe
opinionsȱfallȱalongȱgenderȱlines,ȱtypicalȱofȱtheȱHeptaméron:ȱtheȱmenȱconsiderȱthe
gentlemanȱaȱ“traistreȱetȱmeschantȱserviteur”ȱ(“traitorȱandȱaȱbadȱservant”),35ȱhis
killingȱofȱtheȱDukeȱrepresents,ȱinȱtheirȱopinion,ȱ“tropȱgrandeȱingratitude”ȱ(“the
27
28
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ93ȱMyȱtranslationȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
29
30
31
32
33
34
GaryȱFergusonȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱ“Itȱisȱquicklyȱrevealedȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱthatȱtheȱopinionsȱareȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱdiverse,
asȱclearlyȱandȱdeeplyȱdivided,ȱsplitȱalongȱtheȱlinesȱofȱgenderȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱFerguson,ȱ“HistoryȱorȱHer
Story,”ȱ200ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ24).ȱ
35
heightȱ ofȱ ingratitude”),36ȱ whileȱ theȱ womenȱ insistȱ thatȱ “ilȱ estoitȱ bonȱ frereȱ et
vertueuxȱcitoyen”ȱ(“heȱwasȱaȱgoodȱbrotherȱandȱaȱvirtuousȱcitizen”).37ȱInȱtheȱend,
theȱauthorȱallowsȱherȱdamesȱtheȱlastȱwordȱinȱthisȱargumentȱbeforeȱtheȱnarratorȱcuts
offȱdebateȱonȱtheȱtopic;ȱtheyȱclaimȱthatȱ“leȱducȱestoitȱsiȱdigneȱdeȱmort,ȱqueȱbien
heureuxȱestoitȱcelluyȱquiȱavoitȱfaictȱleȱcoup”ȱ(“theȱDukeȱwasȱsoȱdeservingȱofȱdeath
thatȱtheȱmanȱwhoȱhadȱslainȱhimȱwasȱblessedȱindeed”).38ȱ
ButȱnotȱallȱmenȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱwhoȱpunishȱothersȱareȱdescribedȱasȱ“blessed.”
Theȱfriarȱinȱnovellaȱ46,ȱforȱexample,ȱisȱdecidedlyȱwicked.ȱHeȱpunishesȱaȱyoungȱgirl
forȱtheȱ“pechéȱdeȱparesse”ȱ(“theȱsinȱofȱsloth”)39ȱbyȱrapingȱher.ȱHerȱallegedȱoffense,
accordingȱtoȱtheȱfriar,ȱisȱthatȱ“elleȱneȱseȱlevoitȱpoinctȱauȱmatin”40ȱ(“sheȱdidȱnotȱget
upȱinȱtheȱmorning”)ȱtoȱlistenȱtoȱhisȱsermons.ȱHerȱtrueȱ“crime,”ȱthough,ȱisȱbeing
“fortȱbelle”ȱ(“extremelyȱbeautiful”)41ȱandȱtheȱobjectȱofȱtheȱfriar’sȱlust.ȱByȱtheȱtime
theȱgirl’sȱmotherȱdiscoversȱthatȱtheȱfriarȱhasȱinȱfactȱrapedȱherȱdaughterȱratherȱthan
dispensingȱtheȱsortȱofȱpunishmentȱtheȱmotherȱhadȱexpected,ȱtheȱfriarȱhasȱalready
escapedȱtheȱtownȱandȱanyȱpunishmentȱofȱhisȱown.
Oneȱmightȱexpectȱbetrayedȱwomenȱinȱtheseȱtalesȱtoȱpunishȱtheirȱphilandering
husbands,ȱforȱtheȱreputationsȱofȱmarriedȱwomenȱwouldȱbeȱlessȱatȱriskȱthanȱthose
ofȱlivelyȱyoungȱwidowsȱpursuedȱbyȱcharmingȱandȱhandsomeȱgentlemen,ȱlikeȱthe
widowȱweȱmetȱinȱnovellaȱ4,ȱbutȱthisȱdoesȱnotȱhappenȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron.ȱMargaret
Harperȱ maintainsȱ thatȱ “theȱ wivesȱ ofȱ theseȱ talesȱ optȱ forȱ subversive,ȱ aggressive
methodsȱinȱorderȱtoȱdisciplineȱandȱcureȱtheirȱunfaithfulȱhusband.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱWhereasȱmen
maintainȱ theirȱ honorȱ andȱ controlȱ overȱ theirȱ wivesȱ throughȱ completedȱ actsȱ of
aggression,ȱwomenȱseemȱtoȱgainȱmoreȱdominanceȱoverȱtheirȱhusbandsȱthroughȱan
abortedȱviolentȱact,ȱoneȱwhichȱcanȱbeȱaȱfurtherȱthreatȱtoȱtheȱunfaithfulȱspouse.”42
TheȱwifeȱinȱNovellaȱ37,ȱforȱexample,ȱisȱ“tantȱsaigeȱetȱvertueuseȱqu’elleȱestoitȱaymée
etȱestiméeȱdeȱtousȱsesȱvoisins”ȱ(“soȱgoodȱandȱvirtuousȱthatȱsheȱwasȱlovedȱand
admiredȱbyȱallȱherȱneighbours”).43ȱButȱnot,ȱitȱseems,ȱbyȱherȱownȱhusband,ȱwhoȱis
boredȱwithȱtheirȱ“honnesteȱrepos”ȱ(“quiet,ȱrespectableȱlife”)44ȱandȱdecidesȱtoȱlook
forȱ excitementȱ elsewhere.ȱ Oneȱ dayȱ theȱ wifeȱ discoversȱ himȱ inȱ bedȱ withȱ a
chambermaid;ȱinȱangerȱsheȱsetsȱfireȱtoȱsomeȱstrawȱinȱtheȱmiddleȱofȱtheȱroomȱwhere
36
37
38
39
40
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ309;ȱTheȱHeptameron,ȱ407ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱMyȱtranslation.
41
42
ȱMargaretȱHarper,ȱ“ViolentȱRemedies:ȱFeminineȱAggressionȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,”ȱViolenceȱetȱfiction
jusqu’àȱ laȱ Révolution,ȱ ed.ȱ Martineȱ Debaisieuxȱ andȱ Gabrielleȱ Verdier.ȱ Travauxȱ duȱ colloque
internationalȱ deȱ laȱ Sociétéȱ d’Analyseȱ deȱ laȱ Topiqueȱ Romanesqueȱ (Sator),ȱ 9ȱ Étudesȱ littéraires
françaises,ȱ66ȱ(Tübingen:ȱGunterȱNarrȱVerlag,ȱ1998),ȱ155–63;ȱhereȱ155–56.ȱ
43
44
theȱloversȱareȱsleeping.ȱSylvieȱL.ȱF.ȱRichardsȱobservesȱthat,ȱinȱignitingȱhayȱinȱthe
roomȱwhereȱherȱhusbandȱisȱasleepȱwithȱaȱchambermaid,ȱ“Theȱwifeȱsetsȱfireȱtoȱthe
locusȱofȱtransgression.”45ȱNevertheless,ȱthisȱwomanȱdoesȱnotȱpunishȱherȱspouseȱfor
thatȱtransgression.ȱBeforeȱanyȱharmȱcanȱcomeȱtoȱherȱfaithlessȱhusband,ȱsheȱgrabs
himȱbyȱtheȱarmȱandȱshoutsȱ“‘Auȱfeu!ȱAuȱfeu!’”ȱ(“‘Fire!ȱFire!’”),46ȱwakingȱhimȱand
savingȱ himȱ fromȱ injuryȱ orȱ evenȱ death.ȱ Duringȱ theȱ conversationȱ amongȱ the
devisantsȱfollowingȱthisȱtale,ȱLongarine,ȱaȱyoungȱwidow,ȱexclaims:ȱ“‘deȱtelzȱmarys
queȱceulxȬlà,ȱlesȱcendresȱenȱseroientȱbonnesȱàȱfaireȱlaȱbuée’”ȱ(“‘Husbandsȱlikeȱthat
oughtȱtoȱbeȱburntȱandȱtheirȱashesȱusedȱforȱtheȱwashing!’”).47ȱButȱherȱopinionȱthat
aȱwomanȱoughtȱtoȱpunishȱherȱcheatingȱhusbandȱisȱunderminedȱbyȱanotherȱfemale
devisante,ȱOisille,ȱwhoȱremindsȱher:ȱ“‘maisȱsiȱn’avezȬvousȱpasȱainsyȱvescuȱavecq
leȱ vostre’”ȱ (“‘butȱ youȱ didȱ notȱ liveȱ thusȱ withȱ yourȱ ownȱ husband’”).48ȱ Oisille’s
commentȱsuggestsȱthatȱLongarine’sȱhusbandȱhadȱnotȱbeenȱentirelyȱfaithful,ȱand
despiteȱLongarine’sȱoutrageȱatȱtheȱbehaviorȱofȱtheȱhusbandȱinȱtheȱtaleȱsheȱhadȱjust
heard,ȱ despiteȱ herȱ indignantȱ claimȱ thatȱ heȱ oughtȱ toȱ beȱ punishedȱ severely,ȱ she
evidentlyȱhadȱnotȱpunishedȱherȱownȱhusbandȱforȱstraying.ȱSuchȱmenȱoughtȱtoȱbe
punished,ȱperhaps,ȱbutȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱtheyȱareȱnot.
Powerfulȱwomenȱareȱnotȱallowedȱtoȱpunishȱthoseȱwhoȱoffendȱthem,ȱanyȱmore
thanȱ workingȱ classȱ womenȱ orȱ betrayedȱ bourgeoises.ȱ Theȱ queenȱ inȱ novellaȱ 21ȱ is
relentlesslyȱangryȱwithȱaȱyoungȱnoblewoman,ȱRolandine:ȱ“laȱRoyne,ȱpourȱquelque
inimitiéȱqu’elleȱportoitȱàȱsonȱpere,ȱneȱluyȱfaisoitȱpasȱfortȱbonneȱchere”(“sinceȱshe
boreȱsomeȱgrudgeȱagainstȱRolandine’sȱfather,ȱtheȱQueenȱdidȱnotȱtreatȱherȱatȱall
kindly”).49ȱ Whenȱ Rolandineȱ marriesȱ aȱ bastardȱ againstȱ theȱ queen’sȱ wishes,ȱ the
queenȱhasȱherȱlockedȱinȱaȱroomȱtoȱkeepȱherȱfromȱherȱhusband.ȱButȱitȱisȱaȱman,
Rolandine’sȱownȱfather,ȱwhoȱactuallyȱpunishesȱtheȱyoungȱwoman.ȱ“Leȱpereȱ.ȱ.ȱ.
l’envoyaȱàȱungȱchasteauȱdedansȱuneȱforestȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱetȱlaȱtintȱlàȱlonguementȱenȱprison”
(Inȱaȱ“castleȱinȱtheȱforest,ȱheȱkeptȱherȱimprisonedȱforȱaȱlongȱtime”).50ȱ
Theȱ womenȱ inȱ theȱ Heptaméronȱ doȱ notȱ evenȱ punishȱ theirȱ ownȱ misbehaving
children.ȱWeȱrecallȱtheȱmotherȱinȱtaleȱ46ȱwhoȱencouragesȱaȱFranciscanȱfriarȱto
punishȱ herȱ daughterȱ forȱ sleepingȱ ratherȱ thanȱ attendingȱ theȱ friar’sȱ sermons,
(recognizingȱthatȱitȱwasȱtheȱfriarȱwhoȱinitiallyȱobservesȱtheȱyoungȱgirl’sȱ“sloth,”
andȱthatȱheȱpunishesȱherȱbyȱrapingȱher).ȱ
TheȱmotherȱinȱNovellaȱ30ȱplansȱtoȱpunishȱherȱsonȱforȱtryingȱtoȱseduceȱaȱyoung
servantȱinȱtheȱhousehold;ȱtheȱmotherȱwaitsȱinȱtheȱservant’sȱbed,ȱreadyȱtoȱgiveȱher
45
Sylvieȱ L.ȱ F.ȱ Richards,ȱ “Theȱ Burningȱ Bed:ȱ Infidelityȱ andȱ theȱ Virtuousȱ Womanȱ inȱ Heptameron
XXXVII,”ȱRomanceȱNotesȱ34.3ȱ(Springȱ1994):ȱ307–15;ȱhereȱ312.ȱ
46
47
48
49
50
sonȱaȱscoldingȱthatȱheȱwillȱneverȱforget,ȱbutȱinsteadȱhasȱsexualȱintercourseȱwith
him,ȱwithoutȱhisȱrealizingȱthatȱheȱisȱinȱbedȱwithȱhisȱownȱmother.ȱCertainlyȱnotȱthe
punishmentȱthatȱsheȱhadȱimaginedȱdispensing.
AlthoughȱwomenȱareȱrarelyȱpermittedȱtoȱpunishȱtransgressorsȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,
theirȱmaleȱcounterpartsȱareȱallowedȱfreeȱreignȱtoȱdoȱso.ȱThatȱphilanderingȱmenȱin
theȱHeptaméron’sȱtalesȱshouldȱescapeȱpunishmentȱwhileȱcheatingȱwivesȱgenerally
doȱnotȱshouldȱcomeȱasȱnoȱsurprise,ȱforȱitȱreflectsȱtheȱrealityȱofȱtheȱera.ȱIanȱMorrison
remindsȱusȱthat:ȱ“Dansȱlaȱréalité,ȱl’époqueȱétaitȱféroceȱpourȱlesȱfemmesȱadultères
etȱindulgenteȱpourȱlesȱmaris;ȱauȱXVeȱsiècleȱduȱmoins,ȱlaȱloiȱadmettaitȱqu’unȱmari
pûtȱtuer,ȱimpunément,ȱuneȱépouseȱetȱunȱamantȱprisȱenȱflagrantȱdélitȱadultère”51
(“Inȱreality,ȱtheȱeraȱwasȱbrutalȱtoȱadulterousȱwomenȱandȱindulgentȱtowardȱtheir
husbands;ȱduringȱtheȱfifteenthȱcenturyȱatȱleast,ȱtheȱlawȱpermittedȱaȱmanȱtoȱkill
withȱimpunityȱbothȱhisȱwifeȱandȱherȱloverȱifȱheȱcaughtȱthemȱengagedȱinȱsexual
relations”).ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱmenȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱdoȱpunishȱwomenȱwhoȱbetray
them.52ȱInȱNovellaȱ36,ȱforȱexample,ȱaȱpresidentȱofȱGrenobleȱsecretlyȱpoisonsȱhis
wifeȱforȱhavingȱbeenȱunfaithfulȱtoȱhim.ȱHeȱwaitsȱtwoȱweeksȱafterȱdiscoveringȱhis
wifeȱinȱbedȱwithȱherȱlover,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱ avoidȱ suspicion,ȱthenȱservesȱhisȱwifeȱa
poisonedȱsalad.ȱSheȱisȱdeadȱwithinȱaȱday,ȱvictimȱofȱtheȱultimateȱpunishment,ȱbut
herȱmurderousȱhusbandȱisȱneverȱfoundȱout.ȱ
Theȱnarratorȱofȱthisȱstory,ȱEnnasuite,ȱseemsȱtoȱrespectȱtheȱbetrayedȱandȱbrutal
husband.ȱSheȱendsȱherȱtaleȱbyȱconcluding:ȱ“etȱparȱceȱmoien,ȱseȱvangeaȱdeȱson
ennemyȱetȱsaulvaȱl’honneurȱdeȱsaȱmaison”ȱ(“Andȱsoȱheȱavengedȱhimselfȱonȱhis
enemyȱandȱsavedȱtheȱhonourȱofȱhisȱhouse”).53ȱSheȱadds,ȱ“‘Jeȱneȱveulxȱpas,ȱmes
dames,ȱ parȱ cela,ȱ louerȱ laȱ conscienceȱ duȱ President,ȱ mais,ȱ oyȱ bien,ȱ monstrerȱ la
legieretéȱd’uneȱfemme,ȱetȱlaȱgrandeȱpatienceȱetȱprudenceȱd’unȱhomme’”ȱ(“‘Itȱisȱnot
myȱ wish,ȱ Ladies,ȱ toȱ praiseȱ theȱ President’sȱ conscience,ȱ butȱ ratherȱ toȱ portrayȱ a
woman’sȱlaxity,ȱandȱtheȱgreatȱpatienceȱandȱprudenceȱofȱaȱman’”).54ȱIanȱMorrison
remarksȱ thatȱ “Leȱ plusȱ souvent,ȱ leȱ motȱ deȱ “patience”ȱ désigneȱ dansȱ leȱ recueil,
commeȱaujourd’hui,ȱl’aptitudeȱàȱsupporterȱlesȱdésagréments,ȱàȱpersévérer.ȱParfois,
51
Ianȱ Morrison,ȱ “Quelquesȱ remarquesȱ surȱ laȱ patienceȱ etȱ laȱ prudenceȱ dansȱ L’Heptaméronȱ de
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱ(AȱproposȱdesȱNouvellesȱ35ȱetȱ36),”ȱStudiaȱNeophilologicaȱ74ȱ(2002):ȱ113–20;
hereȱ 118.ȱ Forȱ aȱ discussionȱ ofȱ theȱ sameȱ sortȱ ofȱ inequalityȱ inȱ medievalȱ Spain,ȱ seeȱ Connieȱ L.
Scarborough’sȱ contributionȱ toȱ thisȱ volume,ȱ “Womenȱ asȱ Victimsȱ andȱ Criminalsȱ inȱ theȱ Siete
Partidas.”
52
SomeȱadulterousȱwomenȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱavoidȱpunishment,ȱbutȱmostȱdoȱnot.ȱNancyȱFrelick
pointsȱoutȱthatȱ“Whileȱitȱisȱtrueȱthatȱtheȱwomenȱinȱtheseȱtwoȱtalesȱ[novellasȱ15ȱandȱ49]ȱseemȱto
sufferȱ noȱ graveȱ consequencesȱ asȱ aȱ resultȱ ofȱ theirȱ illicitȱ behaviour,ȱ otherȱ storiesȱ aboutȱ female
infidelityȱofferȱexamplesȱofȱcruelȱpunishmentȱinflictedȱonȱwomenȱwhoȱcommitȱadultery.”ȱNancy
Frelick,ȱ “Femaleȱ Infidelity:ȱ Ideology,ȱ Subversion,ȱ andȱ Feministȱ Practiceȱ inȱ Margueriteȱ de
Navarre’sȱHeptaméron,”ȱDalhousieȱFrenchȱStudiesȱ56ȱ(2001):ȱ17–26;ȱhereȱ21.
53
54
pourtant,ȱ leȱ termeȱ signifieȱ plutôtȱ maîtriseȱ deȱ soi.”55ȱ (“Mostȱ often,ȱ theȱ word
‘patience,’ȱ asȱ itȱ isȱ usedȱ inȱ thisȱ collection,ȱ denotesȱ theȱ capacityȱ toȱ tolerate
aggravation,ȱtoȱpersevere,ȱjustȱasȱitȱdoesȱtoday.ȱSometimes,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱterm
impliesȱselfȬcontrol.”)ȱThisȱhusbandȱmostȱcertainlyȱdisplaysȱaȱgreatȱdealȱofȱself
controlȱwithȱtheȱgoalȱofȱbeingȱableȱtoȱmurderȱhisȱwifeȱwithoutȱarousingȱsuspicion.
Heȱ entertainsȱ friendsȱ andȱ neighbors,ȱ onceȱ evenȱ insistingȱ thatȱ hisȱ wife’sȱ (now
former)ȱyoungȱloverȱdanceȱwithȱher,ȱandȱimpressesȱuponȱeveryoneȱhowȱgreatly
heȱlovesȱhisȱwife.ȱAllȱtheȱwhile,ȱheȱisȱpreparingȱtoȱassassinateȱher.ȱ
Theȱhusbandȱinȱnovellaȱ35ȱisȱalsoȱremarkablyȱpatient;ȱheȱwaitsȱthroughȱmostȱof
Lentȱ forȱ theȱ opportunityȱ toȱ beatȱ hisȱ wifeȱ forȱ theȱ offenseȱ ofȱ intendingȱ toȱ be
unfaithfulȱ toȱ him.ȱ Theseȱ twoȱ husbandsȱ exerciseȱ patienceȱ forȱ aȱ malevolent
purpose—inȱorderȱtoȱimposeȱaȱpunishmentȱonȱtheirȱwivesȱthatȱisȱarguablyȱmore
severeȱthanȱwarranted.ȱAsȱIanȱMorrisonȱnotes,ȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱpatienceȱand
prudence,ȱbothȱtraditionalȱChristianȱvirtues,ȱ“sontȱtrèsȱsusceptiblesȱdeȱcorruption
parȱ lesȱ hommes”56ȱ (“areȱ veryȱ susceptibleȱ toȱ beingȱ corruptedȱ byȱ men”).ȱ The
vengefulȱhusbandsȱinȱnovellasȱ35ȱandȱ36ȱareȱclearȱevidenceȱofȱtheȱcorruptionȱof
thatȱChristianȱvirtueȱandȱtheȱDukeȱinȱnovellaȱ51ȱisȱperhapsȱevenȱmoreȱso.ȱ
Theȱhusbandȱinȱnovellaȱ51,ȱtheȱDukeȱofȱUrbino,ȱisȱyetȱanotherȱexampleȱofȱaȱman
whoȱ distortsȱ theȱ virtueȱ ofȱ patienceȱ forȱ hisȱ despicable,ȱ vengefulȱ purposes.ȱ He
exercisesȱimpressiveȱpatienceȱandȱselfȬcontrolȱinȱorderȱtoȱpunishȱaȱwomanȱwho
hadȱangeredȱhim.ȱInȱthisȱcase,ȱtheȱguiltyȱwomanȱisȱnotȱhisȱwife,ȱbutȱratherȱhis
wife’sȱladyȬinȬwaiting.ȱTheȱyoungȱwomanȱhasȱbeenȱcarryingȱmessagesȱfromȱthe
Duke’sȱsonȱtoȱtheȱwomanȱheȱloves.ȱWhenȱtheȱDukeȱdiscoversȱthis,ȱheȱisȱinitially
unableȱ toȱ controlȱ hisȱ rage.ȱ Afraidȱ thatȱ hisȱ sonȱ willȱ enterȱ intoȱ anȱ unworthy
marriage,ȱtheȱDukeȱcannotȱhideȱhisȱangerȱandȱtheȱDuchess’sȱladyȬinȬwaitingȱhears
thatȱheȱisȱinfuriated:ȱ“[L]aȱdamoiselleȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱcongnoissantȱlaȱmaliceȱduȱduc,ȱqu’elle
esimoitȱaussiȱgrandeȱqueȱsaȱconscienceȱpetite,ȱeutȱuneȱmerveilleuseȱcraincte”ȱ(“She
wasȱovercomeȱwithȱterror,ȱforȱsheȱknewȱtheȱextentȱofȱtheȱDuke’sȱwickednessȱand
thatȱ itȱ wasȱ asȱ greatȱ asȱ hisȱ conscienceȱ wasȱ small”).57ȱ Theȱ poorȱ ladyȬinȬwaiting
pleadsȱwithȱtheȱDuchessȱtoȱallowȱherȱtoȱstayȱelsewhere,ȱtoȱhideȱfromȱtheȱDuke
untilȱhisȱfuryȱsubsides.ȱTheȱDuchessȱhesitates,ȱbutȱrelentsȱandȱsendsȱherȱoffȱtoȱa
conventȱ whenȱ sheȱ realizesȱ theȱ depthȱ andȱ dangerȱ ofȱ theȱ Duke’sȱ wrath:ȱ “elle
entenditȱbienȱtostȱleȱmauvaisȱproposȱqueȱleȱducȱenȱtenoit”ȱ(“theȱDuchessȱveryȱsoon
discoveredȱhowȱtheȱDukeȱfeltȱfromȱtheȱmalevolentȱwayȱheȱspokeȱofȱtheȱaffair”).58
TheȱDuke’sȱinabilityȱtoȱmaskȱhisȱangerȱallowsȱtheȱladyȬinȬwaitingȱtoȱslipȱoutȱofȱhis
vengefulȱclutches.ȱ
55
Morrison,ȱ“Quelquesȱremarques,”ȱ113ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51).ȱ
56
Morrison,ȱ“Quelquesȱremarques,”ȱ119ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51).ȱ
57
58
TheȱDukeȱrealizesȱthatȱheȱwillȱnotȱbeȱableȱtoȱpunishȱtheȱyoungȱwomanȱasȱlong
asȱsheȱremainsȱhiddenȱaway.ȱHeȱmustersȱenoughȱselfȬcontrolȱtoȱdupeȱhisȱwifeȱinto
believingȱthatȱheȱwillȱnotȱharmȱherȱladyȬinȬwaiting:ȱ“d’unȱvisaigeȱfainctȱetȱjoyeux,
[leȱduc]ȱdemandaȱàȱsaȱfemmeȱoùȱestoitȱcetteȱdamoiselle”ȱ(“PuttingȱonȱaȱgoodȬ
humouredȱair,ȱheȱapproachedȱhisȱwifeȱandȱaskedȱherȱwhereȱtheȱyoungȱwomanȱhad
gone”).59ȱ Heȱ convincesȱ hisȱ wifeȱ toȱ bringȱ theȱ girlȱ backȱ fromȱ theȱ safetyȱ ofȱ the
convent.ȱTheȱDuchess,ȱinȱturn,ȱassuresȱtheȱyoungȱwomanȱthatȱsheȱwillȱcomeȱtoȱno
harm,ȱandȱpersuadesȱherȱtoȱleaveȱherȱsafeȱrefugeȱandȱreturnȱtoȱcourt.ȱHisȱextreme
selfȬcontrolȱhavingȱservedȱitsȱpurpose,ȱtheȱDukeȱabandonsȱitȱandȱhasȱtheȱyoung
womanȱarrested.ȱInȱaȱdefinitiveȱdisplayȱofȱhisȱruthlessnessȱandȱhisȱimmorality,
“sansȱformeȱdeȱjustice,ȱobliantȱDieuȱetȱl’honneurȱdeȱsaȱmaison,ȱfeitȱcruellement
pendreȱcesteȱpauvreȱdamoiselle”ȱ(“ignoringȱallȱlegalȱforms,ȱGodȱandȱtheȱhonour
ofȱhisȱhouse,ȱheȱhadȱtheȱgirlȱcruellyȱputȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱhanging”).60ȱTheȱdishonorȱof
theȱDuke’sȱactionsȱisȱreiteratedȱbyȱtheȱnarratorȱofȱtheȱnovella:ȱ“Ainsyȱfutȱceste
damoiselleȱ innocenteȱ miseȱ àȱ mortȱ parȱ ceȱ cruelȱ ducȱ contreȱ touteȱ laȱ loy
d’honnesteté”ȱ(“thisȱinnocentȱyoungȱwomanȱwasȱputȱtoȱdeathȱbyȱthisȱcruelȱDuke,
againstȱallȱlawsȱofȱhonourȱandȱjustice”).61ȱThereȱisȱnothingȱhonorableȱaboutȱthe
Duke’sȱactions.ȱHeȱhasȱtheȱpoorȱladyȬinȬwaitingȱexecutedȱnotȱtoȱdefendȱhisȱown
honor,ȱ orȱ thatȱ ofȱ hisȱ family,ȱ butȱ ratherȱ becauseȱ theȱ “unworthy”ȱ marriageȱ that
mightȱhaveȱresultedȱfromȱherȱactionsȱwouldȱhaveȱcostȱtheȱDukeȱfinancially.62ȱHis
opportunityȱforȱrevengeȱatȱhand,ȱtheȱDukeȱthrowsȱallȱselfȬcontrolȱtoȱtheȱwind,ȱfor
hisȱpatienceȱhasȱservedȱitsȱdecidedlyȱunȬChristianȱpurposeȱandȱheȱnoȱlongerȱhas
anyȱuseȱforȱit.
ȱTheȱHeptaméronȱfeaturesȱpatientȱwomenȱ asȱ well,ȱbutȱtheirȱpatienceȱservesȱa
differentȱpurposeȱthanȱthatȱofȱtheȱmenȱinȱtheȱnovellas.ȱTheȱwifeȱinȱnovellaȱ37,ȱfor
example,ȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱsetsȱaȱfireȱinȱtheȱroomȱwhereȱherȱhusbandȱisȱinȱbedȱwithȱa
chambermaid,ȱisȱalsoȱ“patient,”ȱandȱexercisesȱevenȱmoreȱselfȱcontrolȱthanȱdoȱthe
murderousȱPrésidentȱdeȱGrenobleȱandȱtheȱgentilhommeȱofȱnovellaȱ35.ȱSheȱsaysȱto
herȱphilanderingȱhusband:ȱ
“Monsieur,ȱj’ayȱessayé,ȱungȱanȱdurant,ȱàȱvousȱretirerȱdeȱcesteȱmalheurté,ȱparȱdoulceur
etȱpatience,ȱetȱvousȱmonstrerȱque,ȱenȱlavantȱleȱdehors,ȱvousȱdeviezȱnectoierȱleȱdedans;
maisȱquantȱj’ayȱveuȱqueȱtoutȱceȱqueȱjeȱfaisoisȱestoitȱdeȱnulleȱvalleur,ȱj’ayȱmisȱpeyneȱde
meȱayderȱdeȱl’elementȱquiȱdoibtȱmectreȱfinȱàȱtoutesȱchoses.”
59
60
61
62
GaryȱFergusonȱmaintainsȱthatȱ“l’avariceȱduȱducȱd’Urbinȱl’entraîneȱàȱlaȱcruauté”ȱ(“theȱduke’s
avariceȱdrivesȱhimȱtoȱcruelty”).ȱGaryȱFerguson,ȱ“Péchésȱcapitauxȱetȱ‘vicesȱitaliens’:ȱL’Avariceȱet
sesȱcomplicesȱdansȱl’HeptaméronȱdeȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,”ȱSeizièmeȱSiècleȱ4ȱ(2008):ȱ73–87;ȱhere
79.ȱFergusonȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱinȱtheȱdiscussionȱthatȱfollowsȱnovellaȱ51,ȱtheȱdevisantsȱblameȱthe
Duke’sȱcruelȱactionsȱonȱhisȱgreed.ȱ
[“Monsieur,ȱIȱhaveȱbeenȱtryingȱforȱtheȱpastȱyearȱtoȱsaveȱyouȱfromȱyourȱwickedȱways.
Iȱhaveȱtriedȱtoȱexerciseȱpatienceȱandȱkindness,ȱtoȱshowȱyouȱthatȱinȱwashingȱtheȱoutside
youȱshouldȱbeȱalsoȱinwardlyȱcleansed.ȱButȱwhenȱIȱsawȱthatȱitȱwasȱallȱtoȱnoȱavail,ȱI
decidedȱtoȱemployȱthatȱelementȱwhichȱshallȱbringȱanȱendȱtoȱallȱthings.”]63ȱ
SylvieȱL.ȱF.ȱRichardsȱobservesȱthatȱ“theȱwife,ȱthoughȱsheȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱlongȬ
suffering,ȱdidȱnotȱeffectȱchangeȱinȱherȱmarriageȱthroughȱpatience.ȱInȱfact,ȱtheȱtale
showsȱ theȱ failureȱ ofȱ theseȱ virtues.”64ȱ So,ȱ althoughȱ womenȱ mightȱ shareȱ the
characteristicȱofȱpatienceȱwithȱmen,ȱultimatelyȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱuseȱthatȱpatienceȱto
inflictȱpunishmentȱonȱtheȱguilty.
ManyȱtransgressorsȱinȱtheȱHeptaméronȱsimplyȱescapeȱpunishment.ȱIanȱMorrison
observesȱthat:ȱ“Oneȱmustȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱunderlineȱthat,ȱthoughȱtheȱHeptaméronȱdoesȱinclude
someȱjustȱendings,ȱitȱalsoȱrecognizesȱclearlyȱtheȱlimitationsȱofȱearthlyȱjustice,ȱeven
inȱstoriesȱwhereȱroyalȱjusticeȱmayȱplayȱsomeȱpart.”65ȱThoseȱwhoȱdoȱmanageȱto
avoidȱretributionȱforȱtheirȱoffensesȱareȱmostȱoftenȱmen,ȱandȱtheyȱgenerallyȱevade
theȱpunishmentȱdueȱthemȱbyȱfleeing.ȱThisȱreflectsȱ theȱ actualȱstateȱofȱaffairsȱin
sixteenthȬcenturyȱFrance.ȱNatalieȱZemonȱDavisȱrevealsȱthat:ȱ
Oftenȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheȱkillerȱfled,ȱperhapsȱdirectlyȱfromȱtheȱsceneȱofȱtheȱcrimeȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱOtherȱtimes
theȱ guiltyȱ partyȱ waitedȱ forȱ daysȱ orȱ weeksȱ whileȱ theȱ victimȱ nursedȱ hisȱ wounds,
probablyȱcompensatingȱhimȱandȱhisȱangryȱfamilyȱwithȱaȱpayment,ȱandȱthenȱwhen
deathȱoccurred,ȱ“fearingȱtheȱrigorsȱofȱjustice,”ȱfledȱoutȱofȱtheȱjurisdiction,ȱtheȱregion,
andȱ sometimesȱ evenȱ outȱ ofȱ theȱ kingdomȱ ofȱ France.ȱ (Theȱ smallȱ numberȱ ofȱ royal
sergeantsȱandȱotherȱpolice,ȱtheȱslownessȱofȱcommunication,ȱandȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱroutine
extraditionȱmadeȱitȱquiteȱpossibleȱtoȱtakeȱrefuge.)66
Women,ȱ however,ȱ seldomȱ hadȱ theȱ opportunityȱ toȱ escape.ȱ Claudeȱ Gauvard
observesȱthatȱ“laȱfemmeȱnȇaȱpasȱlesȱmoyensȱdȇêtreȱ‘fuitive’ȱduȱroyaume”ȱ(“women
didȱnotȱhaveȱtheȱmeansȱtoȱfleeȱtheȱkingdom”).67ȱ
Margueriteȱ deȱ Navarreȱ includesȱ severalȱ talesȱ ofȱ successfulȱ escapesȱ inȱ the
Heptaméron.ȱ Theȱ wickedȱ Franciscansȱ inȱ novellasȱ 23ȱ andȱ 45ȱ bothȱ escape,
unpunished,ȱ afterȱ committingȱ rape.ȱ Theȱ “malheureux”ȱ (“viciousȱ brute”)68ȱ in
novellaȱ2ȱstabsȱandȱrapesȱhisȱvictim,ȱthen,ȱ“quantȱilȱeutȱsatisfaictȱàȱsaȱmeschante
concupiscence,ȱs’enȱfouytȱsiȱhastivement,ȱqueȱjamaisȱdepuis,ȱquelqueȱpoursuicte
queȱonȱenȱaytȱfaicte,ȱ‘aȱpeuȱestreȱretrouvé”ȱ(“Whenȱheȱhadȱsatisfiedȱhisȱlustsȱhe
63
64
Richards,ȱ“TheȱBurningȱBed,”ȱ313ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ45).ȱ
65
Ianȱ Morrison,ȱ “Anȱ Aspectȱ ofȱ Justiceȱ inȱ theȱ Heptaméron,”ȱ Frenchȱ Studiesȱ Bulletin:ȱ Aȱ Quarterly
Supplementȱ76ȱ(Autumnȱ2000):ȱ13–15;ȱhereȱ15.ȱ
66
NatalieȱZemonȱDavis,ȱFictionȱinȱtheȱArchives:ȱPardonȱTalesȱandȱTheirȱTellersȱinȱSixteenthȬCentury
Franceȱ(Stanford,ȱCA:ȱStanfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ7–8.
67
ClaudeȱGauvard,ȱDeȱGraceȱEspecial,ȱ304ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
68
madeȱ aȱ speedyȱ getaway,ȱ andȱ inȱ spiteȱ ofȱ allȱ subsequentȱ attemptsȱ toȱ trackȱ him
down,ȱitȱhasȱprovedȱimpossibleȱtoȱfindȱhim”).69ȱEvenȱtheȱgentlemanȱinȱnovellaȱ12,
whoȱassassinatedȱDukeȱinȱorderȱtoȱsafeguardȱhisȱsister’sȱhonor,ȱescapedȱtoȱTurkey,
neverȱtoȱbeȱapprehended.ȱ
Thoughȱmenȱ(unlikeȱwomen)ȱoftenȱavoidȱpunishmentȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,70ȱand
thoughȱ womenȱ (unlikeȱ men)ȱ doȱ notȱ seemȱ toȱ beȱ entitledȱ toȱ punishȱ thoseȱ who
wrongȱthem,ȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱneverthelessȱestablishesȱaȱcertainȱequality
betweenȱtheȱsexesȱwhereȱcrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱareȱconcerned.ȱInȱaȱnumberȱofȱher
novellas,ȱtheȱauthorȱconstructsȱaȱparallelȱbetweenȱcrimesȱcommittedȱbyȱmenȱand
thoseȱcommittedȱbyȱwomen,ȱandȱsheȱassignsȱthemȱsimilarȱorȱevenȱidenticalȱforms
ofȱpunishment.
Theȱ firstȱ novellaȱ inȱ thisȱ collectionȱ tellsȱ theȱ storyȱ ofȱ aȱ heinousȱ couple,ȱ SaintȬ
Aignanȱandȱhisȱwife.ȱTheȱwomanȱisȱunfaithfulȱtoȱherȱhusband,ȱandȱaccusesȱoneȱof
herȱloversȱ(sheȱdidȱindeedȱhaveȱmoreȱthanȱone)ȱofȱshamingȱher,ȱclaimingȱthatȱhe
“laȱ pourchassoitȱ incessammentȱ deȱ sonȱ honneur”ȱ (“pester[ed]ȱ herȱ inȱ aȱ most
dishonourableȱfashion”).71ȱTheȱhusbandȱandȱwifeȱconspireȱtoȱhaveȱtheȱyoungȱman
assassinated.ȱThusȱweȱseeȱfromȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱtaleȱtheirȱsharedȱguilt.ȱThe
youngȱman’sȱbodyȱisȱburnedȱandȱtheȱbonesȱthatȱremainȱareȱmixedȱintoȱmortar
beingȱusedȱtoȱbuildȱanȱextensionȱontoȱtheȱcouple’sȱhouse,ȱaȱpermanentȱphysical
representationȱofȱtheirȱmalice.ȱTheȱstoryȱofȱtheȱmurderȱcomesȱout,ȱandȱtheȱcouple
fleesȱtoȱEnglandȱtoȱavoidȱpunishment.ȱEquallyȱguiltyȱofȱthisȱcrime,ȱtheȱhusband
andȱ wifeȱ areȱ bothȱ tried:ȱ “leȱ procèsȱ futȱ faictȱ etȱ parfaictȱ enȱ l’absenceȱ deȱ SainctȬ
Aignanȱetȱdeȱsaȱfemme.ȱIlsȱfurentȱjugéȱparȱcontumaceȱetȱcondemnezȱtousȱdeuxȱà
laȱmort”ȱ(“TheȱcaseȱwasȱbroughtȱandȱtriedȱinȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱSaintȬAignanȱandȱhis
wife.ȱ Judgementȱ wasȱ pronouncedȱ onȱ theȱ twoȱ defaulters,ȱ theȱ sentenceȱ being
death).72ȱ
Bothȱareȱjudgedȱguilty,ȱandȱtheyȱreceiveȱtheȱsameȱsentence.ȱEventuallyȱhusband
andȱwifeȱturnȱagainstȱoneȱanother.ȱHeȱasksȱaȱsorcererȱtoȱbringȱaboutȱtheȱdeathȱof
hisȱwifeȱ(alongȱwithȱthatȱofȱherȱdeadȱlover’sȱfather,ȱand,ȱforȱgoodȱmeasure,ȱthe
deathȱofȱtheȱDuchessȱofȱAlençon);ȱtheȱwife,ȱlearningȱofȱhisȱtreachery,ȱturnsȱhimȱin
toȱ theȱ authorities.ȱ Thoughȱ husbandȱ andȱ wifeȱ areȱ sparedȱ execution,ȱ theyȱ both
spendȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheirȱlivesȱinȱmisery:ȱSaintȬAignanȱisȱsentȱtoȱtheȱgalleys,ȱandȱhis
wifeȱ“continuaȱsonȱpechéȱplusȱqueȱjamaisȱetȱmourutȱmiserablement”ȱ(“ledȱaȱmore
69
70
ThereȱareȱaȱfewȱadulterousȱwomenȱwhoȱdoȱseemȱtoȱescapeȱunscathedȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱbut
NancyȱFrelickȱremindsȱusȱthatȱ“Whileȱitȱisȱtrueȱthatȱtheȱwomenȱinȱtheseȱtwoȱtalesȱ[novellasȱ15ȱand
49]ȱseemȱtoȱsufferȱnoȱgraveȱconsequencesȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱtheirȱillicitȱbehaviour,ȱotherȱstoriesȱabout
femaleȱinfidelityȱofferȱexamplesȱofȱcruelȱpunishmentȱinflictedȱonȱwomenȱwhoȱcommitȱadultery.”
Frelick,ȱ“FemaleȱInfidelity,”ȱ21ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51).
71
72
immoralȱlifeȱthanȱeverȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱandȱdiedȱaȱmostȱmiserableȱdeath”).73ȱThus,ȱMarguerite
deȱNavarreȱestablishes,ȱatȱtheȱveryȱbeginningȱofȱthisȱcollectionȱofȱtales,ȱaȱcertain
equivalenceȱ betweenȱ menȱ andȱ women.ȱ Parallelȱ crimes,ȱ equalȱ guilt,ȱ and
comparableȱpunishment.
Thereȱareȱotherȱinstancesȱofȱwhatȱweȱmightȱcallȱgenderȱsymmetryȱinȱtheȱcrimes
andȱ punishmentsȱ ofȱ theȱ Heptaméron.ȱ Novellaȱ 33ȱ featuresȱ aȱ priestȱ andȱ his
unmarriedȱsister,ȱbothȱesteemedȱandȱbelovedȱbyȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱtheirȱvillage.ȱThe
twoȱhaveȱsexualȱrelationsȱandȱsheȱbecomesȱpregnant,ȱaȱpregnancyȱtheyȱdescribe
toȱtheȱvillagersȱasȱmiraculous.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱyoungȱwoman:ȱ
“Jeȱn’enȱpuisȱrandreȱautreȱraison,ȱsinonȱqueȱceȱsoitȱlaȱgraceȱduȱSainctȱEsperit,ȱquiȱfaict
enȱmoyȱceȱqu’ilȱluiȱplaist;ȱmaisȱsiȱneȱpuisȬjeȱnyerȱlaȱgraceȱqueȱDieuȱm’aȱfaicte,ȱdeȱme
conserverȱvierge.”ȱ
[“IȱcannotȱexplainȱitȱunlessȱitȱbeȱtheȱgraceȱofȱtheȱHolyȱSpiritȱwhoȱperformsȱinȱmeȱwhat
heȱpleases.ȱButȱneitherȱcanȱIȱdenyȱtheȱgraceȱwhichȱGodȱhasȱgrantedȱtoȱmeȱtoȱkeep
myselfȱaȱvirgin.”]74ȱ
Togetherȱtheyȱdeviseȱaȱstratagem.ȱHeȱadministersȱHolyȱCommunionȱtoȱher,ȱorȱin
factȱheȱfeignsȱdoingȱso,ȱforȱheȱusesȱaȱfalseȱhost.ȱHisȱpregnantȱsisterȱswearsȱthe
followingȱoath,ȱtoȱproveȱherȱinnocenceȱtoȱtheȱwitnesses:ȱ
“Jeȱ prendzȱ leȱ corpsȱ deȱ Nosreȱ Seigneur,ȱ icyȱ presentȱ devantȱ vous,ȱ àȱ maȱ damnation,
devantȱvous,ȱMessieurs,ȱetȱvous,ȱmonȱfrere,ȱsiȱjamaisȱhommeȱm’aȱtouchaȱnonȱplusȱque
vous!”ȱ
[“IȱtakeȱtheȱbodyȱofȱOurȱLordȱpresentȱhere,ȱbeforeȱyou,ȱMessieurs,ȱandȱbeforeȱyouȱmy
brother,ȱtoȱmyȱdamnation,ȱifȱeverȱaȱmanȱtouchedȱmeȱanyȱmoreȱthanȱyou.’”]75ȱ
Brotherȱ andȱ sisterȱ areȱ equallyȱ guiltyȱ ofȱ lying,ȱ andȱ theyȱ areȱ equallyȱ guiltyȱ of
religiousȱhypocrisy.ȱTheȱCountȱofȱAngoulêmeȱseesȱthroughȱtheirȱcleverȱwordȱplay,
however,ȱandȱturnsȱtheȱcaseȱoverȱtoȱtheȱcourtsȱofȱlaw.ȱTheȱtwoȱareȱjudgedȱguilty
byȱ theȱ courts,ȱ andȱ onceȱ theirȱ sonȱ isȱ born,ȱ “furentȱ bruslezȱ leȱ frereȱ etȱ laȱ seur
ensemble”ȱ(“theyȱburntȱherȱandȱherȱbrotherȱtogether”).76ȱThereȱwasȱnoȱrealȱreason
toȱwaitȱforȱtheȱbaby’sȱbirthȱtoȱexecuteȱtheȱbrother,ȱexceptȱtoȱtreatȱtheȱtwoȱguilty
partiesȱinȱexactlyȱtheȱsameȱmanner.ȱ
Novellaȱ41ȱalsoȱfeaturesȱsymmetricalȱcrimesȱandȱsymmetricalȱpunishment.ȱThe
storyȱtakesȱplaceȱinȱtheȱhomeȱofȱtheȱCountessȱofȱEgmont.ȱTheȱCountessȱhadȱasked
aȱFranciscanȱconventȱtoȱsendȱtoȱherȱhomeȱ“ungȱprescheurȱsuffisantȱetȱhommeȱde
bienȱtantȱpourȱprescherȱqueȱpourȱconfesserȱelleȱetȱtouteȱsaȱmaison”ȱ(“aȱcompetent,
73
74
75
76
honestȱmanȱwhoȱcouldȱpreach,ȱasȱwellȱasȱhearȱconfessionsȱfromȱherselfȱandȱthe
wholeȱhousehold”).77ȱAȱyoungȱgirl,ȱtheȱdaughterȱofȱtheȱCountess’sȱladyȬinȬwaiting,
confessesȱherȱsinsȱtoȱtheȱpreacher;ȱtheseȱsinsȱareȱclearlyȱofȱsexualȱnature,ȱasȱher
descriptionȱofȱthemȱ“luyȱdonnaȱenvieȱetȱhardiesseȱdeȱluyȱbaillerȱuneȱpenitenceȱnon
accoustumée”ȱ(“madeȱourȱgoodȱfatherȱthinkȱheȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱriskȱanȱunusualȱkind
ofȱpenance”).78ȱTheȱpriestȱordersȱtheȱgirlȱtoȱwearȱaȱcordȱagainstȱherȱbareȱflesh.ȱShe
reluctantlyȱacceptsȱthisȱpenance,ȱsayingȱtoȱhim:ȱ“‘BaillezȬlaȬmoy,ȱmonȱpere,ȱetȱje
neȱfauldrayȱdeȱlaȱporter’”ȱ(“‘Giveȱitȱtoȱme,ȱfather,ȱandȱIȱwillȱwearȱit’”).79ȱButȱthe
priestȱwillȱnotȱhearȱofȱthis,ȱinsisting:ȱ“‘Maȱfilleȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱilȱneȱseroitȱpasȱbonȱdeȱvostre
main;ȱilȱfaultȱqueȱlesȱmyennesȱpropres,ȱdontȱvousȱdebvezȱavoirȱl’absolution,ȱla
vousȱaientȱpremierementȱseincte’”ȱ(“‘Itȱisȱnecessaryȱthatȱmyȱownȱhands,ȱthese
sameȱhandsȱwhichȱwillȱgiveȱyouȱabsolution,ȱshouldȱfirstȱfastenȱtheȱcordȱaround
you’”).80ȱSoȱasȱpunishmentȱforȱherȱsexualȱtransgressions,ȱtheȱyoungȱladyȱisȱtoȱbe
tiedȱupȱbyȱanother,ȱbyȱtheȱpersonȱwhoȱhas,ȱinȱeffect,ȱbeenȱaskedȱbyȱtheȱladyȱofȱthe
houseȱtoȱinflictȱpunishmentȱonȱher.ȱ
Theȱyoungȱgirlȱrefusesȱthisȱhighlyȱinappropriateȱpenance,ȱandȱtellsȱherȱmother
aboutȱit;ȱtheȱmotherȱsubsequentlyȱreportsȱtheȱpriest’sȱattemptȱtoȱsexuallyȱviolate,
atȱleastȱtoȱsomeȱdegree,ȱtheȱyoungȱgirl.ȱTheȱCountessȱtakesȱmattersȱintoȱherȱown
hands,ȱfigurativelyȱspeaking,ȱasȱtheȱpriestȱhadȱattemptedȱtoȱdo,ȱliterally.ȱSheȱhas
theȱ priestȱ beatenȱ untilȱ heȱ confessesȱ theȱ truth.ȱ Likeȱ theȱ youngȱ lady,ȱ thisȱ priest
confessesȱhisȱsexualȱtransgressions,ȱandȱtheȱCountessȱhasȱhimȱtiedȱup,ȱ“piedsȱet
mainsȱ lyez”ȱ (“boundȱ handȱ andȱ foot”),81ȱ andȱ sentȱ backȱ toȱ hisȱ Superior.ȱ So,ȱ his
punishmentȱisȱtoȱbeȱtiedȱupȱbyȱaȱpersonȱwhoȱhasȱbeenȱaskedȱbyȱtheȱladyȱofȱthe
houseȱtoȱpunishȱhim,ȱlikeȱtheȱpenanceȱheȱhadȱattemptedȱtoȱinflictȱonȱtheȱdaughter
ofȱtheȱladyȬinȬwaiting.ȱ
Itȱappearsȱatȱfirstȱglanceȱthatȱtheȱ“transgressors”ȱinȱnovellaȱ70,ȱoneȱmaleȱandȱone
female,ȱareȱpunishedȱforȱpreciselyȱoppositeȱcrimes.ȱAȱyoungȱnobleman,ȱinȱthe
serviceȱofȱtheȱDukeȱofȱBurgundy,ȱsecretlyȱlovesȱaȱyoungȱandȱbeautifulȱwidow.ȱThe
Duke’sȱwife,ȱnotȱatȱallȱaȱvirtuousȱwoman,ȱlustsȱafterȱtheȱyoungȱnobleman.ȱInȱaȱfit
ofȱjealously,ȱsheȱdemandsȱthatȱherȱhusbandȱfindȱoutȱtheȱidentityȱofȱtheȱnobleman’s
beloved,ȱbutȱtheȱnoblemanȱrefusesȱtoȱrevealȱherȱname,ȱforȱ“l’accordȱdeȱluyȱetȱde
s’amyeȱestoitȱdeȱtelleȱsorteȱqu’ilȱneȱseȱpovoitȱrompre,ȱsinonȱparȱcelluyȱquiȱpremier
leȱdeclareroit”ȱ(“thereȱwasȱaȱbondȱbetweenȱthemȱandȱanȱunderstandingȱthatȱit
wouldȱbeȱbrokenȱifȱoneȱofȱthemȱwereȱtoȱmakeȱitȱknown”).82ȱTheȱDukeȱbelievesȱthat
77
78
79
80
81
82
theȱnoblemanȱisȱinȱloveȱwithȱhisȱownȱwife,ȱtheȱDuchess,ȱandȱisȱenragedȱatȱhis
refusalȱtoȱanswer.ȱHeȱtellsȱtheȱyoungȱnobleman:ȱ
“Or,ȱchoisissezȱdeȱdeuxȱcholsesȱl’une:ȱouȱdeȱmeȱdireȱcelleȱqueȱvousȱaymezȱplusȱque
toutes,ȱouȱdeȱvousȱenȱallerȱbannyȱdesȱterresȱoùȱj’ayȱauctorité,ȱàȱlaȱchargeȱque,ȱsiȱvous
yȱtrouveȱhuictȱjoursȱpassez,ȱjeȱvousȱferayȱmorirȱdeȱcruelleȱmort.’”ȱ
[“Thenȱmakeȱyourȱchoice.ȱEitherȱyouȱtellȱmeȱtheȱnameȱofȱthisȱwomanȱyouȱloveȱso
much.ȱOrȱyouȱleaveȱtheȱlandsȱunderȱmyȱjurisdictionȱforever,ȱandȱonȱtheȱunderstanding
thatȱifȱIȱfindȱyouȱhereȱafterȱeightȱdaysȱhaveȱelapsedȱIȱshallȱhaveȱyouȱmostȱcruellyȱput
toȱdeath!’”]83
Theȱsentenceȱforȱhisȱ“crime”ȱofȱsilenceȱisȱdeath.
UltimatelyȱtheȱnoblemanȱrevealsȱtoȱtheȱDukeȱtheȱidentityȱofȱtheȱwomanȱheȱloves:
notȱtheȱDuchess,ȱbutȱlaȱDameȱduȱVergier,ȱwhoȱisȱtheȱDuke’sȱniece.ȱTheȱDukeȱinȱturn
tellsȱhisȱwifeȱthatȱtheȱnoblemanȱlovesȱlaȱDameȱduȱVergier,ȱbutȱwarnsȱher:ȱ“siȱjamays
elleȱ leȱ reveloitȱ àȱ creatureȱ duȱ monde,ȱ elleȱ neȱ mourroitȱ d’autreȱ mainȱ queȱ deȱ la
sienne”ȱ(“ifȱeverȱsheȱshouldȱrevealȱitȱtoȱanyȱsoulȱalive,ȱitȱwouldȱbeȱbyȱhisȱown
handȱ thatȱ sheȱ wouldȱ die”).84ȱ So,ȱ theȱ Dukeȱ threatensȱ hisȱ gentlemanȱ with
banishmentȱandȱdeathȱforȱkeepingȱaȱsecret,ȱandȱhisȱwifeȱwithȱdeathȱifȱsheȱdoesȱthe
opposite,ȱthatȱis,ȱifȱsheȱrevealsȱthatȱsameȱsecret.ȱ
However,ȱtheȱdénouementȱofȱthisȱtaleȱrevealsȱanotherȱexampleȱofȱtheȱparallel
crimeȱandȱpunishmentȱthatȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱhadȱpreviouslyȱestablishedȱin
novellasȱ33ȱandȱ41.ȱTheȱDuchessȱcannotȱcontrolȱherȱpassionsȱandȱcannotȱholdȱher
tongue.ȱSheȱrevealsȱtoȱlaȱDameȱduȱVergierȱthatȱsheȱknowsȱofȱherȱsecretȱlover,ȱand
theȱdistraughtȱDameȱdiesȱofȱgrief.ȱTheȱyoungȱnoblemanȱcomesȱuponȱherȱlifeless
body,ȱandȱunderstandsȱthatȱheȱcausedȱherȱdeathȱbyȱbetrayingȱtheirȱlove.ȱHeȱdraws
hisȱdaggerȱandȱstabsȱhimselfȱthroughȱtheȱheart,ȱtherebyȱpunishingȱhimselfȱfor
revealingȱtheirȱsecret.ȱTheȱDukeȱdiscoversȱallȱthatȱhasȱcomeȱtoȱpass,ȱandȱcarriesȱout
hisȱthreat:ȱheȱstabsȱhisȱwifeȱtoȱdeathȱforȱtheȱveryȱsameȱ“crime”ȱthatȱtheȱnobleman
hadȱcommitted,ȱrevealingȱtheȱidentityȱofȱhisȱbeloved,ȱusingȱtheȱveryȱsameȱweapon
thatȱkilledȱtheȱnobleman,ȱhisȱownȱdagger.ȱTheȱDukeȱhasȱthemȱburiedȱinȱtheȱsame
abbey,ȱalongȱwithȱtheȱfirstȱvictimȱofȱtheȱrevealedȱsecret,ȱlaȱDameȱduȱVergier.ȱSoȱeven
afterȱ deathȱ theȱ symmetryȱ persists.ȱ Inȱ theȱ discussionȱ followingȱ novellaȱ 70,ȱ the
devisantsȱdoȱnotȱobjectȱtoȱtheȱnobleman’sȱsuicide,ȱnorȱdoȱtheyȱcommentȱuponȱthe
slayingȱofȱtheȱDuchess.ȱBothȱareȱacceptedȱasȱmeritedȱandȱreasonable,ȱconfirming
theȱsymmetryȱestablishedȱbyȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱinȱthisȱtale.ȱ
Though,ȱ asȱ weȱ haveȱ observed,ȱ metingȱ outȱ punishmentȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ an
exclusivelyȱmaleȱendeavorȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱsometimes
feminizesȱmenȱwhoȱpunishȱwomen.ȱForȱoneȱsuchȱexample,ȱweȱreturnȱtoȱnovella
83
84
36,ȱtheȱstoryȱofȱtheȱPresidentȱofȱGrenoble,ȱwhoȱsavesȱtheȱhonorȱofȱhisȱhouseȱby
poisoningȱ hisȱ unfaithfulȱ wifeȱ withȱ aȱ taintedȱ salad.ȱ Beingȱ poisonedȱ isȱ notȱ a
particularlyȱ masculineȱ fate,ȱ butȱ itȱ isȱ quiteȱ feminineȱ toȱ prepareȱ food,ȱ evenȱ a
poisonedȱsalad.85ȱTheȱdevisantsȇȱprimaryȱpreoccupationȱinȱtheȱdiscussionȱfollowing
theȱtaleȱisȱtoȱfindȱwaysȱtoȱabsolveȱtheȱmurderousȱhusbandȱofȱguilt.ȱThereȱisȱmuch
talkȱofȱpassionȱandȱpardon.ȱForȱtheȱmostȱpart,ȱtheȱdevisantsȱagreeȱonȱtheȱwifeȇs
guilt.ȱ Notȱ onlyȱ didȱ sheȱ deserveȱ theȱ punishmentȱ ofȱ execution,ȱ butȱ manyȱ other
womenȱ do,ȱ too.ȱ Inȱ thisȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ discussion,ȱ theȱ femininityȱ ofȱ theȱ husbandȇs
actionsȱisȱemphasized.ȱIfȱunfaithfulȱwomenȱwereȱobligedȱtoȱeatȱsaladsȱlikeȱthisȱone,
accordingȱ toȱ Parlamente,ȱ theyȱ wouldȱ beȱ lessȱ fondȱ ofȱ “‘leursȱ jardins’”ȱ (“‘their
gardens’”);86ȱtheyȱwouldȱridȱtheȱgardenȱofȱherbsȱinȱorderȱtoȱavoidȱbeingȱpoisoned.ȱ
Theȱunfaithfulȱwifeȱinȱnovellaȱ32ȱisȱalsoȱpunishedȱinȱaȱmannerȱthatȱfeminizesȱthe
punishingȱhusband.ȱUnlikeȱtheȱPresidentȱofȱGrenoble,ȱheȱdoesȱnotȱmurderȱhis
cheatingȱwife,ȱalthoughȱheȱhadȱkilledȱhisȱwife’sȱloverȱinȱaȱjealousȱrage.ȱThisȱisȱyet
anotherȱexampleȱinȱL’Heptaméronȱofȱaȱmanȱallowedȱtoȱpunishȱaȱpersonȱwhoȱhad
wrongedȱhim.ȱTheȱhusband’sȱslayingȱofȱhisȱrivalȱisȱsoȱthoroughlyȱacceptedȱbyȱthe
devisantsȱ thatȱ theȱ onlyȱ mentionȱ ofȱ itȱ inȱ theȱ discussionȱ followingȱ theȱ taleȱ isȱ the
suggestionȱ thatȱ theȱ unfaithfulȱ wifeȱ hadȱ causedȱ herȱ lover’sȱ deathȱ andȱ thatȱ she
shouldȱfeelȱguilty.ȱDagoucinȱannounces:ȱ“‘jeȱm’esbahysȱcommeȱelleȱneȱmouroitȱde
deuil,ȱenȱregardantȱlesȱozȱdeȱcelluy,ȱàȱqui,ȱparȱsonȱpeché,ȱelleȱavoitȱdonnéȱlaȱmort’”
(“‘Iȱamȱamazedȱsheȱdidȱnotȱdieȱofȱgriefȱwhenȱsheȱlookedȱatȱtheȱbonesȱofȱtheȱman
whoseȱ deathȱ sheȱ hadȱ causedȱ byȱ herȱ sin’”).87ȱ Inȱ orderȱ toȱ punishȱ hisȱ wife,ȱ the
husbandȱforcesȱherȱtoȱdrinkȱfromȱaȱcupȱmadeȱfromȱtheȱskullȱofȱherȱdeadȱlover.ȱHe
boasts:ȱ
“Et,ȱaffinȱqu’elleȱn’enȱoblyeȱlaȱmemoire,ȱenȱbeuvantȱetȱmangeant,ȱluyȱfaictzȱservirȱà
table,ȱauȱlieuȱdeȱcouppe,ȱlaȱtesteȱdeȱceȱmeschant;ȱetȱlà,ȱtoutȱdevantȱmoy,ȱafinȱqu’elle
voieȱvivantȱcelluyȱqu’elleȱaȱfaictȱsonȱmortelȱennemyȱparȱsaȱfaulte,ȱetȱmortȱpourȱl’amour
d’elleȱcelluyȱduquelȱelleȱavoitȱpreferéȱl’amityéȱàȱlaȱmyenne.”ȱ
[“Andȱsoȱthatȱsheȱshouldȱneverȱforgetȱhimȱevenȱwhenȱeatingȱandȱdrinking,ȱIȱmadeȱher
sitȱ[inȱfrontȱofȱme]ȱatȱtableȱandȱhadȱherȱservedȱfromȱtheȱman’sȱskullȱinsteadȱofȱaȱcup,
soȱ thatȱ sheȱ wouldȱ haveȱ beforeȱ herȱ bothȱ theȱ livingȱ andȱ theȱ dead,ȱ bothȱ himȱ whom
85
NicoleȱCastanȱdescribesȱtheȱtypicalȱroleȱofȱtheȱwifeȱinȱanȱearlyȱmodernȱEuropeanȱfamily:ȱ“Theȱwife
wasȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱfamily’sȱmaterialȱneedsȱ(cooking,ȱhealthȱcare,ȱchildrearing,ȱburialȱofȱthe
dead).ȱHerȱdailyȱroutineȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱatȱtimesȱledȱherȱtoȱbeingȱsuspectedȱofȱwitchcraftȱandȱpoisoning.”
NicoleȱCastan,ȱ“Criminals,”ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱWomenȱinȱtheȱWest,ȱed.ȱNatalieȱZemonȱDavisȱandȱArlette
Farge.ȱVol.ȱ3ȱ(Cambridge,ȱMA,ȱandȱLondon:ȱHarvardȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1993),ȱ475–88;ȱhereȱ476.
Castanȱpointsȱoutȱ“howȱdifficultȱitȱcouldȱbeȱtoȱgetȱtoȱbottomȱofȱfamilyȱdisputesȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱInȱsuchȱconflicts
womenȱwereȱlikelyȱtoȱgetȱtheȱblameȱowingȱtoȱtheirȱ‘perfidyȱandȱfeeblenessȱofȱnature,’ȱwhichȱso
oftenȱletȱdoȱtheirȱbeingȱchargedȱwithȱpoisoning.”ȱNicoleȱCastan,ȱ“Criminals,”ȱ479.
86
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ264;ȱTheȱHeptameron,ȱ355ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱMyȱemphasis.
87
throughȱherȱsinȱsheȱhadȱtransformedȱintoȱaȱmortalȱenemyȱandȱhimȱwhoseȱloveȱsheȱhad
preferredȱtoȱmine.”]88ȱ
Beingȱ forcedȱ toȱ drinkȱ fromȱ aȱ particularȱ cup,ȱ noȱ matterȱ howȱ gruesome,ȱ isȱ not
masculine.ȱHowever,ȱhavingȱaȱdrinkȱservedȱtoȱanotherȱisȱdecidedlyȱfeminine;ȱitȱis
theȱroleȱofȱtheȱladyȱofȱtheȱhouseȱtoȱhaveȱothersȱserved,ȱnotȱtheȱroleȱofȱtheȱhusband.
Furthermore,ȱalthoughȱthisȱadulterousȱwifeȱisȱ“laȱplusȱbelleȱqu’ilȱestoitȱpossibleȱde
regarder”ȱ (“theȱ mostȱ beautifulȱ womanȱ itȱ wasȱ possibleȱ everȱ toȱ behold”),89ȱ her
husbandȱmasculinizesȱherȱbyȱhavingȱherȱheadȱshorn.ȱItȱisȱimpossibleȱnotȱtoȱseeȱthe
resemblance,ȱtheȱsymmetry,ȱbetweenȱtheȱnakedȱscalpȱofȱtheȱshamedȱwomanȱand
theȱnakedȱskullȱofȱherȱmurderedȱlover.90ȱ
Althoughȱtheȱhusband’sȱactionsȱinȱnovellaȱ32ȱappearȱsomewhatȱfeminine,ȱthis
isȱ notȱ aȱ fundamentallyȱ subversiveȱ tale.ȱ Gruesomeȱ thoughȱ hisȱ conductȱ seems,
Parlamente,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱdevisantes,ȱremarksȱthatȱtheȱwife’sȱpunishmentȱisȱ“‘autant
raisonnableȱ qu’ilȱ estȱ possible’”ȱ (“‘extremelyȱ reasonable’”).91ȱ Sheȱ contendsȱ that
“‘l’offenceȱestȱpireȱqueȱlaȱmort’”ȱ(“‘theȱcrimeȱwasȱworseȱthanȱdeath’”).92ȱThereȱis
someȱ disagreementȱ amongȱ theȱ womenȱ inȱ theȱ discussionȱ followingȱ thisȱ tale:
Ennasuiteȱassertsȱthatȱ“‘Ilȱn’yȱaȱmesfaictȱquiȱneȱseȱpuisseȱamender;ȱmais,ȱaprèsȱla
mort,ȱn’yȱaȱpoinctȱd’amendement’”ȱ(“‘there’sȱnoȱsinȱoneȱcan’tȱmakeȱamendsȱfor
whileȱoneȱisȱalive’”),93ȱbutȱLongarineȱdeclares:ȱ“‘vousȱsçavezȱque,ȱquelqueȱchose
queȱ puisseȱ faireȱ uneȱ femmeȱ aprèsȱ ungȱ telȱ mesfaict,ȱ neȱ sçauroitȱ reparerȱ son
honneur’”ȱ(“‘youȱknowȱthatȱnothingȱaȱwomanȱcanȱdoȱafterȱsuchȱaȱcrimeȱcanȱever
restoreȱherȱhonour’”).94ȱ
Despiteȱtheirȱdifferenceȱofȱopinionȱoverȱwhetherȱanȱunfaithfulȱwifeȱcanȱever
atoneȱforȱsuchȱanȱoffense,ȱnoneȱofȱtheȱdevisantsȱdisagreesȱwithȱtheȱgravityȱofȱthe
crimeȱnorȱwithȱtheȱseverityȱofȱtheȱpunishment.ȱLikeȱtheȱunfaithfulȱwifeȱinȱnovella
36,ȱtheȱoneȱpoisonedȱbyȱherȱhusband,ȱthisȱwomanȱisȱjudgedȱguilty,ȱandȱdeserving
88
89
90
ThereȱisȱnoȱanalogousȱstoryȱinȱL’Heptaméron,ȱindeedȱanywhereȱinȱtheȱliteratureȱofȱMargueriteȱde
Navarre’sȱera,ȱwhereȱaȱmanȱisȱforcedȱtoȱrepeatedlyȱconfrontȱtheȱdeathȱofȱaȱloverȱforȱwhichȱheȱwas
responsible.ȱFrançoisȱRigolotȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱ“Althoughȱequallyȱcruelȱanaloguesȱcouldȱbeȱfound
inȱ Boccaccio’sȱ Decameron,ȱ Marguerite’sȱ strikinglyȱ macabreȱ sceneȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ uniqueȱ in
Renaissanceȱ literature.”ȱ Françoisȱ Rigolot,ȱ “Magdalen’sȱ Skull:ȱ Allegoryȱ andȱ Iconographyȱ in
Heptameronȱ 32,”ȱ Renaissanceȱ Quarterlyȱ 47.1ȱ (Springȱ 1994):ȱ 57–73;ȱ hereȱ 57.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ the
masculine/feminineȱparallelsȱinȱthisȱstoryȱareȱevident.ȱRigolotȱobservesȱthatȱ“theȱabsenceȱofȱhair
[onȱtheȱwoman’sȱhead]ȱimplicitlyȱsuggestsȱaȱstrangeȱanalogyȱbetweenȱtheȱadulteress’sȱheadȱand
herȱlover’sȱskull.”ȱRigolot,ȱ“Magdalen’sȱSkull,”ȱ65.
91
92
93
94
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre,ȱLȇHeptaméron,ȱ245–46;ȱTheȱHeptameron,ȱ335ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
ofȱpunishment,ȱbyȱall.ȱTheȱmostȱvaluedȱfeminineȱvirtueȱinȱRenaissanceȱFranceȱwas
chastity,ȱasȱWeisnerȱremindsȱus.ȱ
HonorȱinȱthisȱperiodȱwasȱhighlyȱgenderȬspecific,ȱand,ȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱmen,ȱclassȬspecific.
Forȱ upperȬclassȱ men,ȱ honorȱ stillȱ revolvedȱ aroundȱ notionsȱ ofȱ physicalȱ braveryȱ and
loyalty,ȱaȱlinkȱthatȱwasȱalsoȱacceptedȱbyȱjourneymenȱandȱmarginalȱgroupsȱsuchȱas
professionalȱcriminals.ȱForȱbourgeoisȱandȱmostȱworkingȱmen,ȱhonorȱwasȱprimarily
relatedȱtoȱhonesty,ȱgoodȱcraftsmanship,ȱandȱintegrity.ȱForȱallȱwomen,ȱhonorȱwasȱa
sexualȱmatterȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheȱworstȱthingȱaȱmanȱcouldȱbeȱcalledȱwasȱ“thief,”ȱwhileȱforȱwomen
itȱwasȱ“whore.”ȱBecauseȱofȱideasȱofȱfemaleȱsinfulness,ȱȱirrationality,ȱandȱweakness
drawnȱfromȱtradition,ȱreligion,ȱandȱscience,ȱhowever,ȱwomen,ȱparticularlyȱthoseȱinȱthe
middleȱandȱupperȱclasses,ȱwereȱneverȱregardedȱasȱableȱtoȱdefendȱtheirȱownȱhonor
completelyȱwithoutȱmaleȱassistance.95ȱ
Theȱdiscussionȱfollowingȱthisȱtale,ȱlikeȱmanyȱothersȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱreinforces
thoseȱ traditionalȱ expectationsȱ ofȱ honorableȱ behavior.ȱ Cathleenȱ M.ȱ Bauschatz
contendsȱthatȱ“theȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱmaleȱandȱfemaleȱmoralȱcodesȱisȱaȱcentral
focusȱofȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱandȱparticularlyȱofȱtheȱdiscussionsȱwhichȱtakeȱplaceȱafter
eachȱtale.”96ȱWomenȱareȱtoȱbehaveȱlikeȱproperȱwomen,ȱandȱmen,ȱlikeȱmen.
Furthermore,ȱcastingȱtheȱhusbandsȱinȱnovellasȱ32ȱandȱ36ȱinȱaȱfeminineȱroleȱdoes
notȱundermineȱthem;ȱrather,ȱtheyȱremainȱinȱcontrol,ȱprotectȱtheȱhonorȱofȱtheir
nameȱandȱtheirȱfamily,ȱandȱprevailȱinȱtheȱend.ȱTheȱfeminizationȱofȱmenȱpunishing
womenȱservesȱanȱentirelyȱdifferentȱpurpose:ȱitȱisȱaȱsubstituteȱforȱwomenȱbeing
allowedȱ toȱ punish.ȱ Itȱ servesȱ toȱ supportȱ theȱ opinionȱ venturedȱ byȱ theȱ devisante
Oisilleȱthatȱmenȱshouldȱpunishȱmenȱandȱwomenȱshouldȱpunishȱwomen.ȱRatherȱthan
weakeningȱtheȱmen,ȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarre’sȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱhusbandsȱinȱthese
twoȱnovellasȱunexpectedlyȱelevatesȱtheȱstatusȱofȱwomen.ȱThisȱisȱanotherȱwayȱin
whichȱ Margueriteȱ deȱ Navarre’sȱ treatmentȱ ofȱ crimeȱ andȱ punishmentȱ inȱ her
Heptaméronȱmediatesȱbetweenȱpatriarchalȱstructuresȱthatȱsustainȱtheȱsocialȱorder
andȱanȱincreasinglyȱsignificantȱsubjectȱpositionȱforȱwomen.ȱ
MenȱinȱtheȱHeptaméron’sȱtales,ȱinȱtheirȱtraditionalȱauthoritativeȱposition,ȱpunish
unfaithfulȱwives.ȱTheyȱalsoȱpunishȱothersȱwhoȱthreatenȱtheirȱhonor,ȱincludingȱa
Dukeȱwhoȱhasȱdesignsȱonȱoneȱman’sȱsister,ȱandȱaȱladyȬinȬwaitingȱwhoseȱactions
threatenȱ theȱ maritalȱ prospectsȱ ofȱ anotherȱ man’sȱ son.ȱ Women,ȱ though,ȱ punish
neitherȱtheirȱerrantȱhusbands,ȱnorȱmenȱwhoȱattackȱthem,ȱnorȱevenȱtheirȱwayward
children.
However,ȱinȱsomeȱways,ȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱchallengesȱsocietalȱnormsȱwith
herȱtalesȱofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishment.ȱWithinȱtheȱtales,ȱsheȱcreatesȱsituationsȱwhere
95
Weisner,ȱWomenȱandȱGenderȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope,ȱ34ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱ
96
Cathleenȱ M.ȱ Bauschatz,ȱ “Toȱ Chooseȱ Inkȱ andȱ Pen:ȱ Frenchȱ Renaissanceȱ Women’sȱ Writing,”ȱ A
HistoryȱofȱWomen’sȱWritingȱinȱFranceȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ41–63;ȱhere
48.ȱ
aȱmanȱandȱaȱwomanȱareȱequallyȱguiltyȱofȱaȱcrime,ȱincludingȱaȱhusbandȱandȱwife
whoȱorchestrateȱaȱmurder,ȱandȱaȱpriestȱandȱaȱnunȱ(alsoȱbrotherȱandȱsister)ȱwho
haveȱincestuousȱrelationsȱandȱseemȱtoȱdesecrateȱaȱhost.ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱmaleȱand
femaleȱvillainsȱinȱtheseȱtalesȱofȱparallelȱcrimeȱareȱsubjectȱtoȱequivalentȱpunishment.
Thereȱ isȱ noȱ gentlerȱ treatmentȱ ofȱ aȱ “fairer”ȱ sexȱ inȱ theȱ Heptaméron,ȱ noȱ harsher
punishmentȱofȱaȱsexȱconsideredȱstronger,ȱmoreȱintelligent,ȱmoreȱaccountable.ȱThe
frameȱstoryȱofȱtheȱHeptaméron,ȱtoo,ȱcontestsȱstandardsȱofȱtheȱera.ȱInȱcreatingȱthe
devisantsȱwhoȱrecountȱandȱdiscussȱherȱtales,ȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱfashionsȱa
societyȱ whereȱ womenȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ menȱ areȱ permittedȱ toȱ judge.ȱ Throughoutȱ her
Heptaméron,ȱbothȱinȱtheȱnovellasȱandȱinȱtheȱframeȱstoryȱthatȱweavesȱthemȱtogether,
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱsuggestsȱaȱsocietyȱwhereȱwomenȱandȱmenȱpossessȱequal
authorityȱtoȱdetermineȱwhatȱisȱrightȱandȱwhatȱisȱwrong,ȱandȱequalȱresponsibility
forȱtheirȱownȱconductȱandȱmisconduct.ȱTheȱimaginedȱworldȱofȱtheȱHeptaméronȱis
oneȱthatȱmovesȱtowardȱequalȱsocialȱresponsibility.
Chapterȱ18
NicolasȱLombart
(Universitéȱd’Orléans,ȱFrance)
CrimesȱetȱChâtimentsȱd’ExceptionȱenȱFrance
auȱTempsȱdesȱGuerresȱdeȱReligion:
l’UtopieȱJudiciaireȱdesȱCommentairesȱdeȱMonluc
(livresȱVȱàȱVII)
Vétéranȱ desȱ Guerresȱ d’Italieȱ jusqu’auȱ controverséȱ traitéȱ duȱ CateauȬCambrésis

(1559)ȱpuisȱengagéȱdeȱ1561ȱàȱ1570ȱdansȱlesȱGuerresȱdeȱReligionȱduȱcôtéȱcatholique,
leȱcapitaineȱgasconȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱ(v.ȱ1500–1577)ȱrestitueȱminutieusementȱtoute
sonȱexpérienceȱdeȱsoldatȱdansȱdeȱsubstantielsȱCommentairesȱ(éditésȱenȱ1592ȱpar
FlorimondȱdeȱRaemond),1ȱrédigésȱd’unȱseulȱjetȱdeȱnovembreȱ1570ȱàȱjuinȱ1571,ȱpuis
peuȱàȱpeuȱenrichisȱdeȱréflexionsȱpersonnelles,ȱdeȱ“remontrances”ȱauȱpouvoir,ȱet
deȱconseilsȱdonnésȱauxȱjeunesȱcapitaines.ȱSiȱleȱregardȱdeȱMonlucȱsurȱlaȱréalitéȱde
laȱguerreȱestȱàȱlaȱfoisȱtechnique,ȱtactiqueȱetȱpolitique,ȱdominéȱparȱunȱévidentȱsens
pratique,ȱilȱestȱaussiȱorienté,ȱàȱpartirȱduȱlivreȱV,ȱparȱuneȱréflexionȱàȱlaȱfoisȱgénérale
etȱdisperséeȱsurȱl’exerciceȱjudiciaire,ȱcommeȱl’attesteȱl’insertionȱdansȱleȱlivreȱVI
1
EtȱimprimésȱàȱBordeauxȱchezȱSimonȱMillanges.ȱVoirȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonluc,ȱCommentairesȱ(1521–1576),
éd.ȱPaulȱCourteaultȱ(Paris:ȱGallimard,ȱ1964).ȱToutesȱlesȱréférencesȱrenvoientȱdésormaisȱàȱcette
édition,ȱlesȱnumérosȱdeȱpagesȱétantȱdonnésȱdirectementȱentreȱparenthèses.ȱSurȱlaȱvieȱdeȱMonluc,
voirȱPaulȱCourteault,ȱUnȱcadetȱdeȱGascogneȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle:ȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱ(Paris:ȱPicard,ȱ1909),ȱet
JeanȬCharlesȱSournia,ȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonluc:ȱsoldatȱetȱécrivain.ȱ1500–1577ȱ(Paris:ȱFayard,ȱ1981).ȱPourȱune
analyseȱgénéraleȱdesȱCommentaires,ȱvoirȱPaulȱCourteault,ȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱhistorien.ȱÉtudeȱcritique
surȱleȱtexteȱetȱlaȱvaleurȱhistoriqueȱdesȱcommentairesȱ(1908;ȱGenève:ȱSlatkine,ȱ1970);ȱPierreȱMichel,ȱBlaise
deȱMonluc.ȱTravauxȱdirigésȱd’agrégationȱ(Paris:ȱSEDES,ȱ1971);ȱÉtienneȱVaucheret,ȱ“Monlucȱ(Blaise
de),”ȱ Dictionnaireȱ desȱ Lettresȱ Françaises.ȱ Leȱ XVIeȱ siècle,ȱ éd.ȱ Michelȱ Simoninȱ ([Paris]:ȱ Fayardȱ et
Librairieȱ Généraleȱ Françaiseȱ –ȱ “Laȱ Pochotèque,”ȱ 2001),ȱ 840–44.ȱ Surȱ leȱ contexteȱ historiqueȱ de
l’actionȱdeȱMonluc,ȱvoirȱnotammentȱArletteȱJouanna,ȱéd.,ȱHistoireȱetȱdictionnaireȱdesȱguerresȱde
religionȱ(Paris:ȱRobertȱLaffont,ȱ1998),ȱetȱKevinȱGould,ȱCatholicȱActivismȱinȱtheȱSouthȬWestȱFrance,
1540–1570ȱ(Aldershot,ȱHampshire,ȱandȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2006).
438 NicolasȱLombart
d’uneȱ digressionȱ surȱ laȱ nécessaireȱ réformeȱ deȱ laȱ justiceȱ duȱ royaume,ȱ décrite
commeȱlente,ȱcoûteuse,ȱetȱinefficace.ȱDeȱfait,ȱMonlucȱestȱluiȬmême,ȱenȱtantȱque
capitaineȱ etȱ lieutenantȱ duȱ roi,ȱ sansȱ cesseȱ confrontéȱ àȱ laȱ nécessitéȱ deȱ “rendre
justice,”ȱetȱd’évaluerȱdansȱuneȱrelativeȱurgenceȱlesȱcrimesȱdesȱhuguenotsȱouȱdes
catholiques—tousȱégalementȱsusceptiblesȱenȱcesȱtempsȱtroublésȱd’enfreindreȱlaȱloi
(lesȱordonnancesȱetȱéditsȱroyaux)ȱetȱdeȱs’éleverȱainsiȱcontreȱl’autoritéȱduȱmonarque.
Laȱ plupartȱ duȱ tempsȱ accompagnéȱ deȱ deuxȱ bourreaux,ȱ Monlucȱ procèdeȱ àȱ des
jugementsȱexpéditifsȱetȱdesȱexécutionsȱsommaires,ȱconscientȱd’incarnerȱleȱ“bras
deȱjustice”ȱduȱroiȱetȱdeȱreprésenterȱceȱfaisantȱenȱGuyenneȱleȱdernierȱrempartȱcontre
uneȱpossibleȱséditionȱgénéralisée.ȱ
LoinȱdeȱseȱlimiterȱàȱuneȱchroniqueȱmilitaireȱdesȱGuerresȱd’Italieȱ(LivresȱIȱàȱIV)
puisȱdesȱGuerresȱCivilesȱ(LivresȱVȱàȱVII),ȱlesȱCommentairesȱpeuventȱdoncȱêtreȱlus,
dansȱleurȱdeuxièmeȱpartieȱduȱmoins,ȱcommeȱuneȱvasteȱ“chroniqueȱjudiciaire.”ȱLa
motivationȱ mêmeȱ deȱ l’ouvrageȱ renforceȱ cetteȱ dimension:ȱ Monluc,ȱ désormais
éloignéȱdesȱchampsȱdeȱbataille,ȱentreprendȱd’écrireȱsesȱmémoiresȱpourȱrépondre
àȱdesȱaccusationsȱdeȱconcussionȱetȱdeȱprévaricationȱémanantȱdeȱl’entourageȱduȱroi;
commeȱ tousȱ lesȱ mémoiresȱ deȱ l’époque,ȱ lesȱ siensȱ constituentȱ d’abordȱ unȱ long
plaidoyer,ȱlequelȱs’inscritȱexplicitementȱdansȱunȱ“simulacreȱdeȱprocès.”2ȱ
Laissantȱ deȱ côtéȱ lesȱ aspectsȱ strictementȱ militairesȱ duȱ récit,ȱ ilȱ estȱ enȱ ceȱ sens
intéressantȱd’étudierȱcomment,ȱàȱtraversȱl’écritureȱrétrospectiveȱdesȱCommentaires,
Monlucȱrelateȱetȱcomprendȱcesȱcrimesȱetȱchâtimentsȱd’exception,ȱetȱcomment,ȱle
tempsȱ aidant,ȱ estȱ analyséeȱ laȱ natureȱ précisémentȱ exceptionnelleȱ deȱ cetteȱ justice
rendue.ȱDansȱcetteȱperspective,ȱlesȱquelquesȱscènesȱdeȱchâtimentsȱdisperséesȱdans
lesȱlivresȱVȱàȱVIIȱdesȱCommentairesȱneȱpeuventȱêtreȱréduitesȱàȱdeȱsimplesȱanecdotes
émaillantȱ leȱ récitȱ guerrierȱ pourȱ luiȱ donner,ȱ parȱ leurȱ cruautéȱ même,ȱ unȱ degré
supplémentaireȱdeȱréalité;ȱellesȱconstituentȱbienȱauȱcontraireȱlesȱnoyauxȱépars
d’uneȱméditationȱsurȱuneȱnécessaireȱréformeȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱduȱroiȱquiȱaboutit,ȱauȬ
delàȱdeȱlaȱchroniqueȱréaliste,ȱàȱconstruireȱl’imageȱfantasmatique,ȱsouterraineȱmais
cohérente,ȱd’uneȱjusticeȱidéaleȱoùȱs’imposeraitȱlaȱfigureȱquelqueȱpeuȱutopique
d’unȱ jugeȬsoldatȱ apteȱ àȱ mêlerȱ vertusȱ guerrièresȱ etȱ compétencesȱ judiciaires.
L’objectifȱ n’estȱ pasȱ deȱ discuterȱ laȱ légitimitéȱ éthiqueȱ desȱ exécutionsȱ cruellesȱ et
expéditivesȱassuméesȱparȱMonlucȱ(cetteȱviolenceȱs’inscritȱdansȱleȱcontexteȱd’une
2
VoirȱNadineȱKupertyȬTsur,ȱSeȱdireȱàȱlaȱRenaissance.ȱLesȱmémoiresȱauȱXVIeȱsiècleȱ(Paris:ȱVrin,ȱ1997),
19–43,ȱetȱ“BlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱetȱAgrippaȱd’Aubigné:ȱdeuxȱcasȱextrêmesȱd’écritureȱdissidente,”
Monluc,ȱd’Aubigné,ȱdeuxȱépées,ȱdeuxȱplumes,ȱéd.ȱJeanȱCubelierȱdeȱBeynacȱetȱClaudeȬGilbertȱDubois
(Agen:ȱCentreȱMatteoȱBandello,ȱ1999),ȱ247–66.ȱSiȱlaȱlogiqueȱduȱplaidoyerȱappartientȱenȱpropreȱau
genreȱnaissantȱdesȱ“mémoiresȱaristocratiques”ȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle,ȱlesȱCommentairesȱs’inscriventȱaussi
dansȱlaȱtraditionȱplusȱancienneȱdesȱ“mémoiresȱmilitaires”ȱ(remontantȱauxȱCommentairesȱsurȱla
GuerreȱdesȱGaulesȱdeȱCésarȱauxquelsȱleȱtitreȱdeȱMonlucȱfaitȱexplicitementȱréférence),ȱétudiésȱpar
YuvalȱNoahȱHarari,ȱRenaissanceȱMilitaryȱMemoirs:ȱWar,ȱHistory,ȱandȱIdentity,ȱ1450–1600.ȱWarfare
inȱHistoryȱ(Woodbridge,ȱUK,ȱandȱRochester,ȱVT:ȱTheȱBoydellȱPress,ȱ2004).
CrimesȱetȱChâtimentsȱd’ExceptionȱenȱFrance 439
guerreȱcivileȱoùȱlesȱdeuxȱcampsȱsontȱrenvoyésȱdosȱàȱdos),3ȱmaisȱd’analyserȱles
“microȬrécits”ȱdeȱchâtimentȱrestituésȱdansȱlesȱmémoiresȱcommeȱd’authentiques
pointsȱd’articulationȱentreȱleȱrécitȱdeȱguerreȱetȱleȱdiscoursȱsurȱlaȱjustice,ȱentreȱle
constatȱd’unȱhéroïsmeȱguerrierȱdéclinantȱetȱlaȱquêteȱd’unȱhéroïsmeȱjudiciaireȱinédit
apteȱàȱrevaloriserȱl’“estat”ȱdeȱlaȱnoblesse.ȱ
Soucieuxȱ deȱ s’inscrireȱ dansȱ unȱ courantȱ renouveléȱ deȱ l’écritureȱ deȱ l’Histoire
(marquéȱparȱleȱréalisme,ȱunȱrefusȱd’idéalisationȱetȱunȱstyleȱbrut),4ȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonluc
défendȱaussiȱuneȱutopieȱjudiciaireȱdontȱl’hypothétiqueȱefficacitéȱ(“essayée”ȱpar
“nécessité”ȱauȱcoursȱdeȱsonȱinterventionȱenȱGuyenne)ȱviendraitȱfinalementȱenrayer
lesȱvicissitudesȱdeȱl’Histoire.ȱAprèsȱavoirȱétudiéȱcommentȱlesȱrécitsȱdeȱchâtiment
s’inscriventȱglobalementȱdansȱlaȱlogiqueȱdeȱlaȱchroniqueȱmilitaire,ȱonȱverraȱque
leurȱmécaniqueȱnarrativeȱestȱanalogiqueȱd’unȱauthentiqueȱdiscoursȱsurȱlaȱjustice
àȱlireȱenȱfiligraneȱdeȱlaȱrelationȱhéroïque.ȱPourȱMonluc,ȱlaȱjusticeȱd’exceptionȱpeut
alorsȱjeterȱlesȱbasesȱd’uneȱutopieȱjudiciaireȱautourȱd’uneȱfigureȱinédite—maisȱdéjà
anachroniqueȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱsiècle—deȱ“capitaineȬjusticier.”
MicroȬrécitsȱdeȱchâtiments:ȱdésordresȱduȱmondeȱ
versusȱordreȱduȱrécit
S’adressantȱauȱroiȱCharlesȱIXȱdansȱuneȱ“remontrance”ȱàȱlaȱfinȱdeȱsesȱCommentaires,
BlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱévoqueȱrétrospectivementȱleȱsujetȱdeȱsonȱlivreȱenȱprétendantȱne
s’êtreȱconsacréȱqu’àȱlaȱpeintureȱdeȱlaȱguerre:
Jeȱlaisseȱleȱtortȱqueȱvousȱ[=ȱCharlesȱIX]ȱfaictesȱdeȱfaireȱcesȱbeauxȱedictsȱetȱdonnerȱtant
d’advantageȱàȱvozȱennemis;ȱjeȱlaisseȱleȱdesordreȱdeȱvostreȱjusticeȱetȱdeȱvozȱfinances,
etȱveuxȱseulement,ȱavecȱvostreȱpermission,ȱdireȱquelqueȱchoseȱquiȱconcerneȱlaȱcharge
desȱarmes:ȱcarȱsiȱjeȱm’enfonçaisȱplusȱavantȱdansȱceȱquiȱaȱcauséȱlaȱruyneȱdeȱvostre
royaume,ȱjeȱparleroisȱtropȱetȱnonȱpasȱdesȱpetitsȱ(800).
3
VoirȱPaulȱCourteault,ȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱhistorien,ȱ614–18ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ1),ȱetȱJeanȬCharlesȱSournia,ȱBlaise
deȱMonluc,ȱ376–94ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ1),ȱquiȱmontrentȱbienȱqueȱlaȱ“légendeȱnoire”ȱdeȱMonlucȱs’estȱsurtout
constituéeȱàȱpartirȱduȱXVIIIeȱsiècleȱchezȱcertainsȱauteursȱprotestants;ȱcertainementȱplusȱlucide
quantȱàȱlaȱviolence,ȱ partagéeȱparȱlesȱdeuxȱcamps,ȱdesȱguerresȱciviles,ȱAubignéȱneȱcondamne
jamaisȱ Monlucȱ dansȱ sonȱ Histoireȱ universelle,ȱ commeȱ l’aȱ soulignéȱ àȱ justeȱ titreȱ Andréȱ Thierry,
“Monlucȱ etȱ d’Aubigné,”ȱ Bibliothèqueȱ d’Humanismeȱ etȱ Renaissanceȱ 33.3ȱ (1971):ȱ 505–24.ȱ Surȱ la
difficultéȱàȱcondamnerȱtoutȱàȱfaitȱMonlucȱpourȱsonȱactionȱrépressive,ȱvoirȱenfinȱl’intelligenteȱmise
auȱ pointȱ deȱ Jamesȱ J.ȱ Supple,ȱ “Monluc,ȱ Laȱ Boétieȱ etȱ laȱ justificationȱ deȱ laȱ violence,”ȱ Monluc,
d’Aubigné,ȱdeuxȱépées,ȱdeuxȱplumes,ȱ89–107ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ2).
4
VoirȱClaudeȬGilbertȱDubois,ȱLaȱconceptionȱdeȱl’HistoireȱenȱFranceȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle.ȱ1560–1610ȱ(Paris:
Nizet,ȱ1977),ȱ219–51.ȱCeȱstyleȱsimpleȱadoptéȱparȱMonlucȱfutȱlouéȱdèsȱleȱXVIeȱsiècle,ȱparȱexemple
parȱBrantôme.
Siȱ l’auteurȱ évoqueȱ sansȱ surpriseȱ laȱ “ruyne”ȱ deȱ laȱ Franceȱ pendantȱ lesȱ guerres
civiles,ȱc’estȱparȱprétéritionȱqu’ilȱfautȱcomprendreȱlaȱprétendueȱmiseȱenȱretrait,
dansȱleȱrécit,ȱduȱ“désordre”ȱdeȱlaȱ“justice”ȱetȱdesȱ“finances”ȱroyales:ȱenȱréalité,
actionsȱ militaires,ȱ activitésȱ judiciairesȱ etȱ menéesȱ financièresȱ neȱ cessentȱ d’être
articuléesȱdansȱlesȱCommentaires.ȱIlȱyȱaȱbienȱceȱqu’onȱpourraitȱappelerȱuneȱmémoire
judiciaireȱ àȱ l’œuvreȱ auȱ cœurȱ desȱ mémoires,ȱ lesquelsȱ s’efforcentȱ deȱ conterȱ (et
compter)ȱparȱleȱmenuȱlesȱactesȱdeȱjusticeȱauxquelsȱaȱparticipéȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱen
tantȱqueȱreprésentantȱduȱroi.ȱ
C’estȱdansȱleȱcadreȱd’uneȱjusticeȱdésorganiséeȱetȱfragilisée5ȱqu’apparaissentȱdonc
lesȱquelqueȱdouzeȱrécitsȱdeȱchâtimentȱ(exclusivementȱdeȱprotestants6),ȱdontȱle
capitaineȱgasconȱestȱàȱlaȱfoisȱacteurȱetȱnarrateur:7ȱ[1]ȱtroisȱchefsȱhuguenotsȱsont
décapitésȱouȱpendus,ȱetȱunȱjeuneȱdiacreȱmortellementȱblessé,ȱleȱ20ȱfévrierȱ1562ȱà
SaintȬMézardȱaprèsȱavoirȱmenéȱuneȱséditionȱcontreȱleurȱmaîtreȱM.ȱdeȱRouillac
(483–85);ȱ[2]ȱ“cinqȱouȱsixȱhuguenots,”ȱdontȱleȱcapitaineȱMorellet,ȱsontȱpendusȱà
Villeneuveȱleȱ3ȱmarsȱ1562ȱ(486–87);ȱ[3]ȱ“trenteȱouȱquarante”ȱhuguenotsȱ(enȱréalité
dixȬneuf),ȱsontȱcondamnésȱpourȱséditionȱetȱpourȱl’assassinatȱdeȱM.ȱdeȱFumel,ȱet
“pendusȱouȱmisȱsurȱlaȱroue”ȱàȱFumelȱleȱ11ȱmarsȱ1562ȱ(487–88);ȱ[4]ȱ“quatreȱouȱcinq
desȱprincipauxȱseditieux”ȱsontȱcondamnésȱpourȱ“ruptureȱdesȱeglises,”ȱ“rapts”ȱet
“volemens,”ȱetȱpendusȱàȱVillefrancheȬdeȬRouergueȱentreȱleȱ2ȱetȱleȱ11ȱavrilȱ1562
(494–95);ȱ[5]ȱdesȱhuguenotsȱséditieuxȱsontȱdécapitésȱenȱgrandȱnombreȱàȱToulouse,
jugésȱparȱlesȱcapitouls,ȱleȱ23ȱmaiȱ1562ȱ(505–06);8ȱ[6]ȱ“soixanteȱouȱquatreȬvingts
huguenots”ȱsontȱpendusȱàȱGironde,ȱprèsȱdeȱLaȱRéole,ȱpourȱséditionȱmilitaireȱen
juilletȱ1562ȱ(528–29);ȱ[7]ȱ“quinzeȱouȱseize”ȱhuguenotsȱsontȱpendusȱleȱ31ȱjuilletȱ1562
àȱSauveterreȱpourȱséditionȱmilitaireȱ(529);ȱ[8]ȱ“quinzeȱouȱvingt”ȱhuguenots,ȱ“entre
autresȱ tousȱ lesȱ officiersȱ duȱ Royȱ etȱ lesȱ consuls”ȱ etȱ leȱ capitaineȱ Héraud,ȱ ancien
compagnonȱd’armesȱdeȱMonluc,ȱsontȱpendusȱàȱMonségurȱleȱ13ȱjuilletȱ1562ȱ(532);
[9]ȱlesȱprisonniersȱdeȱTerraubeȱsontȱtuésȱetȱleurȱchefȱpendu,ȱetȱlesȱdeuxȱchefsȱde
Lectoureȱ sontȱ pendusȱ leȱ 30ȱ septembreȱ 1562ȱ (551–52);ȱ [10]ȱ lesȱ séditieuxȱ deȱ La
RocheȬChalaisȱsontȱ“accoustrezȱselonȱlaȱvieȱqu’ilsȱavoientȱmenée”ȱparȱlesȱsoldats
deȱ Monlucȱ leȱ 6ȱ févrierȱ 1569ȱ (675–77);ȱ [11]ȱ lesȱ soldatsȱ deȱ laȱ garnisonȱ militaire
huguenoteȱdeȱMontȬdeȬMarsanȱsontȱmassacrésȱ“parȱdespêche”ȱetȱ“souzȱpretexte
5
Surȱl’étatȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱXVIeȱsiècleȱenȱFrance,ȱvoirȱparȱexempleȱArletteȱLebigre,ȱLaȱjustice
duȱroi.ȱLaȱvieȱjudiciaireȱdansȱl’ancienneȱFranceȱ(Paris:ȱÉditionsȱComplexe,ȱ1995),ȱ35–57,ȱetȱBenoît
Garnot,ȱ Justiceȱ etȱ sociétéȱ enȱ France.ȱ XVIe–XVIIe–XVIIIeȱ sièclesȱ (Paris:ȱ Ophrys,ȱ 2000),ȱ passim.ȱ La
critiqueȱduȱfonctionnementȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱestȱunȱlieuȱcommunȱlittéraireȱdepuisȱleȱMoyenȱÂge,ȱmais
elleȱadopteȱunȱtonȱparticulièrementȱvirulentȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱXVIeȱsiècle:ȱvoirȱinfraȱn.ȱ29.
6
Monlucȱ peutȱ cependantȱ libérerȱ desȱ protestantsȱ retenusȱ contreȱ laȱ loiȱ royaleȱ ouȱ exécuterȱ des
catholiquesȱquiȱneȱrespectentȱpasȱlaȱloiȱroyale:ȱsurȱcesȱcasȱparticuliers,ȱvoirȱinfraȱn.ȱ17ȱetȱ18.
7
Pourȱsignalerȱplusȱfacilementȱcesȱévénementsȱdansȱlaȱsuiteȱdeȱl’article,ȱchacunȱestȱiciȱnuméroté
entreȱcrochets.
8
Maisȱunȱdouteȱdemeureȱquantȱàȱl’implicationȱexacteȱdeȱMonlucȱdansȱcesȱexécutionsȱtoulousainesȱ:
voirȱCommentaires,ȱ1204ȱn.ȱ3.
qu’ilsȱestoientȱsubjectsȱdeȱlaȱroyneȱdeȱNavarre”ȱleȱ20ȱseptembreȱ1569ȱ(724);ȱ[12]
enfin,ȱtousȱlesȱhabitantsȱdeȱRabastens,ȱyȱcomprisȱlesȱfemmes,ȱsontȱpassésȱauȱfilȱde
l’épéeȱouȱjetésȱparȱdessusȱlesȱmuraillesȱdeȱleurȱvilleȱpourȱl’avoirȱdéfendueȱleȱ23
juilletȱ1570ȱ(783–84).
Quelquesȱremarquesȱs’imposent:ȱcesȱmicroȬrécitsȱdeȱchâtimentȱsontȱdispersés
dansȱlaȱchroniqueȱmilitaireȱet,ȱloinȱdeȱlaȱdominer,ȱenȱparaissentȱàȱchaqueȱfoisȱune
varianteȱouȱunȱprolongementȱponctuels.ȱLeurȱstatutȱnarratifȱn’estȱpasȱévident,ȱet
Monlucȱsembleȱassurémentȱplusȱàȱl’aiseȱdansȱlaȱrelationȱd’unȱassautȱouȱd’une
escarmoucheȱqueȱdansȱcelleȱd’uneȱpendaisonȱouȱd’uneȱdécapitation.ȱPourȱautant,
laȱscèneȱinauguraleȱdeȱSaintȬMézardȱ[1]ȱouvreȱuneȱsorteȱdeȱmécaniqueȱimplacable
deȱsubversion/répressionȱquiȱimprimeȱauȱrécitȱsonȱrythmeȱpropre.ȱEnȱoutre,ȱet
paradoxalement,ȱchaqueȱscèneȱdeȱchâtimentȱseȱdétacheȱavecȱnettetéȱsurȱlaȱtoileȱde
fondȱd’uneȱjusticeȱ(notammentȱpénale)ȱdontȱl’étatȱdeȱdéshérenceȱaȱdéjàȱétéȱévoqué
plusȱhaut.ȱEnȱceȱsens,ȱlesȱmémoiresȱconstituentȱbienȱlaȱreconstitution,ȱparȱleȱrécit
rétrospectifȱetȱautourȱduȱjeȱdeȱl’énonciation,ȱd’unȱordreȱperdu.ȱLeȱmicroȬrécitȱde
châtimentȱapparaîtȱfinalementȱcommeȱunȱrepèreȱnarratifȱimportant—àȱcôtéȱdeȱla
scèneȱdeȱbataille—dansȱlaȱreconstitutionȱdeȱcetȱordre.
Dansȱl’économieȱgénéraleȱduȱrécitȱdeȱguerre,ȱcesȱscènesȱdeȱjusticeȱintroduisent
cependantȱuneȱlégèreȱperturbation.ȱBienȱqu’inséréesȱauȱrécitȱprincipalȱdesȱassauts,
bataillesȱ rangées,ȱ accrochages,ȱ reconnaissancesȱ etȱ mouvementsȱ tactiques,ȱ elles
viennentȱ rompreȱ uneȱ possibleȱ héroïsationȱ deȱ laȱ relationȱ militaire;ȱ situéesȱ aux
margesȱd’uneȱnarrationȱvirtuellementȱépique,ȱlesȱscènesȱdeȱchâtimentȱviennent
rappelerȱqueȱleȱcodeȱdeȱlaȱguerreȱaȱchangé,ȱqueȱlaȱviolenceȱquiȱs’yȱexprimeȱne
relèveȱplusȱdeȱceȱqueȱMonlucȱappelleȱ“leȱdroictȱdeȱlaȱguerre”ȱ(655)ȱouȱ“lesȱrègles
ordinairesȱ deȱ laȱ guerre”ȱ (666),ȱ c’estȬàȬdireȱ leȱ codeȱ intériorisé,ȱ nonȱ écrit,ȱ deȱ la
chevalerieȱetȱdeȱlaȱcourtoisie.9ȱAinsiȱMonlucȱprendȬilȱsoinȱdeȱrappelerȱlaȱdifférence
entreȱ“guerresȱétrangères”ȱetȱ“guerresȱciviles,”ȱcesȱdernièresȱn’étantȱplusȱmenées
selonȱdesȱprocéduresȱetȱunȱcodeȱreconnaissables:
9
Surȱcetȱancienȱcodeȱmartialȱquiȱnourritȱévidemmentȱlaȱconceptionȱmédiévaleȱdeȱlaȱguerre,ȱvoirȱpar
exempleȱ Philippeȱ Contamine,ȱ Laȱ Guerreȱ auȱ Moyenȱ Âgeȱ (1980;ȱ Paris:ȱ Pressesȱ Universitairesȱ de
France,ȱ2007),ȱnotammentȱI,ȱ8ȱ(“Guerreȱetȱpaix:ȱdroit,ȱéthiqueȱetȱchristianisme”)ȱetȱIII,ȱ10ȱ(“La
guerre:ȱaspectsȱjuridiques,ȱéthiquesȱetȱreligieux”),ȱetȱlesȱcontributionsȱduȱvolumeȱWritingȱWar:
MedievalȱLiteraryȱResponsesȱtoȱWarfare,ȱéd.ȱCorinneȱSaunders,ȱFrançoiseȱLeȱSaulxȱetȱNeilȱThomas
(Woodbridge:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ2004).ȱParlantȱdeȱlaȱcaptureȱpuisȱdeȱlaȱrelaxeȱduȱcapitaineȱcatholique
deȱLeberonȱparȱdesȱcapitainesȱhuguenots,ȱanciensȱcompagnonsȱdeȱguerreȱdeȱMonluc,ȱceȱdernier
remarque:ȱ“Ceȱsontȱdesȱhonnestesȱcourtoisiesȱentreȱgensȱdeȱguerre”ȱ(Commentaires,ȱ747).ȱCeȱtype
deȱnotationȱestȱfréquent,ȱMonlucȱconstatantȱ(etȱacceptantȱparfoisȱàȱcontreȱcœur)ȱl’évolutionȱdes
techniquesȱdeȱcombatȱetȱsurtoutȱdeȱlaȱmentalitéȱduȱsoldatȱouȱduȱchefȱdeȱguerre:ȱvoirȱColette
Demaizière,ȱ“Leȱvocabulaireȱdeȱl’hommeȱdeȱguerre,”ȱL’HommeȱdeȱguerreȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle,ȱéd.ȱGabrielȬ
Andréȱ Pérouse,ȱ Andréȱ Thierry,ȱ etȱ Andréȱ Tournon.ȱ Actesȱ duȱ colloqueȱ deȱ l’Associationȱ RHR
[Renaissance,ȱHumanisme,ȱRéforme],ȱCannes,ȱ1989ȱ(SaintȬÉtienne:ȱPublicationsȱdeȱl’Université
deȱSaintȬÉtienne,ȱ1992),ȱ349–63ȱ(notammentȱ354–56),ȱetȱRobertȱKnecht,ȱ“Monlucȱetȱl’artȱmilitaire,”
Monluc,ȱd’Aubigné,ȱdeuxȱépées,ȱdeuxȱplumes,ȱ111–20ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ2).
Etȱ siȱ leȱ Royȱ eustȱ faitȱ payerȱ lesȱ compagnies,ȱ jeȱ n’eusseȱ permisȱ enȱ cesȱ guerresȱ de
introduireȱ lesȱ rançonsȱ quiȱ ontȱ entretenuȱ laȱ guerre.ȱ Maisȱ leȱ gendarmeȱ nyȱ leȱ soldat
n’estoitȱpayé.ȱIlȱestȱimpossibleȱd’yȱpourveoir,ȱencoresȱn’enȱyȱeustȬilȱguères;ȱc’estȱcela
sansȱdouteȱquiȱaȱentretenuȱlaȱguerre.ȱCeȱn’estȱpasȱcommeȱauxȱguerresȱestrangères,ȱoù
onȱcombatȱcommeȱpourȱl’amourȱetȱl’honneur;ȱmaisȱauxȱcivilesȱilȱfautȱestreȱouȱmaistre
ouȱvalet,ȱveuȱqu’onȱdemeureȱsousȱmesmeȱtoit.ȱEtȱainsiȱilȱfautȱvenirȱàȱlaȱrigueurȱetȱàȱla
cruauté;ȱautrementȱlaȱfriandiseȱduȱgainȱestȱtelleȱqueȱonȱdesireȱplustostȱlaȱcontinuation
deȱlaȱguerreȱqueȱlaȱfinȱ(519).10
UneȱétudeȱrapideȱdesȱdouzeȱmicroȬrécits—etȱdeȱleursȱpointsȱcommuns—permet
deȱ comprendreȱ ceȱ passageȱ desȱ loisȱ deȱ l’“amour”ȱ etȱ deȱ l’”honneur“ȱ àȱ celles,
nécessaires,ȱdeȱlaȱ“rigueur”ȱetȱdeȱlaȱ”cruauté.“ȱCesȱchâtimentsȱsontȱrelatésȱtrès
brièvementȱ (d’oùȱ l’expressionȱ retenueȱ deȱ microȬrécits),ȱ sansȱ luxeȱ deȱ détails:
Monlucȱyȱpousseȱàȱl’excèsȱleȱprincipeȱduȱstyleȱsimpleȱetȱréalisteȱemblématiqueȱdu
renouvellementȱdeȱl’écritureȱdeȱl’Histoireȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱsiècle.11ȱLeȱnarrateurȱprend
cependantȱ leȱ tempsȱ d’indiquerȱ laȱ natureȱ duȱ crime,ȱ laȱ formeȱ duȱ châtiment
(pendaisonȱouȱdécapitationȱmajoritairement,ȱmaisȱaussiȱdéfenestration,ȱsupplice
deȱlaȱroueȱouȱpopulationȱpasséeȱauȱfilȱdeȱl’épée)ȱetȱuneȱjustificationȱdeȱlaȱpeine:
Monlucȱtientȱsystématiquementȱàȱplacerȱsonȱactionȱsousȱl’autoritéȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱdu
roi,ȱ etȱ elleȱ s’inscritȱ deȱ fait,ȱ dèsȱ queȱ possible,ȱ dansȱ leȱ cadreȱ desȱ institutions
judiciaires.12ȱ
Maisȱceȱquiȱfrappeȱdansȱlaȱconduiteȱduȱrécit,ȱc’estȱqueȱlaȱpremièreȱexécutionȱde
SaintȬMézardȱ[1]ȱapparaîtȱfinalementȱcommeȱleȱparadigmeȱd’uneȱmêmeȱscène,
répétéeȱavecȱtroisȱinvariants:ȱlaȱvitesseȱd’exécutionȱetȱleȱrefusȱd’uneȱprocédureȱtrop
lourdeȱd’abordȱ(leȱchâtimentȱestȱréaliséȱ“sansȱsentenceȱnyȱécriture”ȱ[1],ȱ“sansȱtant
languir”ȱ[2],ȱ“sansȱprocédure”ȱ[3],ȱ“sansȱautreȱcérémonie”ȱ[4],ȱ“dezȱleȱlendemain”
[5],ȱ“sansȱdespendreȱpapierȱniȱancre”ȱ[7],ȱ“[avec]ȱuneȱtrèsȱbelleȱdespêche”ȱ[9],ȱ“par
10
Dansȱ uneȱ adresseȱ auȱ roiȱ quiȱ suitȱ l’évocationȱ deȱ laȱ batailleȱ deȱ Jarnacȱ (13ȱ marsȱ 1569),ȱ victoire
catholiqueȱquiȱvitȱlaȱmortȱduȱprinceȱdeȱCondé,ȱMonluc,ȱquiȱdéploreȱlaȱmortȱdeȱceȱgrandȱchef
protestant,ȱ plaideȱ l’utilitéȱ desȱ “guerresȱ estrangères,”ȱ quiȱ permettentȱ deȱ détournerȱ l’ardeur
militaireȱhorsȱduȱroyaume:ȱvoirȱCommentaires,ȱ668–70.ȱS’ilȱs’agitȱd’unȱlieuȱcommunȱdesȱdiscours
contreȱlesȱguerresȱciviles,ȱMonlucȱestȱcependantȱl’unȱdesȱseulsȱàȱpréférerȱauxȱ“guerresȱdeȱlaȱTerreȬ
Saincteȱ[celles]ȱdesȱnouveauxȱmondesȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱcommeȱfaictȱleȱRoyȱd’Espagne”ȱ(Commentaires,ȱ669).
11
Voir,ȱoutreȱClaudeȬGilbertȱDubois,ȱLaȱconceptionȱdeȱl’HistoireȱenȱFranceȱauȱXVIeȱsiècleȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4),ȱles
propresȱ déclarationsȱ deȱ Monlucȱ àȱ laȱ finȱ desȱ Commentaires,ȱ 829–30;ȱ plusȱ loin,ȱ l’auteurȱ oppose
significativementȱsonȱouvrageȱauxȱromans,ȱlaȱréalitéȱnueȱàȱlaȱfiction:ȱ“Neȱdesdaignez,ȱvousȱqui
desirezȱ suivreȱ leȱ trainȱ desȱ armes,ȱ auȱ lieuȱ deȱ lireȱ desȱ Amadisȱ ouȱ Lancellots,ȱ d’employer
quelqu’heureȱàȱmeȱcongnoistreȱdansȱceȱlivre”ȱ(833).
12
Àȱ Fumelȱ [3],ȱ lesȱ protestantsȱ séditieuxȱ sontȱ jugésȱ coupablesȱ parȱ desȱ conseillersȱ duȱ siègeȱ du
sénéchalȱd’AgenȱetȱàȱVillefrancheȬdeȬRouergueȱ[4],ȱparȱdeuxȱconseillersȱdeȱlaȱcourȱdeȱBordeaux
(malgréȱlaȱrésistanceȱdeȱdeuxȱcommissairesȱduȱroi,ȱprobablementȱréformés);ȱlesȱexécutionsȱde
Toulouseȱ[5]ȱsontȱorganiséesȱparȱlesȱcapitouls,ȱsansȱqueȱl’onȱsacheȱexactementȱquelleȱpartȱMonluc
yȱaȱprise;ȱMonlucȱdoitȱaussiȱcomposerȱavecȱlesȱdeuxȱcommissairesȱduȱroi,ȱCompainȱetȱGirard,
soupçonnésȱd’êtreȱhuguenots,ȱetȱsouventȱréticents.
despêche”ȱ[11]);ȱleȱrapportȱdeȱforceȱinduitȱparȱcetteȱvitesseȱensuite:ȱlaȱ“rage”ȱ(485)
etȱlaȱ“rigueur”ȱ(784)ȱd’unȱcôté,ȱlaȱ“peurȱetȱlaȱfrayeur”ȱ(486)ȱdeȱl’autre,ȱdansȱla
mesureȱoùȱilȱfaut,ȱditȱMonluc,ȱ“[tenir]ȱlesȱgensȱetȱleȱpeupleȱenȱcrainte”ȱ(488);13ȱle
rapportȱdeȱforceȱsuggéréȱparȱcetteȱpratiqueȱduȱchâtimentȱenfin:ȱduȱcôtéȱdeȱMonluc,
uneȱformeȱdeȱrévélationȱetȱunȱsouciȱdeȱsincérité,ȱduȱcôtéȱdesȱhuguenots,ȱdissimulation
etȱmensonge.14ȱLesȱscènesȱdeȱchâtimentȱseȱdistinguentȱdoncȱdesȱscènesȱdeȱcombat
enȱ ceȱ qu’ellesȱ neȱ sontȱ sujettesȱ qu’àȱ unȱ faibleȱ travailȱ deȱ variationȱ etȱ surtout
d’ornementation.ȱMonlucȱrépèteȱuneȱscèneȱoriginelleȱdeȱjusticeȱqu’ilȱseȱrefuseȱà
transformerȱenȱspectacle,ȱenȱ“scèneȱàȱfaire.”ȱIlȱn’yȱaȱchezȱluiȱaucuneȱcomplaisance
pourȱ laȱ violenceȱ duȱ châtiment,ȱ lequelȱ estȱ commeȱ assuméȱ parȱ cetteȱ priseȱ de
distanceȱ qu’impliqueȱ laȱ relativeȱ sobriétéȱ stylistique,15ȱ moinsȱ évidenteȱ dans
certainesȱscènesȱdeȱcombatȱoùȱaffleureȱparfoisȱlaȱtentationȱdeȱl’épique.16ȱC’estȱdans
cetteȱperspectiveȱqu’uneȱtypologieȱdesȱcrimesȱapparaîtȱnettementȱd’uneȱscèneȱà
l’autre.
Neȱpasȱtransformerȱlaȱpeineȱenȱspectacle,ȱenȱscèneȱpathétiqueȱdoncȱattendueȱpar
leȱ lecteur,ȱ c’estȱ mettreȱ enȱ valeurȱ leȱ travailȱ deȱ laȱ loiȱ auxȱ dépensȱ duȱ travailȱ de
l’écriture,ȱc’estȱévoquerȱlaȱcapacitéȱduȱchefȱdeȱguerreȱgasconȱàȱreconnaîtreȱsans
passionȱleȱcrime—etȱlaȱcapacitéȱduȱnarrateurȱàȱrendreȱcompteȱsansȱexaltationȱde
cetteȱreconnaissance.ȱLaȱsobriétéȱstylistiqueȱaȱpourȱeffetȱdeȱsuggérerȱlaȱlégalitéȱde
chaqueȱpunitionȱetȱleȱlégalismeȱduȱcapitaineȬnarrateur,ȱunȱlégalismeȱquiȱapparaît
plusȱ clairementȱ dansȱ d’autresȱ épisodes,ȱ enȱ faveurȱ desȱ protestants17ȱ ouȱ au
13
L’oppositionȱapparaîtȱexplicitementȱdansȱlesȱépisodesȱ[1],ȱ[2],ȱ[3],ȱ[4],ȱ[6],ȱ[8],ȱetȱ[12],ȱmaisȱelleȱest
suggéréeȱpartoutȱparȱlaȱdescriptionȱduȱclimatȱdansȱlequelȱontȱlieuȱlesȱarrestations.
14
Voirȱsurtoutȱlesȱépisodesȱ[1],ȱ[2],ȱ[4],ȱ[6],ȱ[7],ȱ[9],ȱetȱ[10].ȱL’auteurȱsuggèreȱcetteȱoppositionȱéthique
auȬdelàȱdesȱscènesȱdeȱchâtiment,ȱcommeȱparȱexempleȱdansȱCommentaires,ȱ589–90:ȱMonlucȱdécrit
lesȱnouvellesȱmenéesȱdesȱhuguenotsȱdansȱleȱSudȬOuest,ȱsignesȱavantȬcoureursȱdeȱtroubles,ȱmais
aussiȱsonȱimpossibilitéȱàȱagirȱdansȱleȱcadreȱlégalȱdesȱéditsȱdeȱpaixȱdansȱlaȱmesureȱoùȱchezȱles
ennemisȱtoutȱestȱfaitȱ“enȱcachette.”
15
Surȱcetteȱabsenceȱdeȱcomplaisanceȱouȱd’idéalisationȱchezȱMonlucȱdansȱleȱrapportȱàȱlaȱviolenceȱde
laȱguerre,ȱvoirȱaussiȱJeanȬClaudeȱArnould,ȱ“Pillage,ȱprofit,ȱpromotion:ȱl’hommeȱdeȱguerreȱd’après
lesȱCommentairesȱdeȱMonluc,”ȱL’HommeȱdeȱguerreȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle,ȱ167–76ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ9),ȱnotammentȱ170:
“Leȱdiscoursȱdeȱl’hommeȱdeȱguerreȱdémentȱàȱchaqueȱpageȱlesȱillusionsȱqueȱcréeȱceȱqueȱj’appellerai
parȱcommoditéȱlaȱlittératureȱidéalisante.ȱPillageȱetȱprofitȱrévèlentȱd’abordȱlaȱvraieȱnatureȱdeȱla
guerre:ȱc’estȱunȱsystèmeȱéconomique,ȱcertesȱparasitaireȱetȱimproductifȱpourȱlaȱplupart,ȱmaisȱqui
aȱsesȱpropresȱlois.”
16
L’auteurȱsembleȱainsiȱréserverȱsonȱsensȱdeȱl’héroïsationȱetȱdeȱl’agrandissementȱauȱrécitȱdeȱsa
propreȱ mortȱ symboliqueȱ àȱ Rabastens,ȱ oùȱ ilȱ futȱ défiguréȱ parȱ uneȱ arquebusade:ȱ voirȱ Jacques
Pineaux,ȱ“Mortȱetȱtransfigurationȱd’unȱhéros:ȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱàȱRabastens,”ȱÉtudesȱseiziémistes
offertesȱàȱV.ȬL.ȱSaulnierȱ(Genève:ȱDroz,ȱ1980),ȱ347–53.ȱL’exploitationȱduȱtoposȱduȱsongeȱprémonitoire
(Commentaires,ȱ 593–95)ȱ attesteȱ égalementȱ leȱ goûtȱ deȱ Monlucȱ pourȱ lesȱ procédésȱ littérairesȱ àȱ la
mode:ȱvoirȱMauriceȱF.ȱVerdier,ȱ“LeȱsongeȱdeȱMonluc,”ȱBibliothèqueȱd’HumanismeȱetȱRenaissanceȱ37.1
(1975):ȱ7–14.
17
Voirȱ Commentaires,ȱ 473.ȱ Deȱ manièreȱ habile,ȱ Monlucȱ placeȱ auȱ débutȱ duȱ livreȱ Vȱ leȱ récitȱ d’une
libérationȱqu’ilȱfitȱdeȱdeuxȱprisonniersȱprotestants,ȱdétenusȱparȱlesȱgensȱdeȱjusticeȱàȱPlume,ȱcontre
lesȱordonnancesȱroyalesȱ(quiȱinterdisentȱalorsȱlaȱdétentionȱ“pourȱfaitsȱdeȱreligion”).ȱIlȱrefuseȱaussi,
détrimentȱdesȱcatholiques.18ȱDeȱmanièreȱsignificative,ȱlaȱseuleȱoccurrenceȱduȱverbe
“châtier”ȱdansȱlesȱlivresȱV–VIIȱdesȱCommentairesȱapparaîtȱdansȱunȱcontexteȱoùȱest
soulignéeȱl’impartialitéȱdeȱMonluc.ȱAlorsȱqueȱleȱministreȱprotestantȱLaȱBarelleȱlui
rendȱ visiteȱ pourȱ seȱ plaindreȱ desȱ destructionsȱ deȱ templesȱ “[lui]ȱ disantȱ queȱ les
eglisesȱavoientȱestéȱfortȱaisesȱdeȱ[sa]ȱvenuëȱetȱdeȱlaȱchargeȱqueȱlaȱRoyneȱ[lui]ȱavoit
baillé,ȱetȱqu’ilsȱs’assuroientȱd’avoirȱjusticeȱdeȱceuxȱquiȱlesȱavoientȱainsiȱmassacrez,”
Monlucȱ“respondi[t]ȱqu’ilȱseȱpouvoitȱtenirȱpourȱcertainȱqueȱceuxȱquiȱauroientȱtort
seroientȱ chastiez”ȱ (476).ȱ Maisȱ ensuiteȱ leȱ ministreȱ tenteȱ deȱ corrompreȱ Monluc,
provoquantȱlaȱ“furie”ȱdeȱceȱdernier,ȱquiȱs’enȱprendȱphysiquementȱauȱpasteurȱpuis
remarqueȱironiquement:ȱ“Celaȱmeȱdescriaȱfortȱparmyȱcesȱministres,ȱcarȱc’estoit
crimeȱ deȱ lèzeȬmajestéȱ d’enȱ toucherȱ un”ȱ (477).ȱ Cetteȱ autreȱ scèneȱ inaugurale—
Monlucȱrapporteȱpourȱlaȱpremièreȱfoisȱunȱéchangeȱverbalȱavecȱunȱprotestant—est
elleȱaussiȱparadigmatiqueȱenȱceȱqu’elleȱtraduitȱleȱrapportȱconstantȱqueȱMonluc
entretientȱauȱcrimeȱetȱàȱsaȱreconnaissance.ȱ
Laȱcolèreȱn’yȱestȱpasȱsystématiquementȱuneȱpassionȱnégative,ȱmaisȱleȱsymptôme
affectifȱ d’uneȱ identificationȱ presqueȱ instinctiveȱ d’unȱ crimeȱ perçuȱ dansȱ sa
dimensionȱexclusivementȱpolitique:ȱl’usageȱparȱantiphraseȱdeȱl’expressionȱ“lèzeȬ
majesté”ȱindiqueȱqueȱl’autoritéȱroyaleȱestȱleȱseulȱpointȱdeȱréférence,ȱl’uniqueȱpierre
deȱtoucheȱdansȱl’évaluationȱd’uneȱsituationȱambiguë.ȱMonluc,ȱquiȱn’évoqueȱjamais
desȱ questionsȱ deȱ théologieȱ ouȱ deȱ dogme,ȱ identifieȱ leȱ roi,ȱ laȱ loiȱ etȱ laȱ justice,ȱ et
considèreȱqueȱlaȱséditionȱestȱexclusivementȱpolitique:ȱ“leȱmasqueȱestȱosté:ȱilȱn’est
plusȱ questionȱ deȱ messeȱ ouȱ deȱ presche,ȱ c’estȱ àȱ laȱ personneȱ [duȱ roi]ȱ queȱ cela
s’adresse”ȱ(609).19ȱDeȱfait,ȱlaȱ“colère,”ȱlaȱ“furie”ȱouȱlaȱ“rage”ȱsontȱrécurrentesȱdans
lesȱscènesȱdeȱchâtiment.ȱ
Cetteȱ passionȱ deȱ laȱ colère—propreȱ àȱ l’universȱ épique,ȱ oùȱ elleȱ joueȱ unȱ rôle
profondémentȱstructurel20—estȱl’expressionȱextrême,ȱetȱévidemmentȱparadoxale,
duȱ “bonȱ jugement,”ȱ uneȱ vertuȱ aussiȱ bienȱ judiciaireȱ queȱ guerrière,ȱ quiȱ permet
d’identifierȱ leȱ crimeȱ communȱ ouȱ leȱ crimeȱ deȱ lèseȬmajestéȱ avecȱ uneȱ relative
enȱ1563,ȱdeȱsévirȱcontreȱlesȱBordelaisȱaccusésȱd’êtreȱréformés:ȱvoirȱCommentaires,ȱ472–73,ȱ478ȱet
577–79.
18
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ581.ȱMonlucȱraconteȱlaconiquementȱcommentȱilȱfitȱstrictementȱappliquerȱl’édit
d’Amboiseȱ deȱ marsȱ 1563ȱ (lequelȱ interdisaitȱ àȱ toutȱ soldatȱ deȱ porterȱ lesȱ armes,ȱ saufȱ les
gentilshommes),ȱenȱfaisantȱpendreȱdeuxȱsoldatsȱcatholiquesȱ“ayantȱtransgresséȱl’edict”ȱpuisȱdeux
huguenotsȱ(paritéȱparfaite!),ȱquiȱpensaientȱpourtantȱ“eschapperȱàȱbonȱmarché.”
19
Surȱceȱthème,ȱvoirȱJamesȱJ.ȱSupple,ȱ“Monluc,ȱLaȱBoétie,ȱetȱlaȱjustificationȱdeȱlaȱviolence,”ȱ99–101
(voirȱn.ȱ3).
20
VoirȱparȱexempleȱBrunoȱMéniel,ȱ“Laȱcolèreȱdansȱlaȱpoésieȱépique,ȱdeȱlaȱfinȱduȱMoyenȱÂgeȱàȱlaȱfin
duȱXVIeȱsiècle:ȱunȱenversȱdeȱl’héroïsme?,”ȱCahiersȱdeȱRecherchesȱMédiévalesȱetȱHumanistesȱ11ȱ(2004):
37–48.
netteté—commeȱelleȱpermetȱd’évaluerȱlaȱsituationȱdeȱl’ennemiȱsurȱleȱchampȱde
bataille.21
LesȱcrimesȱidentifiésȱparȱMonlucȱpeuventȱainsiȱêtreȱrépartisȱenȱseptȱcatégories,
dontȱleȱclassementȱhiérarchiqueȱneȱpeutȱqu’êtreȱdifficilementȱétabliȱdansȱlaȱmesure
oùȱilsȱsontȱtousȱégalementȱpunisȱdeȱmort.ȱMonlucȱneȱpunitȱqueȱdesȱcrimesȱqui
affectentȱdirectementȱlaȱsûretéȱetȱl’autoritéȱpubliquesȱou,ȱceȱquiȱrevientȱauȱmême,
laȱpersonneȱsymboliqueȱduȱroi:ȱl’injureȱverbaleȱàȱl’encontreȱduȱroiȱ(cf.ȱ[1]:ȱCharles
IXȱestȱtraitéȱdeȱ“petitȱreyotȱdeȱmerde”ȱ(484));ȱl’assassinatȱdeȱseigneursȱ(dansȱles
faits,ȱtousȱcatholiques:ȱcf.ȱ[2]ȱetȱ[3]);ȱleȱprêcheȱpublicȱetȱséditieuxȱ(cf.ȱ[2]ȱetȱ[3]:ȱpour
Monluc,ȱparȱcetteȱprédication,ȱ“ilsȱ[lesȱhuguenots]ȱnousȱvouloientȱdonnerȱlaȱloy”
(487));ȱlaȱdestructionȱdesȱbiens,ȱleȱpillage,ȱetȱleȱmassacreȱdeȱcatholiquesȱ(cf.ȱ[1],ȱ[4]
etȱ[10]);ȱl’actionȱdissimuléeȱdansȱunȱbutȱséditieuxȱ(cf.ȱ[5]);ȱlaȱséditionȱdéclaréeȱet
leȱsoulèvementȱmilitaireȱ(cf.ȱ[6],ȱ[7],ȱ[8],ȱ[10],ȱ[11]);ȱetȱenfin,ȱleȱrépublicanismeȱet
l’athéismeȱ(cf.ȱ[10]:ȱ“c’estoientȱlibertinsȱetȱgensȱsansȱreligion”ȱ(676)ȱdéclareȬtȬonȱà
proposȱdesȱinsurgés).ȱ
Leȱrespectȱdeȱlaȱvolontéȱduȱroi,ȱdeȱsaȱparoleȱàȱtraversȱlaȱloi,ȱestȱvéritablement
obsessionnelleȱchezȱMonluc,ȱpourȱquiȱlaȱcorruptionȱgénéraliséeȱduȱlangageȱestȱdéjà
enȱsoiȱuneȱlèseȬmajestéȱ(“[Je]ȱmeȱdeliberayȱd’userȱdeȱtoutesȱlesȱcruautezȱqueȱje
pourrois,ȱetȱmesmementȱsurȱceuxȱquiȱparloientȱcontreȱlaȱmajestéȱroyale,”ȱ483)ȱet
expliqueȱlaȱpropensionȱdesȱprotestantsȱàȱlaȱduplicitéȱetȱauȱmensonge.22ȱÀȱl’inverse,
luiȬmêmeȱchercheȱàȱfaireȱentendreȱsaȱvoixȱdansȱuneȱatmosphèreȱdeȱtumultes,ȱde
dénonciationsȱ etȱ deȱ rumeurs,ȱ quiȱ vientȱ seȱ grefferȱ commeȱ parȱ maliceȱ surȱ le
traditionnelȱpaysageȱsonoreȱdeȱlaȱguerre.23ȱPlacéeȱparȱdéfinitionȱauȱcœurȱdeȱla
21
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ571–72.ȱAprèsȱleȱrécitȱdeȱlaȱpriseȱdeȱLectoure,ȱMonlucȱconseilleȱauxȱjeunes
capitaines,ȱdansȱuneȱadresseȱdigressive,ȱdeȱn’observerȱjamaisȱqueȱparȱeuxȬmêmesȱlaȱpositionȱdes
ennemisȱ(“Vosȱyeuxȱvoyentȱplusȱclairȱqueȱceuxȱd’autruiȱàȱceȱquiȱestȱnécessaire”),ȱmettantȱenȱavant
lesȱ capacitésȱ deȱ “recognoissance”ȱ etȱ deȱ “bonȱ jugement”ȱ duȱ tacticien.ȱ Lesȱ jeuxȱ deȱ motȱ surȱ la
capacitéȱàȱjugerȱ(d’uneȱsituationȱmilitaire,ȱd’unȱcrime)ȱsontȱfréquentsȱdansȱlesȱCommentaires.
22
LeȱlivreȱVȱs’ouvreȱsurȱceȱconstatȱd’unȱlangageȱtotalementȱcorrompuȱchezȱlesȱprotestants;ȱvoir
Commentaires,ȱ472:ȱ“Quelquesȱjoursȱaprèsȱmonȱretour,ȱj’entendoisȱdeȱtoutesȱpartsȱdeȱterribles
langagesȱetȱd’audacieusesȱparolles,ȱqueȱlesȱministresȱquiȱportoientȱuneȱnouvelleȱfoyȱtenoient,
mesmementȱcontreȱl’authoritéȱroyale.”ȱConstruitȱautourȱd’uneȱinjureȱcontreȱleȱroi,ȱleȱrécitȱde
l’exécutionȱdeȱSaintȬMézardȱ[1]ȱaboutitȱàȱceȱconstat:ȱ“Ceȱn’estoitȱpasȱseulementȱlàȱqu’ilsȱtenoyent
ceȱ langage,ȱ carȱ c’estoitȱ partout;”ȱ unȱ peuȱ plusȱ loin,ȱ leȱ lienȱ avecȱ leȱ goûtȱ duȱ secretȱ apparaît
clairement:ȱ“Celaȱ[i.ȱe.ȱl’exécution]ȱfermaȱlaȱboucheȱàȱplusieursȱseditieux,ȱquiȱn’osoyentȱparlerȱdu
Royȱqu’avecȱrespect;ȱmaisȱenȱsecretȱilsȱfaisoyentȱleursȱmenées”ȱ(Commentaires,ȱ484ȱetȱ485).
23
VoirȱparȱexempleȱCommentaires,ȱ585ȱ:ȱ“LaȱFranceȱjouistȱcinqȱansȱdeȱceȱreposȱavecȱlesȱdeuxȱreligions
[aprèsȱl’éditȱd’Amboiseȱdeȱmarsȱ1563].ȱToutesfois,ȱjeȱmeȱdoubtoisȱtousjoursȱqu’ilȱyȱavoitȱquelque
anguilleȱsousȱroche;ȱmaisȱpourȱlaȱGuienneȱjeȱneȱcraignoisȱpasȱbeaucoup.ȱJ’avoisȱtousjoursȱl’œilȱau
guet,ȱdonnantȱadvisȱàȱlaȱRoyneȱdeȱtoutȱceȱqueȱj’entendois,ȱavecȱtouteȱlaȱfidélitéȱdontȱjeȱmeȱpouvois
adviser.ȱPendantȱceȱtemps,ȱleȱRoyȱvisitaȱsonȱroyaume.ȱEstantȱarrivéȱàȱThoulouse,ȱjeȱfuzȱbaiserȱles
mainsȱàȱSaȱMajesté,ȱlaquelleȱmeȱfitȱplusȱhonorableȱrecueilȱqueȱjeȱneȱmeritois.ȱLesȱhuguenotsȱne
faillirentȱàȱfaireȱleursȱpraticquesȱetȱmenées,ȱetȱmeȱfaisoientȱfauxȱfeuȱsouzȱmain,ȱcarȱàȱdescouvert
ilsȱ n’osoientȱ leȱ faire;ȱ maisȱ jeȱ neȱ m’enȱ donnoisȱ pasȱ grandȱ peine.”ȱ L’auteurȱ évoqueȱ aussiȱ les
bavardagesȱdeȱlaȱcourȱ(notammentȱdesȱdames),ȱquiȱpeuventȱcauserȱd’infinisȱdommages:ȱ“LeȱRoy
pratiqueȱjudiciaire,ȱlaȱparoleȱestȱconstammentȱmenacéeȱparȱlesȱdeuxȱvicesȱdeȱla
“chattemite[erie]”ȱetȱdeȱl’“opiniastreté,”ȱc’estȬàȬdireȱparȱlaȱduplicitéȱdoucereuse24
etȱparȱl’obstinationȱaveugle.25ȱContreȱcetteȱperversionȱgénéraliséeȱduȱlangage,ȱla
seuleȱ réponseȱ possibleȱ estȱ uneȱ formeȱ deȱ pragmatismeȱ judiciaireȱ queȱ rend
nécessaireȱlaȱsituationȱexceptionnelleȱdeȱlaȱguerreȱcivile.
Uneȱjusticeȱpragmatique:ȱlaȱ“nécessité”ȱduȱchâtiment
Leȱthèmeȱduȱchâtimentȱn’apparaîtȱassurémentȱpasȱdeȱmanièreȱincidenteȱauȱcœur
deȱlaȱchroniqueȱdesȱguerresȱciviles.ȱL’enversȱdeȱceȱrécitȱmilitaire—etȱdesȱscènesȱde
justiceȱqu’ilȱfaitȱponctuellementȱapparaître—estȱbienȱuneȱcritiqueȱdesȱpratiques
judiciairesȱduȱtempsȱquiȱfinitȱparȱrendreȱvisibleȱchezȱMonlucȱunȱdiscoursȱsurȱla
justice,ȱ sinonȱ légitime,ȱ duȱ moinsȱ cohérent.ȱ Siȱ lesȱ microȬrécitsȱ deȱ châtiment
manifestentȱ unȱ rapportȱ essentiellementȱ pragmatiqueȱ deȱ Monlucȱ àȱ l’actionȱ de
justice,ȱ cetteȱ actionȱ s’inscritȱ cependantȱ assezȱ clairementȱ dansȱ leȱ cadreȱ d’une
critiqueȱ deȱ laȱ justiceȱ duȱ royaumeȱ fondéeȱ surȱ unȱ argumentaireȱ simpleȱ (voire
simpliste)ȱ maisȱ quiȱ révèleȱ paradoxalementȱ uneȱ bonneȱ connaissanceȱ deȱ la
juridictionȱfrançaiseȱetȱdeȱsesȱpossiblesȱdysfonctionnements.ȱ
DèsȱleȱdébutȱduȱlivreȱV,ȱMonlucȱconstateȱamèrementȱqueȱceȱsontȱessentiellement
desȱ gensȱ deȱ justiceȱ quiȱ passentȱ àȱ laȱ Réforme,ȱ associantȱ implicitementȱ laȱ faible
devroitȱcloreȱlaȱboucheȱauxȱdamesȱquiȱseȱmeslentȱdeȱparlerȱenȱsaȱcour;ȱdeȱlàȱviennentȱtousȱles
rapports,ȱtoutesȱlesȱcalomnies.ȱUneȱbabillardeȱcausaȱlaȱmortȱdeȱmonsieurȱdeȱlaȱChastegneroye.ȱS’il
m’eustȱvouluȱcroire,ȱetȱcinqȱouȱsixȱdeȱsesȱamis,ȱilȱeustȱdesmêléȱsaȱfuzéeȱcontreȱmonsieurȱdeȱJarnac
d’autreȱsorte;ȱcarȱilȱcombattistȱcontreȱsaȱconscienceȱetȱperdistȱl’honneurȱetȱlaȱvie.ȱLeȱRoyȱleur
devroitȱcommanderȱdeȱseȱmeslerȱdeȱleursȱaffaires.ȱJ’excepteȱcellesȱqueȱjeȱdois.ȱLeurȱlangueȱaȱcousté
beaucoup,ȱetȱaprèsȱilȱn’estȱpasȱtemps,ȱcommeȱj’auȱdict”ȱ(Commentaires,ȱ617).
24
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ735:ȱ“LeȱcomteȱMongommeryȱ[=ȱchefȱprotestantȱenȱGuyenne]ȱvintȱàȱEuze,ȱet,
commeȱilȱfustȱlàȱarrivé,ȱlesȱhuguenotsȱdeȱCondom,ȱquiȱestoientȱdemeurezȱsoubzȱl’edictȱduȱRoy
[l’éditȱdeȱPaixȱdeȱLongjumeau,ȱduȱ23ȱmarsȱ1568],ȱayantȱfaictȱtousjoursȱlaȱchattemiteȱdeȱneȱvouloir
prendreȱ lesȱ armes,ȱ seȱ couvrantȱ souzȱ laȱ promesseȱ duȱ Roy,ȱ lesquelsȱ avoientȱ estéȱ traictezȱ plus
humainementȱqueȱlesȱcatholiquesȱmesmes,ȱprindrentȱlesȱarmesȱetȱallarentȱtrouverȱleȱcomteȱde
MongommeryȱàȱEuze.”ȱMonlucȱreprocheȱsansȱcesseȱauxȱprotestantsȱdeȱprofiterȱdesȱéditsȱdeȱpaix
pourȱpréparerȱsecrètementȱlaȱguerre.
25
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ532:ȱ“Leȱcapitaineȱquiȱcommandaitȱ[laȱplaceȱforteȱdeȱMonségur]ȱs’appelloitȱle
capitaineȱHeraud,ȱquiȱavoitȱestéȱdeȱmaȱcompagnieȱàȱMoncallierȱetȱàȱAlbeȱlanceȱpassade,ȱunȱbrave
soldatȱs’ilȱyȱenȱavoitȱenȱGuyenne,ȱetȱfustȱprisonnier.ȱBeaucoupȱdeȱgensȱleȱvouloientȱsauverȱpour
saȱ vaillance;ȱ maisȱ jeȱ disȱ que,ȱ s’ilȱ eschappoit,ȱ ilȱ nousȱ feroitȱ testeȱ àȱ chasqueȱ village,ȱ etȱ queȱ je
cognoissoisȱbienȱsaȱvaleur.ȱVoilàȱpourquoiȱjeȱleȱfisȱpendre.ȱIlȱpensoitȱtousjoursȱqueȱjeȱleȱsauvasse,
pourȱceȱqueȱjeȱsçavoisȱbienȱqu’ilȱestoitȱvaillant;ȱmaisȱcelaȱleȱfistȱplustostȱmourir,ȱcarȱj’estoisȱbien
asseuréȱqu’ilȱneȱseȱretourneroitȱjamaisȱdeȱnostreȱcosté,ȱparceȱqu’ilȱestoitȱfortȱopiniastreȱetȱcoifféȱde
cesteȱreligion.ȱSansȱcelaȱjeȱl’eusseȱsauvé.”ȱOnȱnoteraȱl’importanceȱduȱregistreȱéthique,ȱl’opiniâtreté
religieuseȱétantȱperçueȱcommeȱuneȱscandaleuseȱinversionȱdeȱlaȱvaillanceȱguerrière.
“nature”ȱdeȱcetteȱprofessionȱauȱdésirȱquasiȱmaladifȱdeȱ“nouveautez.”26ȱDeȱfait,ȱ“le
peupleȱ [est]ȱ abandonnéȱ deȱ laȱ justiceȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .],ȱ etȱ n’yȱ avoitȱ sergentȱ quiȱ ozast
entreprendreȱdeȱfaireȱexecutionsȱpourȱlesȱcatholiques,ȱsinonȱpourȱlesȱhuguenots
seulement”ȱ(472);ȱbienȱplus,ȱlesȱprotestants—omniprésents,ȱenȱGuyenne,ȱdansȱles
officesȱdeȱjustice—exploitentȱlaȱcomplexitéȱdesȱprocéduresȱjudiciairesȱàȱleurȱprofit,
contreȱtouteȱformeȱd’impartialité.27ȱAuȱfurȱetȱàȱmesureȱqueȱleȱrécitȱprogresse,ȱle
discoursȱcritiqueȱs’étoffe;ȱuneȱcourteȱdigressionȱduȱlivreȱVIȱ(déjàȱmentionnéeȱen
introduction)ȱmériteȱainsiȱd’autantȱplusȱl’attentionȱduȱlecteurȱqu’elleȱfaitȱplutôt
exception,ȱparȱlesȱthèmesȱabordés,ȱdansȱl’ensembleȱdesȱmémoiresȱdeȱlaȱfinȱdu
siècle:
EtȱpuisqueȱlaȱjusticeȱdeȱFranceȱestȱregieȱetȱgouvernéeȱparȱlesȱloixȱdesȱRomains,ȱc’est
bienȱraisonȱqueȱlesȱroysȱdeȱFranceȱseȱgouvernentȱparȱleursȱcoustumes.ȱQueȱpleustȱà
Dieuȱ queȱ leȱ roiȱ voulustȱ faireȱ parlerȱ deȱ luyȱ pourjamais,ȱ etȱ laisserȱ memoireȱ deȱ sa
prudence,ȱ quiȱ seroitȱ àȱ jamaisȱ louée!ȱ C’estȱ qu’ilȱ fistȱ bruslerȱ tousȱ lesȱ livresȱ desȱ loix
suivantȱlesquellesȱsaȱjusticeȱjuge,ȱetȱfaireȱuneȱjusticeȱtouteȱnouvelle,ȱjusteȱetȱsaincteȱcar
j’oseroisȱdireȱqu’ilȱn’yȱaȱmonarqueȱenȱchrestientéȱquiȱs’aideȱdeȱcesȱloixȱqueȱlesȱroysȱde
France;ȱ tousȱ lesȱ autresȱ ontȱ desȱ loixȱ faictesȱ parȱ euxȱ pourȱ abrégerȱ tousȱ procès,ȱ ouy
mesmesȱBearnȱetȱLorraineȱ(quiȱsontȱauxȱdeuxȱcoingsȱduȱroyaume),ȱetȱqueȱlesȱprocès
neȱpuissentȱdurerȱplusȱdeȱdeuxȱans.ȱSiȱleȱRoyȱfaisoitȱcela,ȱilȱseȱpourroitȱvanterȱd’avoir
unȱmondeȱdeȱsoldatsȱquiȱseroientȱforcezȱdeȱprendreȱlesȱarmes,ȱpuisqu’ilsȱn’auroient
queȱfaireȱauxȱpalais;ȱcarȱostezȱcesteȱvacation,ȱàȱquoyȱvoulezȬvousȱqu’unȱbonȱcœur
nobleȱ etȱ genereuxȱ s’adonne,ȱ sinonȱ auxȱ armes?ȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ Jeȱ croisȱ queȱ lesȱ deuxȱ tiers
26
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ472:ȱ“Jeȱvoioisȱcroistreȱdeȱjourȱenȱjourȱleȱmal,ȱetȱneȱvoioisȱpersonneȱquiȱse
monstratȱpourȱleȱRoi.ȱJ’oioisȱdireȱaussiȱqueȱlaȱpluspartȱdeȱtousȱceuxȱquiȱseȱmesloyentȱdesȱfinances
estoyentȱdeȱcesteȱreligion,ȱcarȱleȱnaturelȱdeȱl’hommeȱestȱd’aimerȱlesȱnouveautez;ȱetȱleȱpis,ȱd’oùȱest
procédéȱtoutȱleȱmalȬheur,ȱqueȱlesȱgensȱdeȱjusticeȱauxȱparlemens,ȱseneschaucéesȱetȱautresȱjuges
abandonnoientȱlaȱreligionȱancienneȱetȱduȱRoyȱpourȱprendreȱlaȱnouvelle.”ȱUneȱquestionȱreste
(malicieusement?)ȱenȱsuspend:ȱpassentȬilsȱàȱlaȱRéformeȱenȱraisonȱd’unȱ“naturel”ȱdéjàȱfaible,ȱou
estȬceȱceȱchangementȱdeȱreligionȱquiȱlesȱaffaiblitȱensuite?ȱLeȱrôleȱimportantȱdesȱgensȱdeȱjustice
dansȱlaȱdiffusionȱdeȱlaȱRéformeȱavaitȱétéȱégalementȱtrèsȱcritiquéȱparȱRonsard,ȱquiȱreprochaitȱaux
“jugesȱ desȱ cités”ȱ leurȱ laxismeȱ et,ȱ bienȱ pire,ȱ leurȱ “connivence”ȱ avecȱ “leȱ Huguenotȱ mutin,
l’heretiqueȱmechant”:ȱvoirȱDiscoursȱdesȱMisèresȱdeȱceȱTemps,ȱéd.ȱMalcolmȱSmithȱ(Genève:ȱDroz,
1979),ȱ 127–28ȱ (Remonstranceȱ auȱ peupleȱ deȱ France,ȱ v.ȱ 451–68).ȱ Ceȱ rôleȱ estȱ bienȱ attestéȱ parȱ les
historiens,ȱmêmeȱsiȱMonlucȱleȱsurévalueȱsansȱdouteȱàȱdessein:ȱvoirȱparȱexempleȱArletteȱJouanna,
LaȱFranceȱduȱXVIeȱsiècleȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,ȱ1996),ȱ331.
27
Remarquantȱenȱeffetȱqueȱlesȱ“judicature[s]ȱgrande[s]ȱ[ou]ȱpetite[s]”ȱsont,ȱenȱGuyenne,ȱquasiment
toutesȱentreȱlesȱmainsȱdesȱprotestants,ȱMonlucȱinsisteȱsurȱlesȱfauxȱtémoignages,ȱintimidations
contreȱlesȱcatholiques,ȱ“piperies,ȱrusesȱetȱfinesses”ȱdiversesȱquiȱdétournentȱlaȱjusticeȱauȱprofitȱde
ceuxȱ deȱ laȱ nouvelleȱ religion,ȱ quiȱ neȱ cherchentȱ qu’àȱ gagnerȱ duȱ tempsȱ pourȱ échapperȱ aux
jugementsȱ:ȱvoirȱCommentaires,ȱ486.ȱLaȱrelationȱduȱprocèsȱdeȱCahorsȱ(marsȱ1562),ȱdansȱlequelȱdes
catholiquesȱsontȱjugésȱpourȱavoirȱattaquéȱdesȱprotestants,ȱestȱpourȱMonlucȱl’exempleȱmêmeȱde
ceȱdétournementȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱparȱlaȱRéforme;ȱvoirȱCommentaires,ȱ488–89:ȱ“Ilsȱavoientȱsiȱbienȱfait
qu’ilsȱavoyentȱappelléȱneufȱjugesȱouȱlieutenansȱdesȱsièges,ȱdontȱlesȱsixȱestoyentȱhuguenots,ȱetȱles
troisȱilsȱlesȱavoyentȱsiȱfortȱintimidezȱdeȱleurȱgrandȱpuissanceȱetȱauthoritéȱqu’ilsȱdisoyentȱavoirȱen
leurȱcharge,ȱqueȱnulȱd’euxȱn’osoitȱdireȱsinonȱcommeȱlesȱautres.”
s’amusentȱenȱcesȱpalaisȱetȱplaidoyeries;ȱetȱcependant,ȱencorȱqu’ilsȱayentȱnaturellement
bonȱcœur,ȱavecȱleȱtempsȱs’apoltronisent.ȱCeȱroyaumeȱseroitȱformidableȱauxȱestrangers.
CombienȱseroitȬilȱricheȱetȱopulent!ȱcarȱtouteȱlaȱruineȱdeȱlaȱnoblesseȱneȱvientȱqueȱdes
mauvaisȱconseilsȱqueȱlesȱadvocatsȱdonnentȱauxȱpartiesȱ(620–21).
Ceȱpassageȱestȱintéressantȱdansȱlaȱmesureȱoùȱilȱarticuleȱlaȱpratiqueȱconcrèteȱdu
châtimentȱ chezȱ Monlucȱ àȱ uneȱ réflexionȱ surȱ l’institutionȱ d’uneȱ “justiceȱ toute
nouvelle,ȱjusteȱetȱsaincte”ȱfondéeȱsurȱdeuxȱprincipes:ȱleȱrejetȱduȱdroitȱromainȱ(celui
desȱ“livres,”ȱdesȱloisȱécritesȱetȱdeȱlaȱlongueurȱdesȱprocès)ȱauȱprofitȱdeȱlaȱcoutume
(duȱ côtéȱ deȱ l’oralité,ȱ deȱ laȱ traditionȱ etȱ deȱ laȱ brièveté);ȱ etȱ laȱ diminutionȱ des
“vacations”ȱ judiciaires—ilȱ yȱ aȱ tropȱ d’avocatsȱ dansȱ lesȱ palais—pourȱ libérer
l’énergieȱguerrièreȱdeȱ“cœur[s]ȱnoble[s]ȱetȱgenereux”ȱaptesȱàȱprendreȱlesȱarmesȱau
profitȱdeȱlaȱsauvegardeȱduȱroyaume.ȱ
Leȱsouhaitȱdeȱ voirȱseȱdévelopperȱunȱdroitȱnationalȱ(fondéȱsurȱlaȱcoutumeȱet
l’histoire)ȱmoinsȱprisonnierȱdeȱlaȱcomplexitéȱduȱdroitȱsavantȱestȱpartagéȱparȱun
certainȱnombreȱdeȱjuristesȱgallicansȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱsiècle:28ȱleȱdiscoursȱdeȱMonluc,
quoiqueȱpauvreȱenȱargumentsȱstrictementȱjuridiques,ȱs’inscritȱdoncȱparfaitement
dansȱ unȱ débatȱ d’actualité.ȱ Surtout,ȱ ceȱ discoursȱ prendȱ toutȱ sonȱ sensȱ dansȱ la
compositionȱd’ensembleȱdesȱmémoires:ȱsiȱlaȱcritiqueȱdeȱlaȱ“chicane”ȱ(laȱquerelle
judiciaireȱsansȱfin),ȱunȱdéfautȱtypiquementȱfrançais,ȱestȱunȱlieuȱcommunȱdeȱla
satireȱduȱmondeȱjudiciaire,29ȱelleȱfaitȱiciȱdirectementȱéchoȱàȱlaȱmécaniqueȱnarrative
miseȱenȱplaceȱparȱleȱnarrateurȱdansȱsesȱscènesȱdeȱchâtiment.
Monlucȱtraduitȱenȱeffetȱleȱmécanismeȱidéalȱdeȱceȱqueȱdoitȱêtreȱpourȱluiȱlaȱjustice
enȱtermesȱdeȱmécaniqueȱduȱrécit:ȱsiȱ“nécessitéȱfaitȱloi,”ȱelleȱcommandeȱaussiȱla
narration.30ȱChaqueȱmicroȬrécitȱdeȱchâtimentȱconstitueȱdeȱfaitȱuneȱréponseȱàȱlaȱfois
28
VoirȱparȱexempleȱJeanȬLouisȱThireau,ȱ“Droitȱnationalȱetȱhistoireȱnationale:ȱlesȱrecherchesȱérudites
desȱfondateursȱduȱdroitȱfrançais,”ȱDroitsȱ38ȱ(2003):ȱ37–51ȱetȱJeanȬLouisȱGazzaniga,ȱ“Rédactionȱdes
coutumesȱetȱcodification,”ȱDroitsȱ26ȱ(1997):ȱ71–80.
29
VoirȱnotammentȱMichelȱdeȱMontaigne,ȱEssaisȱ[1595],ȱII,ȱ12,ȱéd.ȱDenisȱBjaï,ȱBénédicteȱBoudou,ȱJean
CéardȱetȱIsabelleȱPantinȱ(Paris:ȱLibrairieȱGénéraleȱFrançaiseȱ–ȱ“LaȱPochotèque,”ȱ2001),ȱ902:ȱ“Les
avocatsȱetȱlesȱjugesȱdeȱnotreȱtemps,ȱtrouventȱàȱtoutesȱcauses,ȱassezȱdeȱbiaisȱpourȱlesȱaccommoder
oùȱbonȱleurȱsemble.ȱAȱuneȱscienceȱsiȱinfinie,ȱdépendantȱdeȱl’autoritéȱdeȱtantȱd’opinions,ȱetȱd’un
sujetȱsiȱarbitraire,ȱilȱneȱpeutȱêtre,ȱqu’ilȱn’enȱnaisseȱuneȱconfusionȱextrêmeȱdeȱjugements.ȱAussi
n’estȬilȱguèreȱsiȱclairȱprocès,ȱauquelȱlesȱavisȱneȱseȱtrouventȱdivers:ȱceȱqu’uneȱcompagnieȱaȱjugé,
l’autreȱleȱjugeȱauȱcontraire,ȱetȱelleȬmêmeȱauȱcontraireȱuneȱautreȱfois.ȱDeȱquoiȱnousȱvoyonsȱdes
exemplesȱordinaires,ȱparȱcetteȱlicence,ȱquiȱtacheȱmerveilleusementȱlaȱcérémonieuseȱautoritéȱet
lustreȱdeȱnotreȱjustice,ȱdeȱneȱs’arrêterȱauxȱarrêts,ȱetȱcourirȱdesȱunsȱauxȱautresȱjuges,ȱpourȱdécider
d’uneȱ mêmeȱ cause.”ȱ Siȱ Montaigneȱ neȱ cesseȱ deȱ critiquerȱ l’abondanceȱ contradictoireȱ desȱ lois
françaises,ȱlaȱvénalitéȱdesȱavocats,ȱetȱleȱbavardageȱstérileȱdesȱprocès,ȱonȱnoteraȱtoutefoisȱque,
contrairementȱ àȱ Monluc,ȱ ilȱ plaideȱ aussiȱ pourȱ uneȱ justiceȱ sansȱ cruauté:ȱ voirȱ Pierreȱ Michel,
“L’hommeȱdeȱcolèreȱetȱl’hommeȱdeȱpaix!ȱMonluc,ȱMontaigne,”ȱBulletinȱdeȱlaȱSociétéȱdesȱAmisȱde
Montaigneȱ2ȱ(1972),ȱ51–66,ȱetȱdansȱleȱprésentȱvolumeȱlaȱcontributionȱdeȱDenisȱBjaï.
30
ClaudeȬGilbertȱ Duboisȱ établitȱ égalementȱ uneȱ analogieȱ entreȱ l’habiletéȱ tactiqueȱ deȱ Monlucȱ en
termesȱmilitaires,ȱetȱsonȱhabiletéȱtactiqueȱenȱtermesȱdeȱcompositionȱnarrativeȱdesȱscènesȱdeȱguerre:
voirȱ “Laȱ ruptureȱ duȱ pontȱ deȱ PortȬSainteȬMarieȱ (1569)ȱ d’aprèsȱ lesȱ Commentairesȱ deȱ Monluc,”
pragmatiqueȱetȱenȱquelqueȱsorteȱcontrainte,ȱobligée,ȱàȱl’incurieȱjudiciaire.ȱSiȱl’idée
deȱ“nécessité,”ȱmaintesȱfoisȱrappeléeȱparȱMonlucȱauȱcoursȱdeȱsaȱchronique,31ȱest
unȱargumentȱsouventȱutiliséȱparȱlesȱcriminelsȱdeȱguerre—adopterȱlaȱsolutionȱla
moinsȱ pireȱ pourȱ unȱ résultatȱ plusȱ rapideȱ etȱ uneȱ plusȱ grandeȱ efficacité—elleȱ se
traduitȱaussiȱdansȱl’ordreȱduȱrécitȱparȱlaȱmiseȱenȱplaceȱd’uneȱmêmeȱscénographie
duȱchâtimentȱarticulantȱuneȱtemporalitéȱspécifiqueȱetȱlaȱmaîtriseȱd’unȱespace.ȱ
Dansȱl’ordreȱduȱtemps,ȱonȱl’aȱvu,ȱMonlucȱinsisteȱsurȱlaȱrapiditéȱd’exécutionȱdu
châtimentȱ quiȱ n’estȱ pasȱ uneȱ précipitationȱ (l’auteurȱ insisteȱ opportunémentȱ à
d’autresȱendroitsȱdeȱsesȱmémoiresȱsurȱleȱfaitȱqu’ilȱsaitȱattendre)ȱmaisȱl’équivalent
dansȱl’ordreȱjudiciaireȱdeȱlaȱvertuȱguerrièreȱdeȱ“diligence,”ȱmélangeȱdeȱvitesseȱet
deȱprécision,ȱcapacitéȱd’anticipationȱdeȱl’actionȱennemie.32ȱGagnerȱduȱtempsȱpour
moinsȱs’exposer,ȱenȱrevanche,ȱestȱleȱpropreȱduȱprotestantȱdupliceȱouȱdeȱl’hypocrite
courtisan.33ȱDansȱl’ordreȱdeȱl’espace,ȱonȱnoteraȱlaȱcapacitéȱdeȱMonlucȱàȱadapter
promptementȱ laȱ punitionȱ auȱ lieuȱ oùȱ ilȱ seȱ trouve—improvisantȱ uneȱ formeȱ de
décorumȱjudiciaireȱauxȱdétailsȱparfoisȱsinistres.ȱ
Leȱcapitaineȱgasconȱromptȱenȱeffetȱavecȱuneȱpratiqueȱancienne:ȱceȱn’estȱplusȱle
suppliceȱquiȱestȱassujettiȱàȱunȱlieuȱprédéterminéȱ(leȱcentreȱdeȱlaȱcité,ȱlaȱplaceȱde
grève,ȱ l’échafaudȱ .ȱ .ȱ .),ȱ maisȱ bienȱ leȱ lieuȱ quiȱ seȱ soumet,ȱ dansȱ l’urgenceȱ deȱ la
situation,ȱ àȱ laȱ nécessitéȱ duȱ supplice.ȱ Laȱ plupartȱ desȱ scènesȱ révèlentȱ ainsi
l’ajustementȱmacabreȱduȱchâtimentȱàȱlaȱconfigurationȱspécifiqueȱduȱsite:ȱ“[poussé]
rudementȱenȱterre”ȱparȱMonluc,ȱleȱpremierȱsuppliciéȱdeȱSaintȬMézardȱ[1]ȱtombe
deȱtelleȱsorteȱqueȱ“sonȱcolȱallaȱjustementȱsurȱleȱmorceauȱdeȱlaȱcroixȱdeȱpierreȱ[du
cimetièreȱ catholique]ȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ queȱ [lesȱ huguenots]ȱ avoientȱ rompue,”ȱ etȱ qu’ilȱ est
aussitôtȱ décapité,ȱ ironieȱ duȱ sort,ȱ surȱ leȱ lieuȱ mêmeȱ deȱ l’exactionȱ deȱ ses
coreligionnairesȱ (484ȱ etȱ 485);ȱ àȱ VillefrancheȬdeȬRouergueȱ [4],ȱ alorsȱ queȱ les
commissairesȱduȱroi—soupçonnésȱd’êtreȱeuxȬmêmesȱprotestants—demandentȱla
“relaxe”ȱdesȱ“séditieux”ȱjugésȱcoupablesȱdeȱpillageȱd’égliseȱparȱdeuxȱconseillers
Monluc,ȱd’Aubigné,ȱdeuxȱépées,ȱdeuxȱplumes,ȱ123–31ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ2).ȱSurȱleȱlienȱentreȱl’”habileȱmontage
rhétorique”ȱduȱrécitȱdeȱguerreȱetȱlesȱnotionsȱdeȱ“compétence,ȱmériteȱetȱreconnaissance,”ȱvoirȱaussi
NadineȱKupertyȬTsur,ȱ“ProfilȱetȱfonctionsȱduȱrécitȱdeȱguerreȱdansȱlesȱCommentairesȱdeȱMonluc,”
LaȱLettreȱetȱleȱRécitȱdeȱguerreȱdansȱlesȱmémoiresȱd’Ancienȱrégime:ȱȱActesȱdesȱjournéesȱd’étudeȱdeȱNantes,
3–4ȱavrilȱ2003,ȱéd.ȱJeanȱGaraponȱ(Tours:ȱUniversitéȱdeȱToursȱ–ȱUFRȱdeȱLettres,ȱ2004),ȱ43–59.
31
VoirȱparȱexempleȱCommentaires,ȱ822:ȱ“Laȱnecessitéȱdeȱlaȱguerreȱnousȱforce,ȱenȱdespitȱdeȱnousȬ
memes,ȱàȱfaireȱmilleȱmaux,ȱetȱfaireȱnonȱplusȱd’estatȱdeȱlaȱvieȱdesȱhommesȱqueȱd’unȱpoulet.”ȱC’est
significativementȱlaȱdernièreȱoccurrenceȱduȱmotȱnécessitéȱdansȱleȱlivre.
32
Voirȱ parȱ exempleȱ Commentaires,ȱ 707:ȱ “Capitaines,ȱ encoresȱ queȱ ceȱ neȱ soitȱ pasȱ icyȱ deȱ grandes
conquestesȱetȱbatailles,ȱsiȱpouvezȬvousȱapprendre,ȱaussiȱbienȱqu’enȱautresȱendroitsȱdeȱmonȱlivre,
deȱquoyȱprofiteȱuneȱgrandeȱdiligenceȱ(jeȱsuisȱtousjoursȱsurȱcesteȱleçon,ȱonȱneȱlaȱvousȱsçauroitȱtrop
repeter),ȱetȱcommeȱilȱfaitȱbonȱhazarderȱquandȱilȱestȱnecessaire.”
33
Surȱlaȱcapacitéȱdesȱprotestantsȱàȱtemporiserȱdansȱlesȱprocès,ȱvoirȱsupraȱn.ȱ27.ȱMonlucȱironiseȱaussi
surȱlesȱcourtisansȱcontrefaisantȱlesȱempressés,ȱalorsȱqu’ilsȱseȱperdentȱenȱbavardagesȱetȱconseils
creux;ȱvoirȱCommentaires,ȱ591:ȱ“Cesȱmessieursȱlesȱcourtisans,ȱquiȱneȱmanièrentȱjamaisȱautreȱferȱque
leursȱorlogesȱetȱmontres,ȱparlentȱcommeȱbonȱleurȱsemblent;ȱilsȱfontȱdesȱdemyȬdieuxȱetȱfontȱles
empressez,ȱcommeȱsiȱrienȱn’estoitȱbienȱfaictȱs’ilȱneȱpassoitȱparȱleurȱteste.”
deȱlaȱcourȱdeȱBordeaux,ȱMonluc,ȱpassantȱoutre,ȱlesȱ“[fait]ȱpendreȱauxȱfenestresȱde
laȱ maisonȱ deȱ laȱ ville”ȱ (495ȱ etȱ 496);ȱ àȱ Girondeȱ [6],ȱ lesȱ prisonniersȱ sontȱ pendus,
lugubreȱcommerce,ȱ“auxȱpiliersȱdeȱlaȱhalle”ȱ(528).ȱDeȱmêmeȱqueȱleȱbonȱchefȱde
guerreȱsaitȱs’adapterȱ auȱ terrainȱ(êtreȱ mobileȱetȱrapide),ȱdeȱmême,ȱl’hommeȱde
justiceȱdoitȱpouvoirȱs’adapterȱàȱlaȱscèneȱimproviséeȱd’unȱsupplice.
Ceȱ queȱ permetȱ enȱ faitȱ auȱ capitaineȬjusticier—etȱ aprèsȱ lui,ȱ auȱ narrateur—la
maîtriseȱdeȱl’espaceȬtempsȱdeȱlaȱscèneȱjudiciaire,ȱc’estȱbienȱdeȱproduireȱàȱtravers
sonȱactionȱrépressiveȱdesȱmarquesȱouȱempreintesȱdirectementȱperceptiblesȱdeȱla
justiceȱroyale.ȱLoinȱdesȱ“sentences”ȱetȱ“escritures”ȱdesȱprocèsȱouȱdesȱplaidoiries
infiniesȱdesȱavocatsȱ(quiȱbrouillentȱleȱmessage),ȱleȱlangageȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱdoitȱêtre
immédiatementȱlisibleȱetȱtransparent.ȱCeȱquiȱidéalementȱdoitȱcaractériserȱlaȱjustice
duȱroi,ȱc’estȱsaȱsimplicité:ȱévoquantȱsonȱentrepriseȱdeȱpacificationȱdeȱlaȱGuyenne
aprèsȱlaȱsignatureȱdeȱlaȱpaixȱd’Amboiseȱ(15ȱmarsȱ1563),ȱMonlucȱconclutȱsurȱla
réussiteȱdeȱcetteȱactionȱparȱuneȱsimpleȱéquivalence:ȱ“Bref,ȱleȱRoyȱyȱestoitȱrecongnu
etȱ laȱ justiceȱ obéye”ȱ (581).ȱ Leȱ châtimentȱ relèveȱ alorsȱ d’uneȱ formeȱ d’éloquence
naturelleȱ(celleȱ queȱ Monlucȱmanifesteȱaussiȱbienȱdansȱsesȱdiscoursȱauprèsȱdes
coursȱsouverainesȱqueȱdansȱl’écritureȱdesȱmémoires34),ȱlaquelleȱproduitȱpourȱtous
unȱsigneȱévident:ȱalorsȱqu’ilȱvientȱdeȱfaireȱprisonniersȱ“soixanteȱouȱquatreȬvingt
huguenots”ȱàȱGirondeȱ[6],ȱMonlucȱprendȱsoinȱensuiteȱdeȱpréciser,
Etȱm’enȱallayȱlà,ȱlesquelzȱfeysȱtousȱpendreȱauxȱpiliersȱdeȱlaȱhalle,ȱsansȱautreȱceremonie,
quiȱdonnaȱuneȱpeurȱsiȱgrandeȱparȱtoutȱleȱpaysȱqu’ilsȱabandonnarentȱtoutȱleȱlongȱdeȱla
rivièreȱdeversȱMarmandeȱetȱToneinsȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.].ȱOnȱpouvoitȱcognoistreȱparȱlàȱoùȱj’estoie
passé,ȱ carȱ parȱ lesȱ arbres,ȱ surȱ lesȱ chemins,ȱ onȱ enȱ trouvoitȱ lesȱ enseignes.ȱ Unȱ pendu
estonnoitȱplusȱqueȱcentȱtuezȱ(529).
AuȬdelàȱduȱprincipeȱdeȱlaȱguerreȱpsychologiqueȱetȱdeȱl’effetȱdeȱsignature,ȱMonluc
utiliseȱleȱcorpsȱduȱsuppliciéȱcommeȱ“enseigne”35ȱtangibleȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱduȱroi:ȱà
Terraubeȱ [9],ȱ enȱ représaillesȱ d’unȱ piègeȱ tenduȱ àȱ Monlucȱ parȱ lesȱ assiégésȱ de
Lectoureȱsousȱcouvertȱdeȱvouloirȱparlementer,ȱlesȱprisonniersȱsontȱtués,ȱleȱchef
pendu,ȱetȱtousȱlesȱcorpsȱ“[jetés]ȱdansȱleȱpuyȱdeȱlaȱville,ȱquiȱestoitȱfortȱprofond,ȱet
s’enȱremplitȱtout,ȱdeȱsorteȱqueȱl’onȱlesȱpouvoitȱtoucherȱavecȱlaȱmain”ȱ(552);ȱpuis
34
Monlucȱ assumeȱ sonȱ styleȱ soldatesque,ȱ maisȱ enȱ constateȱ aussiȱ l’efficace;ȱ voirȱ parȱ exemple
Commentaires,ȱ654:ȱ“Etȱcroyȱqueȱc’estȱuneȱtrèsȬbelleȱpartieȱàȱunȱcapitaineȱqueȱdeȱbienȱdire.ȱJeȱn’ay
pasȱestéȱnourryȱpourȱcestȱeffect;ȱmaisȱencorȱayȬjeȱeuȱceȱbonheurȱdeȱpouvoirȱexprimerȱenȱtermeȱde
soldatsȱceȱqueȱj’avoisȱàȱdireȱavecȱassésȱdeȱvéhémence,ȱquiȱsentoitȱleȱpaysȱd’oùȱjeȱsuisȱsorty.ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]
Etȱcroyȱqu’unȱhommeȱquiȱaȱleuȱetȱretenuȱestȱplusȱcapableȱd’executerȱdeȱbellesȱentreprinsesȱqu’un
autre.ȱSiȱj’enȱeusseȱeu,ȱj’enȱeusseȱfaitȱmonȱproffit;ȱencorȱavoisȬjeȱassésȱdeȱnaturelȱpourȱpersuader
leȱsoldatȱdeȱvenirȱauȱcombat.”ȱSurȱl’importanceȱdesȱdiscoursȱdansȱlesȱCommentaires,ȱnotamment
devantȱlaȱcourȱsouveraineȱdeȱBordeauxȱetȱlesȱnotablesȱagenais,ȱvoirȱinfraȱn.ȱ51ȱetȱ52.
35
Monlucȱjoueȱsansȱdouteȱvolontairementȱdesȱmultiplesȱsensȱduȱmotȱenseigneȱqui,ȱdansȱlaȱlangue
françaiseȱduȱXVIeȱsiècle,ȱsignifieȱentreȱautresȱ“drapeau,ȱétendardȱ(dansȱleȱlangageȱmilitaire)”ȱet
“signe,ȱceȱquiȱestȱmanifesté,ȱmanifestation.”ȱL’analogieȱentreȱvertusȱguerrièresȱetȱvertusȱjudiciaires
estȱprésenteȱauȱcœurȱmêmeȱduȱlexique.
quatreȱhuguenotsȱdeȱLectoureȱsontȱ“[pendus]ȱenȱunȱnoyerȱprèsȱdeȱlaȱville,ȱàȱla
veuëȱdesȱennemis”ȱ(id.).ȱContreȱlesȱhuguenotsȱcachésȱderrièreȱleurȱ“mine”ȱ(590)
duplice,ȱMonlucȱfaitȱtoucherȱetȱvoirȱlaȱjusticeȱroyale.ȱCeȱfaisant,ȱilȱrépondȱaussiȱaux
“tristesȱ marques”ȱ (535)ȱ laisséesȱ partoutȱ parȱ lesȱ ennemisȱ duȱ royaume:ȱ églises
pillées,ȱvillagesȱdévastés,ȱfamillesȱcatholiquesȱmassacrées.ȱ
Pourȱautant,ȱleȱrécitȱneȱmentionneȱaucunȱréelȱacharnementȱsymboliqueȱsurȱles
corpsȱtraduisantȱceȱqueȱDenisȱCrouzetȱappelleȱ“laȱportéeȱsacraleȱdesȱviolences
catholiques”ȱdansȱleȱcontexteȱdesȱchâtimentsȱcollectifsȱetȱpopulaires,ȱorchestrés
notammentȱparȱlaȱLigueȱàȱParis.36ȱDansȱleȱrécitȱproposéȱparȱMonluc,ȱleȱcorpsȱde
l’adversaireȱestȱàȱlaȱfoisȱprésentȱetȱabsent:ȱilȱs’agitȱdeȱmontrerȱsimplementȱunȱsigne
deȱ laȱ justiceȱ duȱ roi,ȱ sansȱ engagementȱ dansȱ uneȱ mystiqueȱ duȱ symboleȱ qui
renverraitȱ àȱ laȱ colèreȱ deȱ Dieu.37ȱ Lesȱ “enseignes”ȱ laisséesȱ parȱ Monlucȱ sontȱ des
“signesȱ duȱ roi”ȱ plusȱ queȱ desȱ “signesȱ deȱ Dieu,”38ȱ mêmeȱ s’ilȱ invoqueȱ iciȱ ouȱ là
l’autoritéȱdivineȱpourȱjustifierȱsonȱaction;39ȱdeȱfait,ȱmalgréȱsesȱréticencesȱàȱl’égard
duȱfondȱmêmeȱdesȱéditsȱroyauxȱ(qu’ilȱjugeȱtropȱtolérants),ȱsonȱactionȱvaȱbienȱdans
leȱsensȱd’unȱrenforcementȱdeȱl’autoritéȱjudiciaireȱduȱroiȱàȱlaȱfinȱduȱsiècle,ȱunique
etȱexclusive,ȱcontreȱlaȱdispersionȱdeȱtoutesȱlesȱautoritésȱlocalesȱouȱrégionales.40ȱLa
justiceȱ estȱ uneȱ affaireȱ d’hommes,ȱ l’exerciceȱ duȱ châtimentȱ engageȱ dansȱ des
situationsȱ concrètesȱ dontȱ ilȱ fautȱ pouvoirȱ assumerȱ dansȱ laȱ pratiqueȱ toutesȱ les
dimensions:ȱc’estȱdoncȱàȱpartirȱdeȱl’ethosȱrenouveléȱdeȱl’hommeȱdeȱloiȱqueȱMonluc
36
DenisȱCrouzet,ȱ“Imaginaireȱduȱcorpsȱetȱviolenceȱauxȱtempsȱdesȱtroublesȱdeȱreligion,”ȱLeȱCorpsȱà
laȱRenaissance.ȱActesȱduȱXXXeȱcolloqueȱdeȱToursȱ[2–11ȱjuilletȱ1987],ȱéd.ȱJeanȱCéard,ȱMarieȱMadeleine
FontaineȱetȱJeanȬClaudeȱMargolinȱ(Paris:ȱAuxȱAmateurs,ȱ1990),ȱ115–27;ȱiciȱ116.ȱSurȱlaȱ“violence
mystique”ȱetȱleȱ“prophétismeȱpanique”ȱdesȱcatholiquesȱdurantȱlesȱguerresȱdeȱreligion,ȱvoirȱsurtout
duȱmêmeȱLesȱGuerriersȱdeȱDieu:ȱlaȱviolenceȱauȱtempsȱdesȱguerresȱdeȱreligionȱ(versȱ1525Ȭversȱ1610).ȱLes
ClassiquesȱdeȱChampȱVallonȱ(1990;ȱSeyssel:ȱChampȱVallon,ȱ2005).
37
Unȱrareȱexempleȱd’acharnementȱestȱceluiȱdesȱsoldatsȱdeȱMonlucȱ(nonȱdeȱMonlucȱluiȬmême)ȱcontre
leȱ corpsȱ duȱ dénomméȱ Brusquin,ȱ maisȱ sansȱ aucuneȱ référenceȱ àȱ uneȱ dimensionȱ sacrale:ȱ voir
Commentaires,ȱ677.
38
Surȱcetteȱnotion,ȱoutreȱlesȱtravauxȱdeȱDenisȱCrouzetȱmentionnésȱn.ȱ36,ȱvoirȱMyriamȱYardeni,
“GuerreȱdeȱpropagandeȱetȱsignesȱdeȱDieuȱàȱl’époqueȱdeȱlaȱligue,”ȱLesȱsignesȱdeȱDieuȱauxȱXVIeȱet
XVIIeȱ siècles.ȱ Actesȱ duȱ colloqueȱ deȱ ClermontȬFerrand,ȱ éd.ȱ Guyȱ Demersonȱ etȱ Bernardȱ Dompnier
(ClermontȬFerrand:ȱAssociationȱdesȱPublicationsȱdeȱlaȱFacultéȱdesȱlettresȱetȱsciencesȱhumainesȱde
ClermontȬFerrand,ȱ1993),ȱ102–12.
39
Voirȱ parȱ exempleȱ Commentaires,ȱ 521:ȱ “Parȱ làȱ onȱ pouvoitȱ jugerȱ queȱ [lesȱ protestants]ȱ estoient
maistresȱ deȱ laȱ campagne,ȱ puisqu’ilsȱ osoientȱ menerȱ leȱ canon;ȱ etȱ siȱ Dieuȱ neȱ m’eustȱ inspiréȱ à
m’opposerȱàȱeuxȱetȱfaireȱpendreȱceuxȱquiȱtomboientȱentreȱmesȱmains,ȱjeȱcroyȱqueȱtoutȱleȱpays
estoitȱ perdu,ȱ carȱ laȱ douceurȱ deȱ Monsieurȱ deȱ Burieȱ [=ȱ lieutenantȱ généralȱ duȱ roiȱ enȱ Guyenne]
n’estoitȱpasȱdeȱsaison.”ȱMaisȱinvoquerȱDieuȱpourȱlégitimerȱsonȱactionȱestȱunȱprocédéȱplutôtȱbanal
àȱl’époque;ȱMonlucȱn’enȱabuseȱpas,ȱetȱassocieȱrarementȱcesȱmentionsȱd’unȱ“Dieuȱpartisan”ȱàȱune
véhémenceȱmystique,ȱcommeȱchezȱbeaucoupȱd’autresȱauteursȱcatholiques;ȱenȱceȱsens,ȱnousȱne
souscrivonsȱpasȱentièrementȱauȱjugementȱdeȱDenisȱCrouzetȱanalysantȱleȱsongeȱprophétiqueȱde
MonlucȱdansȱLesȱGuerriersȱdeȱDieu,ȱ451–54ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ36).
40
VoirȱsurȱceȱpointȱlaȱtrèsȱsuggestiveȱétudeȱdeȱPennyȱRoberts,ȱ“RoyalȱAuthorityȱandȱJusticeȱduring
theȱFrenchȱReligiousȱWars,”ȱPastȱandȱPresentȱ184.1ȱ(2004):ȱ3–32.
vaȱ chercherȱ àȱ penserȱ uneȱ nouvelleȱ praxisȱ deȱ laȱ justice—uneȱ formeȱ d’utopie
judiciaire?
Justiceȱd’exceptionȱouȱutopieȱjudiciaire?ȱL’ethosȱ
duȱcapitaineȬjusticier
Enȱplaçantȱsonȱactionȱdeȱjusticeȱsousȱleȱsigneȱdeȱlaȱnécessité,ȱMonlucȱs’impose
commeȱ unȱ acteurȱ indispensableȱ deȱ laȱ justiceȱ royale.ȱ Bienȱ plus,ȱ enȱ évitant
soigneusementȱ deȱ développerȱ ouȱ d’embellirȱ lesȱ microȬrécitsȱ deȱ châtiment,ȱ en
suggérantȱqueȱceuxȬciȱseȱrattachentȱdeȱmanièreȱimprévueȱàȱlaȱlogiqueȱduȱrécitȱde
guerreȱ traditionnel,ȱ ilȱ seȱ présenteȱ luiȬmêmeȱ commeȱ uneȱ figureȱ surprenanteȱ et
originaleȱ duȱ mondeȱ judiciaire—maisȱ uneȱ figureȱ toujoursȱ centraleȱ grâceȱ à
l’omniprésenceȱdeȱl’énonciateurȱdansȱlesȱCommentaires.ȱApteȱàȱprendreȱenȱcharge,
grâceȱàȱlaȱdynamiqueȱdeȱl’écritureȱautobiographique,ȱuneȱmultiplicitéȱdeȱrôlesȱqui
sontȱ autantȱ d’inscriptionsȱ dansȱ l’histoireȱ desȱ guerresȱ civilesȱ (chefȱ deȱ guerre,
négociateur,ȱ diplomate,ȱ orateur,ȱ gestionnaire,ȱ maîtreȱ ouȱ pédagogueȱ enȱ art
militaire,ȱpèreȱdeȱsoldat,ȱfrèreȱd’armes,ȱetc.),ȱilȱseȱcomposeȱaussiȱpeuȱàȱpeuȱune
identitéȱ d’hommeȱ deȱ loi.ȱ Loinȱ d’êtreȱ revendiquéeȱ explicitement,ȱ cetteȱ identité
judiciaireȱseȱdéfinitȱd’abordȱparȱdéfautȱdansȱleȱcontrasteȱsaisissantȱquiȱoppose
Monlucȱauxȱavocatsȱouȱauxȱjugesȱquiȱapparaissentȱauxȱdétoursȱdesȱmémoires,ȱet
sontȱ presqueȱ systématiquementȱ l’objetȱ deȱ vivesȱ critiques.ȱ Laȱ digressionȱ surȱ la
réformeȱ deȱ laȱ justice,ȱ citéeȱ plusȱ haut,ȱ s’achevaitȱ naturellementȱ surȱ uneȱ satire
généraleȱdesȱavocatsȱ“[s’amusant]ȱenȱcesȱpalaisȱetȱplaidoyeries”ȱetȱ“[donnant]ȱaux
partiesȱ[de]ȱmauvaisȱconseils.”ȱÀȱlaȱfinȱduȱmêmeȱlivreȱVI,ȱleȱportraitȱchargeȱde
l’avocatȱtoulousainȱCharlesȱduȱSaultȱinsisteȱsurȱlaȱ“méchanceté”ȱ(c’estȬàȬdireȱla
malveillance)ȱpropreȱàȱcetteȱ“vacation:”
EtȱceȱbonȱadvocatȱduȱSaultȱestoitȱleȱpremierȱquiȱpublioitȱmesȱlouangesȱparȱtouteȱla
courtȱ[i.ȱe.,ȱdeȱjustice]ȱetȱville;ȱetȱasteure,ȱàȱsonȱdire,ȱjeȱneȱsuysȱqueȱungȱpillartȱetȱung
larron.ȱCarȱd’unȱmeschantȱl’onȱn’enȱpeultȱtirerȱqueȱtouteȱmeschanceté,ȱdeȱlàȱ oùȱ la
plupartȱdesȱgensȱdeȱsonȱpoilȱsontȱtaichésȱ(678).
IndépendammentȱduȱdifférendȱquiȱopposeȱMonlucȱàȱduȱSault,41ȱonȱnoteraȱiciȱla
virulenceȱd’uneȱcritiqueȱélargieȱàȱtouteȱlaȱprofession—l’auteurȱjouantȱdeȱl’image
duȱcolȱfourréȱemblématiqueȱdeȱl’habitȱdesȱhommesȱdeȱloiȱ(“desȱgensȱdeȱsonȱpoil”),
41
VoirȱCommentairesȱ1321ȱn.ȱ4:ȱ“DuȱSaultȱfutȱchargé,ȱleȱ28ȱavrilȱ1570,ȱdeȱporterȱauȱroiȱlesȱdoléances
duȱParlementȱdeȱBordeauxȱcontreȱl’inactionȱdeȱMonluc.”
propiceȱàȱdesȱjeuxȱdeȱmotsȱtopiquesȱsurȱl’engagementȱ“fourré”ȱ(deȱpureȱforme)ȱde
cetteȱprofession.42
Lesȱrécitsȱdeȱchâtimentȱs’inscriventȱdoncȱnonȱseulementȱdansȱleȱcadreȱd’uneȱcrise
judiciaireȱgénéralisée,ȱmaisȱaussiȱdansȱleȱcadreȱplusȱsocialȱdeȱlaȱconcurrenceȱentre
gensȱ deȱ “robeȱ courte”ȱ (laȱ noblesseȱ d’épée,ȱ àȱ laquelleȱ appartientȱ évidemment
Monluc)ȱetȱgensȱdeȱ“robeȱlongue”ȱ(laȱnoblesseȱplusȱrécenteȱforméeȱauȱdroit43)ȱdans
laȱmainmiseȱsurȱlesȱ“officesȱdeȱjudicature,”ȱautrementȱditȱlesȱofficesȱdeȱjustice
accordésȱ parȱ leȱ roi.ȱ Cetteȱ concurrenceȱ apparaîtȱ explicitementȱ dansȱ une
comparaisonȱàȱtraversȱlaquelleȱl’auteurȱseȱdéfend,ȱenȱtantȱqueȱsoldatȱetȱchef,ȱde
vouloirȱprolongerȱlaȱguerreȱpourȱleȱplaisir:
Onȱdictȱqueȱnousȱmesmes,ȱquiȱportonsȱlesȱarmes,ȱentretenonsȱlaȱguerreȱetȱvoulons
alongerȱlaȱcouroye,ȱcommeȱonȱfaitȱauxȱpalaisȱlesȱprocès.ȱLeȱdiableȱemporteraȱtout.ȱSi
n’ayȬjeȱjamaisȱeuȱcesteȱintention,ȱpouvantȱdireȱavecȱlaȱveritéȱqu’ilȱn’yȱaȱlieutenantȱde
royȱenȱFranceȱquiȱaitȱplusȱfaictȱpasserȱd’huguenotsȱparȱleȱcouteauȱouȱparȱlaȱcordeȱque
moy.ȱCeȱn’estoitȱpasȱvouloirȱentretenirȱlaȱguerreȱ(737).
Deuxȱmanièresȱdeȱfaireȱjusticeȱs’opposentȱnettementȱici,ȱdontȱuneȱseulementȱse
veutȱ efficaceȱ enȱ cesȱ tempsȱ exceptionnelsȱ deȱ guerreȱ civile.ȱ Maisȱ c’estȱ dansȱ la
remontranceȱfinaleȱauȱroiȱqu’apparaîtȱl’argumentȱcentralȱdeȱlaȱcritique,ȱMonluc
rappelantȱfermementȱauȱmonarqueȱsonȱdevoirȱdeȱvigilanceȱetȱdeȱjugementȱdans
laȱdistributionȱdesȱofficesȱdeȱjustice:
Sire,ȱ quandȱ Vostreȱ Majestéȱ bailleȱ unȱ officeȱ deȱ présidentȱ ouȱ conseiller,ȱ lieutenant
generalȱouȱquelqueȱautreȱofficeȱdeȱjudicature,ȱvousȱvousȱreservezȱqu’ilsȱneȱpourront
exercerȱlaȱchargeȱqu’ilsȱneȱsoyentȱexaminezȱparȱvosȱparlements,ȱpleinsȱd’hommesȱfort
sçavans;ȱetȱbienȱsouventȱvousȱordonnezȱqueȱvostreȱchancellierȱlesȱexamineraȱavantȱque
lesȱparlemensȱlesȱvoyent,ȱafinȱqu’ilsȱjugentȱs’ilsȱsontȱcapablesȱetȱqu’ilsȱneȱpuissentȱerrer
auȱ jugementȱ desȱ procezȱ deȱ vosȱ subjects,ȱ etȱ queȱ leȱ droictȱ soitȱ renduȱ àȱ quiȱ il
appartiendra.ȱ C’estȱ uneȱ choseȱ bonneȱ etȱ juste,ȱ Sire,ȱ carȱ vousȱ nousȱ devezȱ laȱ justice
droicteȱetȱauȱpoisȱdeȱlaȱbalance;ȱc’estȱlaȱpremièreȱchoseȱqueȱvousȱnousȱdevezȱ(801).
Onȱneȱsauraitȱfaireȱplusȱbelȱélogeȱduȱroiȱgarantȱdeȱtouteȱjustice,ȱparȱl’excellenceȱde
sonȱchoix,ȱetȱparȱl’efficacitéȱ(théorique)ȱdesȱdifférentesȱinstancesȱdeȱcontrôleȱetȱde
vérificationȱdeȱceȱchoix.ȱMaisȱloinȱd’évoquerȱleȱproblèmeȱendémiqueȱdeȱlaȱvénalité
42
EstȬceȱleȱcasȱlorsȱdeȱlaȱpriseȱdeȱMonségurȱ[8]?ȱVoirȱCommentaires,ȱ532:ȱ“Laȱtuerieȱduraȱjusquesȱà
dixȱheuresȱouȱplus,ȱpourceȱqu’onȱlesȱcherchoitȱdansȱlesȱmaisonsȱ;ȱetȱenȱfutȱprinsȱquinzeȱouȱvingt
seulement,ȱlesquelsȱnousȱfismesȱpendre,ȱetȱentreȱautresȱtousȱlesȱofficiersȱduȱRoyȱetȱlesȱconsuls,
avecȱlesȱchapperonsȱsurȱleȱcol.ȱIlȱneȱseȱparloitȱpointȱdeȱrançon,ȱsinonȱpourȱlesȱbourreaux.”ȱLe
chaperonȱ fourréȱ identifieȱ enȱ effetȱ traditionnellementȱ lesȱ docteursȱ enȱ droitȱ (etȱ désigneȱ par
métonymieȱcesȱmêmesȱdocteurs).
43
Peuȱaprèsȱlaȱcritiqueȱdeȱl’avocatȱDuȱSault,ȱMonlucȱconclutȱainsi:ȱ“Cesȱgensȱdeȱrobeȱlongueȱsont
deȱfascheuseȱdesserre,ȱetȱnousȱbatentȱtousjoursȱdeȱleursȱprivilèges”ȱ(Commentaires,ȱ679).
desȱoffices44,ȱMonlucȱsuggèreȱplutôtȱiciȱqueȱlaȱjusticeȱestȱmenacéeȱdeȱdispersion
entreȱlesȱmainsȱdesȱgensȱdeȱ“robeȱcourte,”ȱplusȱenclinsȱàȱmanifesterȱleurȱscience
etȱleurȱéloquenceȱdansȱlesȱpalaisȱqu’àȱrendreȱbonneȱjustice.ȱDansȱunȱpaysȱoù,ȱselon
Monluc,ȱleȱdroitȱestȱparȱessenceȱcoutumier,ȱoùȱseȱsitueȱleȱvraiȱsavoirȱjuridique,ȱqui
peutȱleȱdétenir,ȱquiȱpeutȱenȱfaireȱbénéficierȱl’ensembleȱdesȱjusticiables?ȱMonlucȱne
cesseȱdeȱciblerȱleȱmilieuȱrobin,ȱtoutȱenȱmettantȱenȱgardeȱlaȱvieilleȱnoblesseȱd’épée:
d’unȱ côté,ȱ ilȱ reprocheȱ àȱ celleȬciȱ deȱ neȱ pasȱ suffisammentȱ s’impliquerȱ dansȱ les
chargesȱ deȱ magistratȱ municipal45,ȱ etȱ deȱ l’autre,ȱ ilȱ constateȱ nonȱ sansȱ crainte
l’influenceȱgrandissanteȱdeȱceluiȬlàȱàȱlaȱcour,ȱauȱdétrimentȱdeȱlaȱvraieȱsagesseȱdes
“vieuxȱcapitaines.”46ȱSonȱinquiétudeȱestȱemblématiqueȱdeȱcetteȱpériodeȱtroubleȱde
mutationȱ socialeȱ où,ȱ àȱ laȱ finȱ duȱ siècle,ȱ dansȱ leȱ milieuȱ deȱ laȱ noblesse,ȱ laȱ “robe
longue”ȱ prendȱ peuȱ àȱ peuȱ leȱ pasȱ surȱ laȱ “courte,”ȱ leȱ livreȱ surȱ l’épée,ȱ leȱ cabinet
d’étudeȱsurȱleȱchampȱdeȱbataille,ȱlaȱprocédureȱjudiciaireȱraisonnéeȱsurȱl’antique
instinctȱdeȱjustice47.
Monlucȱ chercheȱ moins,ȱ pourtant,ȱ àȱ maintenirȱ l’oppositionȱ entreȱ cesȱ deux
“estats”ȱdeȱnoblesseȱqu’àȱlesȱfondreȱenȱuneȱseuleȱfigureȱdeȱcapitaineȬjusticier.ȱLa
légitimitéȱd’uneȱtelleȱfigureȱreposeȱnécessairementȱsurȱunȱretourȱauxȱsourcesȱd’une
justiceȱtraditionnelleȱoùȱl’éthiqueȱhéroïqueȱpeutȱseȱconfondreȱnaturellementȱavec
l’éthiqueȱ judiciaire.ȱ Outreȱ saȱ référenceȱ constanteȱ àȱ laȱ coutume,ȱ déjàȱ relevée,
Monlucȱneȱcesseȱdeȱ défendreȱleȱsermentȱetȱl’éloquenceȱnaturelle,ȱdeuxȱformes
emblématiquesȱd’uneȱjusticeȱtraditionnelleȱetȱarchaïque,ȱmarquéesȱparȱl’oralitéȱet
opposéesȱàȱtoutesȱlesȱ“escritures”ȱ(607),ȱenȱparticulierȱlesȱécrituresȱsavantesȱdu
droitȱmoderne.ȱLeȱserment—qui,ȱdansȱleȱcasȱdesȱCommentaires,ȱmériteraitȱàȱluiȱseul
uneȱétudeȱàȱpart—constitueȱlaȱformeȱlaȱplusȱancienneȱdeȱrésolutionȱdesȱlitiges
(lorsqu’ilȱ estȱ assertoire)ȱ etȱ structureȱ fortementȱ lesȱ procéduresȱ judiciaires
44
VoirȱArletteȱLebigre,ȱLaȱjusticeȱduȱroi,ȱ58–83.ȱÀȱceȱproblèmeȱdeȱlaȱvénalitéȱdesȱofficesȱ(instauréeȱpar
FrançoisȱIer)ȱs’ajouteȱsurtoutȱcelui,ȱplusȱépineux,ȱdeȱleurȱpatrimonialité:ȱenȱétantȱtransmisȱdeȱpère
enȱfils,ȱl’officeȱéchappeȱtotalementȱauȱcontrôleȱdeȱl’État.
45
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ685:ȱ“Ilȱfautȱqueȱj’escriveȱenȱpassantȱuneȱchoseȱqueȱj’ayȱtousjoursȱditeȱetȱdiray
tantȱ queȱ jeȱ vivray:ȱ queȱ laȱ noblesseȱ s’estȱ faictȱ grandȱ tortȱ etȱ dommageȱ deȱ desdaignerȱ ainsiȱ les
chargesȱdesȱvilles,ȱprincipalementȱdesȱcapitalesȱcommeȱThoulouseȱetȱBordeausȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.].ȱCar,ȱrefusant
cesȱchargesȱouȱlesȱlaissantȱprendre,ȱlesȱgensȱdeȱvilleȱs’emparentȱdeȱl’auctorité,ȱetȱquandȱnous
arrivons,ȱilȱlesȱfautȱboneterȱetȱleurȱfaireȱlaȱcour.”
46
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ816:ȱ“Puisȱqueȱvousȱ[=ȱleȱducȱd’Anjou]ȱtenezȱsiȱgrandȱlieu,ȱd’oùȱdépendent
toutesȱchargesȱquiȱprocèdentȱdesȱarmes,ȱetȱqu’ilȱfautȱqueȱnousȱtousȱmourionsȱauprèsȱdeȱvousȱpour
leȱserviceȱduȱRoyȱetȱvostre,ȱilȱfautȱqueȱvousȱmettésȱtoutȱvostreȱsoinȱetȱvozȱpensersȱenȱnous,ȱqui
suivonsȱlesȱarmes,ȱcarȱtousȱlesȱautresȱestatsȱneȱparticipentȱrienȱavecȱleȱvostre,ȱdeȱtantȱqueȱtoutȱle
resteȱdependȱdesȱgensȱdeȱrobbeȱlongue;ȱilȱyȱenȱaȱprouȱauȱconseilȱduȱRoy;ȱvousȱn’avezȱrienȱà
desmeslerȱavecȱeux,ȱcarȱonȱdict:ȱquiȱtropȱembrasseȱpeuȱestraint.”
47
VoirȱArletteȱJouanna,ȱ“LaȱnoblesseȱfrançaiseȱetȱlesȱvaleursȱguerrièresȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle,”ȱL’Homme
deȱguerreȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle,ȱ205–17,ȱenȱparticulierȱ213–16ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ9).
traditionnellesȱ (lorsqu’ilȱ estȱ promissoire),ȱ auȱ pointȱ d’êtreȱ omniprésentȱ dansȱ la

justiceȱmédiévale.48ȱ
Deȱmanièreȱsignificative,ȱMonlucȱplaceȱtoutȱsonȱrécitȱdesȱGuerresȱdeȱReligion
sousȱleȱsigneȱd’unȱpremierȱsermentȱquiȱleȱlieȱindéfectiblementȱauȱroi.ȱAlorsȱqueȱles
églisesȱ réformées,ȱ parȱ l’intermédiaireȱ duȱ capitaineȱ Sendat,ȱ luiȱ demandentȱ de
promettreȱdeȱneȱpasȱprendreȱlesȱarmesȱcontreȱelles,ȱilȱrépondȱévidemmentȱenȱdroit
neȱpouvoirȱêtreȱliéȱparȱdeuxȱsermentsȱcontradictoires:ȱ“CommentȱvoulezȬvousȱque
laȱRoyneȱnyȱleȱRoy,ȱquandȱilȱseraȱgrand,ȱmeȱtiennentȱenȱreputationȱd’hommeȱde
bien,ȱveuȱqueȱj’aurayȱfaictȱdeuxȱsermensȱl’unȱcontreȱl’autre”?ȱ(480).ȱLeȱrisqueȱn’est
pasȱ seulementȱ celuiȱ duȱ déshonneur,ȱ maisȱ aussiȱ celuiȱ d’uneȱ désorganisation
complèteȱd’unȱlienȱsocialȱpluriséculaire.49ȱEnȱceȱsens,ȱMonlucȱseȱdistingueȱdes
princesȱetȱseigneursȱcalculateursȱdeȱl’entourageȱduȱroi,ȱcapablesȱdeȱproduireȱde
fauxȱsermentsȱetȱdeȱvainsȱengagements.50ȱ
Àȱl’opposéȱdeȱl’espaceȱcourtisanȱmarquéȱparȱlaȱcorruptionȱduȱlangageȱetȱdeȱla
promesse,ȱlaȱGuyenneȱdevientȱunȱterritoireȱidéaliséȱoùȱlesȱsermentsȱauthentiques
demeurentȱpossibles:ȱMonlucȱsaitȱmettreȱenȱscèneȱlaȱsolennitéȱdeȱsesȱinterventions
devantȱlesȱcoursȱsouverainesȱ(ToulouseȱetȱBordeaux)ȱouȱlesȱnotablesȱdesȱvilles
(Agen),ȱàȱtraversȱlesquellesȱestȱcenséȱapparaîtreȱnettementȱleȱlienȱétroitȱentreȱson
éloquenceȱnaturelleȱ(déjàȱévoquée)ȱetȱunȱengagementȱvéridiqueȱpasséȱavecȱces
autoritésȱurbaines.ȱÀȱBordeaux,ȱMonlucȱconvaincȱlesȱjuratsȱdeȱprendreȱlesȱarmes
etȱdeȱmobiliserȱlaȱvilleȱcontreȱlaȱmenaceȱduȱprinceȱdeȱCondéȱetȱdesȱProvençaux,
soulignantȱl’efficacitéȱimmédiateȱdeȱsaȱ“remonstrance,”51ȱenȱdépit,ȱouȱplutôtȱgrâce
àȱlaȱforceȱdeȱpersuasionȱdeȱsonȱstyleȱsoldatesque.ȱEtȱc’estȱbienȱparȱsermentȱsolennel
qu’ilȱ faitȱ promettreȱ auxȱ Agenaisȱ deȱ neȱ “rienȱ espargner”ȱ pourȱ combattreȱ la
Réforme:52ȱ“Alors,ȱcommeȱj’avoyȱlevéȱlaȱmain,ȱjeȱleurȱfisȱleverȱlaȱleurȱetȱfaireȱle
48
Surȱl’importanceȱduȱsermentȱauȱMoyenȱÂge,ȱvoir:ȱLeȱSerment.ȱI,ȱSignesȱetȱfonctions,ȱéd.ȱRaymond
Verdierȱ(Paris:ȱÉditionsȱduȱCentreȱNationalȱdeȱlaȱRechercheȱScientifique,ȱ1991);ȱSerment,ȱpromesse
etȱengagement:ȱrituelsȱetȱmodalitésȱauȱMoyenȱÂge,ȱéd.ȱFrançoiseȱLaurent.ȱLesȱCahiersȱduȱCRISIMA,
6ȱ(Montpellier:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱlaȱMéditerranée,ȱ2008);ȱetȱOralitéȱetȱlienȱsocialȱauȱMoyen
Âgeȱ (Occident,ȱ Byzance,ȱ Islam):ȱ paroleȱ donnée,ȱ foiȱ jurée,ȱ serment,ȱ éd.ȱ MarieȬFranceȱ Auzépyȱ et
GuillaumeȱSaintȬGuillainȱ(Paris:ȱCentreȱdeȱRechercheȱd’HistoireȱetȱdeȱCivilisationȱdeȱByzance,
2008).
49
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ480:ȱ“QueȱdeviendrayȬjeȱpuisȱaprèsȱqueȱj’aurayȱperduȱmonȱhonneur,ȱmoyȱqui
n’ayȱjamaisȱcombattuȱqueȱpourȱenȱacquerir?ȱJeȱneȱveuxȱpasȱdireȱseulementȱqueȱlesȱgentilshommes
neȱmeȱvoudrontȱveoirȱauprèsȱd’eux,ȱmaisȱlesȱvilainsȱpropresȱneȱmeȱvoudroientȱveoirȱenȱleur
compagnie.”
50
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ587–89.ȱMonlucȱévoqueȱlaȱsignatureȱdeȱlaȱdéclarationȱroyaleȱduȱ18ȱmarsȱ1565,
parȱlaquelleȱlesȱprinces,ȱgrandsȱseigneurs,ȱgouverneurs,ȱetȱcapitainesȱdeȱcompagnieȱjurentȱ“estre
liguezȱpourȱlaȱdeffenceȱdeȱlaȱcouronne”ȱetȱpromettentȱdeȱneȱs’associerȱenȱaucuneȱautreȱligue.
Monluc,ȱprésent,ȱsouligneȱlesȱattitudesȱduplicesȱetȱlesȱfeintises,ȱsiȱbienȱqueȱmalgréȱlesȱ“serments,”
“onȱyȱpeutȱveoirȱdesȱgensȱenȱblancȱetȱenȱnoir,ȱquiȱontȱestéȱparjuresȱàȱbonȱescient”ȱ(589).ȱSurȱla
dégradationȱgénéraleȱdeȱlaȱfoiȱjurée,ȱvoirȱaussiȱCommentaires,ȱ605–06.
51
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ652–53.
52
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ741–42.
mesmeȱsermentȱqueȱj’avoisȱfaict”ȱ(742).ȱLeȱsensȱduȱdétailȱetȱdeȱlaȱgestuelleȱmérite
d’êtreȱsouligné.
Cesȱscènesȱsontȱessentiellesȱdansȱlaȱmesureȱoùȱellesȱconcourentȱàȱrendreȱvisible
l’interventionȱ deȱ l’hommeȱ deȱ guerreȱ dansȱ unȱ lieuȱ oùȱ prévautȱ d’ordinaireȱ le
langageȱ duȱ droit.ȱ Reprenantȱ l’imageȱ deȱ l’hommeȱ deȱ justiceȱ prêtȱ àȱ prendreȱ les
armesȱ(déjàȱutiliséeȱdansȱsaȱdigressionȱcritiqueȱsurȱl’étatȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱduȱroyaume,
étudiéeȱplusȱhaut),ȱMonlucȱinviteȱlesȱjuratsȱbordelaisȱàȱquitterȱlesȱpalaisȱpourȱles
champsȱdeȱbataille,ȱàȱl’exempleȱdesȱ“anciensȱRomains,”ȱàȱlaȱfoisȱ“gensȱdeȱlettres”
etȱcombattants:
Messieurs,ȱleurȱdisȬje,ȱjeȱvoyȱbienȱàȱvozȱvisagesȱqueȱvousȱn’estesȱpasȱhommesȱpour
vousȱlaisserȱbattre.ȱCeuxȱquiȱontȱlaȱbarbeȱetȱlaȱtesteȱblancheȱserontȱpourȱleȱconseil;ȱmais
unȱbonȱnombreȱqueȱjeȱvoyȱicyȱsontȱpropresȱàȱporterȱlaȱpicque.ȱCombienȱpensezȬvous
queȱcelaȱaccourageraȱleȱpeuple,ȱquandȱilȱverraȱceuxȱquiȱontȱpuissanceȱsurȱleurȱbienȱet
surȱleurȱvieȱprendreȱlesȱarmesȱpourȱleurȱdeffence?ȱNulȱn’oseraȱgronder;ȱvozȱennemis
serontȱenȱpeur,ȱquandȱilsȱoyrontȱqueȱlaȱcourȱdeȱParlementȱs’arme;ȱilsȱverrontȱqueȱc’est
àȱbonȱescient.ȱEtȱpuisȱtantȱdeȱjeunesseȱqueȱj’ayȱveuȱdansȱvostreȱsalle,ȱentrantȱcéans,
plusȱpropreȱàȱporterȱunȱcorceletȱqu’uneȱrobbeȱlongueȱ(652–53).
Laȱ simplicitéȱ desȱ oppositionsȱ encadrantȱ leȱ passageȱ (“testeȱ blanche”ȱ versus
“picque”ȱetȱ“corcelet”ȱversusȱ“robbeȱlongue”)ȱpermetȱdeȱmêlerȱefficacementȱdeux
universȱ deȱ valeurs,ȱ auȱ pointȱ deȱ neȱ plusȱ lesȱ distinguer.ȱ L’imageȱ deȱ l’avocatȱ de
parlementȱarméȱfonctionneȱenȱfaitȱàȱlaȱmanièreȱd’unȱmiroir:ȱelleȱimposeȱcomme
incontournable,ȱ enȱ sonȱ reflet,ȱ celleȱ duȱ capitaineȬjusticierȱ avecȱ laquelleȱ veut
s’identifierȱMonluc.ȱDansȱsesȱMémoires,ȱleȱcapitaineȱgasconȱdépasseȱcependantȱla
seuleȱ revendicationȱ d’uneȱ noblesseȱ d’épéeȱ exigeantȱ deȱ neȱ pasȱ êtreȱ cantonnée
uniquementȱ dansȱ lesȱ emploisȱ militaires:53ȱ ilȱ suggère,ȱ bienȱ auȬdelà,ȱ queȱ vertus
guerrièresȱetȱvertusȱjudiciairesȱsontȱlesȱmêmes,ȱqueȱl’ethosȱduȱcapitaineȱaccomplit
pleinementȱl’ethosȱduȱjuge,ȱceȱqu’estȱbienȱsûrȱcenséeȱillustrerȱchaqueȱmicroȬscène
deȱ châtiment.ȱ Lesȱ différentsȱ portraitsȱ éthiquesȱ duȱ soldatȱ généreuxȱ et
vaillant—MonlucȱluiȬmêmeȱouȱd’autresȱcapitaines—dispersésȱdansȱlesȱmémoires
peuventȱdoncȱêtreȱsystématiquementȱsoumisȱàȱuneȱdoubleȱlecture:ȱchaqueȱ“vertu”
guerrièreȱpeutȱtrouverȱsonȱéquivalentȱdansȱl’ordreȱdeȱl’activitéȱjudiciaire—comme
laȱ“diligence,”ȱdéjàȱétudiéeȱplusȱhaut.ȱUnȱportraitȱsynthétiseȱd’autantȱmieux,ȱvers
laȱ finȱ desȱ Commentaires,ȱ cetȱ idéalȱ duȱ capitaineȬjusticier,ȱ qu’ilȱ estȱ dessinéȱ àȱ la
lumièreȱd’AlexandreȱleȱGrandȱetȱdeȱCésar,ȱsubsumantȱdeȱfaitȱl’hommeȱdeȱguerre
etȱl’hommeȱdeȱjusticeȱdansȱl’uniqueȱcatégorieȱduȱ“grandȱhomme:”
53
VoirȱArletteȱJouanna,ȱ“LaȱnoblesseȱfrançaiseȱetȱlesȱvaleursȱguerrièresȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle,”ȱ206ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ
47):ȱ“[Lesȱnobles]ȱestimentȱqu’ilȱestȱdeȱleurȱcompétenceȱdeȱrendreȱlaȱjustice,ȱetȱréclamentȱqueȱdes
chargesȱleurȱsoientȱréservéesȱdansȱlesȱtribunauxȱdeȱbaillageȱouȱdeȱsénéchausséeȱetȱdansȱlesȱcours
souveraines,ȱenȱparticulierȱlesȱParlements;ȱilsȱprotestentȱcontreȱlesȱinutilesȱcomplicationsȱduȱdroit,
queȱlesȱgensȱdeȱrobeȱauraientȱintroduitesȱàȱdesseinȱdansȱleȱbutȱperversȱdeȱ‘bannirȱlaȱnoblesseȱdes
judicatures’,ȱselonȱl’expressionȱdeȱJeanȱdeȱSaulxȬTavanes.”
EnȱvainȱneȱportoitȱpasȱAlexandreȱleȱGrandȱlaȱdiviseȱqueȱj’ayȱdictȱcyȬdevant54.ȱRegardez
lesȱCommentairesȱdeȱCesarȱetȱdeȱtousȱceuxȱquiȱontȱescritȱdeȱluy:ȱvousȱtrouverezȱqu’il
donnaȱenȱsaȱvieȱcinquanteȬdeuxȱbatailles,ȱsansȱenȱperdreȱjamaisȱqueȱcelleȱdeȱDirache;
etȱtrenteȱjoursȱaprèsȱilȱeustȱbienȱsaȱrevencheȱcontreȱPompée,ȱcarȱilȱgaignaȱuneȱgrand
bataille,ȱoùȱilȱleȱdiffit.ȱVousȱneȱtrouverezȱpointȱqu’enȱcesȱcinquanteȬdeuxȱbataillesȱilȱaye
combattuȱdeȱsesȱmainsȱtroisȱfois;ȱetȱparȱlàȱvousȱcognoistrezȱdoncquesȱqueȱtoutesȱses
victoiresȱluyȱsontȱadvenuesȱpourȱestreȱdiligent,ȱvigilant,ȱetȱpromptȱexecuteurȱ(779).
Certes,ȱniȱAlexandreȱniȱCésarȱn’ontȱlaisséȱdeȱtracesȱdansȱl’histoireȱcommeȱgrands
hommesȱ deȱ justiceȱ ouȱ commeȱ modèlesȱ d’équité,ȱ etȱ lesȱ troisȱ qualitésȱ ciȬdessus
mentionnéesȱdeȱdiligence,ȱdeȱvigilanceȱetȱdeȱprompteȱexécutionȱrelèventȱd’abordȱde
l’artȱdeȱlaȱguerre;ȱpourtant,ȱàȱlaȱrelectureȱdesȱdifférentesȱscènesȱdeȱchâtiment,ȱce
sontȱ bienȱ cesȱ troisȱ qualitésȱ quiȱ sont,ȱ explicitementȱ ouȱ moinsȱ explicitement,
largementȱ misesȱ enȱ œuvreȱ dansȱ l’actionȱ deȱ justiceȱ assuméeȱ alorsȱ parȱ Monluc,
laquelleȱrequiertȱunȱsoinȱetȱuneȱapplicationȱactivesȱ(laȱdiligence),ȱuneȱdisposition
àȱrepérerȱetȱidentifierȱleȱcrimeȱ(laȱvigilance),ȱetȱenfinȱuneȱcapacitéȱàȱleȱchâtierȱdans
l’urgenceȱdeȱlaȱsituationȱ(laȱprompteȱexécution).ȱDeȱfait,ȱdansȱchacunȱdesȱmicroȬ
récitsȱdeȱchâtimentȱl’auteurȱdesȱmémoiresȱréaliseȱimplicitementȱuneȱsynthèseȱentre
l’idéalȱbelliqueux,ȱlaȱcompétenceȱjuridiqueȱetȱlaȱperformanceȱjudiciaire.ȱ
Siȱuneȱtelleȱsynthèseȱpeutȱd’abordȱêtreȱperçueȱcommeȱleȱproduitȱ(artificiel)ȱde
l’écritureȱrétrospective,ȱelleȱneȱlaisseraȱpourtantȱpasȱindifférents,ȱquelquesȱannées
aprèsȱlaȱpublicationȱdesȱCommentaires,ȱNicolasȱetȱÉtienneȱPasquier:ȱestȬceȱvraiment
unȱ hasardȱ siȱ sousȱ laȱ plumeȱ deȱ cesȱ deuxȱ éminentsȱ juristesȱ gallicansȱ etȱ robins,
Monlucȱ“n’estȱpasȱseulementȱleȱchampionȱd’uneȱlittératureȱd’épéeȱnationale,ȱmais
joueȱaussiȱpourȱleȱmilieuȱdeȱlaȱrobeȱgallicaneȱleȱrôleȱduȱmodèleȱsocialȱduȱparvenu
honnêteȱetȱméritant”?55ȱLoinȱd’êtreȱsimplementȱpartisan,ȱleȱjugementȱélogieuxȱdes
deuxȱ frèresȱ reflèteȱ laȱ personnalitéȱ complexeȱ deȱ Monluc,ȱ etȱ inviteȱ àȱ relireȱ ses
mémoiresȱcommeȱuneȱœuvreȱcapableȱd’êtreȱéthiquementȱexemplaire,ȱetȱdépassant
laȱdimensionȱdeȱlaȱsimpleȱchroniqueȱmilitaire.
MonlucȱrêveȬtȬilȱsimplementȱuneȱutopieȱjudiciaire?ȱLaȱfigureȱduȱcapitaineȬjusticier
estȬelleȱnécessairementȱchimérique?ȱEnȱunȱsensȱoui,ȱdansȱlaȱmesureȱoùȱl’héroïsme
justicierȱqu’ilȱprôneȱneȱprendȱsensȱqueȱdansȱleȱcontexteȱdifficileȱdesȱGuerresȱde
Religion,ȱoùȱseuleȱuneȱjusticeȱd’exceptionȱviolente,ȱgénéraliséeȱetȱsimplificatrice,
peutȱréellementȱdominerȱleȱdésordreȱcivilȱpourȱfaireȱentendreȱquandȱmêmeȱlaȱvoix
deȱlaȱLoiȱetȱduȱRoi.ȱLaȱremarqueȱquiȱconclutȱlaȱdernièreȱscèneȱdeȱchâtiment,ȱle
54
VoirȱCommentaires,ȱ708:ȱ“ceȱqueȱtuȱpeuxȱfaireȱaujourd’huy,ȱn’attensȱauȱlendemain.”ȱLaȱmême
deviseȱavaitȱdéjàȱétéȱdonnéeȱdansȱdeuxȱautresȱ“remontrances”ȱauxȱcapitainesȱ(188ȱetȱ446).
55
VoirȱDeniseȱCarabin,ȱ“LaȱréceptionȱposthumeȱdesȱCommentairesȱdeȱBlaiseȱdeȱMonlucȱchezȱÉtienne
etȱNicolasȱPasquier:ȱnaissanceȱd’unȱsymboleȱpolitique,”ȱRevueȱd’HistoireȱLittéraireȱdeȱlaȱFranceȱ102
(2002),ȱ179–90;ȱiciȱ190.ȱÉtienneȱPasquierȱcommenteȱl’œuvreȱdeȱMonlucȱdansȱuneȱlettreȱ(publiée
dansȱl’éditionȱposthumeȱdesȱLettres,ȱ1619),ȱetȱNicolasȱdansȱsonȱtraitéȱLeȱgentilhommeȱ(1611).
massacreȱdeȱRabastensȱ[12],ȱsonneȱàȱlaȱfoisȱcommeȱuneȱautoȬjustificationȱunȱpeu
gênée,ȱunȱquasiȱaveuȱd’impuissance,ȱetȱleȱdésirȱpressantȱd’unȱauȬdelàȱdeȱlaȱjustice
d’exception:ȱ “Neȱ pensezȱ pas,ȱ vousȱ quiȱ lirezȱ ceȱ livre,ȱ queȱ jeȱ fisseȱ faireȱ cette
executionȱtantȱpourȱvangerȱmaȱblesseureȱqueȱpourȱdonnerȱespouventeȱàȱtoutȱle
pays,ȱafinȱqu’onȱn’eustȱleȱcœurȱdeȱfaireȱtesteȱàȱnostreȱarméeȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.].ȱEtȱcommeȱilȱfaut
deȱlaȱrigueurȱ(appellezȬlaȱcruauté,ȱsiȱvousȱvoulez),ȱaussiȱfaitȬilȱdeȱl’autreȱcostéȱde
laȱdouceur”ȱ(784).ȱ
Onȱ neȱ sauraitȱ mieuxȱ insisterȱ surȱ leȱ caractèreȱ provisoireȱ etȱ contraintȱ deȱ la
situationȱdeȱguerreȱcivile.ȱPourtant,ȱMonlucȱfaitȱpreuveȱd’uneȱréelleȱluciditéȱdans
sonȱdésirȱdeȱréformeȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱduȱroyaume,ȱidéalementȱfondéeȱsurȱuneȱéthique
renouveléeȱdeȱl’hommeȱdeȱloi,ȱlaȱvalorisationȱd’uneȱéloquenceȱnaturelleȱetȱsincère,
etȱlaȱrevendicationȱd’unȱdroitȱadaptéȱauȱpaysȱ(àȱtraversȱlaȱcoutume).ȱBeaucoupȱdes
ajoutsȱapportésȱparȱMonlucȱàȱlaȱversionȱinitialeȱdeȱsonȱtexteȱ(dansȱlesȱlivresȱVȱàȱVII
duȱmoins)ȱconcernentȱleȱfonctionnementȱdeȱlaȱjustice,ȱparfoisȱdansȱsesȱdétailsȱles
plusȱconcrets:ȱauȱfurȱetȱàȱmesureȱqueȱleȱtempsȱpasse,ȱleȱcadreȱjudiciaireȱprendȱde
l’ampleur,ȱ devientȱ presqueȱ aussiȱ importantȱ queȱ celuiȱ deȱ laȱ guerre,ȱ s’inscrit
légitimementȱdansȱlesȱdébatsȱduȱtemps.ȱ
Maisȱc’estȱauȱcœurȱmêmeȱdeȱl’écritureȱdesȱCommentairesȱqueȱseȱcristalliseȱcette
refondationȱd’uneȱimageȱdeȱlaȱjustice.ȱL’intérêtȱmajeurȱduȱtexteȱdeȱMonlucȱestȱen
effetȱdeȱprésenterȱcrimesȱetȱchâtimentsȱdansȱuneȱmatièreȱetȱuneȱmanièreȱbrutes
(sinonȱbrutales),ȱàȱl’opposéȱduȱstyleȱampouléȱetȱpathétiqueȱdeȱl’historiographie
officielleȱouȱdeȱlaȱrhétoriqueȱjuridiqueȱdesȱtraitésȱthéoriquesȱsurȱlaȱjustice.ȱPourȱle
mémorialiste,ȱc’estȱauȱcœurȱdeȱl’événement,ȱpuisȱauȱcœurȱduȱrécitȱdesȱmémoires
queȱseȱjoueȱconcrètementȱl’avenirȱdeȱl’actionȱjudiciaire.ȱLaȱscèneȱdeȱchâtiment,
pourȱviolenteȱqu’elleȱsoit,ȱn’estȱpasȱpurementȱdécorative:ȱenȱelleȱseȱrenégocieȱsans
cesseȱ (parceȱ qu’elleȱ s’inscritȱ dansȱ l’urgenceȱ etȱ leȱ caractèreȱ exceptionnelȱ deȱ la
situationȱdeȱguerreȱcivile)ȱtouteȱlaȱlogiqueȱdeȱlaȱjustice,ȱdontȱelleȱestȱleȱnoyauȱàȱla
foisȱnécessaireȱetȱredouté.
Chapterȱ19
MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock
(BrighamȱYoungȱUniversity,ȱProvo,ȱUtah)
TheȱAmsterdamȱSpinhuisȱandȱtheȱ“Art”ȱofȱCorrection
Sinceȱtheȱ1980’sȱwhenȱFoucaultȱfirstȱdiscussedȱtheȱprisonȱasȱaȱtheoreticalȱmodelȱfor
socialȱcontrolȱinȱDisciplineȱandȱPunish,ȱvariousȱhistoriansȱhaveȱsimilarlyȱfocusedȱon
theȱprisonȱasȱaȱsiteȱforȱpowerȱandȱmanipulation.1ȱUsingȱFoucault’sȱmodel,ȱscholars
continuedȱtoȱdiscussȱprisonsȱasȱinstrumentsȱofȱauthoritarianȱcontrolȱinȱwhichȱthe
inhabitantsȱwereȱconstantlyȱsubjectedȱtoȱexploitativeȱtyranny.ȱFeministȱhistorians
ofȱtheȱprisonȱexpandedȱtheȱuseȱofȱthisȱtheoreticalȱmodelȱbyȱassertingȱthatȱpenal
controlȱalsoȱcameȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱpatriarchalȱdominanceȱover,ȱandȱabuseȱof,ȱwomen
prisoners.ȱIndeedȱmanyȱsocialȱhistoriesȱofȱfemaleȱinmatesȱhaveȱdemonstratedȱthat
prisonsȱwereȱhorrifyingȱinstitutionsȱinȱwhichȱmenȱnotȱonlyȱhadȱcorrectiveȱcontrol
overȱwomen,ȱbutȱviaȱthisȱcontrolȱtheyȱalsoȱseizedȱpowerȱoverȱwomen’sȱbodies.ȱFor
women,ȱtheȱatrociousȱconsequencesȱofȱthisȱmaleȱdominationȱandȱmanipulation
cameȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱbeingȱfrequentlyȱrapedȱorȱputȱintoȱserviceȱasȱaȱprostitute.ȱ
TheȱoneȱearlyȱmodernȱexceptionȱtoȱthisȱpatriarchallyȬcontrolledȱpenalȱnightmare
forȱ womenȱ wasȱ theȱ spinhuis,ȱ literallyȱ houseȱ forȱ spinning,ȱ establishedȱ in
Amsterdamȱinȱ1597.ȱFromȱtheȱoutsetȱitȱwasȱfoundedȱasȱaȱseparateȱreformȱfacility
forȱwomen,ȱwithȱbothȱfemaleȱandȱmaleȱoverseers,ȱsoȱthatȱinmatesȱdidȱnotȱfaceȱthe
sameȱ dangersȱ ofȱ sexualȱ abuseȱ byȱ maleȱ prisonersȱ andȱ guards.ȱ Visualȱ imagery
associatedȱwithȱtheȱspinhouseȱemphasizesȱitsȱuniqueȱcharacterȱasȱanȱinstitution
ruledȱ byȱ women.ȱ Indeed,ȱ theȱ portraitsȱ ofȱ regentesses,ȱ orȱ governesses,ȱ ofȱ the
institutionȱareȱsignificantȱindicatorsȱofȱthisȱfemaleȱauthorityȱandȱoversight.ȱThese
visualȱ tributesȱ toȱ theȱ powerȱ andȱ dignityȱ ofȱ influentialȱ womenȱ wereȱ putȱ on
prominentȱpublicȱdisplayȱwithinȱtheȱregents’ȱroomsȱofȱtheȱspinhouse.ȱInȱaddition,
1
MichelȱFoucault,ȱDisciplineȱandȱPunish:ȱTheȱBirthȱofȱtheȱPrisonȱ(Originallyȱpublishedȱinȱ1975ȱin
FranceȱunderȱtheȱtitleȱSurveillerȱetȱpunir:ȱNaissanceȱdeȱlaȱPrison,ȱtranslatedȱintoȱEnglishȱinȱ1977;ȱNew
York:ȱPantheonȱBooks,ȱ1977).
460 MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock
theseȱ largeȱ andȱ impressiveȱ paintingsȱ alsoȱ containȱ meaningfulȱ andȱ familiar
signifiersȱ thatȱ furtherȱ referencedȱ theȱ powerȱ ofȱ womenȱ inȱ theȱ Dutchȱ cultureȱ of
correction.ȱSomeȱsignifiersȱreferȱtoȱtraditionalȱthemesȱofȱstrongȱwomenȱwhoȱusurp
maleȱauthority,ȱthusȱcallingȱattentionȱtoȱfemaleȱdominanceȱatȱtheȱspinhouse.ȱOther
visualȱsignsȱinvokeȱallusionsȱtoȱtheȱserious,ȱhonorable,ȱandȱubiquitousȱimagesȱof
femaleȱdomesticȱskillsȱproducedȱinȱtheȱDutchȱRepublicȱduringȱtheȱseventeenth
century.ȱThroughȱtheseȱdualȱassociationsȱwithȱfemaleȱpowerȱandȱhonorability,ȱthe
spinhouseȱescapedȱtheȱabsoluteȱcontrolȱofȱpatriarchyȱandȱitsȱassociatedȱ sexual
abuse.ȱ Instead,ȱ theȱ institutionȱ wasȱ ableȱ toȱ focusȱ onȱ itsȱ originalȱ purpose—the
reformȱofȱpoorȱandȱindolentȱwomenȱintoȱproductiveȱandȱskilledȱlaborersȱwithin
Dutchȱsociety.ȱ
ItȱisȱcrucialȱtoȱconsiderȱthisȱfoundingȱpurposeȱofȱtheȱAmsterdamȱspinhouseȱin
orderȱ toȱ understandȱ itsȱ uniqueȱ positionȱ inȱ theȱ historyȱ ofȱ women’sȱ prisons.ȱ Its
originsȱ wereȱ basedȱ onȱ theȱ assumptionȱ thatȱ womenȱ couldȱ beȱ reformed.ȱ Itȱ was
createdȱasȱaȱcharitableȱinstitutionȱtoȱtakeȱpoorȱbeggarȱwomenȱoffȱtheȱstreetsȱand
makeȱ themȱ intoȱ productiveȱ inhabitantsȱ byȱ teachingȱ themȱ skillsȱ thatȱ wouldȱ be
usefulȱinȱsociety.ȱTheȱnameȱforȱtheȱinstitutionȱwasȱgivenȱbecauseȱwomenȱwere
indeedȱemployedȱinȱspinning,ȱweaving,ȱsewing,ȱandȱlaceȬmakingȱinȱtheȱprison.ȱIn
additionȱ toȱ poorȱ women,ȱ someȱ womenȱ wereȱ placedȱ thereȱ becauseȱ theyȱ were
causingȱdifficultiesȱforȱtheirȱfamilies.ȱSomeȱofȱtheȱwomenȱwereȱkeptȱthereȱdayȱand
night,ȱwhileȱothersȱwereȱallowedȱtoȱgoȱhomeȱatȱnightȱandȱstillȱothersȱwereȱallowed
outȱduringȱtheȱdayȱtimeȱtoȱwork.2ȱTheȱinstitutionȱwasȱestablishedȱinȱtheȱformerȱSt.
Ursulaȱ cloister,ȱ soȱ fromȱ itsȱ veryȱ originsȱ itȱ wasȱ foundedȱ atȱ aȱ siteȱ thatȱ was
historicallyȱ andȱ culturallyȱ orientedȱ towardȱ femaleȱ powerȱ andȱ control.ȱ Being
establishedȱasȱaȱfemaleȱcharitableȱasylum,ȱitȱcarriedȱhistoricalȱconnotationsȱasȱan
institutionȱwhereȱwomenȱwereȱbroughtȱbackȱtoȱGod,ȱbroughtȱbackȱtoȱhonor,ȱand
broughtȱbackȱtoȱchastityȱasȱtheyȱlearnedȱtoȱworkȱdiligentlyȱinȱaȱsoberȱandȱvirtuous
environment.ȱ
Asȱpreviouslyȱstated,ȱmostȱfeministȱdiscussionsȱofȱwomen’sȱimprisonmentȱindict
patriarchyȱinȱitsȱinappropriateȱtreatmentȱofȱfemaleȱinmates.ȱTheseȱabusesȱrelateȱto
theȱtraditionalȱcategorizationȱofȱwomenȱasȱweakȱandȱofȱaȱnaturallyȱevilȱnatureȱthat
neededȱtoȱbeȱcontrolledȱbyȱmen.ȱMoreover,ȱtheseȱattitudesȱallowedȱmenȱtoȱhave
controlȱoverȱwomen’sȱbodies.ȱLuciaȱZednerȱandȱHeidiȱLeeȱCainȱhaveȱarguedȱthat
suchȱcontrolȱledȱtoȱconstantȱinstancesȱofȱwomenȱbeingȱrapedȱbyȱmaleȱguardsȱand
fellowȱ maleȱ prisoners,ȱ dueȱ toȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ menȱ andȱ womenȱ wereȱ frequently
2
PieterȱSpierenburgȱgivesȱaȱveryȱthoroughȱarchivalȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱspinhouseȱandȱcomparesȱitȱto
contemporaryȱinstitutionsȱinȱTheȱPrisonȱExperience:ȱDisciplinaryȱInstitutionsȱandȱTheirȱInmatesȱin
EarlyȱModernȱEuropeȱ(Amsterdam:ȱAmsterdamȱUniversityȱPress,ȱAmsterdamȱAcademicȱȱArchive,
2007).
TheȱAmsterdamȱSpinhuisȱandȱtheȱ“Art”ȱofȱCorrection 461
housedȱtogether.3ȱTheȱBridewellȱprisonȱofȱLondon,ȱforȱexample,ȱbecameȱaȱveritable
brothelȱ withȱ womenȱ beingȱ coercedȱ byȱ threatsȱ andȱ beatingsȱ intoȱ prostituting
themselvesȱ forȱ theȱ benefitȱ ofȱ menȱ atȱ theȱ prison.ȱ Inȱ theȱ Unitedȱ States,ȱ prison
conditionsȱforȱwomenȱwereȱnotȱanyȱbetter.ȱAsȱwithȱmostȱEuropeanȱinstitutions,
menȱandȱwomenȱwereȱhousedȱtogetherȱallowingȱforȱsexualȱabuseȱbyȱinmatesȱand
guardsȱalike.ȱItȱwasȱnotȱuntilȱtheȱnineteenthȱcenturyȱthatȱconditionsȱforȱfemale
prisonersȱimprovedȱinȱbothȱEuropeȱandȱAmerica.ȱMostȱofȱtheseȱearlyȱreformsȱwere
initiatedȱbyȱmiddleȱclassȱwomen,ȱusuallyȱQuakersȱandȱUnitarians,ȱwhoȱwereȱalso
activelyȱengagedȱinȱpromotingȱotherȱsocialȱagendasȱsuchȱasȱtemperanceȱandȱantiȬ
slavery.ȱInȱtheȱUnitedȱStatesȱaȱgroupȱofȱtheseȱreformersȱestablishedȱtheȱPrison
AssociationȱofȱNewȱYorkȱinȱorderȱtoȱimproveȱconditionsȱforȱfemaleȱprisonersȱin
theȱcityȱjails.ȱInȱEnglandȱElizabethȱFryȱandȱherȱsupportersȱestablishedȱtheȱLadies
Associationȱ forȱ theȱ Reformationȱ ofȱ Femaleȱ Prisonersȱ inȱ Newgateȱ forȱ aȱ similar
purpose.ȱWithȱtheȱinterventionȱofȱtheseȱpowerfulȱwomen’sȱgroups,ȱofficialsȱsoon
acquiescedȱandȱbeganȱtoȱestablishȱseparateȱwomen’sȱprisonsȱonȱbothȱsidesȱofȱthe
Atlantic.ȱItȱisȱsignificantȱtoȱnote,ȱtherefore,ȱthatȱhistoricalȱimprovementȱforȱthe
conditionsȱofȱfemaleȱprisonersȱusuallyȱdependedȱonȱtheȱpoliticallyȱpowerfulȱvoices
ofȱeducatedȱwomen.4ȱ
Inȱorderȱtoȱbetterȱcomprehendȱtheȱattitudesȱthatȱallowedȱforȱtheȱtypeȱofȱsexual
abuseȱfoundȱinȱalmostȱallȱearlyȱmodernȱprisons,ȱitȱisȱimportantȱtoȱbeȱawareȱofȱthe
generalȱ socialȱ categorizationȱ ofȱ womenȱ asȱ aȱ segmentȱ ofȱ cultureȱ thatȱ couldȱ be
appropriatedȱbyȱmen.ȱThisȱallowedȱforȱtheȱmaltreatmentȱofȱwomenȱthatȱtookȱplace
inȱtheȱprisonȱenvironment.ȱInȱaȱsocietyȱlikeȱtheȱDutchȱRepublic,ȱhowever,ȱwhere
womenȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱsoȱeasilyȱpossessedȱbyȱmen,ȱwhereȱtheyȱhadȱmoreȱofȱaȱsocial
voice,ȱ whereȱ theyȱ wereȱ constructorsȱ ofȱ societyȱ ratherȱ thanȱ merelyȱ being
constructedȱbyȱthatȱsociety,ȱaȱuniqueȱcorrectionalȱinstitutionȱwasȱestablishedȱthat
wasȱquiteȱenlightenedȱforȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod.ȱ
Theȱ relativeȱ powerȱ ofȱ Dutchȱ womenȱ inȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ centuryȱ hasȱ been
attributedȱtoȱaȱnumberȱofȱsocietalȱfactorsȱthatȱcenterȱonȱtheȱearlyȱdevelopmentȱof
anȱurbanȱmiddleȱclassȱculture,ȱwhichȱinȱturnȱproducedȱmoreȱindependentȱwomen.
Womenȱpubliclyȱassertedȱthemselvesȱfromȱtheȱveryȱestablishmentȱofȱtheȱrepublic,
asȱmanyȱofȱthemȱattainedȱheroineȱstatusȱinȱtheȱwarȱforȱindependenceȱfromȱSpain.5ȱ
3
LuciaȱZedner,ȱ“WaywardȱSisters:ȱTheȱPrisonȱforȱWomen,”ȱTheȱOxfordȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱPrison:ȱThe
PracticeȱofȱPunishmentȱinȱWesternȱSociety,ȱed.ȱNorvalȱMorrisȱandȱDavidȱJ.ȱRothmanȱ(NewȱYorkȱand
Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1995),ȱ329–61;ȱHeidiȱLeeȱCain,ȱ“WomenȱConfinedȱbyȱPrisonȱBars
andȱMaleȱImages,”ȱTexasȱJournalȱofȱWomenȱandȱtheȱLawȱ18ȱ(2008):ȱ103–24.
4
Zedner,ȱ“WaywardȱSisters,”ȱ331–37ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3);ȱCain,ȱ“WomenȱConfined,”ȱ106–09ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3);
EstelleȱB.ȱFreedman,ȱTheirȱSisters’ȱKeepers:ȱWomen’sȱPrisonȱ Reformȱ inȱAmerica,ȱ1830–1930ȱ(Ann
Arbor:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱMichiganȱPress,ȱ1981).ȱ
5
AliceȱClareȱCarter,ȱ“MarriageȱCounselingȱinȱtheȱEarlyȱSeventeenthȱCentury:ȱEnglandȱandȱthe
NetherlandsȱCompared,”ȱTenȱStudiesȱinȱAngloȬDutchȱRelations,ȱed.ȱJanȱA.ȱvanȱDorstenȱ(Leiden:
Hajnalȱ attributesȱ aȱ greaterȱ equalityȱ betweenȱ menȱ andȱ womenȱ inȱ theȱ Dutch
Republicȱtoȱtheȱfactȱthatȱwomenȱoftenȱworkedȱandȱputȱoffȱmarriageȱuntilȱaȱlater
age.6ȱ Inȱ addition,ȱ itȱ hasȱ beenȱ notedȱ thatȱ aȱ comparativelyȱ largeȱ numberȱ of
householdsȱwereȱheadedȱbyȱsingleȱfemalesȱinȱthisȱsociety.7ȱOtherȱhistoriansȱhave
discussedȱ theȱ evidenceȱ ofȱ women’sȱ greaterȱ powerȱ andȱ independenceȱ inȱ law,
business,ȱandȱDutchȱcultureȱgenerally.8
Clearly,ȱ whenȱ womenȱ asȱ aȱ socialȱ categoryȱ wereȱ defined,ȱ atȱ leastȱ inȱ part,ȱ by
women,ȱtheȱtraditionalȱpatternȱofȱmenȱcontrollingȱwomenȱwasȱdisrupted,ȱthus
thwartingȱtheȱopportunitiesȱforȱmenȱtoȱsubjugateȱwomen.ȱAsȱColetteȱGuillaumin
hasȱargued,ȱtheȱnaturalȱfactȱofȱbeingȱaȱwomanȱdidȱnotȱautomaticallyȱresultȱinȱthe
controlȱofȱwomen;ȱitȱwasȱtheȱsocialȱsignificanceȱattachedȱtoȱwomenȱasȱbeingsȱwho
couldȱbeȱdominatedȱthatȱledȱtoȱtheirȱappropriationȱbyȱmen.9ȱInȱtheȱinstanceȱof
prisons,ȱthisȱwasȱconstitutedȱbyȱtheȱprostitutingȱofȱfemaleȱprisoners.ȱItȱisȱimportant
toȱ understand,ȱ however,ȱ thatȱ signifiers,ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ categoryȱ “woman,”ȱ are
PublishedȱforȱtheȱSirȱThomasȱBrowneȱInstitute,ȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱPress;ȱLondon:ȱOxfordȱUniversity
Press,ȱ1974),ȱ94–127;ȱMarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock,ȱ“TheȱComedyȱofȱtheȱShrew:ȱTheorizingȱHumorȱin
EarlyȱModernȱNetherlandishȱArt,”ȱLaughterȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimes:ȱEpistemology
ofȱaȱFundamentalȱHumanȱBehavior,ȱitsȱMeaning,ȱandȱConsequences,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱandȱMarilyn
Sandidge.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ5ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalter
deȱ Gruyter,ȱ 2010),ȱ 667–713;ȱ Marthaȱ Moffittȱ Peacock,ȱ “Proverbialȱ Reframing—Rebukingȱ and
ReveringȱWomenȱinȱTrousers,”ȱJournalȱofȱtheȱWaltersȱArtȱGalleryȱ57ȱ(1999):ȱ13–34.
6
Johnȱ Hajnal,ȱ “Europeanȱ Marriageȱ Patternsȱ inȱ Perspective,”ȱ Populationȱ inȱ History:ȱ Essaysȱ in
Historicalȱ Demography,ȱ ed.ȱ Davidȱ Victorȱ Glassȱ andȱ Davidȱ Edwardȱ Charlesȱ Eversleyȱ (London:
EdwardȱArnoldȱPublishers,ȱ1965),ȱ101–41.
7
AdȱM.ȱvanȱderȱWoude,ȱ“VariationsȱinȱtheȱSizeȱandȱStructureȱofȱtheȱHouseholdȱinȱtheȱUnited
ProvincesȱofȱtheȱNetherlandsȱinȱtheȱSeventeenthȱandȱEighteenthȱCenturies,ȱ“HouseholdȱandȱFamily
inȱPastȱTime:ȱComparativeȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱSizeȱandȱStructureȱofȱtheȱDomesticȱGroupȱoverȱtheȱLastȱThree
CenturiesȱinȱEngland,ȱFrance,ȱSerbia,ȱJapanȱandȱColonialȱNorthȱAmerica,ȱWithȱFurtherȱMaterialsȱfrom
WesternȱEurope,ȱed.ȱPeterȱLaslettȱandȱRichardȱWallȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,
1972),ȱ299–318.
8
ForȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱgeneralȱculturalȱindependenceȱofȱwomenȱinȱtheȱDutchȱRepublicȱseeȱSimon
Schama,ȱȈWivesȱandȱWantons:ȱVersionsȱofȱWomanhoodȱinȱSeventeenthȬCenturyȱDutchȱArt,ȈȱThe
OxfordȱArtȱJournalȱ3.1ȱ(1980):ȱ5–13;ȱSimonȱSchama,ȱTheȱEmbarrassmentȱofȱRichesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱKnopf,
1987),ȱ384–91;ȱAliceȱClareȱCarter,ȱ“MarriageȱCounseling”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱvariousȱessays
inȱ Womenȱ ofȱ theȱ Goldenȱ Age:ȱ Anȱ Internationalȱ Debateȱ onȱ Womenȱ inȱ SeventeenthȬCenturyȱ Holland,
EnglandȱandȱItaly,ȱed.ȱElsȱKloek,ȱNicoleȱTeeuwen,ȱandȱMarijkeȱHuismanȱ(Hilversum:ȱVerloren,
1994).ȱTheȱabsenceȱofȱstrongȱpatriarchyȱinȱDutchȱcultureȱisȱdiscussedȱinȱDonaldȱHaks,ȱHuwelijk
enȱGezinȱinȱHollandȱinȱdeȱ17deȱenȱ18deȱEeuwȱ(Assen:ȱVanȱGorcumȇsȱHistorischeȱBibliotheek,ȱ1982).
TheȱparticipationȱofȱDutchȱwomenȱinȱbusinessȱisȱdiscussedȱinȱDanielleȱvanȱdenȱHeuvel,ȱWomen
andȱEntrepreneurship:ȱFemaleȱTradersȱinȱtheȱNorthernȱNetherlands,ȱc.ȱ1580–1815ȱ(Amsterdam:ȱAksant,
2007);ȱ Marthaȱ Moffittȱ Peacock,ȱ “Earlyȱ Modernȱ Dutchȱ Womenȱ inȱ theȱ City:ȱ Theȱ Imagingȱ of
Economicȱ Agencyȱ andȱ Power,”ȱ Urbanȱ Spaceȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ theȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Age,ȱ ed.
AlbrechtȱClassenȱandȱMarilynȱSandidge.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,
4ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ2009),ȱ667–711.
9
ColetteȱGuillaumin,ȱRacism,ȱSexism,ȱPowerȱandȱIdeologyȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ1995).
historicallyȱvariable.ȱTherefore,ȱinȱaȱsocioȬculturalȱsituationȱwhereȱtheȱtraditional
patriarchalȱnotionsȱofȱwomenȱwereȱnotȱautomaticȱandȱwereȱinsteadȱconstantly
challenged,ȱpatriarchalȱabilityȱtoȱappropriateȱwomen’sȱbodiesȱwasȱdiminished.
Indeed,ȱ theȱ imagesȱ associatedȱ withȱ theȱ Amsterdamȱ spinhouseȱ areȱ compelling
indicatorsȱofȱfemaleȱsubversionȱofȱtraditionalȱpatriarchy.ȱTheseȱimagesȱputȱwomen
onȱmoreȱofȱanȱequalȱfootingȱwithȱmenȱasȱgovernors,ȱcaretakers,ȱandȱdisciplinarians
ofȱtheȱwomenȱinmates.ȱTheyȱcontainȱtraditionalȱassignationsȱofȱfemaleȱpowerȱand
control.ȱFurthermore,ȱtheseȱimagesȱwereȱassociatedȱwithȱpositiveȱandȱtraditional
significationsȱofȱwomen’sȱeconomicȱvalueȱandȱsocioȬculturalȱcontributionsȱinȱterms
ofȱ workȱ andȱ skill.ȱ Asȱ theȱ discreteȱ categoryȱ “woman”ȱ andȱ herȱ traditional
characteristicsȱwereȱdeconstructedȱviaȱsuchȱimagery,ȱsexistȱideologiesȱandȱabilities
toȱreduceȱ“woman”ȱtoȱsubjugatedȱobjectȱalsoȱdiminished.ȱ
HenceȱweȱcomeȱtoȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱhowȱandȱwhyȱtheȱAmsterdamȱspinhouseȱwas
suchȱaȱuniqueȱinstitutionȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod.ȱZednerȱwhoȱhasȱstudiedȱthe
earlyȱ modernȱ prisonȱ fromȱ aȱ feministȱ perspectiveȱ calledȱ attentionȱ toȱ the
exceptionalityȱofȱtheȱspinhouseȱasȱtheȱfirst,ȱandȱforȱmanyȱyearsȱonly,ȱallȱfemale
institution.10ȱ Evenȱ otherȱ spinhousesȱ inȱ Theȱ Dutchȱ Republicȱ andȱ Germany
combinedȱmaleȱandȱfemaleȱprisoners.11ȱManyȱfeministȱwritersȱonȱtheȱprisonȱhave
indicatedȱtheȱpositiveȱnatureȱofȱseparatingȱmaleȱandȱfemaleȱprisoners.ȱForȱwomen
suchȱ separationȱ meantȱ thatȱ theyȱ didȱ notȱ haveȱ toȱ sufferȱ theȱ dangersȱ ofȱ being
regularlyȱrapedȱandȱprostitutedȱbyȱmaleȱprisonersȱandȱguards.ȱThus,ȱinȱaddition
toȱbeingȱseparatedȱfromȱmaleȱprisoners,ȱtheȱinstitutionȱwasȱoverseenȱbyȱbothȱa
binnenmoeder,ȱindoorȱmother,ȱandȱaȱbinnenvader,ȱindoorȱfather.ȱ
AsȱPieterȱSpierenburgȱhasȱdiscussed,ȱtheȱsystemȱthereforeȱreflectedȱtheȱmodel
ofȱaȱfamily.12ȱHowever,ȱwhileȱheȱidentifiesȱthisȱasȱaȱpatriarchalȱmodel,ȱIȱwould
suggestȱthatȱfemaleȱcontrolȱwithinȱtheȱdomesticȱfamilyȱenvironmentȱinȱtheȱDutch
Republicȱwas,ȱinȱpractice,ȱevenȱgreaterȱthanȱthatȱofȱfathers.ȱInȱDutchȱsocietyȱgreat
importȱ wasȱ givenȱ toȱ mothersȱ asȱ caretakersȱ andȱ rulersȱ ofȱ theȱ household.
ContemporaryȱmoralistsȱlikeȱJacobȱCatsȱencouragedȱwomenȱtoȱsuperviseȱchildrenȱand
servants,ȱandȱtoȱcontrolȱdomesticȱexpenses.ȱHusbandsȱwereȱinstructedȱtoȱleaveȱthe
householdȱtoȱtheȱmanagementȱofȱtheirȱwives.ȱInȱfact,ȱdiscussionsȱofȱtheȱhousehold
describeȱitȱasȱtheȱheerschappijȱorȱdominionȱofȱwomen.13ȱ
Thisȱtermȱofȱpowerȱwasȱalsoȱappliedȱtoȱmaleȱrulers.ȱJohannȱvanȱBeverwijkȱgoes
evenȱ furtherȱ inȱ hisȱ praiseȱ andȱ exaltationȱ ofȱ housewives.ȱ Heȱ firmlyȱ assertsȱ the
importanceȱofȱfamilyȱandȱhome,ȱproclaimsȱtheȱfamilyȱtoȱbeȱtheȱfountainȱandȱoriginȱof
10
Zedner,ȱ“WaywardȱSisters,”ȱ329ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).
11
Spierenburg,ȱPrisonȱExperienceȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).ȱ
12
Spierenburg,ȱPrisonȱExperience,ȱ105–34ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
13
JacobȱCats,ȱAlleȱdeȱWercken,ȱSoȱoudenȱalsȱnieuwe,ȱvanȱdeȱHeerȱIacobȱCats,ȱRidder,ȱoudtȱRaedtpensionaris
vanȱHollandt,ȱ&c.ȱ(Amsterdam:ȱIanȱIacobszȱSchipper,ȱ1655),ȱHouwelick,ȱ79.ȱ
aȱ republic,ȱ andȱ statesȱ oneȱ mustȱ augmentȱ andȱ preserveȱ theȱ familyȱ asȱ oneȱ would
governȱ andȱ protectȱ aȱ cityȱ orȱ state.ȱ Heȱ alsoȱ declaresȱ thatȱ theȱ housewife’sȱ reliable
actionsȱ helpȱ layȱ theȱ foundationȱ forȱ aȱ wellȬorderedȱ society,ȱ heȱ considersȱ the
housewife’sȱpowerȱgreat,ȱandȱheȱcomparesȱherȱdomainȱtoȱaȱkingdom.14
Aȱ surveyȱ ofȱ domesticȱ imageryȱ producedȱ duringȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ century
underscoresȱtheȱprevalenceȱ ofȱtheseȱattitudes.ȱ Imagesȱofȱtheȱhomeȱrarelyȱcontain
fathers,ȱandȱwhenȱtheyȱareȱpresent,ȱtheyȱareȱusuallyȱrelegatedȱtoȱanȱinsignificant
position,ȱoftenȱinȱtheȱbackground,ȱofȱtheȱcomposition.ȱWomenȱdominateȱtheseȱscenes
andȱtheyȱareȱfrequentlyȱshownȱinstructingȱchildren,ȱservants,ȱandȱvendorsȱinȱtheir
duties.ȱAȱsignificantȱexampleȱofȱthisȱtypeȱofȱauthoritarianȱimageryȱisȱdepictedȱinȱa
paintingȱofȱ1663ȱbyȱQuirijnȱvanȱBrekelenkamȱ(Fig.ȱ1).ȱHereȱtheȱmotherȱisȱenthroned
inȱtheȱcenterȱofȱtheȱcompositionȱwithȱchildrenȱandȱmaidservantȱgatheredȱaround
followingȱherȱexampleȱandȱattendingȱtoȱherȱcommands.ȱ
If,ȱthen,ȱtheȱspinhouseȱfollowsȱaȱfamilialȱmodel,ȱitȱisȱimportantȱ thatȱ theȱ roleȱof
motherȱnotȱbeȱunderestimatedȱinȱDutchȱsociety.ȱIndeed,ȱfromȱtheȱmomentȱofȱentry
intoȱtheȱAmsterdamȱspinhouse,ȱoneȱencountersȱaȱloomingȱsenseȱofȱfemaleȱpower.
Overȱtheȱdoorway,ȱaȱgroupȱofȱsculptedȱfiguresȱdoneȱbyȱHendrickȱdeȱKeyserȱinȱ1607
displaysȱtheȱkindȱofȱfemaleȱcorrectiveȱpowerȱexercisedȱwithinȱtheȱprisonȱ(Fig.ȱ2).ȱOn
theȱleftȱaȱyoungȱwomanȱisȱseatedȱdutifullyȱspinningȱwhileȱaȱcatȱplayfullyȱinterferes
withȱherȱtask.ȱTheȱyoungȱwomanȱtoȱtheȱrightȱappearsȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱlessȱdiligentȱinȱher
laborȱ ofȱ producingȱ theȱ textileȱ drapedȱ fromȱ herȱ lapȱ toȱ theȱ basketȱ below.ȱ Sheȱ is
shrinkingȱfromȱtheȱcastigatingȱblowsȱofȱtheȱwhipȱwieldedȱbyȱtheȱcentrallyȱplaced
indoorȱmother.ȱHerȱdisciplinaryȱfunctionȱhasȱcausedȱsomeȱscholarsȱtoȱidentifyȱthis
figureȱasȱcastigatio,ȱtheȱallegoricalȱrepresentationȱofȱpunishmentȱorȱchastisement.15
SuchȱanȱallegoricalȱsculptedȱfigureȱwithȱaȱwhipȱcanȱbeȱfoundȱinȱCornelisȱvanȱder
Voort’sȱ1618ȱpaintingȱofȱtheȱregents,ȱorȱgovernors,ȱofȱtheȱmaleȱprison,ȱtheȱrasphuis.ȱIn
addition,ȱtheȱinscriptionȱbeneathȱtheȱspinhouseȱportalȱsculptureȱwrittenȱbyȱPieter
CorneliszȱHooftȱstressesȱthisȱpunitiveȱintent,ȱ“Doȱnotȱbeȱfrightened;ȱIȱamȱnotȱavenging
wrongȱbutȱforcingȱtoȱdoȱgood;ȱmyȱhandȱisȱsevereȱbutȱmyȱmindȱisȱcompassionate.”16
Thusȱtheȱsculpturalȱgroupȱundoubtedlyȱservedȱtheȱfunctionȱofȱwarningȱinmatesȱand
informingȱ theȱ publicȱ asȱ toȱ theȱ strictȱ femaleȱ powerȱ andȱ disciplineȱ enforcedȱ atȱ the
institution.
Theȱdevelopmentȱofȱregentȱandȱregentessȱgroupȱportraitsȱduringȱtheȱseventeenth
centuryȱrevealsȱanȱevenȱmoreȱnoteworthyȱandȱrealisticȱexampleȱofȱtheȱassignationȱof
14
JohanȱvanȱBeverwijck,ȱVanȱdeȱWtnementheytȱdesȱVrouwelickenȱGeslachtsȱVerciertȱmetȱHistoryen,ȱende
kopereȱPlaten;ȱalsȱoockȱLatijnsche,ȱendeȱNederlanscheȱVerssenȱvanȱMr.ȱCorn.ȱBoy,ȱvol.ȱ2ȱ(Dordrecht:
HendrickȱvanȱEsch,ȱ1643),ȱ209–11.ȱ
15
Spierenburg,ȱPrisonȱExperience,ȱ88ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2);ȱNorbertȱE.ȱMiddelkoop,ȱGustaȱReichwein,ȱandȱ
JudithȱvanȱGent,ȱDeȱOudeȱMeestersȱvanȱdeȱstadȱAmsterdam:ȱSchilderijenȱtotȱ1800ȱ(Bussum:ȱTHOTH;
Amsterdam:ȱAmsterdamsȱHistorischȱMuseum,ȱ2008),ȱ105.
16
ThisȱtranslationȱwasȱprovidedȱbyȱSpierenburg,ȱPrisonȱExperience,ȱ88ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
femaleȱ powerȱ toȱ theȱ spinhouse.ȱ Theȱ Dutchȱ wereȱ uniqueȱ amongȱ earlyȱ modern
Europeanȱ societiesȱ inȱ grantingȱ womenȱ theȱ rightȱ toȱ serveȱ asȱ governessesȱ inȱ such
prestigiousȱpublicȱpositions.17ȱTheȱregentsȱandȱregentessesȱofȱtheȱspinhouseȱformed
theȱmostȱpowerfulȱlayerȱofȱoversightȱforȱtheȱprison.ȱTheyȱwereȱtheȱindividualsȱthat
communicatedȱ withȱ magistratesȱ toȱ discussȱ sentencesȱ andȱ punishmentsȱ forȱ the
prisoners.18ȱTheyȱalsoȱoversawȱtheȱfinancesȱandȱmanagementȱofȱtheȱspinhouse.ȱAs
wasȱcommonȱwithȱalmostȱallȱDutchȱgroupȱportraitsȱofȱregentsȱandȱregentessesȱof
charitableȱinstitutions,ȱtheȱearliestȱportraitsȱofȱtheȱspinhouseȱgovernorsȱseparated
themȱbyȱsex.ȱForȱexample,ȱaȱ1628ȱpaintingȱbyȱNicolaesȱEliaszȱPickenoyȱdepictsȱthe
regentsȱ(JanȱJanszȱvanȱDorhout,ȱGerbrantȱBrouwer,ȱHendrickȱBoelisz,ȱandȱHendrick
DirckszȱMolenaer)ȱinȱfrontȱofȱaȱtable,ȱwithȱvariousȱmanagerialȱsignifiersȱonȱdisplay:
theȱcoinsȱreferȱtoȱbothȱtheȱmonetaryȱtransactionsȱandȱcharityȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱspinhouse,
theȱledgersȱandȱwritingȱmaterialsȱalsoȱreferȱtoȱtheirȱfinancialȱresponsibilities,ȱtheȱbowl
ofȱfoodȱreferencesȱtheȱcharitableȱdutyȱofȱprovidingȱsustenanceȱforȱtheȱprisoners,ȱand
theȱindoorȱfatherȱbringingȱinȱaȱletterȱrefersȱtoȱtheirȱbusinessȱcommunicationsȱwith
societyȱoutsideȱofȱtheȱspinhouseȱ(Fig.ȱ3).19ȱ
Theȱpaintingȱwithinȱaȱpaintingȱhungȱonȱtheȱbackȱwallȱfurtherȱsituatesȱtheȱregents
inȱtheirȱdailyȱsupervisoryȱresponsibilities.ȱTheȱfourȱregentsȱareȱagainȱdepictedȱseated
behindȱaȱdesk.ȱInȱfrontȱofȱthemȱmingleȱaȱcrowdȱofȱrespectableȬlookingȱcitizenry,ȱboth
menȱandȱwomen,ȱwhoȱareȱpresumablyȱatȱtheȱprisonȱtoȱsurveyȱtheȱinstitutionȱandȱits
inhabitants.20ȱForȱtheȱpaymentȱofȱtwoȱstuiversȱ(orȱoneȱtenthȱofȱaȱgulden),ȱtheȱpublic
couldȱvisitȱandȱobserveȱtheȱworkingȱwomenȱofȱtheȱspinhouse.ȱThisȱwasȱanȱimportant
sourceȱofȱrevenueȱforȱtheȱprison.21ȱ
Inȱ parallelȱ fashion,ȱ theȱ regentessesȱ (Lysbethȱ Hendricusdrȱ Haeckȱ andȱ Styntje
Thomas)ȱwereȱportrayed,ȱalongȱwithȱtheȱindoorȱmothers,ȱinȱaȱseparateȱpaintingȱwith
similarȱmanagerialȱsignifiersȱbyȱDirckȱDirckszȱvanȱSantvoortȱinȱ1638ȱ(Fig.ȱ4).22ȱToȱthe
17
Spierenburg,ȱPrisonȱExperience,ȱ107ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
18
19
Theȱ regentsȱ areȱ identifiedȱ inȱ theȱ onlineȱ catalogȱ ofȱ theȱ Amsterdamsȱ Historischȱ Museum,
ahm.adlibsoft.com/ahmonline/advanced/detail.aspx#ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱDec.ȱ10,ȱ2010).ȱ
20
Itȱhasȱbeenȱsuggestedȱthatȱtheȱportraitȱwasȱmisidentifiedȱearlyȱon,ȱandȱthatȱtheseȱareȱactually
regentsȱofȱtheȱorphanage.ȱThisȱargumentȱisȱprimarilyȱbasedȱonȱtheȱinclusionȱofȱaȱchildȱinȱthe
paintingȱ onȱ theȱ backȱ wall.ȱ Accordingly,ȱ theȱ childȱ hasȱ presumablyȱ lostȱ itsȱ fatherȱ andȱ isȱ now
accompaniedȱbyȱfamilyȱmembersȱtoȱtheȱorphanage.ȱThis,ȱhowever,ȱisȱaȱproblematicȱsuggestion
inȱthatȱtheȱfiguresȱinȱtheȱpaintingȱareȱgroupedȱinȱpairsȱinȱconversationȱwithȱtheirȱpartnersȱbut
payingȱnoȱattentionȱtoȱtheȱchild.ȱMoreover,ȱtheyȱareȱallȱfinelyȱdressed,ȱincludingȱtheȱchildȱandȱits
presumedȱmother,ȱwhichȱdoesȱnotȱcorrespondȱtoȱotherȱdepictionsȱofȱorphans.ȱTheseȱvisitorsȱare
obviouslyȱnotȱinȱneedȱofȱtheȱcharityȱonȱdisplayȱinȱtheȱforeground,ȱbutȱareȱinsteadȱwellȬtoȬdo
citizenryȱwhoȱhaveȱcomeȱtoȱtheȱinstitutionȱinȱorderȱtoȱdiscussȱandȱobserve.ȱThisȱidentification
debateȱisȱdiscussedȱinȱtheȱonlineȱcatalogȱofȱtheȱAmsterdamsȱHistorischȱMuseum,ȱseeȱat:
ahm.adlibsoft.com/ahmonline/advanced/detail.aspx#ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱ12/9/2010).ȱ
21
22
TheȱregentessesȱareȱidentifiedȱinȱMiddelkoop,ȱOudeȱMeesters,ȱ99ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
right,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱindoorȱmothersȱbringsȱinȱaȱnoteȱtoȱtheȱseatedȱregentess.ȱTheȱdisplay
ofȱcoinsȱonȱtheȱtableȱandȱtheȱledgerȱwithȱaȱlistȱofȱfoodstuffsȱsuggestȱthatȱsheȱisȱpaying
theȱbillsȱofȱtheȱspinhouseȱandȱprovidingȱsustenanceȱforȱtheȱinmates.ȱTheseȱareȱsimilar
toȱtheȱsignifiersȱrepresentedȱinȱtheȱregents’sȱportrait.ȱAsȱwithȱtheȱregents,ȱtheirsȱwas
aȱ societyȬrelated,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ anȱ intraȬinstitutional,ȱ managerialȱ function.ȱ Thereȱ is,
however,ȱanȱimportantȱactivityȱtakingȱplaceȱinȱthisȱpaintingȱthatȱisȱnotȱtoȱbeȱfoundȱin
theȱregentȱportrait;ȱthisȱisȱtheȱexaminationȱofȱtextiles.ȱTheȱregentessȱseatedȱatȱtheȱfar
leftȱofȱtheȱpaintingȱtakesȱoutȱherȱspectaclesȱtoȱmoreȱcarefullyȱexamineȱtheȱtextileȱwork
ofȱtheȱfemaleȱlaborersȱwithinȱtheȱprison.ȱAȱcardȱofȱlaceȱisȱbeingȱunwoundȱforȱher
perusalȱbyȱanotherȱindoorȱmother.ȱTheȱtextilesȱmadeȱatȱtheȱspinhouseȱwereȱsoldȱtoȱthe
publicȱinȱorderȱtoȱhelpȱsustainȱtheȱinstitution,ȱ butȱtheȱproceedsȱwereȱneverȱgreat
enoughȱtoȱsupportȱtheȱinmates.23ȱThisȱportraitȱforcefullyȱemphasizesȱtheȱprimaryȱand
originalȱfunctionȱofȱtheȱspinhouse—theȱreformȱofȱpoorȱwomenȱbyȱteachingȱthemȱa
profitableȱskillȱinȱtextileȱproduction.ȱAndȱitȱappearsȱthatȱthisȱfunctionȱmostlyȱcame
underȱtheȱcontrolȱandȱjurisdictionȱofȱtheȱregentessesȱandȱindoorȱmothers.ȱ
Femaleȱlaborȱandȱfemaleȱpowerȱareȱalsoȱemphasizedȱinȱaȱlaterȱgroupȱportraitȱof
spinhouseȱregentsȱbyȱKarelȱDujardinȱfromȱ1669ȱ(Fig.ȱ5).ȱAsȱwithȱtheȱpreviousȱregent
portrait,ȱtheȱmenȱareȱsituatedȱaroundȱaȱtableȱinȱtheȱmannerȱofȱconductingȱaȱbusiness
meeting.ȱTheȱfiguresȱincludedȱareȱMichaelȱTielensz,ȱCroockȱGeorge,ȱHenryȱBecker,
JohnȱCommelin,ȱandȱMuilmanȱWillemȱdeȱJonge.24ȱTheȱindoorȱfatherȱonceȱagainȱhands
themȱaȱcommunication.ȱWhatȱisȱnew,ȱinȱcontrastȱwithȱmostȱregentȱportraits,ȱisȱthe
ratherȱprominentȱfemaleȱpresence.ȱInȱtheȱrightȱbackground,ȱtheȱindoorȱmotherȱis
predominantlyȱsituatedȱsoȱthatȱsheȱalmostȱcompletelyȱfillsȱtheȱdoorway,ȱthusȱblocking
theȱfigureȱofȱtheȱindoorȱfatherȱbehindȱher.ȱSheȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱaȱratherȱsturdyȱlooking
figureȱcapableȱofȱtheȱnecessaryȱdisciplineȱinȱtheȱprison.ȱ
Thereȱareȱthreeȱotherȱfemalesȱinȱtheȱportraitȱbutȱtheyȱareȱallegoricalȱcarvingsȱonȱthe
backȱwallȱratherȱthanȱliveȱfigures.ȱTheȱpalatialȱdécorȱofȱtheȱsettingȱcorrespondsȱto
contemporaryȱaccountsȱofȱtheȱgrandeurȱofȱtheȱnewȱspinhouse.ȱInȱactuality,ȱseveral
foreignersȱdeclaredȱthatȱtheȱspinhouseȱdidȱlookȱmoreȱlikeȱaȱpalaceȱthanȱaȱhouseȱof
correction.25ȱ Inȱ thisȱ fashion,ȱ theȱ Amsterdamȱ spinhouseȱ wasȱ onceȱ againȱ aȱ shining
exceptionȱtoȱtheȱusualȱfilthȱandȱdisarrayȱthatȱcharacterizedȱmostȱearlyȱmodernȱprisons.
Theȱthreeȱcarvedȱfiguresȱfurtherȱennobleȱtheȱinstitutionȱandȱtheȱworkȱdoneȱbyȱthe
femaleȱinmates.ȱTheȱfigureȱonȱtheȱleftȱusesȱaȱdistaff;ȱtheȱwomanȱinȱtheȱcenterȱwinds
thread;ȱ theȱ finalȱ figureȱ holdsȱ theȱ leavesȱ ofȱ theȱ flaxȱ plantȱ thatȱ wereȱ usedȱ inȱ the
manufactureȱofȱlinen.ȱTheseȱloftyȱallegorizationsȱdignifyȱandȱassignȱvalueȱtoȱwomen’s
23
24
Theȱ regentsȱ areȱ identifiedȱ inȱ theȱ onlineȱ catalogȱ ofȱ theȱ Rijksmuseum,ȱ Amsterdam
www.rijksmuseum.nl/collectie/zoeken/asset.jsp?id=SKȬCȬ4&lang=nlȱ (lastȱ accessedȱ onȱ Dec.ȱ 10,
2010).
25
Spierenburg,ȱPrisonȱExperience,ȱ88ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).
work,ȱthusȱemphasizingȱtheȱimportȱofȱtrainingȱtheȱinmates.ȱInȱspiteȱofȱtheseȱreferences
toȱtheȱfemaleȱprisonersȱandȱtheirȱwork,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱmenȱareȱnotȱrepresentedȱas
comingȱ inȱ directȱ orȱ inappropriateȱ contactȱ withȱ theȱ prisoners.ȱ Indeed,ȱ theȱ indoor
motherȱ standsȱ asȱ aȱ guardianȱ atȱ theȱ doorȱ ofȱ theȱ innerȱ institution.ȱ Thusȱ theȱ order,
propriety,ȱandȱhonorabilityȱofȱtheȱinstitutionȱareȱmaintained.ȱ
Noneȱofȱtheseȱgroupȱportraits,ȱhowever,ȱpreparesȱusȱforȱtheȱsurprisingȱandȱunique
groupȱportraitȱofȱcombinedȱregentessesȱ(CatharinaȱBrouwersȱandȱPietertjeȱdeȱVries)
andȱregentsȱ(whoȱcannotȱbeȱspecificallyȱidentified)ȱthatȱwasȱpaintedȱbyȱBartholomeus
vanȱderȱHelstȱinȱ1650,ȱsoonȱafterȱtheȱrebuildingȱofȱtheȱspinhouseȱdueȱtoȱaȱfireȱthatȱtook
placeȱinȱ1643ȱ(Fig.ȱ6).26ȱThisȱisȱonlyȱtheȱsecondȱinstanceȱinȱDutchȱgroupȱportraiture
whereȱregentsȱandȱregentessesȱwereȱcombinedȱinȱtheȱsameȱimage.27ȱAndȱindeed,ȱthe
regentessesȱareȱgivenȱequalȱfootingȱinȱthisȱportraitȱbyȱportrayingȱmalesȱandȱfemales
inȱequalȱnumber,ȱinȱspiteȱofȱtheȱfactȱthatȱthereȱwereȱtwoȱregentessesȱandȱfourȱregents
atȱtheȱtime.ȱThus,ȱtheȱwomenȱareȱnowȱtrulyȱgivenȱparallelȱpowerȱandȱprominenceȱin
signifyingȱthatȱtheyȱequallyȱruleȱtheȱspinhouse.ȱFurthermore,ȱtheȱgroupingȱofȱthe
figuresȱgivesȱsignificantȱprominenceȱtoȱtheȱoldestȱregentessȱofȱtheȱgroup,ȱCatharina
Brouwers.ȱTheȱotherȱregentessȱandȱoneȱofȱtheȱregentsȱbothȱturnȱandȱlistenȱwithȱrapt
attentionȱ toȱ Brouwersȱ whoȱ isȱ depictedȱ inȱ aȱ speakingȱ attitude.ȱ Sheȱ seemsȱ toȱ be
directingȱtheȱmeetingȱandȱisȱgivenȱ“prideȱofȱplace”ȱinȱherȱthroneȬlikeȱchairȱatȱtheȱhead
ofȱtheȱtable.ȱ
Anotherȱaspectȱofȱthisȱpaintingȱthatȱsimilarlyȱconveysȱaȱsenseȱofȱfemaleȱpowerȱis
foundȱinȱtheȱadjoiningȱviewȱbehindȱtheȱportraits.ȱTheȱmanagerialȱdutiesȱofȱtheȱindoor
motherȱareȱportrayedȱasȱinȱtheȱearlierȱregentessȱportrait,ȱbutȱnowȱtheyȱareȱuniquely
depictedȱasȱpartȱofȱtheȱdailyȱactivitiesȱinȱtheȱprison’sȱspinningȱroom.ȱItȱisȱaȱscene,ȱlike
theȱ portalȱ sculpture,ȱ thatȱ emphasizesȱ theȱ strictȱ disciplineȱ andȱ controlȱ withinȱ the
spinhouse.ȱOnceȱagain,ȱbutȱinȱaȱmoreȱrealisticȱmode,ȱthatȱdisciplineȱisȱinȱtheȱhandsȱof
aȱwoman.ȱBehindȱtheȱdrapedȱcurtainȱtheȱworkȱofȱtheȱinmatesȱisȱputȱonȱdisplayȱforȱthe
viewerȱ andȱ forȱ theȱ maleȱ andȱ femaleȱ prisonȱ visitorsȱ standingȱ behindȱ theȱ wooden
railing.ȱWomenȱandȱmenȱbothȱcameȱasȱobservers,ȱbutȱtheyȱwereȱkeptȱapartȱfromȱthe
prisonersȱviaȱaȱwall.ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱspinhouseȱbecameȱaȱfavoriteȱtouristȱstopȱduringȱthe
seventeenthȱcenturyȱattractingȱvisitorsȱfromȱbothȱinsideȱandȱoutsideȱtheȱRepublic.28
Whileȱ theȱ firstȱ modernȱ reactionȱ toȱ suchȱ observationȱ mightȱ seemȱ cruelȱ and
dehumanizing,ȱthereȱwasȱcertainlyȱvalueȱtoȱtheȱinnerȱworkingsȱofȱtheȱprisonȱsystem
comingȱunderȱconstantȱpublicȱscrutiny.ȱItȱobviouslyȱinhibitedȱtheȱkindȱofȱabuseȱfound
inȱotherȱpenalȱinstitutions.ȱ
Inȱthisȱimage,ȱtheȱyoungȱfemalesȱinȱneedȱofȱreformȱareȱseatedȱinȱaȱlargeȱroomȱwith
theirȱvariousȱtextileȱtasks,ȱlaceȬmakingȱandȱsewing,ȱinȱtheirȱlaps.ȱTheȱindoorȱmother’s
26
TheȱfiguresȱareȱidentifiedȱandȱdiscussedȱinȱMiddelkoop,ȱOudeȱMeesters,ȱ105ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
27
Middelkoop,ȱOudeȱMeesters,ȱ104ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
28
faceȱ displaysȱ herȱ angerȱ towardȱ oneȱ ofȱ theseȱ youngȱ workersȱ whoȱ evadesȱ the
impendingȱblowȱofȱherȱoverseer.ȱTheȱindoorȱmotherȱisȱobviouslyȱchastisingȱtheȱyoung
girl,ȱandȱtheȱpantoffel,ȱaȱwoman’sȱslipper,ȱinȱherȱhandȱindicatesȱtheȱcauseȱforȱtheȱyoung
worker’sȱfear.
Imagesȱofȱwomenȱusingȱtheirȱshoesȱasȱweaponsȱwereȱaȱcommonȱmetaphoricalȱtopos
inȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ century.ȱ Theȱ pantoffel,ȱ orȱ woman’sȱ slipper,ȱ wasȱ aȱ signifierȱ of
powerfulȱandȱoverbearingȱwomenȱbecauseȱitȱbecameȱaȱhandyȱdomesticȱweaponȱfor
theȱ seventeenthȬcenturyȱ Dutchȱ woman.ȱ ȱ Inȱ art,ȱ thisȱ shoeȬweaponȱ wasȱ frequently
wieldedȱ byȱ shrewishȱ housewivesȱ againstȱ theirȱ husbands.ȱ ȱ Indeed,ȱ “pantoffelheld”
becameȱtheȱnicknameȱforȱaȱhenpeckedȱhusband,ȱwhichȱgaveȱriseȱtoȱtheȱexpression
“Onderȱdeȱpantoffelȱzitten”ȱorȱ“toȱbeȱunderȱtheȱslipper,”ȱimplyingȱthatȱaȱmanȱwasȱruled
byȱhisȱwife.29ȱȱ
TheȱsatirizingȱofȱthisȱexpressionȱisȱtoȱbeȱfoundȱinȱaȱlateȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱprint
byȱJacobȱGoleȱafterȱCornelisȱDusartȱ(Fig.ȱ7).ȱȱItȱisȱoneȱofȱfiveȱprintsȱinȱwhichȱeachȱofȱthe
sensesȱisȱrepresentedȱbyȱaȱviragoȱwhoȱrulesȱoverȱherȱhusband.ȱȱTheȱprintȱofȱTactus,ȱor
theȱsenseȱofȱtouch,ȱpicturesȱaȱterrifiedȱhusbandȱwhoȱfeelsȱpainȱwhileȱbeingȱstruckȱto
theȱfloorȱbyȱhisȱwifeȱwhoȱbrandishesȱaȱpantoffel.ȱAnotherȱelementȱfrequentlyȱfoundȱin
scenesȱofȱshrewish,ȱoverbearingȱwivesȱisȱtheȱbundleȱofȱbirchesȱhangingȱthreateningly
aboveȱtheȱfireplaceȱasȱaȱsignȱofȱwhoȱcommandsȱtheȱhousehold.ȱȱBirchesȱwereȱusedȱfor
theȱspankingȱofȱnaughtyȱchildren,ȱandȱasȱthisȱtaskȱusuallyȱfellȱtoȱtheȱwife,ȱtheȱbirches
becameȱ anotherȱ handyȱ weaponȱ forȱ theȱ wifeȱ toȱ useȱ againstȱ herȱ husband.ȱ The
expressionȱ“onderȱdeȱplakȱvanȱzijneȱvrouwȱzitten”ȱ(toȱbeȱunderȱtheȱstickȱorȱrodȱofȱhis
wife)ȱmeantȱthatȱtheȱhusbandȱwasȱunderȱtheȱpowerȱofȱhisȱwife.30ȱBeneathȱtheȱbattling
pairȱareȱinscriptionsȱinȱDutchȱandȱFrenchȱthatȱfurtherȱemphasizeȱtheȱpowerȱofȱthe
womanȱandȱtheȱtotalȱsubjectionȱofȱtheȱhenpeckedȱhusband:
DoorluchteȱVrouwen,ȱalȱmaaktȱuwȱbedryfȱveelȱspels,
Uwȱdegen,ȱroeptȱQuirynȱwyktȱvoorȱdeȱmuiylȱvanȱEls!
Haȱqueȱl’Atouchementȱmeȱblesse
Destreȱdaubbeȱd’uneȱDiablesse.
[Illustriousȱwomen,ȱalthoughȱyouȱmakeȱyourȱbusinessȱveryȱplayful,
Quirynȱcallsȱout,ȱhisȱswordȱgivesȱwayȱtoȱtheȱslipperȱofȱEls!
Ah,ȱhowȱtheȱtouchȱhurtsȱmeȱtoȱbeȱstruckȱbyȱaȱsheȱdevil.]
Consequently,ȱinȱvanȱderȱHelst’sȱgroupȱportraitȱofȱtheȱregentessesȱandȱregents,ȱthe
pantoffelȱasȱsignifierȱofȱwomen’sȱpower,ȱbecomesȱanȱimportantȱallegorical,ȱasȱwellȱas
29
FrederikȱA.ȱStoett,ȱNederlandscheȱSpreekwoorden,ȱSpreekwijzenȱ,ȱUitdrukkingenȱenȱGezegden,ȱvol.ȱ2
(Zutphen:ȱW.ȱJ.ȱThieme,ȱ1923),ȱ138;ȱMatthiasȱdeȱVriesȱandȱLammertȱA.ȱteȱWinkel,ȱHetȱWoordenboek
derȱNederlandscheȱtaal,ȱvol.ȱ12.1ȱ(TheȱHague:ȱM.ȱNijhoff,ȱ1882–),ȱ339
30
Stoett,ȱSpreekwoorden,ȱ2:138,ȱ164;ȱWoordenboekȱ,ȱ12.1:2186ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).
aȱrealistic,ȱindicatorȱofȱfemaleȱcontrolȱwithinȱtheȱspinhouse.31ȱThisȱsceneȱrecallsȱthe
depictionsȱofȱwomenȱaggressivelyȱbattlingȱtheirȱhelplessȱpantoffelheldȱhusbands.ȱAnd
interestingly,ȱlikeȱtheȱtypicalȱweakȱpantoffelheld,ȱtheȱindoorȱfatherȱinȱthisȱpaintingȱplays
aȱsimilarlyȱinsignificantȱrole.ȱIsolatedȱfromȱtheȱfemaleȱprisoners,ȱheȱisȱsituatedȱinȱa
separateȱroomȱtoȱtheȱfarȱrightȱofȱtheȱpaintingȱasȱheȱpassivelyȱconsultsȱaȱprisonȱledger
thatȱpresumablyȱlistsȱtheȱinmatesȱofȱtheȱspinhouse.32ȱThus,ȱtheȱparallelingȱofȱfemale
powerȱandȱcontrolȱinȱtheȱbackgroundȱwithȱfemaleȱauthorityȱinȱtheȱforegroundȱisȱa
significantȱsubversionȱofȱtraditionalȱpatriarchy.ȱMoreȱparticularly,ȱitȱassertsȱtoȱthe
viewerȱtheȱfactȱthatȱmenȱdoȱnotȱcontrolȱtheȱwomenȱofȱtheȱspinhouse;ȱmenȱareȱseparate
andȱappropriateȱbystandersȱthatȱdoȱnotȱcomeȱintoȱdirectȱcontactȱwithȱtheȱwomen.
Thereȱ isȱ oneȱ finalȱ unusualȱ detailȱ inȱ thisȱ paintingȱ andȱ thatȱ isȱ theȱ noteworthy
inclusionȱofȱaȱfootȬwarmingȱstoveȱunderȱCatharinaȱBrouwers’sȱfeet.ȱThisȱisȱanȱobject
notȱ onlyȱ absentȱ inȱ portraitsȱ ofȱ regentsȱ butȱ alsoȱ ofȱ regentesses.ȱ Itȱ is,ȱ however,ȱ a
frequentȱmotifȱinȱDutchȱdomesticȱimagery.ȱTheȱfootȬwarmingȱstoveȱwasȱrepresented
asȱaȱconstantȱcompanionȱtoȱwomenȱbusyȱwithȱtheȱproducingȱofȱtextilesȱinȱtheȱhome.
Throughȱ theseȱ associations,ȱ vanȱ derȱ Helstȱ evocativelyȱ linksȱ theȱ nobilityȱ and
honorabilityȱofȱallȱwomen’sȱworkȱwithinȱthisȱportrait.ȱTheȱworkȱofȱtheȱinmatesȱis
recognizedȱasȱimportantȱlikeȱtheȱworkȱofȱtheȱmotherȱinȱtheȱDutchȱhome.ȱTheȱrevered
regentesses,ȱtheȱindoorȱmother,ȱtheȱprisonersȱ(atȱleastȱtheȱobedientȱones),ȱandȱthe
femaleȱviewersȱareȱallȱlinkedȱinȱpurposeȱviaȱtheseȱimportantȱandȱhonoredȱskillsȱof
laceȬmaking,ȱweaving,ȱandȱsewing.ȱ
Theȱ teachingȱ ofȱ theseȱ skillsȱ withinȱ theȱ prisonȱ byȱ theȱ indoorȱ motherȱ was
metaphoricallyȱassociatedȱwithȱtheȱteachingȱofȱtheȱsameȱskillsȱbyȱtheȱmotherȱinȱthe
home,ȱwhoȱalsoȱtaughtȱherȱchargesȱinȱaȱdisciplinedȱmanner.ȱThisȱsocietalȱimport
givenȱtoȱmothersȱinȱDutchȱcultureȱisȱexemplifiedȱbyȱJacobȱCats’sȱtextȱHouwelickȱthat
wasȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱpopularȱDutchȱtextsȱthroughoutȱtheȱfirstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱseventeenth
century.ȱThisȱtextȱwasȱdedicatedȱtoȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱvariousȱstagesȱofȱaȱwoman’s
life.ȱInȱoneȱofȱtheȱillustrationsȱtoȱCats’sȱtext,ȱtheȱexampleȱofȱtheȱinfluentialȱmotherȱis
clearlyȱemulatedȱbyȱherȱdaughtersȱ(Fig.ȱ8).ȱOneȱdaughterȱdoesȱlaceworkȱwhileȱthe
otherȱ spanksȱ herȱ “disobedient”ȱ doll.ȱ Itȱ isȱ significantȱ thatȱ theseȱ areȱ alsoȱ theȱ very
activitiesȱemphasizedȱinȱtheȱspinhouseȱandȱcontrolledȱbyȱtheȱregentessesȱandȱthe
indoorȱmothers.ȱThus,ȱthisȱrevealingȱportraitȱmeaningfullyȱintegratesȱaȱvarietyȱof
visualȱsignifiersȱinȱanȱattemptȱtoȱcreateȱanȱoriginalȱandȱcompellingȱdeclarationȱofȱthe
importȱofȱfemaleȱrolesȱforȱtheȱsocietyȱatȱlarge.ȱ
31
Theȱpresumedȱpreparatoryȱdrawingȱforȱthisȱbackgroundȱsceneȱinȱtheȱpaintingȱalsoȱdisplaysȱan
indoorȱmotherȱdiscipliningȱwithȱherȱpantoffel.ȱTheȱdrawingȱisȱattributedȱandȱdiscussedȱinȱthe
onlineȱcatalogȱofȱtheȱAmsterdamsȱHistorischȱMuseumȱat:
ahm.adlibsoft.com/ahmonline/advanced/detail.aspx#ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱDec.ȱ10,ȱ2010).ȱTheȱdrawing
isȱinȱtheȱRijksprentenkabinetȱ(inv.ȱNr.ȱAȱ2789).ȱ
32
Theȱinscriptionȱonȱtheȱbookȱreads,ȱ“AlphabetȱAnnoȱ1650,”ȱandȱthusȱitȱisȱpresumedȱtoȱbeȱaȱlisting
ofȱincomingȱprisoners,ȱasȱdiscussedȱinȱMiddelkoop,ȱOudeȱMeesters,ȱ105ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
Manyȱ scholarsȱ haveȱ discussedȱ Dutchȱ domesticȱ imageryȱ asȱ anȱ indicationȱ of
patriarchalȱattitudes,ȱratherȱthanȱofȱfemaleȱpower.ȱTheyȱuseȱtheȱpopularityȱofȱCats’s
moralizingȱtextȱadvocatingȱdomesticȱrolesȱforȱwomenȱasȱanȱindicatorȱthatȱmenȱmostly
triedȱtoȱconfineȱwomenȱtoȱlowȱstatusȱtasksȱinȱtheȱhome.33ȱHowever,ȱtheȱdevotionȱof
anȱentireȱtextȱtoȱtheȱdiscussionȱofȱordinaryȱwomen’sȱlivesȱmoreȱimportantlyȱreveals
attitudesȱregardingȱtheȱsignificanceȱofȱwomenȱandȱtheirȱactivitiesȱforȱtheȱcultureȱat
large.ȱAndȱwhileȱearlierȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱimagesȱandȱtextsȱmayȱhaveȱtakenȱonȱa
moreȱmoralizingȱtone,ȱsuchȱexamplesȱsoonȱgaveȱwayȱtoȱmoreȱrealisticȱandȱennobling
perspectivesȱ afterȱ midȬcentury.ȱ Itȱ wasȱ atȱ thisȱ pointȱ inȱ timeȱ thatȱ aȱ profusionȱ of
domesticȱimagesȱwereȱcreatedȱstartingȱwithȱanȱinfluentialȱseriesȱofȱprintsȱonȱwomen’s
workȱbyȱtheȱfemaleȱartistȱGeertruydtȱRoghmanȱdoneȱaboutȱ1650.34ȱHerȱdepictionȱof
twoȱ womenȱ sewing,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ directlyȱ focusesȱ theȱ viewer’sȱ attentionȱ onȱ the
concentratedȱgazeȱofȱtheȱwomanȱonȱtheȱleftȱspecificallyȱ(Fig.ȱ9).ȱOnlyȱtheȱnecessary
detailsȱofȱtheȱwomen’sȱworkȱhaveȱbeenȱincluded:ȱcloth,ȱneedleȱandȱthread,ȱspool,
scissors,ȱaȱlamp,ȱandȱaȱfootwarmingȱstoveȱwithȱaȱpokerȱforȱstirringȱtheȱcoals.ȱThe
woman’sȱ avertedȱ gazeȱ suggestsȱ aȱ preoccupationȱ withȱ herȱ ownȱ thoughtsȱ and
activities,ȱandȱcreatesȱaȱsenseȱofȱdiscreetnessȱinȱwhichȱtheȱfigureȱdoesȱnotȱdisplay
herselfȱforȱtheȱmoralȱedificationȱorȱvoyeuristicȱgazeȱofȱtheȱviewer.ȱInstead,ȱtheȱviewing
positionȱallowsȱtheseȱwomenȱtoȱgoȱaboutȱtheirȱconsequentialȱdailyȱtasksȱwithout
becomingȱpatriarchalȱsymbols,ȱobjects,ȱorȱallegories.ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱdepictionsȱgive
visibilityȱto,ȱandȱtherebyȱimportanceȱto,ȱtheȱdomesticȱworkȱperformed.ȱForȱthose
womenȱfamiliarȱwithȱtheȱparticularȱtask,ȱitȱalsoȱlentȱsignificanceȱtoȱthatȱviewer’sȱwork.ȱ
Thisȱ fascinationȱ with,ȱ andȱ respectȱ for,ȱ theȱ workȱ ofȱ womenȱ inȱ Dutchȱ societyȱ is
indicatedȱbyȱtheȱlargeȱnumberȱofȱdomesticȱpaintingsȱproducedȱafterȱmidȱcentury.
Someȱartistsȱdedicatedȱalmostȱtheirȱentireȱoeuvreȱtoȱtheseȱthemes.ȱInȱparticular,ȱthe
highlyȱ skilledȱ andȱ extremelyȱ intricateȱ workȱ ofȱ laceȬmakingȱ becameȱ aȱ subjectȱ of
fascinationȱforȱartists,ȱasȱinȱJohannesȱVermeer’sȱpaintingȱofȱaboutȱ1670ȱ(Fig.ȱ10).ȱLike
Roghman,ȱVermeerȱfocusesȱourȱattentionȱonȱthisȱmesmerizingȱskillȱbyȱdirectingȱthe
woman’sȱgaze,ȱandȱthusȱtheȱviewer’sȱgaze,ȱtoȱtheȱelaborateȱdisplayȱofȱthreadsȱand
bobbins.ȱTheȱfigureȱisȱbroughtȱcloseȱsoȱthatȱherȱworkȱtakesȱplaceȱdirectlyȱinȱfrontȱof
theȱviewerȱwhoȱinhabitsȱtheȱwoman’sȱsameȱspaceȱandȱwhoȱalmostȱparticipatesȱinȱthe
33
ForȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱhistoriographyȱofȱthisȱdebateȱseeȱMarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock,ȱ“Domesticityȱin
theȱ Publicȱ Sphere,”ȱ Saints,ȱ Sinners,ȱ andȱ Sisters.ȱ Genderȱ andȱ Northernȱ Artȱ inȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Early
Modernȱ Europe,ȱ ed.ȱ Janeȱ Carrollȱ andȱ Alisonȱ Stewartȱ (Burlington,ȱ VT,ȱ andȱ Aldershot,ȱ Hants,
England:ȱAshgate,ȱ2003),ȱ44–68;ȱPeacock,ȱ“DutchȱWomenȱinȱtheȱCity,”ȱ667–71ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).ȱThe
mostȱ concentratedȱ studyȱ onȱ theȱ patriarchalȱ aspectsȱ ofȱ domesticȱ imageryȱ isȱ Wayneȱ Franits,
ParagonsȱofȱVirtue:ȱWomenȱandȱDomesticityȱinȱSeventeenthȬCenturyȱDutchȱArtȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNew
York:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1993).ȱ
34
ForȱaȱmoreȱcompleteȱstudyȱofȱRoghman’sȱprintȱcycleȱseeȱMarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock,ȱ“Geertruydt
RoghmanȱandȱtheȱFemaleȱPerspectiveȱinȱSeventeenthȬCenturyȱDutchȱGenreȱImagery,”ȱWoman’s
ArtȱJournalȱ14.2ȱ(1993–1994):ȱ3–10;ȱPeacock,ȱ“Domesticity”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33).ȱ
intriguingȱtask.ȱAgain,ȱthereȱisȱanȱabsenceȱofȱmoralizingȱandȱsymbolicȱdevices.ȱThe
paintedȱ illusionȱ createsȱ theȱ effectȱ ofȱ observingȱ anȱ actualȱ womanȱ atȱ workȱ andȱ of
recreatingȱtheȱexperienceȱofȱamazedȱadmirationȱstillȱfeltȱbyȱcontemporaryȱtourists
gatheredȱaroundȱNetherlandishȱlaceȬmakersȱtoday.ȱ
Theȱimportanceȱofȱteachingȱthisȱvaluableȱskillȱtoȱyoungȱwomenȱisȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱa
paintingȱbyȱQuirijnȱvanȱBreklenkamȱdatedȱ1654ȱ(Fig.ȱ11).ȱAȱwomanȱisȱseatedȱinȱthe
middleȱofȱtheȱcompositionȱhelpingȱthreeȱyoungȱpupilsȱtoȱlearnȱtheȱhighlyȱadmiredȱart
ofȱlaceȬmaking.ȱItȱclearlyȱrepresentsȱaȱworkshopȱforȱtheȱtrainingȱofȱyoungȱlaceȬmakers
dueȱtoȱtheȱnumerousȱbolsterȱcushionsȱatopȱtheȱshelfȱonȱtheȱbackȱwall.ȱConsequently,
thereȱ areȱ clearȱ connectionsȱ betweenȱ thisȱ motherȱ andȱ theȱ indoorȱ motherȱ ofȱ the
spinhouseȱwhoȱalsoȱinstructsȱherȱyoungȱcharges.ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱpantoffelȱisolatedȱin
theȱ centralȱ foregroundȱ mayȱ indicateȱ moreȱ thanȱ theȱ naturalisticȱ removalȱ ofȱ the
woman’sȱshoesȱinȱorderȱtoȱwarmȱherȱfeetȱonȱtheȱwoodenȱstove.ȱOnceȱagain,ȱitȱmay
haveȱbeenȱaȱreferenceȱtoȱfemaleȱcontrol,ȱalbeitȱinȱaȱlessȱviolentȱfashion.ȱByȱassociation,
then,ȱitȱcanȱbeȱassumedȱthatȱmanyȱwomenȱinvolvedȱwithȱtheȱmanagementȱand
disciplineȱofȱtheȱspinhouseȱhadȱgoalsȱsimilarȱtoȱordinaryȱwomen—theȱtrainingȱof
youngȱwomenȱtoȱplayȱusefulȱrolesȱinȱsocietyȱthroughȱtheȱrespectableȱfemaleȱwork
ofȱtextileȱproduction.ȱ
Otherȱempoweringȱdiscoursesȱinȱassociationȱwithȱwomen’sȱtextileȱproduction
hadȱaȱlongȱhistoryȱinȱNetherlandishȱvisualȱtradition.ȱSpecifically,ȱtoolsȱlikeȱthe
distaffȱusedȱforȱspinningȱcarriedȱcustomaryȱconnotationsȱofȱintimidatingȱfemale
powerȱandȱsubversionȱfromȱaȱveryȱearlyȱperiod.ȱAlreadyȱinȱtheȱthirteenthȱand
fourteenthȱcenturiesȱwomenȱareȱrepresentedȱinȱtheȱmarginsȱofȱmanuscriptsȱusing
distaffsȱasȱweaponsȱinȱaȱ“BattleȱofȱtheȱSexes.”ȱInȱdepictionsȱofȱwildȱfolk,ȱcouples
areȱoftenȱshownȱjoustingȱwithȱtheirȱcharacteristicȱandȱgenderedȱtools—theȱmale
withȱ aȱ rakeȱ andȱ theȱ femaleȱ withȱ herȱ distaff.ȱ Fearȱ ofȱ theȱ subversiveȱ powerȱ of
womenȱinȱconnectionȱwithȱthisȱfemaleȱtoolȱwasȱfurtherȱemphasizedȱbyȱimagesȱof
distaffȬcarryingȱwitches.35ȱInȱoneȱofȱErasmus’sȱColloquiaȱtheȱconnectionȱbetween
femaleȱinsubordinationȱandȱtheȱdistaffȱisȱmadeȱclear.ȱTwoȱfriends,ȱEulaliaȱand
Xantippe,ȱ haveȱ aȱ conversationȱ regardingȱ theirȱ husbandsȱ inȱ whichȱ Xantippe
describesȱhowȱherȱhusbandȱcomesȱhomeȱdrunkȱandȱbeatsȱher.ȱEulaliaȱexclaims,ȱ“A
newȱsortȱofȱshield:ȱYouȱshouldȱhaveȱusedȱyourȱdistaffȱforȱaȱlance.”36ȱEvenȱinȱthe
laterȱseventeenthȱcenturyȱwhenȱtheȱtoolȱwasȱbecomingȱsomewhatȱoldȱfashioned,
theȱ distaffȱ wasȱ stillȱ usedȱ asȱ aȱ metaphorȱ forȱ womenȱ generallyȱ andȱ alsoȱ more
specificallyȱforȱoverbearingȱfemales.ȱItȱisȱusedȱasȱsuchȱinȱanȱexpressionȱfoundȱin
35
Theȱ useȱ ofȱ theȱ distaffȱ inȱ suchȱ imagesȱ isȱ discussedȱ andȱ illustrated,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ inȱ Timothy
Husband,ȱTheȱWildȱMan:ȱMedievalȱMythȱandȱSymbolismȱ(NewȱYork:ȱMetropolitanȱMuseumȱofȱArt,
1980),ȱ139–40.ȱ
36
TheȱColloquiesȱofȱErasmus,ȱtrans.ȱCraigȱR.ȱThompsonȱ(Chicago:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,
1965),ȱ117.
JacobȱCats’ȱRegelsȱvoorȱdeȱHuysȬhoudingeȱinȱSpreucken,ȱSpreeckȬworden,ȱenȱGedichten
(RulesȱforȱHouseholdsȱinȱSayings,ȱProverbs,ȱandȱPoems):
AlwaerȱdeȱspinȬrockȱdwinghtȱhetȱsweert,
Daerȱstaetȱhetȱqualickȱmetȱdenȱweert.
[Whereverȱtheȱdistaffȱdominatesȱtheȱsword,
Thereȱthingsȱareȱgoingȱbadlyȱforȱtheȱheadȱofȱtheȱhousehold.]37
Distaffsȱwereȱalsoȱfrequentlyȱwieldedȱinȱdepictionsȱofȱtheȱproverbialȱ“Battleȱforȱthe
Trousers.”ȱThisȱthemeȱmoreȱthanȱanyȱother,ȱbecameȱaȱwellȬknownȱmetaphorȱfor
powerful,ȱoverbearingȱwomen.ȱInȱsuchȱscenes,ȱaȱwifeȱstrugglesȱtoȱwinȱtheȱpants,
andȱthereforeȱtheȱpower,ȱfromȱherȱhusband.ȱTheȱexpressionȱ“Deȱbroekȱaanhebben”
(“toȱhaveȱtheȱtrousersȱon”)ȱorȱ“Deȱbroekȱdragen”ȱ(“toȱwearȱtheȱpants”)ȱreferredȱto
aȱ person’sȱ beingȱ masterȱ inȱ theȱ house.38ȱ Inȱ relationȱ toȱ thisȱ theme,ȱ Israelȱ van
Meckenamȱputȱdistaffȱweaponryȱinȱtheȱhandsȱofȱaȱfearsomeȱwifeȱwhoȱbeatsȱher
husbandȱtoȱtheȱgroundȱinȱaȱprintȱofȱca.ȱ1500ȱ(Fig.ȱ12).ȱInȱaddition,ȱsheȱholdsȱthe
wristȱofȱherȱstrugglingȱcaptiveȱandȱevenȱstandsȱonȱhisȱfootȱtoȱmakeȱcertainȱthatȱhe
doesȱ notȱ escapeȱ herȱ violentȱ blows.ȱ Inȱ frontȱ ofȱ theȱ kneelingȱ manȱ liesȱ aȱ formȱ of
trousers—theȱ objectȱ ofȱ dispute.ȱ Theȱ presenceȱ ofȱ aȱ terribleȱ demonȱ revealsȱ the
fearsomeȱnatureȱofȱwomenȱwhoȱusurpȱtraditionalȱpatriarchalȱpower.ȱ
AtȱotherȱtimesȱtheȱBattleȱforȱtheȱTrousersȱtookȱplaceȱamongȱsevenȱwomenȱall
battlingȱforȱtheȱprizedȱarticleȱofȱclothing.ȱThisȱmetaphoricalȱbattleȱthusȱsignified
aȱ desireȱ toȱ winȱ theȱ manȱ andȱ toȱ thenȱ dominateȱ him.39ȱ Suchȱ aȱ combinationȱ of
metaphorsȱisȱfoundȱinȱanȱillustrationȱtoȱAdriaenȱvanȱdeȱVenne’sȱTafereelȱvanȱde
BelacchendeȱWereltȱ(PaintingȱofȱtheȱRidiculousȱWorld,ȱ1635).ȱTheȱcharactersȱinȱthe
textȱareȱkermisȱguestsȱandȱthroughȱtheirȱconversation,ȱvanȱdeȱVenneȱmoralizes
aboutȱtheȱfoolishȱbehaviorȱofȱtheȱworld.ȱOneȱofȱtheȱillustrationsȱdepictsȱaȱcomical
battleȱwhereȱwomenȱuseȱbothȱtheȱdistaffȱandȱtheȱpantoffelȱasȱweaponsȱtoȱacquire
theȱ trousersȱ (Fig.ȱ 13).ȱ Theȱ manȱ toȱ whomȱ theȱ trousersȱ belongȱ standsȱ inȱ the
foregroundȱshowingȱgreatȱdismayȱoverȱtheirȱconduct.ȱInȱtheȱtext,ȱvanȱdeȱVenne
includesȱseveralȱrelevantȱproverbsȱandȱexpressionsȱincludingȱ“LaetȱMannenȱbyȱde
BroeckȱenȱWyveȱbyȱdeȱDoek”ȱ(“Letȱhusbandsȱwearȱtheȱpants,ȱandȱwivesȱwearȱthe
apron”).40ȱ
37
Cats,ȱ Alleȱ deȱ Wercken.ȱ Spiegelȱ vanȱ denȱ Oudenȱ enȱ Nieuwenȱ Tijdt:ȱ Regelsȱ voorȱ deȱ HuysȬhoudingeȱ in
Spreucken,ȱSpreeckȬwoorden,ȱenȱGedichten.ȱRakendeȱdeȱonderlingeȱplichtenȱtusschenȱmanȱenȱwijf,ȱ119ȱ(see
noteȱ13).ȱ
38
Stoett,ȱSpreekwoorden,ȱ1:140–41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).
39
Forȱaȱmoreȱcompleteȱdiscussionȱofȱtheseȱtwoȱtypesȱofȱbattles,ȱseeȱPeacock,ȱ“ProverbialȱReframing”
(seeȱnoteȱ5).
40
AdriaenȱvanȱdeȱVenne,ȱTafereelȱvanȱdeȱBelacchendeȱWereltȱ(TheȱHague:ȱpublishedȱbyȱtheȱauthor,
1635),ȱ240.ȱ
Significationsȱofȱfemaleȱpowerȱviaȱtheȱdistaffȱareȱextendedȱtoȱtheȱspinningȱroom
itselfȱinȱotherȱimagesȱofȱdominatingȱfemales.ȱThisȱwasȱaȱspaceȱruledȱbyȱwomen,
andȱwhenȱmenȱwereȱpresentȱtheyȱusuallyȱsufferedȱtheȱbruntȱofȱfemaleȱtyranny.ȱA
paintingȱbyȱPieterȱdeȱBlootȱemphasizesȱtheȱfemaleȱdominanceȱwithinȱtheȱspinning
roomȱ(Fig.ȱ14).ȱOneȱpowerfulȱwomanȱisȱdepictedȱleadingȱanȱarmyȱofȱwomenȱasȱshe
triumphantlyȱwavesȱaȱbannerȱbearingȱtheȱimageȱofȱaȱhand.ȱThisȱmotifȱindicates
thatȱitȱisȱnowȱtheȱwomenȱwhoȱhaveȱtheȱpowerȱinȱdirectȱcontradictionȱtoȱtheȱnatural
orderȱexpressedȱinȱtheȱsaying,ȱ“Manshandȱboven”ȱ(“Man’sȱhandȱabove”).41ȱAtȱthe
right,ȱanotherȱfierceȱmobȱofȱwomenȱchaseȱaȱterrifiedȱmanȱwithȱaȱstick.ȱCentralȱto
theȱsceneȱisȱaȱmanȱonȱbendedȱknee,ȱrespectfullyȱremovingȱhisȱhatȱandȱgivingȱthe
womanȱ standingȱ overȱ himȱ theȱ “kissȱ ofȱ theȱ thumb.”ȱ Thisȱ wasȱ aȱ familiar
metaphoricalȱgestureȱsignifyingȱaȱman’sȱsubmissionȱtoȱtheȱpowerȱofȱhisȱwife.42
Furtherȱindicationsȱofȱtheȱdominanceȱofȱwomenȱareȱpresentȱinȱtheȱforcingȱofȱmen
toȱdoȱtraditionalȱfemaleȱchoresȱlikeȱspinning,ȱindicatedȱbyȱtheȱmanȱwithȱaȱwinder
evadingȱtheȱblowsȱofȱhisȱconqueror’sȱstickȱtoȱtheȱleft,ȱorȱsweeping,ȱindicatedȱbyȱthe
broomȱnearȱtheȱkneelingȱmanȱinȱtheȱforeground.ȱ Threeȱwomenȱatȱtheȱleftȱjoin
forcesȱtoȱremoveȱtheȱman’sȱtrousersȱandȱpaddleȱhimȱasȱheȱfallsȱtoȱhisȱhandsȱand
knees.ȱTheȱtongsȱwhichȱtheȱwomenȱuseȱforȱpunishingȱareȱaȱfamiliarȱreferenceȱto
theirȱshrewishȱnaturesȱasȱtheȱDutchȱwordȱ“tang”ȱwasȱaȱnicknameȱforȱaȱshrewish
woman.43ȱClearly,ȱtheȱspinningȱroomȱwasȱdesignatedȱasȱaȱplaceȱofȱfemaleȱpower
whereȱmenȱhadȱtoȱobedientlyȱsubmitȱtoȱtheȱcontrolȱofȱwomen.ȱItȱisȱnotȱdifficultȱto
understand,ȱthen,ȱwhyȱimagesȱofȱwomenȱinȱassociationȱwithȱtheȱspinhouseȱwere
representedȱinȱsuchȱsurprisinglyȱdominatingȱways.ȱRepresentationsȱofȱregentesses
andȱindoorȱmothersȱmustȱhaveȱsimilarlyȱsignifiedȱfemaleȱpowerȱandȱcontrol.
Oneȱfinalȱassociationȱgivenȱtoȱtheȱdistaffȱwasȱasȱaȱsignifierȱofȱfemaleȱeconomic
power.ȱ Whileȱ manyȱ modernȱ feministȱ historiansȱ ofȱ theȱ prisonȱ decryȱ the
employmentȱofȱfemaleȱinmatesȱinȱtextileȱworkȱbecauseȱtheyȱconsiderȱitȱaȱlowlyȱand
traditionalȱfeminineȱtask,ȱthisȱignoresȱtheȱvalueȱofȱsuchȱworkȱinȱaȱpreindustrial
society.44ȱ Women’sȱ work,ȱ suchȱ asȱ producingȱ textiles,ȱ wasȱ notȱ anȱ insignificant
contributionȱinȱDutchȱsociety.ȱThisȱwasȱtrueȱofȱwomenȱwhoȱworkedȱinȱpublicȱmills
likeȱ theȱ Leidenȱ Lakenhalȱ orȱ whoȱ workedȱ inȱ theȱ homeȱ contributingȱ toȱ theȱ family
economy.ȱIncreasinglyȱduringȱtheȱseventeenthȱcenturyȱwomenȱbeganȱtoȱparticipate
veryȱactivelyȱasȱguildȱmembersȱinȱtheȱpublicȱtextileȱindustry.ȱWithȱsuchȱevidence,ȱit
hasȱbeenȱarguedȱthatȱwomen’sȱlaborȱcontributedȱsignificantlyȱtoȱtheȱeconomicȱsuccess
41
Alfonsȱ deȱ Cock,ȱ Spreekwoordenȱ enȱ zegswijzenȱ overȱ deȱ vrouwen,ȱ deȱ liefde,ȱ enȱ hetȱ huwelijkȱ (Ghent:
BoekdrukkersȬȱenȱUitgevershuisȱAd.ȱHoste,ȱ1911),ȱ60.
42
WalterȱGibson,ȱ“SomeȱFlemishȱPopularȱPrintsȱfromȱHieronymusȱCockȱandȱHisȱContemporaries,”
ArtȱBulletinȱ60.4ȱ(December,ȱ1978):ȱ673–81.
43
Stoett,ȱSpreekwoorden,ȱ2:345–46ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).ȱ
44
Cain,ȱ “Womenȱ Confined”ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 3);ȱ Maryȱ Bosworth,ȱ “Confiningȱ Femininity:ȱ Aȱ Historyȱ of
Gender,ȱPowerȱandȱImprisonment,”ȱTheoreticalȱCriminologyȱ4.3ȱ(2000):ȱ265–84.
ofȱ theȱ Dutchȱ Goldenȱ Age.45ȱ Aȱ realizationȱ ofȱ femaleȱ economicȱ significanceȱ inȱ this
regardȱisȱwitnessedȱinȱanȱanonymousȱNetherlandishȱallegoricalȱpaintingȱfromȱtheȱfirst
halfȱofȱtheȱseventeenthȱcenturyȱentitledȱTheȱStruggleȱforȱDailyȱBread,ȱ(Fig.ȱ15)ȱwhere
womenȱwithȱdistaffsȱcompeteȱwithȱmenȱwieldingȱtheȱtoolsȱofȱblacksmiths,ȱfishermen,
soldiers,ȱcobblers,ȱtailors,ȱbakers,ȱetc.ȱforȱtheirȱportionȱofȱeconomicȱprosperityȱfromȱthe
largeȱsack.ȱConsequently,ȱwomen’sȱtextileȱworkȱwasȱonceȱagainȱassociatedȱwithȱthe
nobleȱlaborȱthatȱsoȱcharacterizedȱtheȱcultureȱofȱtheȱDutchȱRepublic.ȱAndȱitȱwasȱalso
associatedȱwithȱtheȱpublicȱpowerȱandȱinfluenceȱofȱwomenȱinȱthisȱsociety.ȱThus,ȱtextile
productionȱatȱtheȱspinhouseȱmustȱbeȱunderstoodȱtoȱhaveȱhadȱhonorable,ȱpowerful,
andȱvaluableȱconnotationsȱinȱtheȱDutchȱculturalȱcontext.ȱ
Clearly,ȱthereȱwereȱmanyȱsignificationsȱofȱhonorableȱfemaleȱpowerȱtoȱbeȱfoundȱin
theȱimageryȱbothȱinȱfrontȱofȱandȱwithinȱtheȱAmsterdamȱspinhouse.ȱTheseȱreferences
toȱfemaleȱcontrol,ȱandȱthereforeȱpropriety,ȱmustȱhaveȱsignificantlyȱinhibitedȱmale
appropriationȱofȱwomenȱwithinȱtheȱinstitution.ȱItȱisȱwhyȱtheȱspinhouseȱwasȱsuchȱa
uniqueȱinstitutionȱforȱitsȱtimeȱandȱwhyȱitȱwasȱnotȱimitatedȱforȱmanyȱyearsȱtoȱcome.
Theȱfoundingȱofȱsuchȱanȱinstitutionȱnecessitatedȱaȱculturalȱcircumstanceȱinȱwhich
women,ȱtheirȱskills,ȱandȱtheirȱpower,ȱwereȱgivenȱvoiceȱinȱtheȱconstructionȱofȱsocial
institutions.ȱAsȱaȱconsequence,ȱwhenȱwomenȱprisonersȱwalkedȱthroughȱtheȱportalȱof
theȱspinhouseȱtheyȱrealizedȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱnowȱunderȱfemaleȱcontrol.ȱAndȱwhileȱthat
disciplineȱ wasȱ strict,ȱ itȱ wasȱ certainlyȱ moreȱ charitableȱ forȱ theȱ longȬtermȱ benefitȱ of
womenȱprisonersȱthanȱtheȱpatriarchalȱbrothel/prisonsȱfoundȱinȱotherȱareasȱofȱearly
modernȱEurope.ȱ
45
Iȱ discussedȱ theȱ economicȱ significanceȱ ofȱ womenȱ andȱ textileȱ productionȱ inȱ Peacock,ȱ “Dutch
WomenȱinȱtheȱCity”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).ȱRecentȱscholarsȱwhoȱhaveȱresearchedȱDutchȱwomen’sȱeconomic
contributionsȱ andȱ freedomsȱ include:ȱ Bibiȱ Saraȱ Panhuysen,ȱ Maatwerk:ȱ Kleermakers,ȱ Naaisters,
Oudkleerkopersȱenȱdeȱgildenȱ(1500–1800)ȱ(Utrecht:ȱUniversityȱofȱUtrecht,ȱ2000);ȱAriadneȱSchmidt,
“GildenȱenȱdeȱtoegangȱvanȱvrouwenȱtotȱdeȱarbeidsmarktȱinȱHollandȱinȱdeȱvroegmoderneȱtijd,”
DeȱZeventiendeȱEeuwȱ23.2ȱ(2007):ȱ160–78;ȱLeoȱNoordegraffȱandȱJanȱLuitenȱvanȱZanden.ȱ“Early
ModernȱEconomicȱGrowthȱandȱtheȱStandardȱofȱliving:ȱDidȱLaborȱBenefitȱfromȱHollandȇsȱGolden
Age?,”ȱAȱMiracleȱMirrored:ȱTheȱDutchȱRepublicȱinȱEuropeanȱPerspective,ȱed.ȱKarelȱDavidsȱandȱJan
Lucassenȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1995),ȱ426;ȱEliseȱvanȱNederveenȱMeerkerk,
“SegmentationȱinȱtheȱPreȬIndustrialȱLaborȱMarket:ȱWomenȇsȱWorkȱinȱtheȱDutchȱTextileȱIndustry,
1581–1810,”ȱInternationalȱReviewȱofȱSocialȱHistoryȱ51.2ȱ(2006):ȱ189–216.
Fig.ȱ1:ȱQuiringhȱvanȱBrekelenkam,ȱInteriorȱwithȱThreeȱWomenȱandȱaȱLittleȱGirl,ȱ1663,
Kunsthaus,ȱZürich
Fig.ȱ2:ȱHendrickȱdeȱKeyser,ȱSpinhuisȱPortalȱSculpture,ȱ1607,ȱAmsterdam
Fig.ȱ3:ȱNicolaesȱEliaszȱPickenoy,ȱRegentsȱofȱtheȱSpinhuis,ȱ1628,ȱAmsterdam,
AmsterdamsȱHistorischȱMuseum
Fig.ȱ4:ȱDirckȱDirckszȱvanȱSantvoort,ȱRegentessesȱofȱtheȱSpinhuis,ȱ1638,ȱAmsterdam,
Fig.ȱ5:ȱKarelȱDujardin,ȱRegentsȱofȱtheȱSpinhuis,ȱ1669,ȱAmsterdam,ȱRijksmuseum
Fig.ȱ6:ȱBartholomeusȱvanȱderȱHelst,ȱTwoȱRegentessesȱandȱTwoȱRegentsȱofȱtheȱSpinhuis,
1650,ȱAmsterdam,ȱAmsterdamsȱHistorischȱMuseum
Fig.ȱ7:ȱJacobȱGoleȱafterȱCornelisȱDusart,ȱTactus,ȱAtlasȱvanȱStolk,ȱRotterdam
Fig.ȱ8:ȱAfterȱAdriaenȱvanȱdeȱVenne,ȱMoeder,ȱFromȱHouwelick,ȱ
KoninklijkeȱBibliotheek,ȱTheȱHague
Fig.ȱ9:ȱGeertruydtȱRoghman,ȱTwoȱWomenȱSewing,ȱRijksprentenkabinet,
Rijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam
Fig.ȱ10:ȱJohannesȱVermeer,ȱLaceȬmaker,ȱTheȱLouvre,ȱParis
Fig.ȱ11:ȱQuiringhȱvanȱBrekelenkam,ȱLaceȬmaker’sȱSchool,ȱ1654,ȱ
PresentȱLocationȱUnknown
Fig.ȱ12:ȱIsraelȱvanȱMeckenam,ȱBattleȱforȱtheȱTrousers,ȱ
BibliothequeȱRoyaleȱAlbertȱIer,ȱBrussels
Fig.ȱ13:ȱAfterȱAdriaenȱvanȱdeȱVenne,ȱBattleȱforȱtheȱTrousers,ȱFromȱTafereelȱvanȱde
BelacchendeȱWerelt,ȱ1635,ȱAtlasȱvanȱStolk,ȱRotterdam
Fig.ȱ14:ȱPieterȱdeȱBloot,ȱSpinningȱRoom,ȱPresentȱLocationȱUnknown
Fig.ȱ15:ȱAnonymous,ȱTheȱStruggleȱforȱDailyȱBread,ȱAmsterdam,ȱ
Chapterȱ20
ThomasȱWillard
(UniversityȱofȱArizona,ȱTucson)
PimpingȱforȱtheȱFairyȱQueen:ȱSomeȱCozenersȱin
Shakespeare’sȱEngland
InȱReligionȱandȱtheȱDeclineȱofȱMagic,ȱtheȱBritishȱhistorianȱKeithȱThomasȱdevotesȱa
chapterȱtoȱghostsȱandȱfairies,ȱandȱtheȱlastȱpagesȱofȱthatȱchapterȱtoȱcasesȱinvolving
“fraudsȱandȱtricksters,ȱreadyȱtoȱexploitȱtheȱcredulityȱofȱtheirȱcontemporaries.”1
Writingȱfromȱanȱanthropologicalȱperspective,ȱThomasȱfollowsȱtheȱgeneralȱformula
thatȱSirȱJamesȱGeorgeȱFrazerȱenunciatedȱinȱtheȱlastȱchapterȱofȱTheȱGoldenȱBough:
“FromȱMagicȱthroughȱReligionȱtoȱScience.”2ȱAtȱleastȱheȱseesȱaȱcontinuumȱbetween
medievalȱ magicȱ andȱ reformedȱ religionȱ andȱ “interconnections”ȱ withȱ theȱ New
Science.3ȱHowever,ȱheȱseesȱnoȱprogressȱtakingȱplace.ȱHumanȱnatureȱbeingȱwhat
itȱis,ȱpeopleȱwillȱalwaysȱfallȱforȱsomething,ȱwhetherȱitȱbeȱfromȱmagicȱorȱreligionȱor
science.ȱȱAndȱtheȱharderȱtheyȱfall,ȱtheȱmoreȱdramaticȱtheirȱstories,ȱtheȱbetterȱsuited
theyȱ areȱ forȱ dramaticȱ presentation,ȱ whetherȱ tragicȱ or,ȱ moreȱ often,ȱ comic.ȱ In
Shakespeare’sȱEngland,ȱnoȱoneȱseemedȱmoreȱawareȱofȱtheȱcomicȱpossibilitiesȱthan
theȱlearnedȱplaywrightȱBenȱJonson,ȱtoȱwhomȱThomasȱmakesȱpassingȱreference.ȱ
Thomasȱ summarizesȱ aȱ halfȬdozenȱ storiesȱ ofȱ peopleȱ whoȱ wereȱ vulnerableȱ to
swindlesȱbecauseȱtheyȱbelievedȱinȱfairies.ȱSuchȱbeliefȱwasȱwidespread,ȱheȱnotes,
andȱ itȱ hadȱ stillȱ widerȱ recognitionȱ inȱ theȱ wayȱ ofȱ ourȱ Toothȱ Fairyȱ today.ȱ Inȱ A
Midsummerȱ Night’sȱ Dream,ȱ firstȱ producedȱ inȱ 1594,ȱ theȱ toughȬmindedȱ Theseus
dismissesȱtheȱevening’sȱentertainmentȱandȱurgesȱhisȱguestsȱtoȱbed,ȱsaying:ȱ“tis
almostȱFairyȱtime.”4ȱHeȱhasȱnoȱbeliefȱinȱfairies;ȱheȱdoesȱnotȱthinkȱthemȱresponsible
1
KeithȱThomas,ȱReligionȱandȱtheȱDeclineȱofȱMagicȱ(London:ȱWeidenfeldȱ&ȱNicolson,ȱ1971),ȱ732–34.ȱ
2
SirȱJamesȱGeorgeȱFrazer,ȱTheȱGoldenȱBough:ȱAȱStudyȱinȱMagicȱandȱReligionȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:
Macmillan,ȱ1922),ȱ711.
3
Thomas,ȱReligionȱandȱtheȱDeclineȱofȱMagic,ȱ755–66ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
4
WilliamȱShakespeare,ȱTheȱCompleteȱWorks:ȱOriginalȱSpellingȱEdition,ȱed.ȱStanleyȱWellsȱandȱGary
492 ThomasȱWillard
forȱtheȱloveȱmatchesȱthatȱwereȱconvenientlyȱmadeȱtheȱnightȱbefore,ȱandȱheȱhardly
expectsȱaȱfairyȱnamedȱPuckȱtoȱappearȱonȱtheȱsceneȱafterȱhisȱguestsȱretireȱforȱthe
night.ȱ Butȱ Shakespeareȱ himselfȱ isȱ notȱ aȱ believer,ȱ simplyȱ aȱ userȱ andȱ shaperȱ of
popularȱmyth.
Inȱ Shakespeare’sȱ England—byȱ whichȱ Iȱ meanȱ roughlyȱ theȱ Elizabethanȱ and
Jacobeanȱerasȱcoveringȱtheȱlastȱtwoȱdecadesȱofȱtheȱsixteenthȱcenturyȱandȱtheȱfirst
twoȱdecadesȱofȱtheȱseventeenth—theȱcrimeȱofȱpreyingȱonȱpeople’sȱsuperstitions
andȱ gullibilityȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ cheatȱ themȱ outȱ ofȱ goodsȱ andȱ moneyȱ wasȱ knownȱ as
cozenage.ȱTheȱverbȱ‘toȱcozen’ȱisȱfirstȱrecordedȱinȱ1573,ȱperhapsȱderivedȱfromȱthe
Italianȱcozzonareȱ(‘toȱcheat’).ȱTheȱnounȱ‘cozenage’ȱisȱrecordedȱaȱdecadeȱlater,ȱinȱa
tractȱonȱpracticesȱthatȱtheȱPuritanȱPhilipȱStubbesȱregardedȱasȱ“abuses.”5ȱHowever,
theȱwordsȱwereȱneverȱfarȱremovedȱfromȱtheȱolderȱ‘cousin’ȱandȱ‘cousinage,’ȱthe
implicationȱbeingȱthatȱcountryȱcousinsȱwereȱexactlyȱtheȱsortȱofȱpeopleȱonȱwhich
streetȬwiseȱcozenersȱlikedȱtoȱprey.6ȱCozenageȱwasȱtechnicallyȱaȱtypeȱofȱfraud,ȱand
deliberateȱfraudȱatȱthat,ȱbutȱtheȱperpetratorsȱoftenȱescapedȱwithȱrelativelyȱlight
punishmentsȱcomparedȱtoȱthoseȱgivenȱtoȱpeopleȱfoundȱguiltyȱofȱsimpleȱtheft.
Unlikeȱmanyȱotherȱcrimesȱofȱfraud,ȱwhereȱtheȱunsuspectingȱvictimȱdidȱnothing
toȱdeserveȱtheȱloss,ȱcozenageȱofȱpeopleȱwhoȱbelievedȱinȱfairiesȱoftenȱshowsȱgreed
allȱaround:ȱgreedȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱpeopleȱhopingȱtoȱearnȱtheȱfairies’ȱfavorȱasȱwellȱas
thoseȱwhoȱpreyedȱonȱthem.ȱTheirȱtwentyȬfirstȱcenturyȱcounterpartsȱareȱtheȱpeople
whoȱwantȱtoȱbelieveȱtheȱemailȱfromȱwidowsȱofȱNigerianȱgenerals,ȱnotȱtheȱones
whoseȱidentityȱisȱstolenȱwhileȱtheyȱsleep.ȱWeȱtendȱtoȱsayȱthatȱsuchȱvictimsȱ“had
itȱcoming.”ȱWeȱmayȱsecretlyȱadmireȱtheȱconȱartists.ȱ
Forȱthisȱreason,ȱthereȱwasȱaȱsteadyȱdemandȱforȱbroadsidesȱandȱpamphletsȱabout
notableȱcozenersȱandȱactsȱofȱcozenage.7ȱTheȱfamousȱ“connyȬcatching”ȱpamphlets
ofȱRobertȱGreene,ȱtheȱ“universityȱwit”ȱandȱplaywright,ȱpurportedȱtoȱexposeȱacts
ofȱ“Coosenageȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱthatȱhathȱbroughtȱmanyȱignorantȱmenȱintoȱconfusion.”ȱOneȱtitle
pageȱ announcedȱ aȱ workȱ offeredȱ asȱ aȱ publicȱ service,ȱ “Writtenȱ forȱ theȱ general
benefitȱofȱallȱGentlemen,ȱCitizens,ȱApprentices,ȱCountryȱFarmers,ȱandȱyeomen,
thatȱmayȱhapȱtoȱfallȱintoȱtheȱcompanyȱofȱsuchȱcooseningȱcompanions”ȱ(seeȱFig.ȱ1).8
Taylorȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1986),ȱ374;ȱMidsummerȱNight’sȱDream,ȱ5.1.353.ȱSeeȱalsoȱNicolas
Tredell,ȱ Shakespeareȱ Ȭȱ Aȱ Midsummerȱ Night’sȱ Dream.ȱ Readers’ȱ Guidesȱ toȱ Essentialȱ Criticism
(Houndmills,ȱBasingstoke,ȱHampshire,ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2010).
5
TheȱOxfordȱEnglishȱDictionary,ȱ2ndȱed.ȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1989),
“cozen”ȱv.ȱandȱ“cozenage”ȱn.ȱ1.ȱShakespeareȱusedȱtheȱverbȱ“toȱcozen”ȱinȱTheȱMerryȱWivesȱof
Windsor,ȱ5.5.195;ȱShakespeare,ȱCompleteȱWorks,ȱ571ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
6
See,ȱe.g.,ȱtheȱbroadsheetȱballadȱTheȱCountreyȱCozen,ȱOr:ȱTheȱCraftyȱCityȱDameȱ(London:ȱP.ȱBrooksby,
1685).
7
See,ȱe.g.,ȱTheȱElizabethanȱUnderworld:ȱAȱCollectionȱofȱTudorȱandȱEarlyȱStuartȱTractsȱandȱBalladsȱTelling
ofȱtheȱLivesȱandȱMisdoingsȱofȱVagabonds,ȱThieves,ȱRoguesȱandȱCozeners,ȱandȱGivingȱSomeȱAccountȱofȱthe
OperationȱofȱtheȱCriminalȱLaw,ȱed.ȱA.ȱV.ȱJudgesȱ(London:ȱRoutledge,ȱ1930).
8
R[obert]ȱGreene,ȱAȱNotableȱDiscoueryȱofȱCoosenageȱ(London:ȱThomasȱNelson,ȱ1592).ȱGreenȱreleased
PimpingȱforȱtheȱFairyȱQueen 493
Manyȱlaterȱpamphletsȱbyȱlesser,ȱoftenȱanonymousȱwritersȱtookȱtheȱsameȱtack.ȱOf
course,ȱ theȱ pamphletsȱ wereȱ writtenȱ andȱ publishedȱ toȱ makeȱ money,ȱ andȱ thus
involvedȱ aȱ certainȱ amountȱ ofȱ cozenageȱ themselves.ȱ Likeȱ theȱ swindlersȱ they
exposed,ȱtheyȱdependedȱonȱnovelty:ȱnewȱterms,ȱnewȱtricks,ȱnewȱstories.ȱ
Take,ȱforȱexample,ȱthisȱpamphletȱofȱ1595ȱ(Fig.2).ȱTheȱtitleȱisȱveryȱthorough,ȱinȱthe
mannerȱofȱtheȱtime:ȱ
Theȱbrideling,ȱsadlingȱandȱryding,ȱofȱaȱrichȱchurleȱinȱHampshire,ȱbyȱtheȱsubtillȱpractise
ofȱ oneȱ Iudethȱ Philips,ȱ aȱ professedȱ cunningȱ woman,ȱ orȱ fortuneȱ tellerȱ VVithȱ aȱ true
discourseȱofȱherȱvnwomanlyȱvsingȱofȱaȱtrypeȱwife,ȱaȱwidow,ȱlatelyȱdwellingȱonȱthe
backȱsideȱofȱS.ȱNicholasȱshamblesȱinȱLondon,ȱwhomȱsheȱwithȱherȱconferates,ȱlikewise
cosoned:ȱforȱwhichȱfact,ȱsheeȱwasȱatȱtheȱSessionsȱhouseȱwithoutȱNewȬgateȱarraigned,
whereȱsheȱconfessedȱtheȱsame,ȱandȱhadȱiudgementȱforȱherȱoffence,ȱtoȱbeȱwhipped
throughȱtheȱcitie,ȱtheȱ14.ȱofȱFebruary,ȱ1594.9
TheȱtitleȱestablishesȱthatȱJudithȱPhilipsȱconfessedȱtoȱhavingȱcozenedȱtheȱwidowȱof
aȱtripeȱmerchantȱandȱwasȱsentencedȱtoȱbeȱwhippedȱthroughȱtheȱstreetsȱofȱLondon.
Itȱmakesȱforȱaȱgoodȱstory,ȱbutȱitȱisȱnotȱtheȱmainȱstory.ȱȱThatȱstoryȱisȱaboutȱthe
cozeningȱ ofȱ aȱ “richȱ Churleȱ inȱ Hampshire,”ȱ forȱ whichȱ sheȱ wasȱ neitherȱ triedȱ in
Londonȱnorȱconvictedȱandȱpunished,ȱhavingȱbeenȱcommittedȱoutsideȱtheȱcourt’s
jurisdiction.ȱWeȱmightȱsayȱtheȱtitleȱisȱmisleading,ȱbutȱthereȱisȱnoȱdoubtȱthatȱthe
pamphlet’sȱauthorȱandȱpublisherȱknewȱtheirȱmarket.ȱ
Inȱbothȱinstances,ȱJudithȱexploitedȱtheȱfolkȱbeliefȱthatȱsomeȱpeopleȱhaveȱaȱtalent
forȱfindingȱlostȱgoodsȱandȱhiddenȱtreasures.ȱOnȱeachȱoccasion,ȱsheȱpretendedȱto
seeȱtheȱmarksȱofȱgoodȱfortuneȱinȱtheȱfaceȱofȱherȱvictim.ȱSheȱthenȱfoundȱaȱsmallȱsum
ofȱmoneyȱthatȱsheȱhadȱhiddenȱandȱsetȱcertainȱconditionsȱforȱfindingȱtheȱrestȱofȱthe
treasure.ȱTheȱHampshireȱmanȱhadȱtoȱletȱherȱsaddleȱhimȱupȱandȱrideȱhimȱaround
aȱtreeȱbehindȱhisȱhouse.ȱHeȱthenȱhadȱtoȱwait,ȱwithȱtheȱsaddleȱstillȱinȱplace,ȱwhile
sheȱmetȱinsideȱwithȱtheȱQueenȱofȱtheȱFairies.ȱNeedlessȱtoȱsay,ȱsheȱdisappeared,
takingȱhisȱbestȱcandlesticksȱandȱsilverware.
OneȱhistorianȱhasȱlikenedȱtheȱimageȱofȱJudithȱPhilipsȱbridlingȱtheȱ“richȱChurle”
toȱcontemporaryȱillustrationsȱofȱtheȱWhoreȱofȱBabylonȱastrideȱtheȱbeastȱwithȱseven
horns.10ȱPamelaȱBrownȱnotesȱthatȱPhilipsȱcarriesȱaȱmoneyȱbagȱwhereȱtheȱgreat
whoreȱcarriesȱaȱcupȱofȱbloodȱ(Fig.ȱ3).ȱSurely,ȱthough,ȱthereȱisȱaȱcloserȱresemblance
toȱaȱfamousȱillustrationȱfromȱtheȱatelierȱofȱAlbrechtȱDürer,ȱshowingȱPhyllis,ȱthe
mistressȱorȱqueenȱofȱAlexanderȱtheȱGreat,ȱridingȱhisȱtutorȱAristotleȱ(Fig.ȱ4).ȱInȱthe
medievalȱexemplum,ȱPhyllisȱtookȱoffenseȱatȱtheȱmoralȱpreceptsȱofȱAristotleȱand
threeȱfurtherȱpamphletsȱonȱtheȱsubjectȱinȱtheȱsameȱyear,ȱAȱDisputationȱbetweeneȱaȱHeeȱConnyȬcatcher,
andȱaȱSheeȱConnyȬcatcher,ȱTheȱSecondȱandȱlastȱpartȱofȱConnyȬCatching,ȱandȱTheȱBlackeȱBookesȱMessenger.
9
TheȱBrideling,ȱSadling,ȱandȱRydingȱofȱaȱRichȱChurleȱ(London:ȱWilliamȱBarley,ȱ1595).
10
PamelaȱAllenȱBrown,ȱBetterȱaȱShrewȱthanȱaȱSheep:ȱWomen,ȱDrama,ȱandȱtheȱCultureȱofȱJestȱinȱEarly
ModernȱEnglandȱ(IthacaȱandȱLondon:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2003),ȱ165.ȱSeeȱRevelationȱ17:1–6.ȱ
494 ThomasȱWillard
wantedȱtoȱpunishȱhim.ȱSheȱthereforeȱseducedȱhimȱand,ȱwhenȱheȱbeggedȱforȱsexual
favors,ȱtoldȱhimȱheȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱcomeȱcrawlingȱlikeȱaȱhorseȱbeforeȱsheȱwould
touchȱhim.11ȱ
Myȱguessȱisȱthatȱtheȱpamphlet’sȱfirstȱreadersȱtookȱatȱleastȱasȱmuchȱpleasureȱin
theȱdescriptionsȱofȱtheȱcrimeȱasȱinȱthoseȱofȱtheȱpunishment.ȱTheyȱknewȱwhatȱit
meantȱ toȱ beȱ whippedȱ throughȱ theȱ streets—aȱ punishmentȱ usuallyȱ givenȱ to
discourageȱvagrancyȱandȱbegging,ȱthoughȱsometimesȱleadingȱupȱtoȱtheȱhanging
treeȱatȱTyburn—andȱtheyȱwereȱeagerȱtoȱlearnȱhowȱthisȱcunningȱwomanȱfooledȱher
victims.ȱ Theyȱ mayȱ haveȱ beenȱ delightedȱ toȱ hearȱ thatȱ sheȱ toldȱ theȱ richȱ manȱ in
Hampshire,ȱwhoȱwasȱaȱsuspectedȱRomanȱCatholic,ȱthatȱsheȱhadȱcomeȱdirectly
fromȱtheȱPopeȱandȱwouldȱswearȱonȱtheȱBibleȱthatȱsheȱhad,ȱwhenȱinȱfactȱsheȱhad
justȱ desertedȱ herȱ husbandȱ inȱ London,ȱ whoseȱ nameȱ wasȱ Mr.ȱ Pope.ȱ Whenȱ she
returnedȱtoȱLondonȱandȱmarriedȱaȱgunsmithȱnamedȱJohnȱPhilips,ȱsheȱdidȱnotȱtell
himȱaboutȱherȱextraȱincome.ȱSheȱworkedȱwithȱotherȱconfederates.
Oneȱcoupleȱteamedȱupȱasȱconsortsȱofȱtheȱfairies.ȱJohnȱandȱAliceȱWestȱwantedȱto
stealȱ moneyȱ fromȱ aȱ simpleȱ butȱ wealthyȱ manȱ inȱ theȱ Londonȱ suburbȱ of
Hammersmith,ȱbutȱknewȱtheȱdanger:
becauseȱtheyȱknewȱcommonȱcousanagesȱhadȱforȱtheȱmostȱpartȱcommonȱdiscovery,ȱand
soȱconsequentlyȱaȱcommonȱandȱordinaryȱpunishmentȱdenouncedȱagainstȱoffendersȱin
thatȱ kinde,ȱ theyȱ thereforeȱ deuisedȱ aȱ newȱ forme,ȱ inȱ whichȱ forȱ theȱ strangenessȱ and
varietieȱtheyȱcouldȱhardlyȱbeȱtraced.12
Theyȱdevisedȱaȱplotȱtoȱconvinceȱtheirȱvictimȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱ“familiarlyȱacquainted
withȱtheȱKingȱandȱQueenȱofȱFairies”ȱandȱthatȱtheȱfairiesȱwantedȱ“toȱbestewȱgreat
summesȱofȱgold”ȱonȱtheȱmanȱandȱhisȱwife.ȱȱFairiesȱwereȱcommonlyȱconsideredȱto
beȱ theȱ sameȱ sizeȱ asȱ humans;ȱ theȱ tinyȱ creaturesȱ ofȱ literatureȱ andȱ artȱ from
Shakespeareȱ toȱ Popeȱ toȱ Disneyȱ hadȱ yetȱ toȱ enterȱ theȱ popularȱ imagination.ȱ The
Westsȱcameȱtoȱpublicȱnoticeȱafterȱtheyȱfledȱwithȱ£4ȱthatȱtheȱmanȱhadȱentrustedȱto
them—theȱequivalentȱofȱ£600ȱinȱtoday’sȱcurrency.ȱAtȱtheirȱtrialȱinȱNewgate,ȱitȱwas
revealedȱthatȱtheyȱsworeȱtheirȱvictimȱtoȱsecrecy,ȱthenȱarrangedȱ“ritesȱofȱsacrifice”
inȱ whichȱ heȱ wasȱ relievedȱ ofȱ hisȱ bestȱ linenȱ andȱ someȱ gold.ȱ Whenȱ noȱ riches
followed,ȱtheyȱofferedȱtheirȱvictimȱaȱrareȱvision:
theyȱbroughtȱhimȱintoȱaȱvault,ȱwhereȱtheyȱshewedȱhimȱtwoȱattiredȱlikeȱtheȱKingȱand
QueeneȱofȱFayries,ȱandȱbyȱthemȱlittleȱEluesȱandȱGoblings,ȱandȱinȱtheȱsameȱplaceȱan
11
Georgeȱ Sarton,ȱ “Phyllisȱ andȱ Aristotle,”ȱ Isisȱ 14.1ȱ (Mayȱ 1930):ȱ 8–19.ȱ Sartonȱ tracesȱ theȱ storyȱ of
AlexanderȱandȱanȱeasternȱtemptressȱtoȱIndiaȱandȱPersia,ȱandȱsuggestsȱthatȱAristotleȱmayȱhave
beenȱaddedȱtoȱtheȱstoryȱonȱtheȱinfluenceȱofȱtheȱSecretumȱSecretorum,ȱasȱtranslatedȱfromȱArabicȱby
JohnȱofȱSevilleȱ(ca.ȱ1120).ȱHeȱalsoȱmentionsȱtheȱeighteenthȬcenturyȱparlorȱgameȱofȱ“Leȱcheval
d’Aristote,”ȱtheȱloserȱofȱwhichȱhadȱtoȱcrawlȱaboutȱtheȱfloorȱcarryingȱaȱwomanȱonȱhisȱback.ȱȱȱ
12
Theȱ Seuerallȱ Notoriousȱ andȱ levvdȱ Cousnagesȱ ofȱ Iohnȱ VVest,ȱ andȱ Aliceȱ VVestȱ (London:ȱ Edward
Marchant,ȱ1613),ȱsig,ȱA4v.ȱ
infiniteȱcompanyȱofȱbags,ȱandȱuponȱthemȱwritten,ȱthisȱisȱforȱThomasȱMoore,ȱthisȱisȱfor
hisȱwife,ȱbutȱwouldȱnotȱletȱhimȱtouchȱanyȱthing,ȱwhichȱgaveȱhimȱsomeȱincouragement,
toȱhisȱalmostȱdispairingȱhopeȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.13ȱ
Aliceȱarrangedȱaȱsimilarȱvisionȱforȱtheȱcouple’sȱmaid:
atȱlengthȱsheȱdrueȱtheȱmaidȱintoȱaȱdarkȱceller,ȱ&ȱbyȱsomeȱstrongȱillusionȱshewedȱtwo
inȱstrangeȱhabitsȱwhomȱsheȱtermedȱtheȱK.ȱ&ȱQ.ȱofȱFayries,ȱ&ȱthemȱsoȱmuchȱimaginaed
trasure,ȱthatȱtheȱmaidȱinsistedȱbeforeȱtheȱbenchȱthereȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱsoȱlittleȱasȱseuenteen
hundredȱthousandȱpound,ȱalȱwhichȱthisȱcheatresseȱaffirmedȱwasȱforȱherȱmasterȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.14
TheȱWestsȱdemandedȱmoneyȱforȱanotherȱceremony,ȱthisȱoneȱdesignedȱtoȱappease
Oberon,ȱtheȱFairyȱKing.ȱWhenȱtheyȱhadȱallȱtheyȱcouldȱhopeȱtoȱgetȱfromȱMoore,
theyȱleftȱforȱLondonȱunderȱtheȱcoverȱofȱdarkness.
TheȱsessionsȱcourtȱconvictedȱtheȱWestsȱofȱcozenage,ȱasȱcharged,ȱbutȱtheȱcourt
recognizedȱthatȱAliceȱwasȱtheȱbrainsȱofȱtheȱoperationȱandȱsentencedȱherȱtoȱaȱstiffer
punishment:
sheȱwasȱconuictȱwithȱherȱhusband,ȱandȱiudgedȱtoȱbeeȱwhiptȱthroughȱLondon,ȱ&ȱcertain
daiesȱtoȱstandȱonȱtheȱpillory,ȱwhichȱaccordingȱtoȱherȱiudgement,ȱhathȱtoȱtheȱexample
ofȱallȱsuchȱpractisersȱbeeneȱperformed,ȱandȱsheȱyetȱtillȱfurtherȱeuidenceȱcanȱbeȱbrought
againstȱher,ȱkeptȱstillȱaȱprisonerȱinȱNewgate.15
Sheȱhadȱpleadedȱthatȱsheȱandȱherȱhusbandȱshouldȱbeȱwhippedȱandȱpilloriedȱand
thenȱreleased,ȱthatȱbeingȱaȱcommonȱpunishmentȱforȱpeopleȱwhoȱhadȱdoneȱasȱthey
did.ȱButȱtheȱcourtȱsuspectedȱthatȱtheȱMooresȱwereȱnotȱtheirȱonlyȱvictims,ȱandȱthen
sentencedȱAliceȱtoȱremainȱinȱprisonȱandȱregularlyȱonȱdisplayȱoutsideȱtheȱprison
untilȱfurtherȱevidenceȱcouldȱbeȱgatheredȱ(seeȱFig.ȱ5).ȱByȱtheȱtimeȱtheȱpamphletȱon
theirȱ crimesȱ wasȱ printed,ȱ elevenȱ otherȱ casesȱ hadȱ comeȱ toȱ light,ȱ withȱ victims
rangingȱ fromȱ aȱ sailor’sȱ widowȱ andȱ aȱ goldsmith’sȱ apprenticeȱ toȱ aȱ country
gentleman.ȱTheȱpamphleteerȱhadȱnoȱfinalȱwordȱonȱherȱsentence,ȱonlyȱaȱparting
messageȱ toȱ readers:ȱ “Happyȱ areȱ theyȱ whomȱ otherȱ mensȱ harmesȱ doȱ makeȱ to
beware.”16ȱTheȱmessageȱremainsȱaȱstapleȱofȱ“trueȱcrime”ȱjournalism.ȱȱ
Noȱlevelȱofȱsocietyȱseemedȱimmune.ȱInȱaȱlawsuitȱfiledȱinȱtheȱCourtȱofȱChancery,
inȱ1610,ȱaȱprominentȱfamilyȱinȱDorsetȱbroughtȱchargesȱagainstȱtwoȱneighborsȱwho
hadȱ cheatedȱ theirȱ sonȱ outȱ ofȱ £6ȱ (£900ȱ inȱ today’sȱ currency)ȱ byȱ promisingȱ an
introductionȱtoȱtheȱQueenȱofȱFairylandȱandȱtheȱassistanceȱofȱaȱlocalȱwizardȱwho
wouldȱhelpȱwinȱherȱhandȱinȱmarriage.ȱAlthoughȱheȱhadȱstudiedȱatȱOxfordȱandȱthe
MiddleȱTempleȱandȱknewȱhisȱwayȱaroundȱtheȱlawȱcourts,ȱhisȱfamilyȱdescribedȱthe
13
SeuerallȱNotoriousȱandȱlevvdȱCousanages,ȱsig.ȱB1vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).
14
SeuerallȱNotoriousȱandȱlevvdȱCousanages,ȱsig.ȱB2rȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).
15
SeuerallȱNotoriousȱandȱlevvdȱCousanages,ȱsigs.ȱB2r–vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).
16
SeuerallȱNotoriousȱandȱlevvdȱCousanages,ȱsig.ȱC4vȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).
496 ThomasȱWillard
youthȱ asȱ “aȱ veryȱ fantasticallȱ andȱ humerousȱ felloweȱ byȱ hisȱ behaviour.”ȱ The
imbalanceȱofȱofȱbodilyȱhumorsȱsuggestsȱsomeȱsortȱofȱhandicap,ȱphysicalȱorȱmental.
Oneȱscholarȱinfersȱthatȱheȱwasȱepileptic.17ȱTheȱyoungȱman’sȱhandicap,ȱlikeȱtheȱtripe
wife’sȱrecentȱlossȱofȱherȱhusband,ȱmadeȱtheȱcourtȱmoreȱsympathetic.ȱ
TheȱcaseȱfromȱDorsetȱwasȱheardȱinȱFebruaryȱofȱ1610,ȱaȱfewȱweeksȱbeforeȱthe
openingȱofȱtheȱtheaterȱseason.ȱLawyersȱandȱclerksȱwhoȱmadeȱtheirȱwayȱfromȱthe
InnsȱofȱCourtȱtoȱtheȱnewȱBlackfriarsȱTheaterȱwouldȱhaveȱheardȱechoesȱofȱtheȱcase
inȱ Benȱ Jonson’sȱ newȱ playȱ Theȱ Alchemist,ȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ greatȱ Englishȱ dramasȱ of
cozenage.ȱInȱtheȱPrologue,ȱJonsonȱdescribesȱitȱasȱaȱplayȱofȱ“manners,ȱnowȱcalled
humors,”18ȱ recallingȱ thatȱ peopleȱ withȱ anȱ excessȱ ofȱ blackȱ bileȱ wereȱ saidȱ toȱ be
melancholicȱandȱproneȱtoȱsuperstition.ȱJonson’sȱmainȱcharacterȱisȱaȱcozenerȱnot
unlikeȱtheȱDorsetȱwizardȱtoȱwhomȱyoungȱSirȱThomasȱsurrenderedȱhisȱgold.ȱThe
similaritiesȱ areȱ closeȱ enoughȱ toȱ makeȱ oneȱ wonderȱ whetherȱ Jonsonȱ didȱ not
interpolateȱtheȱstoryȱofȱanȱintroductionȱtoȱtheȱfairyȱqueenȱintoȱTheȱAlchemistȱatȱa
relativelyȱlateȱstage,ȱthusȱfurtherȱextendingȱtheȱrangeȱofȱcheating,ȱorȱcozening,ȱthat
theȱplayȱexposes.ȱ
TheȱsceneȱisȱsetȱinȱaȱprivateȱhouseȱinȱtheȱBlackfriarsȱdistrictȱwhenȱtheȱnearbyȱlaw
courtsȱareȱonȱvacation.ȱItȱisȱsummer,ȱandȱthereȱareȱrumorsȱofȱplagueȱinȱtheȱcity.ȱIn
theȱowner’sȱabsence,ȱtheȱhousekeeperȱhasȱletȱinȱtwoȱconfederates:ȱaȱconfidence
man,ȱ unlicensedȱ physician,ȱ andȱ sometimeȱ alchemistȱ calledȱ Dr.ȱ Subtleȱ andȱ a
prostituteȱknownȱasȱDollȱCommon.ȱTheyȱareȱdescribedȱinȱtheȱprintedȱtextȱasȱ“A
cheaterȱ andȱ hisȱ punkȱ whoȱ /ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ wereȱ becomeȱ /ȱ Coz’nersȱ atȱ large.”19ȱ The
housekeeper,ȱorȱbutler,ȱisȱnamedȱJeremy,ȱbutȱisȱcalledȱFace,ȱperhapsȱtoȱindicateȱhis
effronteryȱorȱcheek.20ȱAsȱtheȱactionȱbegins,ȱSubtleȱandȱFaceȱareȱinȱtheȱheatȱofȱan
17
C.ȱ J.ȱ Sisson,ȱ “Aȱ Topicalȱ Referenceȱ inȱ Theȱ Alchemist,”ȱ Johnȱ Quincyȱ Adamsȱ Memorialȱ Studies
(Washington,ȱDC:ȱFolgerȱShakespeareȱLibrary,ȱ1948),ȱ739–41.ȱAlsoȱseeȱJosephȱT.ȱMcCullen,ȱJr.,
“ConferenceȱwithȱtheȱQueenȱofȱFairies:ȱAȱStudyȱofȱJonsonȇsȱWorkmanshipȱinȱ‘TheȱAlchemist’,”
StudiaȱNeophilologicaȱ23.2ȱ(1950):ȱ87–95.
18
BenȱJonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱed.ȱAlvinȱB.ȱKernan,ȱTheȱYaleȱBenȱJonsonȱ(NewȱHavenȱandȱLondon:
YaleȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1974),ȱ25;ȱ“Prologue,”ȱ9.ȱAllȱquotationsȱfromȱtheȱplayȱfollowȱthisȱedition.
UnlikeȱShakespeare,ȱJonsonȱcarefullyȱeditedȱhisȱownȱworks—andȱheȱcalledȱthemȱ“works.”ȱAct
andȱlineȱnumbersȱdoȱnotȱvaryȱsignificantlyȱfromȱoneȱeditionȱtoȱanother.ȱForȱtheȱstillȬdefinitiveȱoldȬ
spellingȱtext,ȱseeȱBenȱJonson,ȱed.ȱC.ȱH.ȱHerfordȱandȱPercyȱSimpson,ȱVol.ȱ5:ȱVolpone,ȱorȱTheȱFox;
Epicoene,ȱorȱTheȱSilentȱWoman;ȱTheȱAlchemist;ȱCatilineȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1937),ȱ273–407.In
additionȱtoȱstudiesȱcitedȱinȱthisȱessay,ȱoneȱmayȱconsultȱJohnȱS.ȱMebane,ȱRenaissanceȱMagicȱandȱthe
ReturnȱofȱtheȱGoldenȱAge:ȱTheȱOccultȱTraditionȱandȱMarlowe,ȱJonson,ȱandȱShakespeareȱ(Lincoln,ȱNE,ȱand
London:ȱUniversityȱofȱNebraskaȱPress,ȱ1989),ȱ137–55;ȱMarionȱGibson,ȱWitchcraftȱandȱSocietyȱin
EnglandȱandȱAmerica,ȱ1550–1750ȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY,ȱandȱLondon:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2003),ȱ199–205;
andȱ Ryanȱ Curtisȱ Friesen,ȱ Supernaturalȱ Fictionȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Dramaȱ andȱ Cultureȱ (Brighton,
England,ȱandȱPortland,ȱOR:ȱSussexȱAcademicȱPress,ȱ2010),ȱ165–89.
19
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱ24;ȱ“TheȱArgument,”ȱ4–6ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
20
OxfordȱEnglishȱDictionary,ȱ“face”ȱn.ȱ3ȱfigȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱAlsoȱseeȱJonson’sȱdedicationȱtoȱLadyȱMary
Wroth,ȱwhichȱconcludesȱwithȱaȱreferenceȱtoȱ“theȱambitiousȱfacesȱofȱtheȱtime:ȱwho,ȱtheȱmoreȱthey
argument,ȱshoutingȱthreatsȱandȱinsultsȱatȱeachȱother,ȱandȱDollȱisȱclearlyȱtheȱonly
saneȱpersonȱinȱsight.ȱSheȱtriesȱtoȱsilenceȱtheȱtwoȱlestȱneighborsȱgetȱsuspicious,ȱand
sheȱsucceedsȱonlyȱafterȱtheȱfirstȱvictimȱhasȱarrived.ȱ
DapperȱisȱaȱyoungȱlawȱclerkȱwhomȱFaceȱmetȱtheȱnightȱbeforeȱatȱtheȱDagger
TavernȱinȱHolborn,ȱnearȱtheȱInnsȱofȱCourt.ȱHeȱisȱaddictedȱtoȱgamblingȱandȱhopes
thatȱheȱcanȱturnȱhisȱluckȱbyȱpersuadingȱtheȱdoctorȱtoȱgiveȱhimȱaȱfamiliarȱspirit.21
Subtleȱfeignsȱhorrorȱatȱtheȱprospect,ȱtellingȱFaceȱthatȱtheȱyouthȱwillȱ“winȱupȱallȱthe
moneyȱinȱtheȱtown.”22ȱWhenȱFaceȱintervenes,ȱpassingȱalongȱsomeȱofȱDapper’s
money,ȱ Subtleȱ explainsȱ thatȱ heȱ isȱ worriedȱ aboutȱ Dapper’sȱ physiognomy.ȱ The
youthȱhasȱtheȱkindȱofȱ“complexionȱ/ȱTheȱQueenȱofȱFaeryȱloves.”23ȱOnlyȱafterȱmuch
persuadingȱbyȱFace,ȱandȱmuchȱmoreȱmoneyȱfromȱDapper,ȱdoesȱSubtleȱagreeȱto
introduceȱhimȱtoȱtheȱqueen.ȱThisȱqueenȱisȱDoll,ȱwhoȱisȱaȱ“quean”ȱinȱtheȱword’sȱold
senseȱofȱprostitute.24ȱButȱfirstȱDapperȱmustȱgoȱthroughȱelaborateȱritualsȱtoȱpurify
himself,ȱandȱseparateȱhimselfȱfromȱanyȱtaintȱofȱmoney.
Itȱmayȱseemȱoddȱthatȱaȱplayȱaboutȱanȱalchemistȱshouldȱincludeȱfairies.ȱWeȱmust
realize,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱJonsonȱandȱhisȱcontemporariesȱlumpedȱalchemy,ȱastrology,
witchcraft,ȱandȱmuchȱmoreȱintoȱtheȱgeneralȱcategoryȱofȱmagic.ȱAlchemistsȱdealt
withȱ natureȱ spiritsȱ andȱ astrologersȱ withȱ planetaryȱ spiritsȱ justȱ asȱ witchesȱ had
commerceȱwithȱincubiȱandȱconjurersȱwithȱfairies.ȱTheȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱgoodȱand
badȱmagiciansȱwasȱinȱtheȱfruitsȱofȱtheirȱlabor,ȱandȱsoȱwasȱthatȱbetweenȱtrueȱand
falseȱ magicians.ȱ Allȱ possibilitiesȱ wereȱ thereȱ forȱ Jonson’sȱ audience;ȱ heȱ simply
exploitedȱtheȱdramaticȱpossibilities.ȱInȱtheȱheatȱofȱtheȱargumentȱthatȱopensȱthe
play,ȱFaceȱcallsȱSubtleȱ“Conjurer”ȱandȱ“Witch,”25ȱbutȱwhenȱDapperȱarrivesȱheȱis
callingȱtheȱsameȱpersonȱaȱ“nobleȱDoctor.”26ȱAsȱoneȱrecentȱeditorȱhasȱexplained,ȱthe
essentialȱpointȱofȱJonson’sȱ“performativeȱmagic”ȱisȱthatȱ“theȱaudienceȱdesiringȱthe
entertainmentȱ believes,ȱ supports,ȱ participatesȱ in,ȱ andȱ applaudsȱ theȱ illusion.”27
SpectatorsȱcameȱtoȱtheȱtheaterȱforȱexactlyȱtheȱsameȱreasonȱthatȱMoore’sȱmaidȱwas
drawnȱintoȱtheȱ“darkȱceller”:ȱtoȱwitnessȱaȱ“strongȱillusion.”ȱTheȱonlyȱdifferenceȱis
paint,ȱareȱtheȱlessȱthemselves”;ȱJonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱ19ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).ȱOneȱeditorȱhasȱsuggested
thatȱJonsonȱmodeledȱFaceȱonȱJohnȱDee’sȱsometimeȱassistantȱEdwardȱKelly.ȱSeeȱR.ȱJ.ȱL.ȱKingsford,
ed.,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱbyȱBenȱJonsonȱ(Cambridge:ȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1928),ȱxi.ȱOnȱDeeȱasȱtheȱpossible
modelȱforȱSubtle,ȱseeȱnoteȱ49.
21
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱ1.1.190–93ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
22
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱ1.2.77ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
23
24
SeeȱOxfordȱEnglishȱDictionary,ȱ“quean”ȱn.ȱ1;ȱseeȱ“common”ȱaȱ3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).
25
26
27
HelenȱOstovich,ȱed.,ȱJonson:ȱFourȱComedies:ȱVolpone,ȱorȱTheȱFox;ȱEpicoene,ȱorȱTheȱSilentȱWoman;ȱThe
Alchemist;ȱ Bartholomewȱ Fairȱ (Londonȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Longman,ȱ 1997),ȱ 38.ȱ Alsoȱ seeȱ David
Bevington,ȱ“TheȱMajorȱComedies,”ȱTheȱCambridgeȱCompanionȱtoȱBenȱJonson,ȱed.ȱRichardȱHarpȱand
StanleyȱStewartȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ72–89;ȱhereȱ81–85.
498 ThomasȱWillard
thatȱtheȱtheatergoersȱknewȱitȱtoȱbeȱanȱillusion,ȱwhileȱcharactersȱlikeȱDapperȱor
victimsȱ likeȱ Mooreȱ didȱ not.ȱ Indeed,ȱ theȱ ritesȱ describedȱ inȱ eachȱ courtȱ caseȱ are
remindersȱthatȱritualȱisȱcloselyȱalliedȱwithȱdrama,ȱifȱnotȱitsȱveryȱorigin.28ȱ
WhileȱDapperȱisȱpreparingȱtoȱmeetȱtheȱqueen,ȱotherȱclientsȱappearȱatȱtheȱhouse.
First,ȱthereȱisȱDrugger,ȱanȱapothecaryȱwhoȱwantsȱtoȱconfigureȱhisȱnewȱshopȱbyȱthe
rulesȱ ofȱ geomancy,ȱ theȱ westernȱ formȱ ofȱ fengȱ shui.ȱ Thenȱ thereȱ isȱ Sirȱ Epicure
Mammon,ȱwhoȱwantsȱtoȱlearnȱtheȱsecretȱofȱmakingȱgold.29ȱAsȱhisȱnameȱsuggests,
heȱisȱanȱaristocratȱandȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱwellȱoffȱdidȱnotȱhisȱgreedȱcarryȱhimȱto
Jonson’sȱ“cheater.”ȱHeȱisȱtheȱoneȱrepeatȱcustomerȱinȱtheȱplayȱandȱalreadyȱfancies
himselfȱanȱadeptusȱminor.ȱSubtleȱsupposesȱthatȱheȱmustȱbeȱhandingȱoutȱchemical
remediesȱtoȱhisȱsyphiliticȱfriendsȱatȱtheȱbrothelsȱandȱastrologicalȱcharmsȱtoȱthe
womenȱheȱhopesȱtoȱseduce:
MethinksȱIȱseeȱhimȱent’ringȱordinariesȱ[inns],
Dispensingȱforȱtheȱpoxȱ[syphilis];ȱandȱplagueyȱ[plagueȬstricken]ȱhouses,
Reachingȱforȱhisȱdoseȱ[chemicalȱpotion];ȱwalkingȱMoorfieldsȱforȱlepers,
Andȱoff’ringȱcitizens’ȱwivesȱpomanderȱbracelets
Asȱhisȱpreservative,ȱmadeȱofȱtheȱelixir.30
Mammonȱisȱwellȱintentioned,ȱatȱleast,ȱandȱSubtleȱimaginesȱhimȱhopingȱtoȱreform
theȱworld:
Iȱseeȱnoȱendȱofȱhisȱlabors.ȱHeȱwillȱmake
Natureȱashamedȱofȱherȱlongȱsleep;ȱshallȱdoȱmoreȱthanȱShe
InȱHerȱbestȱloveȱtoȱmankindȱeverȱcould.
Ifȱhisȱdreamȱlast,ȱhe’llȱturnȱtheȱageȱtoȱgold.31
HeȱalsoȱdreamsȱofȱhavingȱaȱharemȱasȱlargeȱasȱSolomon’sȱwithȱgreatȱworksȱofȱerotic
artȱonȱtheȱwalls.32ȱInȱshort,ȱheȱisȱtheȱperfectȱdupe,ȱconvincedȱthatȱheȱcanȱliveȱa
heroicȱlifeȱwithȱtheȱaidȱofȱhisȱunworldlyȱguide.ȱWhenȱheȱfirstȱentersȱheȱexpectsȱto
achieveȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ alchemicalȱ work,ȱ andȱ Subtleȱ continuesȱ preyingȱ onȱ this
conviction.ȱTheȱlearnedȱdoctorȱusesȱaȱbarrageȱofȱalchemicalȱterminologyȱwhich,
oneȱcriticȱsuggests,ȱservesȱasȱaȱkindȱofȱbewitchingȱenchantment.33
28
Theȱsecondaryȱliteratureȱonȱthisȱconnectionȱisȱvast,ȱgoingȱbackȱatȱleastȱtoȱCambridgeȱRitualistsȱlike
JaneȱHarrisonȱandȱGilbertȱMurray,ȱbutȱextendingȱtoȱstudiesȱofȱdramaticȱworksȱinȱEnglandȱandȱin
emergingȱnations.ȱSee,ȱe.g.,ȱRobertȱAckerman,ȱTheȱ Mythȱ andȱRitualȱSchool:ȱJ.ȱG.ȱFrazerȱandȱthe
CambridgeȱRitualists,ȱTheoristsȱofȱMythȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2002).ȱ
29
Thereȱareȱmanyȱstoriesȱofȱdupedȱaristocratsȱwhoȱdreamȱofȱrestoringȱtheirȱfortunes;ȱforȱoneȱofȱthe
strangest,ȱseeȱtheȱcontributionȱbyȱLiaȱB.ȱRossȱinȱthisȱvolume.ȱ
30
31
32
33
CharlesȱNichol,ȱTheȱChemicalȱTheatreȱ(London:ȱRoutledge,ȱ1980),ȱ97–100.ȱ
Otherȱcharactersȱareȱlessȱprincipled.ȱȱThereȱisȱAnanias,ȱaȱPuritanȱwithȱaȱsimilar
wishȱtoȱtransmuteȱbaseȱmetals.ȱHeȱwillȱthusȱenrichȱhisȱcongregationȱand,ȱifȱheȱlives
upȱtoȱhisȱbiblicalȱname,ȱhimselfȱasȱwell.34ȱLater,ȱthereȱisȱKastril,ȱanȱ“angryȱboy”
whoȱwantsȱtoȱmarryȱoffȱhisȱwidowedȱsisterȱandȱturnȱherȱsmallȱdowryȱtoȱaȱprofit.
Eachȱpersonȱwantsȱexactlyȱwhatȱtheȱthreeȱconfederatesȱwant:ȱriches.ȱTheȱscam
works,ȱ inȱ eachȱ instance,ȱ becauseȱ Subtleȱ posesȱ asȱ aȱ simpleȱ doctorȱ whoȱ knows
nothingȱaboutȱsuchȱbaseȱdesires.ȱTheȱfourȱ“humours”ȱareȱallȱrepresented.ȱKastril
isȱcholeric,ȱangry,ȱasȱisȱtheȱhotȱheadedȱAnanias.ȱȱMammonȱisȱsanguine,ȱhopeful;
hisȱfriendȱSurlyȱisȱphlegmatic,ȱdetached;ȱandȱDapperȱisȱsomewhatȱmelancholic
aboutȱhisȱlosses,ȱthoughȱwithȱaȱsufficientȱstreakȱofȱhopeȱthatȱhisȱtypeȱwouldȱlater
beȱcalledȱenthusiastic.
Theȱactionȱreachesȱaȱcrisisȱinȱactȱ3,ȱwhenȱSubtleȱentersȱ“disguisedȱlikeȱaȱPriestȱof
Faery.”35ȱHeȱisȱwearingȱaȱrobeȱwhich,ȱheȱsays,ȱtheȱqueenȱherselfȱgaveȱtoȱhim.36ȱAfter
heȱhasȱqueriedȱDapperȱtoȱmakeȱsureȱthatȱtheȱritualȱhasȱbeenȱfollowed,ȱandȱafter
FaceȱhasȱcheckedȱtoȱmakeȱsureȱDapper’sȱpocketsȱareȱempty,ȱDollȱfollowsȱinȱthe
guiseȱofȱanȱelfȱplayingȱaȱcitternȱandȱthreateningȱtoȱbringȱmoreȱelvesȱtoȱpinchȱhim
ifȱ heȱ hasȱ concealedȱ anyȱ riches.ȱ Subtleȱ tellsȱ Dapperȱ thatȱ theȱ queenȱ herselfȱ isȱ at
supperȱandȱwillȱnotȱreceiveȱhimȱuntilȱlaterȱinȱtheȱday.ȱThatȱgivesȱtheȱconfederates
moreȱtimeȱforȱtheirȱotherȱvictimsȱbeforeȱDapperȱisȱbroughtȱin,ȱblindfolded,ȱinȱthe
penultimateȱscene.ȱDollȱnowȱenters,ȱdressedȱ“likeȱtheȱQueenȱofȱFaery.”37ȱAsȱDapper
kissesȱherȱskirts,ȱsheȱintones:ȱ“Much,ȱnephew,ȱshaltȱthouȱwin;ȱmuchȱshaltȱthou
spend;ȱ/ȱMuchȱshaltȱthouȱgiveȱaway;ȱmuchȱshaltȱthouȱlend.”38ȱDapperȱpromisesȱto
shareȱhisȱfutureȱwinnings,ȱandȱtheȱconfederatesȱdemandȱearnestȱmoney.ȱBefore
anythingȱcanȱbeȱarranged,ȱhowever,ȱthereȱisȱaȱgreatȱclamorȱasȱneighborsȱstormȱthe
doorȱalongȱwithȱconstablesȱandȱtheȱownerȱofȱtheȱhouse.ȱ
Soȱmuchȱforȱtheȱcrime,ȱbutȱwhatȱofȱtheȱpunishment?ȱUnlikeȱJudithȱPhilips,ȱDoll
Commonȱescapesȱwhipping,ȱandȱindeedȱescapesȱLondonȱwithȱherȱloverȱSubtle.ȱFor
Jonsonȱandȱhisȱurbaneȱaudience,ȱitȱseemsȱpunishmentȱenoughȱthatȱSubtleȱisȱforced
outȱofȱLondonȱtoȱaȱprovincialȱsettingȱlikeȱChesterȱorȱYarmouth,39ȱhisȱschemesȱgone
upȱinȱtheȱsmokeȱofȱhisȱalchemicalȱfire.40ȱTheȱownerȱcouldȱpressȱcharges,ȱbutȱheȱis
aȱ manȱ ofȱ goodȱ humor,ȱ asȱ hisȱ nameȱ Lovewitȱ suggests.41ȱ Heȱ couldȱ dismissȱ his
servantȱJeremy,ȱbutȱisȱdelightedȱbyȱtheȱman’sȱinventiveness,ȱespeciallyȱwhenȱhe
takesȱtheȱwealthyȱwidowȱasȱhisȱwifeȱandȱgetsȱtheȱmoneyȱthatȱtheȱcozenersȱhad
34
SeeȱActsȱ9:ȱ1–20.
35
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱstageȱdirectionȱatȱ3.5.1ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
36
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱstageȱdirectionȱatȱ3.5.7–8ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
37
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱstageȱdirectionȱatȱ5.4.21ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
38
39
40
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱ24;ȱ“TheȱArgument,”ȱ12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
41
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱȱ5.5.144ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
500 ThomasȱWillard
alreadyȱtakenȱfromȱKastril.ȱIndeed,ȱLovewitȱisȱsoȱdelightedȱthatȱheȱtellsȱhisȱservant,
“Iȱwillȱbeȱruledȱbyȱtheeȱinȱanything.”42ȱThisȱleavesȱJeremyȱtoȱdeliverȱtheȱfinalȱlines.
Advancingȱtoȱtheȱfrontȱofȱtheȱstage,ȱheȱappealsȱtoȱtheȱaudienceȱandȱitsȱsenseȱof
decorum.ȱHeȱhasȱescapedȱfromȱbothȱhisȱconfederatesȱandȱtheirȱdupes,ȱbutȱnotȱfrom
thoseȱwhoȱobservedȱtheȱactsȱofȱcozenage.ȱHeȱthereforeȱtriesȱtoȱbuyȱthemȱoffȱwith
promisesȱofȱsharingȱhisȱillȬgottenȱgainsȱwithȱthemȱandȱtheirȱtheaterȬgoingȱfriends.
“Iȱputȱmyselfȱonȱyou,”ȱheȱsaysȱinȱtheȱplay’sȱconcludingȱlines:
ȱȱandȱthisȱpelf,
WhichȱIȱhaveȱgot,ȱifȱyouȱdoȱquitȱme,ȱrests
Toȱfeastȱyouȱoften,ȱandȱinviteȱnewȱguests.ȱ43
Amongȱ theȱ manyȱ sourcesȱ ofȱ Jonson’sȱ learnedȱ satireȱ isȱ Erasmus’sȱ colloquyȱ De
alcumista,ȱ inȱ whichȱ aȱ swindledȱ gentlemanȱ decidesȱ notȱ toȱ prosecuteȱ aȱ pretend
alchemist.ȱTheȱspeakerȱwhoȱtellsȱtheȱtaleȱconsidersȱthisȱaȱwiseȱmove.
Nay,ȱheȱgaveȱhimȱ[i.e.,ȱtheȱalchemist]ȱMoneyȱtoȱbearȱhisȱCharges,ȱandȱconjurȇdȱhimȱby
allȱthatȱwasȱsacred,ȱnotȱtoȱspeakȱaȱWordȱofȱwhatȱhadȱhappenedȱbetweenȱthem.ȱAndȱin
myȱOpinion,ȱitȱwasȱhisȱWisdomȱsoȱtoȱdo,ȱratherȱthanȱtoȱbeȱtheȱcommonȱLaughingȬstock
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ44
InȱJonson’sȱplay,ȱLovewitȱservesȱasȱtheȱjudgeȱofȱtheȱcozenersȱandȱtheirȱvictims.ȱHe
seemsȱcontentȱtoȱkeepȱanyȱillȬgottenȱgainsȱandȱtoȱletȱtheȱvictimsȱbeȱpunishedȱfor
theirȱgreed,ȱwhichȱmadeȱthemȱvulnerableȱinȱtheȱfirstȱplace.ȱTheȱfinalȱlinesȱserveȱas
aȱreminderȱthatȱtheȱplaygoersȱmustȱformȱtheȱ“country”—thatȱis,ȱtheȱjury—and
passȱjudgmentȱonȱtheȱplayȱandȱitsȱcharacters.ȱTheȱcharactersȱrepresentȱaȱcrossȬ
sectionȱofȱLondonȱlife,ȱwithȱtypesȱthatȱJonson‘sȱfirstȱaudiencesȱareȱexpectedȱto
recognize.ȱIndeed,ȱTheȱAlchemistȱwasȱupdatedȱlaterȱinȱtheȱseventeenthȱcentury,ȱin
JohnȱWilson’sȱRestorationȱcomedyȱTheȱCheats.45ȱTheȱallusionsȱremindȱusȱthatȱthere
areȱ moreȱ foolsȱ waitingȱ toȱ beȱ swindledȱ andȱ moreȱ cozenersȱ toȱ swindleȱ them.
Membersȱofȱtheȱaudienceȱcanȱbothȱprofitȱandȱprotectȱthemselvesȱbyȱknowingȱthe
tricksȱofȱtheȱtrade.ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱmostȱdiscerningȱmembersȱofȱhisȱaudience,ȱwho
buyȱhisȱpublishedȱplay,ȱareȱadvisedȱtoȱbeȱonȱguard.ȱ“Thouȱwereȱneverȱmoreȱfair
inȱtheȱwayȱtoȱbeȱcozenedȱthanȱinȱthisȱageȱinȱpoetry,”ȱheȱcautions,ȱ“especiallyȱin
plays.”ȱOneȱmustȱuseȱgoodȱjudgmentȱ inȱattendingȱplays,ȱasȱinȱdailyȱ life.ȱWith
42
43
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱȱ5.5.163–65ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
44
Erasmus,ȱ“TheȱAlchymist,”ȱAllȱtheȱFamiliarȱColloquiesȱofȱDesideriusȱErasmus,ȱtrans.ȱN.ȱBailey,ȱ2nd
ed.ȱ(London:ȱP.ȱKnaptonȱetȱal.,ȱ1733),ȱ270–79;ȱhereȱ279.
45
ThomasȱWillard,ȱ“JohnȱWilson’sȱSatireȱofȱHermeticȱMedicine,”ȱLiteratureȱandȱMedicineȱDuringȱthe
EighteenthȱCentury,ȱed.ȱMarieȱMulveyȱRobertsȱandȱRoyȱPorter,ȱWellcomeȱInstituteȱStudiesȱinȱthe
HistoryȱofȱMedicineȱ(London:ȱRoutledge,ȱ1993),ȱ136–50.
plays,ȱsaysȱJonsonȱinȱtheȱverseȱprologue,ȱitȱisȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱaȱmatterȱofȱcrimeȱand
punishmentȱasȱofȱ“vices”ȱandȱ“remedies.”46
Jonson’sȱAlchemistȱisȱaȱtourȱdeȱforceȱofȱesotericȱlearning.ȱOnceȱenteredȱonȱaȱcourse
ofȱ esotericȱ study,ȱ aȱ potentialȱ alchemistȱ couldȱ turnȱ toȱ manyȱ subjects.ȱ Some
alchemistsȱwereȱreputedȱtoȱhaveȱmadeȱFaustianȱbargainsȱtoȱfurtherȱtheirȱstudies,
andȱallȱaspiringȱadeptsȱwereȱadvisedȱtoȱperformȱtheirȱchemicalȱoperationsȱatȱthe
astrologicallyȱ appropriateȱ moment.ȱ Theȱ famousȱ astrologerȱ Williamȱ Lilly
(1602–1681)ȱwroteȱthatȱheȱhadȱtriedȱseveralȱtimesȱtoȱcontactȱtheȱQueenȱofȱFairies,
convincedȱthatȱsheȱcouldȱteachȱhimȱtheȱsecretsȱofȱhisȱart.47ȱFairiesȱandȱelvesȱwere
saidȱtoȱbeȱmalevolentȱasȱoftenȱasȱtheyȱwereȱbenevolent,ȱandȱRobinȱGoodfellowȱwas
aȱpopularȱtricksterȱfigureȱinȱEnglishȱfolklore.48
SomeȱliteraryȱhistoriansȱhaveȱtriedȱtoȱidentifyȱtheȱhistoricalȱmodelȱofȱJonson’s
alchemistȱSubtle.ȱOneȱpopularȱcandidateȱisȱSirȱJohnȱDeeȱ(1527–ca.ȱ1608),ȱwhoȱonce
servedȱasȱastrologerȱandȱgeographerȱforȱElizabethȱI.49ȱHowever,ȱhisȱonceȱelevated
socialȱstatusȱandȱsubsequentȱdistanceȱfromȱLondonȱmakeȱhimȱseemȱaȱlessȱlikely
choiceȱthanȱSimonȱFormanȱ(1552–1611),ȱwhoȱwasȱaȱgreatȱfrequenterȱofȱplaysȱand
aȱconsultingȱastrologerȱtoȱsomeȱmembersȱofȱJonson’sȱaudiences.50ȱHisȱadviceȱon
mattersȱofȱloveȱandȱfortuneȱwasȱsoughtȱoftenȱenoughȱthatȱJonsonȱreferredȱtoȱhim
asȱ“OracleȬForman.”51ȱWhileȱForman’sȱbusinessȱwasȱclearlyȱthatȱofȱtakingȱmoney
fromȱclientsȱwhoȱconsultedȱhim,ȱheȱclaimedȱskillȱatȱvariousȱmagicalȱarts,ȱincluding
alchemy,ȱastrology,ȱnecromancy,ȱconjuring,ȱandȱdivination.52ȱHeȱwasȱknownȱtoȱbe
aȱcunningȱman,ȱmuchȱasȱJudithȱPhilipsȱwasȱpresentedȱtoȱtheȱreadingȱpublicȱasȱ“a
professedȱcunningȱwoman,ȱorȱfortuneȱteller.”53ȱUnlikeȱPhilips,ȱhowever,ȱheȱwas
neverȱchargedȱwithȱswindling.ȱOnȱthoseȱoccasionsȱwhenȱheȱwasȱcalledȱuponȱto
46
Jonson,ȱTheȱAlchemist,ȱ24;ȱ“TheȱPrologue,”ȱ14–15ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).
47
WilliamȱLilly,ȱAutobiography;ȱcitedȱinȱThomas,ȱReligionȱandȱtheȱDeclineȱofȱMagic,ȱ727ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
48
SeeȱOxfordȱEnglishȱDictionary,ȱ“RobinȱGoodfellow,”ȱn.ȱShakespeare’sȱPuckȱisȱexplicitlyȱassociated
withȱRobinȱGoodfellowȱinȱAȱMidsummerȱNight’sȱDream,ȱ2.1.34;ȱShakespeare,ȱCompleteȱWorks,ȱȱ357
(seeȱnoteȱ4).
49
See,ȱe.g.,ȱFrancesȱA.ȱYates,ȱTheȱOccultȱPhilosophyȱinȱElizabethanȱEnglandȱ(London:ȱRoutledge,ȱ1979),
161.ȱ
50
TheȱclaimȱisȱmadeȱwithoutȱsupportingȱevidenceȱinȱA[lfred].ȱL[eslie].ȱRowse,ȱSimonȱForman:ȱSex
andȱSocietyȱinȱShakespeareȇsȱAgeȱ(London:ȱWeidenfeldȱ&ȱNicolson,ȱ1974),ȱ150.ȱTheȱShakespearean
connectionȱisȱpursuedȱinȱCharlesȱNichol,ȱTheȱLodgerȱShakespeare:ȱHisȱLifeȱonȱSilverȱStreetȱ(NewȱYork:
Viking,ȱ2007),ȱ112–27.ȱRecentȱstudiesȱofȱFormanȱincludeȱJudithȱCook,ȱDrȱSimonȱForman:ȱAȱMost
NotoriousȱPhysicianȱ(London:ȱChattoȱ&ȱWindus,ȱ2001,ȱandȱLaurenȱKassell,ȱMedicineȱandȱMagicȱin
Elizabethanȱ London:ȱ Simonȱ Forman:ȱ Astrologer,ȱ Alchemist,ȱ andȱ Physician,ȱ Oxfordȱ Historical
Monographsȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ2005).ȱ
51
BenȱJonson,ȱTheȱDevilȱIsȱanȱAss,ȱed.ȱWilliamȱSavageȱJohnson.ȱYaleȱStudiesȱinȱEnglish,ȱ29ȱ(New
York:ȱHolt,ȱ1905),ȱ53;ȱ2.8.33.ȱSeeȱtheȱeditor’sȱnoteȱonȱ142.
52
Thomas,ȱReligionȱandȱtheȱDeclineȱofȱMagic,ȱ362–82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1);ȱCook,ȱDr.ȱSimonȱForman,ȱ46–47ȱ(see
noteȱ50).
53
TheȱBrideling,ȱSadling,ȱandȱRydingȱofȱaȱRichȱChurleȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).
502 ThomasȱWillard
testifyȱaboutȱhisȱpractice,ȱheȱprofessedȱtoȱfollowȱtheȱscienceȱofȱastrology,ȱandȱtoȱhis
creditȱheȱinstructedȱtheȱgreatȱmathematicianȱRichardȱNapierȱinȱtheȱprinciplesȱof
makingȱofȱhoroscopes.
Formanȱkeptȱ“casebooks”ȱwithȱmeticulousȱrecordsȱofȱhisȱconsultations,ȱrecords
whichȱsayȱmoreȱaboutȱtheȱfearsȱandȱdesiresȱofȱhisȱclientsȱthanȱaboutȱanyȱattempt
toȱdeceiveȱthem.ȱHeȱwasȱsaidȱtoȱbeȱaȱpiousȱmanȱwhoȱspentȱlongȱhoursȱinȱprayer
andȱmeditation,ȱandȱinȱthatȱrespectȱmayȱhaveȱservedȱasȱaȱmodelȱforȱtheȱswindler
whoȱconvincesȱMammonȱthatȱheȱ“Hasȱwornȱhisȱkneesȱbareȱandȱhisȱslippersȱbald
/ȱWithȱprayer.”54ȱFormanȱwasȱaȱformerȱschoolmaster,ȱtheȱauthorȱofȱaȱpamphletȱon
determiningȱlongitude.55ȱLikeȱDee,ȱheȱwasȱaȱkeenȱstudentȱofȱesotericȱbooksȱandȱleft
aȱgreatȱmanyȱnotesȱonȱhisȱreading.ȱItȱseemsȱthatȱheȱconvincedȱhimselfȱfirstȱthatȱhe
wasȱskilledȱinȱtheȱoccultȱsciences,ȱandȱonlyȱthenȱdecidedȱheȱcouldȱbeȱofȱserviceȱto
others.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱveryȱnatureȱofȱhisȱservicesȱinvitedȱskepticism,ȱandȱtheȱstories
ofȱswindlersȱlikeȱJudithȱPhilipsȱandȱtheȱWestsȱmadeȱhimȱaȱpotentialȱmodelȱfor
Jonson’sȱlearnedȱswindler.
CozenageȱwasȱaȱnewȱwordȱinȱShakespeare’sȱday,ȱbutȱtheȱconceptsȱofȱcoveting
andȱstealingȱwereȱasȱoldȱasȱtheȱDecalogue.ȱTheȱcozenersȱofȱtheȱeraȱsoughtȱeverȱnew
schemesȱtoȱcheatȱtheirȱvictims,ȱandȱtheyȱoftenȱdidȱsoȱinȱtheȱhopeȱofȱgettingȱlighter
punishments,ȱifȱcaught,ȱthanȱthoseȱgivenȱoutȱforȱsimpleȱtheft.ȱTheȱschemesȱhatched
byȱJudithȱPhilipsȱinȱHampshire,ȱbyȱJohnȱandȱAliceȱWestȱinȱHammersmith,ȱandȱby
stillȱotherȱconfederatesȱinȱDorsetȱappealedȱtoȱtheȱpopularȱimaginationȱprecisely
becauseȱ theyȱ exploitedȱ popular,ȱ thoughȱ moribund,ȱ faithȱ inȱ theȱ existenceȱ and
benevolenceȱ ofȱ fairies.ȱ Theȱ sameȱ schemesȱ exposedȱ theȱ foiblesȱ ofȱ theȱ victims,
includingȱtheirȱsenseȱofȱselfȬimportanceȱandȱtheirȱdesireȱforȱunearnedȱriches.ȱAll
ofȱwhichȱmadeȱsuchȱtalesȱofȱconȱartistsȱpimpingȱforȱtheȱfairiesȱanȱirresistibleȱtopic
forȱ stageȱ satire.ȱShakespeareȱputȱtheȱfairyȱkingȱandȱqueenȱonȱtheȱstage,ȱinȱthe
charactersȱ ofȱ Oberonȱ andȱ Titaniaȱ inȱ Aȱ Midsummerȱ Night’sȱ Dream,ȱ asȱ aȱ kindȱ of
parallelȱ toȱ Theseusȱ andȱ Hippolyta,ȱ theȱ humanȱ kingȱ andȱ queenȱ inȱ theȱ play.
Shakespeareȱadaptedȱ theȱRobinȱGoodfellowȱofȱlegendȱasȱhisȱPuck,ȱwhoȱinȱthe
epilogueȱprovidedȱaȱfinalȱcommentȱonȱtheȱwholeȱstageȱillusion.ȱJonsonȱshowed
howȱtheȱillusionȱworkedȱinȱtheȱhandsȱofȱaȱskilledȱcozenerȱlikeȱSubtle.ȱ
Inȱhisȱalchemist,ȱJonsonȱhasȱcreatedȱaȱbrilliantȱbutȱdeeplyȱflawedȱcharacter,ȱwith
anȱalmostȱpreternaturalȱtalentȱforȱdiscoveringȱaȱvictim’sȱweaknessȱandȱexploiting
it.ȱ Meanwhile,ȱ heȱ hasȱ educatedȱ hisȱ audience,ȱ firstȱ inȱ “Theȱ Argument”ȱ spoken
beforeȱ theȱ playȱ isȱ performedȱ andȱ thenȱ inȱ theȱ dedicationȱ andȱ “Theȱ Prologue”
prefixedȱtoȱtheȱprintedȱplay,ȱsoȱthatȱitsȱmembersȱcanȱappreciateȱtheȱtrickeryȱwith
54
55
SimonȱForman,ȱTheȱGroundesȱofȱLongitudeȱ(London:ȱThomasȱDawson,ȱ1591).ȱFormanȱdescribed
himselfȱonȱtheȱtitleȱpageȱasȱaȱ“StudentȱinȱAstronomieȱandȱPhysique,”ȱi.e.,ȱastrologyȱandȱmedicine,
andȱheȱpromisedȱtoȱpublishȱfurtherȱbooksȱonȱastrologyȱ(sig.ȱA7v).
theȱconfidenceȱthatȱtheyȱwouldȱnotȱfallȱforȱanyȱofȱit.ȱTheȱamoralȱFaceȱstepsȱforward
atȱtheȱend,ȱJonson’sȱmouthpieceȱandȱtheȱcharacterȱwhoȱhasȱbroughtȱtheȱothers
togetherȱinȱtheȱplay’sȱaction.ȱȱAȱquickȱstudy,ȱheȱhasȱlearnedȱtheȱlingoȱofȱalchemy
andȱSubtle’sȱotherȱarts.ȱȱHeȱhasȱaidedȱandȱabettedȱSubtleȱandȱDoll,ȱandȱisȱasȱguilty
ofȱcozenageȱasȱthey;ȱhowever,ȱheȱhasȱanȱunderstandingȱmaster,ȱandȱheȱknows
whenȱtoȱbreakȱhisȱtiesȱwithȱtheȱformerȱconfederatesȱandȱtheirȱvictims.ȱPerhapsȱhe
hasȱtakenȱoffȱhisȱlaboratoryȱsmockȱbeforeȱheȱadvancesȱtoȱtheȱfrontȱofȱtheȱstageȱin
theȱplay’sȱfinalȱmoment.ȱPerhapsȱheȱsubstitutesȱaȱpieceȱofȱhisȱlivery.ȱSurelyȱhe
speaksȱforȱtheȱplaywrightȱasȱheȱinvitesȱtheȱaudienceȱtoȱpassȱjudgment.ȱ
504 ThomasȱWillard
Fig.ȱ1.ȱRobertȱGreene’sȱexposéȱofȱcozenage
Fig.ȱ2.ȱJudithȱPhilipsȱbridlingȱaȱrichȱman
506 ThomasȱWillard
Fig.ȱ3.ȱTheȱWhoreȱofȱBabylonȱbyȱAlbrechtȱDürer
Fig.ȱ4.ȱAristotleȱandȱPhyllisȱbyȱHansȱBaldungȱGrienȱinȱtheȱatelierȱofȱ
AlbrechtȱDürer
508 ThomasȱWillard
Fig.ȱ5.ȱAliceȱWestȱandȱJohnȱWestȱinȱtheȱpillory
Chapterȱ21
DenisȱBjaï
(Universitéȱd’Orléans/ȱANRȱJusLittera)
RéflexionsȱdeȱMontaigneȱ
surȱleȱchâtimentȱdesȱcriminels
LesȱréflexionsȱdeȱMontaigneȱsurȱleȱchâtimentȱdesȱcriminelsȱluiȱsontȱinspiréesȱpar
sesȱ lectures,ȱ juridiques,ȱ historiques,ȱ philosophiquesȱ (qu’ilȱ seraitȱ tropȱ longȱ de
recenser),ȱ etȱ surtoutȱ parȱ sonȱ expérience,ȱ quinzeȱ ansȱ durant,ȱ deȱ magistrat,ȱ de
praticienȱduȱdroit.ȱRappelonsȱqueȱMontaigneȱaȱd’abordȱétéȱconseillerȱàȱlaȱcourȱdes
AidesȱdeȱPérigueuxȱ(compétenteȱenȱmatièreȱdeȱfiscalité),ȱpuis,ȱàȱlaȱsuppressionȱde
celleȬci,ȱréaffectéȱàȱlaȱChambreȱdesȱRequêtesȱduȱParlementȱdeȱBordeaux,ȱdevenue
ChambreȱdesȱEnquêtes,ȱquiȱtraitaitȱessentiellementȱdesȱlitigesȱdeȱdroitȱcivil.1ȱLes
causesȱcriminellesȱétaient,ȱelles,ȱduȱressortȱdeȱlaȱGrand’Chambreȱouȱbienȱdeȱla
Tournelle,ȱainsiȱdénomméeȱparceȱqueȱl’onȱyȱsiégeaitȱàȱtourȱdeȱrôle.2ȱSiȱMontaigne
n’yȱaȱpeutȬêtreȱpasȱétéȱaffecté,ȱduȱmoinsȱaȬtȬilȱpuȱparticiperȱauxȱséancesȱplénières
duȱParlement,ȱ“toutesȱchambresȱassemblées,”ȱoùȱl’onȱstatuaitȱsurȱlesȱaffairesȱles
plusȱgraves,ȱselonȱuneȱprocédureȱunilatéraleȱprivantȱl’accuséȱd’avocatȱetȱexcluant
toutȱappel.3ȱAussiȱlesȱexécutionsȱcapitalesȱneȱsontȬellesȱpasȱseulementȱprétexte,
1
SurȱMontaigneȱauȱParlementȱdeȱBordeauxȱet,ȱplusȱprécisément,ȱàȱlaȱChambreȱdesȱEnquêtes,ȱvoir
AndréȱTournon,ȱMontaigneȱenȱtoutesȱlettresȱ(Paris:ȱBordas,ȱ1989),ȱ19–22;ȱetȱMontaigne:ȱLaȱgloseȱet
l’essai,ȱsecondeȱéditionȱrevueȱetȱcorrigée.ȱÉtudesȱmontaignistes,ȱ37ȱ(1983;ȱParis:ȱChampion,ȱ2000),
185–202.
2
Articleȱ”ParlementȱdeȱBordeaux“ȱdeȱl’Encyclopédie.ȱCf.ȱJeanȱBodin,ȱLaȱRépublique,ȱIV,ȱ6,ȱcitéȱpar
Littré,ȱDictionnaireȱdeȱlaȱlangueȱfrançaise,ȱs.v.ȱTournelle:ȱ“Nosȱpèresȱontȱtrèsȱsagementȱordonnéȱque
laȱ chambreȱ criminelleȱ desȱ parlementsȱ changeraȱ deȱ troisȱ enȱ troisȱ mois,ȱ quiȱ pourȱ cesteȱ cause
s’appelleȱtournelle,ȱparceȱqueȱtousȱlesȱjugesȱdesȱautresȱchambresȱyȱjugentȱchacunȱenȱleurȱtour.”
3
Suivantȱl’articleȱ162ȱdeȱl’ordonnanceȱdeȱVillersȬCotterêtsȱ(1539):ȱ“Enȱmatièreȱcriminelle,ȱneȱseront
lesȱpartiesȱaucunementȱouïes,ȱetȱparȱleȱconseilȱneȱministèreȱd’aucunesȱpersonnes”ȱ(citéȱparȱGéralde
Nakam,ȱ Lesȱ Essaisȱ deȱ Montaigneȱ miroirȱ etȱ procèsȱ deȱ leurȱ temps:ȱ témoignageȱ historiqueȱ etȱ création
littéraire.ȱPublicationsȱdeȱlaȱSorbonneȱ/ȱSérieȱlittératureȱ/ȱ2ȱ;ȱ16ȱ[Paris:ȱNizet,ȱ1984],ȱ138,ȱn.ȱ266).ȱVoir
510 DenisȱBjaï
dansȱlesȱEssais,ȱàȱdévider—varianteȱburlesqueȱdesȱultimaȱverbaȱédifiantsȱprononcés
parȱlesȱgrandsȱhommes—desȱbonsȱmotsȱprononcésȱsurȱl’échafaudȱ(parȱexemple,
“Unȱautreȱdisoitȱauȱbourreauȱqu’ilȱneȱleȱtouchastȱpasȱàȱlaȱgorge,ȱdeȱpeurȱdeȱleȱfaire
tressaillirȱdeȱrire,ȱtantȱilȱestoitȱchatouilleux”4),ȱouȱbienȱdesȱhistoiresȱsingulières,
commeȱcelleȱdeȱceȱcondamnéȱàȱmortȱquiȱmourutȱsubitementȱàȱl’annonceȱdeȱsa
grâce.5ȱAuȱdétourȱduȱtexte,ȱMontaigneȱlaisseȱentendreȱcombienȱilȱaȱpuȱluiȱcoûter
d’assisterȱèsȱqualitésȱàȱdeȱtelsȱsupplices:ȱ“Lesȱexecutionsȱmesmeȱdeȱlaȱjustice,ȱpour
raisonnablesȱqu’ellesȱsoient,ȱjeȱneȱlesȱpuisȱvoirȱd’uneȱveueȱferme.”6ȱ
Maisȱ cesȱ arrêtsȱ sontȬilsȱ précisémentȱ raisonnables?ȱ Instruitȱ parȱ saȱ propre
expérience,ȱ Montaigneȱ porteȱ unȱ jugementȱ lucideȱ surȱ lesȱ tragiquesȱ erreurs
commisesȱparȱlaȱjusticeȱdeȱsonȱtemps.ȱDansȱleȱdernierȱchapitreȱdesȱEssais,ȱintitulé
“Deȱl’Experience,”ȱilȱposeȱdeuxȱquestionsȱincisives,ȱdontȱlaȱgradationȱconstitueȱle
plusȱterribleȱdesȱréquisitoires:ȱ“Combienȱavonsȱnousȱdescouvertȱd’innocensȱavoir
estéȱpunisȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.];ȱetȱcombienȱyȱenȱaȬilȱeu,ȱqueȱnousȱn’avonsȱpasȱdescouvert?”7ȱEt
Montaigneȱd’enchaînerȱsurȱuneȱhistoireȱsurvenueȱdeȱsonȱtempsȱetȱpeutȬêtreȱdans
leȱressortȱmêmeȱduȱParlementȱdeȱBordeaux,ȱsousȱlesȱyeuxȱduȱmagistratȱqu’ilȱfut:
desȱassassinsȱprésumésȱviennentȱd’êtreȱcondamnésȱàȱmortȱparȱleursȱjugesȱquand
ceuxȬciȱapprennentȱque,ȱdansȱuneȱjuridictionȱvoisine,ȱonȱdétientȱdesȱprisonniers
quiȱsontȱpassésȱauxȱaveuxȱetȱquiȱont,ȱsansȱleȱmoindreȱdouteȱpossible,ȱaccompliȱce
forfait.ȱ
Queȱ faire?ȱ Justiceȱ aȱ déjàȱ étéȱ rendue,ȱ desȱ jugesȱ neȱ sauraientȱ seȱ déjuger,ȱ les
condamnésȱ àȱ mortȱ sontȱ doncȱ pendusȱ hautȱ etȱ court.ȱ “Somme,ȱ commente
Montaigne,ȱcesȱpauvresȱdiablesȱsontȱconsacrezȱauxȱformulesȱdeȱlaȱjustice,”8ȱc’estȬàȬ
direȱqu’ilsȱsontȱexécutésȱproprementȱpourȱlaȱforme,ȱsacrifiésȱàȱuneȱraisonȱjudiciaire
quiȱ batȱ enȱ brècheȱ touteȱ normeȱ juridique.ȱ Leȱ contreȬexempleȱ deȱ Philippeȱ de
Macédoine,ȱreprisȱdeȱPlutarque,9ȱquiȱsut,ȱdansȱunȱcasȱsemblable,ȱfaireȱrespecter
GastonȱZeller,ȱLesȱinstitutionsȱdeȱlaȱFranceȱauȱXVIeȱsiècleȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,
1948),ȱ179.
4
NousȱcitonsȱLesȱEssaisȱdansȱl’éditionȱJeanȱBalsamoȱetȱal.ȱdeȱlaȱ”BibliothèqueȱdeȱlaȱPléiade“ȱ(Paris:
Gallimard,ȱ2007),ȱiciȱlivreȱI,ȱchapitreȱ40,ȱ259.
5
I,ȱ20/21,ȱ99ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).
6
II,ȱ11,ȱ452ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).
7
III,ȱ13,ȱ1117ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).
8
III,ȱ13,ȱ1117ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).ȱExempleȱdeȱcasȱ“perplexe”ȱsuivantȱSt.ȱGeonget,ȱ“Perplexitéȱetȱscepticisme
dansȱlesȱEssaisȱouȱlaȱsourisȱouȱleȱverȱàȱsoieȱ(III,ȱ1),”ȱL’écritureȱduȱscepticismeȱchezȱMontaigne,ȱed.
MarieȬLuceȱDemonetȱetȱAlainȱLegros.ȱTravauxȱd’ȱHumanismeȱetȱRenaissance,ȱ385ȱ(Genève:ȱDroz,
2004),ȱ143–57;ȱiciȱ151–52.ȱ(Onȱrétablira,ȱdansȱleȱtitreȱdeȱl’article,ȱlaȱréférenceȱcorrecteȱduȱchapitre:
III,ȱ13.)
9
DansȱLesȱdictsȱnotablesȱdesȱanciensȱRoys,ȱtrad.ȱJacquesȱAmyotȱdesȱŒuvresȱmoralesȱetȱmesléesȱ(Paris:
MichelȱdeȱVascosan,ȱ1572),ȱ192B,ȱoùȱPlutarqueȱmetȱenȱscèneȱleȱjugementȱparȱPhilippeȱd’unȱcertain
Meletas.ȱMaisȱMontaigne,ȱtoujoursȱsoucieuxȱdeȱneȱpasȱpasserȱpourȱunȱpédant,ȱparleȱdeȱ”Philippus,
ouȱquelqueȱautre.”
RéflexionsȱdeȱMontaigneȱsurȱleȱchâtimentȱdesȱcriminels 511
l’arrêtȱtoutȱenȱdédommageantȱl’innocentȱcondamnéȱàȱtort,ȱcontrebalancerȱlaȱjustice
parȱl’équité,ȱneȱsauraitȱfaireȱiciȱbalanceȱégale,ȱcarȱlaȱvieȱdeȱl’accuséȱn’étaitȱpasȱen
jeu.ȱCeȱquiȱpermetȱàȱMontaigneȱdeȱpousserȱplusȱavantȱsonȱréquisitoireȱcontreȱles
tribunauxȱduȱtemps:ȱ“Maisȱilȱ[Philippe]ȱavoitȱaffaireȱàȱunȱaccidentȱreparable;ȱles
miensȱfurentȱpendusȱirreparablement.ȱCombienȱayȬjeȱveuȱdeȱcondemnationsȱplus
crimineusesȱ queȱ leȱ crime?”10ȱ clausuleȱ ciseléeȱ autourȱ d’unȱ adjectifȱ rareȱ sousȱ sa
plumeȱ(crimineux,ȱduȱlatinȱcriminosus,ȱpréféréȱiciȱàȱcriminel)11ȱetȱd’uneȱparonomase
cinglanteȱintroduiteȱseulementȱdansȱleȱtoutȱdernierȱétatȱduȱtexte.12ȱ
Confrontéȱàȱuneȱtelleȱsituation,ȱcommentȱleȱmagistratȱMontaigneȱs’estȬilȱluiȬ
mêmeȱcomporté?ȱDansȱl’avantȬdernierȱchapitreȱdesȱEssais,ȱ“DeȱlaȱPhysionomie,”
auxȱtoutesȱdernièresȱlignes,ȱilȱlaisseȱéchapperȱcetȱaveuȱlourdȱdeȱsens:ȱ“lorsȱque
l’occasionȱm’aȱconviéȱauxȱcondemnationsȱcriminelles,ȱj’ayȱplustostȱmanquéȱàȱla
justice.”13ȱLeȱjugeȱpénal,ȱaussiȱallergiqueȱàȱlaȱviolenceȱqueȱl’hommeȱprivé,ȱétait
doncȱnaturellementȱportéȱàȱl’indulgence,ȱsinonȱpourȱleȱcrime,ȱduȱmoinsȱpourȱle
criminel.ȱEtȱMontaigneȱs’autoriseȱd’uneȱsentenceȱbienȱfrappéeȱdeȱTiteȬLive,ȱqu’il
réécritȱàȱlaȱpremièreȱpersonneȱpourȱlaȱfaireȱpleinementȱsienne,ȱsurȱlaȱdisproportion
toujoursȱàȱcraindreȱentreȱleȱmalȱqueȱlesȱhommesȱsontȱcapablesȱdeȱcommettreȱet
l’énergieȱnécessaireȱpourȱleȱréprimer:ȱUtȱmagisȱpeccariȱnolim,ȱquamȱsatisȱanimi,ȱad
vindicandaȱpeccataȱhabeam,ȱ“Deȱsorteȱqueȱjeȱneȱvoudraisȱpasȱqu’ilȱseȱcommîtȱplusȱde
fautesȱqueȱjeȱn’aiȱdeȱcourageȱpourȱlesȱpunir.”14
LesȱréflexionsȱdeȱMontaigneȱsurȱleȱchâtimentȱdesȱcriminelsȱs’ordonnentȱautour
deȱtroisȱquestionsȬclés:ȱunȱchâtimentȱpeutȬilȱêtreȱjuste?ȱpeutȬilȱêtreȱproportionné?
peutȬilȱêtreȱutile?ȱPremièreȱquestion:ȱpeutȬilȱêtreȱjuste?ȱIlȱfautȱfaireȱd’abordȱlaȱpart
desȱpassionsȱhumaines,ȱcommeȱlaȱcolère,ȱlaȱcruauté,ȱlaȱvengeance,ȱquiȱviennent
toujoursȱinfluerȱsurȱlaȱsentence.ȱColèreȱduȱconsulȱromainȱPiso,ȱdansȱleȱchapitre
consacréȱprécisémentȱàȱcetteȱpassion,ȱlequelȱs’emporteȱcontreȱunȱdeȱsesȱsoldats
revenuȱseulȱduȱfourrageȱetȱsuspectéȱd’avoirȱtuéȱsonȱcompagnon;ȱilȱleȱcondamme
àȱ mort,ȱ jusqu’àȱ ceȱ queȱ réapparaisseȱ l’autreȱ soldat,ȱ àȱ laȱ grandeȱ satisfactionȱ du
bourreau,ȱquiȱpeutȱramenerȱl’unȱetȱl’autreȱvivants,ȱmaisȱàȱlaȱfureurȱredoubléeȱdu
chef:
10
III,ȱ13,ȱ1117–1118ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).
11
Pasȱ d’autreȱ occurrenceȱ dansȱ lesȱ Essais,ȱ d’aprèsȱ laȱ Concordanceȱ deȱ Royȱ Leake.ȱ 2ȱ vol.ȱ Travaux
d’HumanismeȱetȱRenaissance,ȱ187ȱ(Genève:ȱDroz,ȱ1981).
12
Onȱlitȱdansȱlesȱmargesȱdeȱl’ExemplaireȱdeȱBordeaux:ȱ”CombienȱaiȬjeȱveuȱdeȱsentencesȱ[préféréȱà
jugements]ȱ piresȱ queȱ leȱ crime.”ȱ Surȱ l’effortȱ deȱ Montaigneȱ pourȱ accentuerȱ l’expressionȱ deȱ sa
réprobation,ȱvoirȱAndréȱTournon,ȱ«Justiceȱoblige»,ȱMontaigne:ȱlaȱjusticeȱ[BulletinȱdeȱlaȱSociétéȱdes
AmisȱdeȱMontaigne,ȱ8eȱsérie,ȱnosȱ21–22ȱ(janvierȬjuinȱ2001)],ȱ71–79;ȱiciȱ71,ȱn.ȱ3.
13
14
Leȱtexteȱlatinȱ(Histoireȱromaine,ȱXXIX,ȱxxi,ȱ11)ȱporteȱnolintȱetȱhabeant,ȱparȱréférenceȱauxȱLocriens,
portésȱàȱl’indulgenceȱenversȱScipion.
512 DenisȱBjaï
ilȱenȱfitȱtroisȱcoulpables,ȱparȱceȱqu’ilȱenȱavoitȱtrouvéȱunȱinnocent:ȱetȱlesȱfitȱdepescher
tousȱtrois:ȱLeȱpremierȱsoldat,ȱparȱceȱqu’ilȱyȱavoitȱarrestȱcontreȱluy:ȱleȱsecondȱquiȱs’estoit
egaré,ȱparȱceȱqu’ilȱestoitȱcauseȱdeȱlaȱmortȱdeȱsonȱcompagnon;ȱ etȱ leȱ bourreauȱpour
n’avoirȱobeyȱauȱcommandementȱqu’onȱluyȱavoitȱfaict.15
Cruautéȱ desȱ tyransȱ quiȱ veulentȱ ôterȱ laȱ vieȱ àȱ leursȱ ennemisȱ enȱ lesȱ faisant
affreusementȱsouffrirȱetȱquiȱrecherchentȱtousȱlesȱmoyensȱimaginablesȱ“d’alonger
laȱmort”16:ȱCrésus,ȱenȱfaisantȱgratterȱetȱcarderȱtoutȱvifȱunȱgentilhomme;17ȱTibère,
enȱ“fais[ant]ȱlierȱlaȱvergeȱàȱsesȱcriminels,ȱpourȱlesȱfaireȱmourirȱàȱfauteȱdeȱpisserȱ”18;
etȱleȱsultanȱMehmetȱII,ȱenȱfaisantȱtrancherȱlesȱhommesȱenȱdeux,ȱauȱniveauȱdu
diaphragme,ȱ“d’oùȱilȱarrivoit,ȱqu’ilsȱmourussentȱcommeȱdeȱdeuxȱmortsȱàȱlaȱfois:
etȱvoyoitȬonȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱl’uneȱetȱl’autreȱpartȱpleineȱdeȱvie,ȱseȱdemenerȱlongȱtempsȱaprès
presséeȱdeȱtourment.”19ȱ
Vengeanceȱ desȱ commanditairesȱ mêmesȱ d’unȱ meurtreȱ surȱ ceuxȱ qu’ilsȱ ont
employésȱàȱcetteȱfinȱetȱquiȱleurȱapparaissentȱparȱlaȱsuiteȱenȱêtreȱlaȱvivanteȱimage,
doncȱleȱvivantȱreproche,ȱparȱexempleȱquandȱleȱmêmeȱMehmetȱIIȱlivreȱl’assassinȱde
sonȱdemiȬfrèreȱàȱlaȱmèreȱdeȱceluiȬci,ȱquiȱ“ouvritȱàȱceȱmeurtrierȱl’estomach:ȱetȱtout
chaudementȱdeȱsesȱmains,ȱfouillantȱetȱarrachantȱsonȱcœur,ȱleȱjettaȱmangerȱaux
chiens.”20ȱSansȱcompterȱl’hypocrisieȱdesȱjuges,ȱquiȱpunissentȱvolontiersȱchezȱautrui
uneȱ inconduiteȱ qu’euxȬmêmesȱ s’autorisent,ȱ commeȱ l’adultère,21ȱ ouȱ qui,
circonstanceȱ aggravante,ȱ châtientȱ contreȱ leurȱ conscience:ȱ “telȱ condamneȱ les
hommesȱàȱmourir,ȱpourȱdesȱcrimes,ȱqu’ilȱn’estimeȱpointȱfautes.”22
Ilȱ fautȱ faireȱ aussiȱ laȱ partȱ duȱ hasardȱ etȱ deȱ laȱ chance,ȱ doncȱ deȱ l’arbitraire,ȱ qui
permetȱquelquefoisȱàȱunȱaccuséȱdeȱcroiserȱsurȱsonȱcheminȱunȱjugeȱceȱjourȬlàȱbien
disposé,ȱquiȱneȱl’auraitȱpeutȬêtreȱpasȱétéȱlaȱveilleȱniȱneȱleȱseraitȱplusȱleȱlendemain.
Montaigneȱyȱvoitȱmêmeȱl’origineȱd’uneȱsorteȱd’adageȱjudiciaireȱ(qu’ilȱsembleȱêtre
toutefoisȱleȱseulȱàȱciter):ȱ“Enȱlaȱchicaneȱdeȱnosȱpalais,ȱceȱmotȱestȱenȱusage,ȱquiȱse
ditȱdesȱcriminelsȱquiȱrencontrentȱlesȱjugesȱenȱquelqueȱbonneȱtrampe,ȱdouceȱet
debonnaire,ȱgaudeatȱdeȱbonaȱfortuna,”23ȱmotȱlatinȱqueȱlesȱéditionsȱparuesȱduȱvivant
deȱMontaigneȱfontȱsuivreȱdeȱsaȱtraduction,ȱ“qu’ilȱjouisseȱdeȱceȱbonheur.”ȱMaisȱla
médailleȱaȱnaturellementȱsonȱreversȱetȱl’adage,ȱpourȱunȱaccuséȱconfrontéȱàȱun
tribunalȱ moinsȱ bienveillant,ȱ pourraitȱ aussiȱ bienȱ s’inverserȱ enȱ unȱ doleatȱ deȱ mala
fortuna!ȱ
15
16
17
P.ȱ738ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).
18
19
20
21
22
23
Enfinȱunȱchâtimentȱjusteȱdevraitȱrésulterȱd’unȱprocèsȱéquitable,ȱluiȬmêmeȱfondé
surȱuneȱinstructionȱméthodiqueȱetȱsurȱleȱrespectȱduȱcontradictoire,ȱnonȱsurȱles
simplesȱ suppositionsȱ ouȱ conjecturesȱ d’unȱ juge.ȱ Dansȱ l’affaireȱ Martinȱ Guerre,
rendueȱ célèbreȱ parȱ lesȱ travauxȱ deȱ Natalieȱ Zemonȱ Davis,ȱ Montaigneȱ prendȱ ses
distancesȱavecȱlesȱconclusionsȱhasardeusesȱduȱconseillerȱtoulousainȱJeanȱdeȱCoras,
alorsȱenclinȱàȱexpliquerȱparȱlaȱmagie24ȱcetteȱtroublanteȱusurpationȱd’identitéȱentre
GuerreȱetȱArnaudȱduȱTilh:ȱ“jeȱtrouvayȱbeaucoupȱdeȱhardiesseȱenȱl’arrestȱquiȱl’avoit
condamnéȱàȱestreȱpendu.”25ȱLaȱhardiesse,ȱc’estȬàȬdireȱleȱcaractèreȱaventuré,ȱsinon
erroné,ȱduȱjugementȱd’appel26ȱestȱiciȱd’autantȱmoinsȱrecevable,ȱadmissible,ȱqueȱla
vieȱ d’unȱ hommeȱ estȱ enȱ jeu.ȱ “Àȱ tuerȱ lesȱ gens,ȱ ajouteȱ Montaigneȱ d’uneȱ plume
cinglante,ȱilȱfautȱuneȱclairtéȱlumineuseȱetȱnette,”27ȱcommeȱenȱconvenaitȱluiȬmême
Coras,ȱqueȱleȱtexteȱpourraitȱbienȱiciȱironiquementȱdémarquer.28ȱMaisȱnotreȱraison,
infirmeȱetȱdéficiente,ȱnousȱprocureȬtȬelleȱjamaisȱdeȱtellesȱclartés?ȱMontaigneȱpeut
àȱbonȱcompteȱrenchérir:ȱ“c’estȱmettreȱsesȱconjecturesȱàȱbienȱhautȱprix,ȱqueȱd’en
faireȱcuireȱunȱhommeȱtoutȱvif.”29ȱ
Enȱmatièreȱcriminelle,ȱleȱmoindreȱdouteȱdoitȱprofiterȱàȱl’accuséȱetȱconduireȱla
courȱàȱsurseoirȱsonȱjugement,ȱàȱreconnaîtreȱplatementȱqu’elleȱneȱcomprendȱrienȱau
casȱ quiȱ luiȱ estȱ soumis,ȱ ouȱ encore,ȱ commeȱ leȱ fitȱ àȱ Athènesȱ l’Aréopage,ȱ à
reconvoquerȱ lesȱ partiesȱ àȱ échéanceȱ deȱ centȱ ans.ȱ Inséréeȱ dansȱ leȱ chapitreȱ “Des
boyteux,”ȱcetteȱmiseȱenȱgardeȱcontreȱlesȱerreursȱjudiciairesȱn’aȱqueȱl’apparence
d’uneȱdigression.ȱElleȱentretientȱavecȱleȱthèmeȬtitreȱunȱcertainȱrapport,ȱsinonȱun
rapportȱcertain,ȱqueȱleȱdiligentȱlecteurȱestȱinvitéȱàȱdéceler.ȱPourȱNicolaȱPanichi,ȱ“les
boiteuxȱ enȱ questionȱ sontȱ lesȱ juges,ȱ boiteuxȱ deȱ l’âme,ȱ ouȱ mieux,ȱ boiteuxȱ deȱ la
conscienceȱetȱdeȱsesȱtribunaux,ȱboitantȱautantȱqueȱleursȱsentences.”30ȱMaisȱceȱsont
lesȱEssaisȱtoutȱentiersȱquiȱrépercutentȱlaȱdémarcheȱclaudicanteȱdeȱlaȱjustice.
Secondeȱ question,ȱ unȱ châtimentȱ peutȬilȱ êtreȱ proportionné?ȱ Montaigneȱ fixe

clairementȱlaȱlimiteȱquiȱneȱdevraitȱjamaisȱêtreȱoutrepassée:ȱ“enȱlaȱjusticeȱmesme,
24
PointȱdeȱvueȱnuancéȱparȱÉmileȱV.ȱTelle:ȱ“Corasȱévoqueȱvigoureusement,ȱdansȱleȱtexteȱimprimé
[deȱl’ArrestȱmemorableȱduȱParlementȱdeȱTolose],ȱlaȱpossibilitéȱdeȱsorcellerieȱmaisȱn’enȱfaitȱpasȱ‘cas’.
Ilȱn’expliqueȱrienȱetȱneȱtenteȱpasȱdeȱrienȱexpliquerȱparȱlaȱmagie.ȱIlȱseȱpose,ȱouȱplutôt,ȱsoulèveȱla
question”ȱ(“MontaigneȱetȱleȱprocèsȱMartinȱGuerre,”ȱBibliothèqueȱd’HumanismeȱetȱRenaissanceȱ37
[1975]:ȱ387–419;ȱiciȱ394).
25
26
Surȱleȱsensȱexactȱdeȱceȱterme,ȱvoirȱKatherineȱAlmquist,ȱ“Montaigneȱetȱleȱplusȱsûr,”ȱMontaigne:ȱla
justice,ȱ151–57;ȱiciȱ151ȱ(citéȱn.ȱ12);ȱetȱNicolaȱPanichi,ȱ“Laȱboiterieȱdeȱlaȱraison,”ȱ171–83;ȱiciȱ181.
27
28
“Esȱcausesȱcriminelles,ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱilȱconvientȱlesȱpreuvesȱestreȱcertaines,ȱindubitables,ȱetȱplusȱclairesȱque
leȱjourȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.],ȱlesȱtesmoins,ȱetȱpreuvesȱdoyventȱestreȱentieresȱetȱplusȱclaires,ȱetȱreluysantesȱqueȱle
soleil”ȱ(reproduitȱparȱNicolaȱPanichi,ȱ“Laȱboiterieȱdeȱlaȱraison,”ȱarticleȱcitéȱ[n.ȱ26],ȱ179).
29
30
Articleȱcité,ȱ173ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ26).
514 DenisȱBjaï
toutȱceȱquiȱestȱauȬdelàȱdeȱlaȱmortȱsimple,ȱmeȱsembleȱpureȱcruauté.”31ȱLaȱphrase
seraȱ repriseȱ àȱ l’identiqueȱ dansȱ leȱ chapitreȱ 27ȱ duȱ mêmeȱ livre,ȱ parȱ unȱ effetȱ de
symétrieȱsoigneusementȱménagé.32ȱPrésente,ȱàȱcetteȱdoubleȱplace,ȱdèsȱl’édition
originaleȱduȱlivre,ȱelleȱretintȱfinȱ1580–débutȱ1581ȱl’attentionȱdeȱlaȱcensureȱromaine,
commeȱleȱrapporteȱMontaigneȱluiȬmêmeȱdansȱsonȱJournalȱdeȱvoyage:ȱentreȱautres
animadversions,ȱilȱseȱvitȱreprocherȱ“d’estimerȱcruautéȱceȱquiȱestȱauȬdelàȱdeȱmort
simple.”33ȱL’exemplaireȱdesȱEssaisȱconfisquéȱàȱl’auteurȱàȱsonȱarrivéeȱàȱRomeȱavait
étéȱsoumis,ȱenȱeffet,ȱàȱl’examenȱscrupuleuxȱd’unȱetȱmêmeȱdeȱdeuxȱcenseurs,ȱdont
lesȱ observationsȱ critiques,ȱ conservéesȱ dansȱ lesȱ archivesȱ deȱ l’Index,ȱ ontȱ été
récemmentȱretrouvées.34ȱ
Toutȱ ceȱ passageȱ deȱ “Deȱ laȱ cruauté”ȱ futȱ traduitȱ enȱ italien,ȱ pourȱ enȱ souligner
l’hétérodoxie,ȱparceȱqueȱMontaigneȱavaitȱcruȱbonȱd’ajouter:ȱ“Etȱnotammentȱàȱnous,
quiȱdevrionsȱavoirȱrespectȱd’enȱenvoyerȱlesȱamesȱenȱbonȱestat;ȱceȱquiȱneȱseȱpeut,
lesȱayantȱagitéesȱetȱdesesperéesȱparȱtourmensȱinsupportables.”ȱIlȱn’échappaȱpas
auȱcenseurȱromainȱqueȱl’allusionȱpouvaitȱviserȱlesȱpratiquesȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱd’Église,
enȱparticulierȱdeȱl’Inquisition,ȱquiȱs’arrogeaitȱleȱdroitȱdeȱtourmenterȱlesȱcorpsȱpour
sauverȱ lesȱ âmes.35ȱ Finalementȱ dédouanéȱ parȱ leȱ Maîtreȱ duȱ Sacréȱ Palais,ȱ le
dominicainȱSistoȱFabri,ȱetȱmêmeȱinvitéȱàȱsonȱdépartȱàȱneȱtenirȱnulleȱcompteȱdes
”sottises“ȱconsignéesȱdansȱceȱdocument,36ȱMontaigneȱamplifiera,ȱdeȱrééditionȱen
réédition,ȱsaȱcondamnationȱdesȱchâtimentsȱinhumainsȱinfligésȱauxȱcondamnés.37
Qu’entendȬilȱauȱjusteȱparȱuneȱ”mortȱsimple“?ȱL’expressionȱseȱrencontreȱàȱquatre
reprisesȱdansȱlesȱEssais,ȱtoujoursȱdansȱleȱtexteȱprimitifȱdeȱ1580,ȱlaȱpremièreȱfoisȱà
proposȱdeȱcesȱgensȱduȱpeupleȱ”conduict[s]ȱàȱlaȱmort,ȱetȱnonȱàȱlaȱmortȱsimple,ȱmais
mesléeȱdeȱhonte,ȱetȱquelquefoisȱdeȱgriefsȱtourmens.”38ȱGriefsȱtourmensȱici,ȱtourmens
insupportablesȱdansȱleȱchapitreȱ”Deȱlaȱcruauté“ȱprécédemmentȱcité,ȱdésignentȱces
31
32
LeȱlivreȱIIȱcomptantȱenȱeffetȱtrenteȬseptȱchapitres,ȱleȱ11eȱseȱlitȱaprèsȱlesȱdixȱpremiers,ȱleȱ27eȱavant
lesȱdixȱderniers.ȱJohnȱMcClellandȱvoitȱenȱrevancheȱdansȱcetteȱrépétition,ȱqueȱMontaigneȱaurait
omisȱd’éliminer,ȱl’indiceȱd’uneȱcompositionȱdesȱEssaisȱàȱpartirȱdeȱbrouillons,ȱouȱ“brouillars”ȱ(“La
traditionȱdeȱl’éditionȱcritiqueȱfaceȱauȱtexteȱdesȱEssais,”ȱÉditerȱlesȱEssaisȱdeȱMontaigne,ȱéd.ȱClaude
BlumȱetȱAndréȱTournon.ȱÉtudesȱmontaignistes,ȱ28ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1997),ȱ203–26;ȱiciȱ223).
33
ÉditionȱFrançoisȱRigolotȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,ȱ1992),ȱ119.
34
PièceȱpubliéeȱparȱPeterȱGodman,ȱTheȱSaintȱasȱCensor.ȱRobertȱBellarminȱbetweenȱInquisitionȱandȱIndex.
StudiesȱinȱMedievalȱandȱReformationȱThought,ȱ80ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2000),ȱDoc.ȱno.ȱ42,
339–42;ȱpuisȱparȱPhilippeȱDesan,ȱ”ApologieȱdeȱSebondȱouȱjustificationȱdeȱMontaigne?,”ȱMontaigne
etȱ laȱ théologie,ȱ Travauxȱ d’Humanismeȱ etȱ Renaissance,ȱ 444ȱ (Genève:ȱ Droz,ȱ 2008),ȱ 175–200;ȱ ici
197–200.
35
VoirȱAlainȱLegros,ȱ”Montaigneȱfaceȱàȱsesȱcenseursȱromainsȱdeȱ1581ȱ(miseȱàȱjour),”ȱBibliothèque
d’HumanismeȱetȱRenaissanceȱ71.1ȱ(2009):ȱ7–33;ȱiciȱ26.
36
Journalȱdeȱvoyage,ȱ131ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ33).
37
Voirȱ Malcolmȱ Smith,ȱ Montaigneȱ andȱ theȱ Romanȱ Censors.ȱ Étudesȱ deȱ philologieȱ etȱ d’histoire,ȱ 37
(Genève:ȱDroz,ȱ1981),ȱch.ȱVI,ȱ“Humaneȱexecutions.”
38
I,ȱ14,ȱ259ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).
raffinementsȱ sadiquesȱ dontȱ laȱ justiceȱ duȱ tempsȱ croitȱ bonȱ d’accompagnerȱ ses
châtiments,ȱlàȱoùȱelleȱdevraitȱseȱcontenterȱdeȱfaireȱpasserȱlesȱcriminelsȱdeȱvieȱà
trépas,ȱdeȱlesȱmettreȱ”simplement“ȱàȱmort.ȱC’estȱlaȱclémenceȱdeȱCésarȱquiȱestȱici
alléguée:ȱ
ayantȱforcéȱlesȱPyratesȱdeȱseȱrendreȱàȱluy,ȱquiȱl’avoientȱauparavantȱprisȱprisonnierȱet
misȱàȱrançon;ȱd’autantȱqu’ilȱlesȱavoitȱmenassezȱdeȱlesȱfaireȱmettreȱenȱcroix,ȱilȱlesȱy
condamna;ȱmaisȱceȱfutȱaprèsȱlesȱavoirȱfaictȱestrangler.ȱPhilomonȱsonȱsecretaire,ȱqui
l’avoitȱvouluȱempoisonner,ȱilȱneȱleȱpunitȱpasȱplusȱaigrementȱqueȱd’uneȱmortȱsimple.39
—exactȱ décalqueȱ duȱ latinȱ deȱ Suétone,ȱ nonȱ grauiusȱ quamȱ simpliciȱ morteȱ puniit.40
Montaigneȱ développeȱ davantage,ȱ ajoutéȱ dansȱ lesȱ margesȱ deȱ l’Exemplaireȱ de
Bordeaux,ȱ leȱ contreȬexempleȱ duȱ soldatȱ prisonnierȱ misȱ auȱ désespoirȱ parȱ de
macabresȱpréparatifs41ȱqu’ilȱentendȱdepuisȱsaȱcellule.ȱLeȱmalheureuxȱtenteȱparȱtous
lesȱmoyensȱdeȱseȱsupprimerȱluiȬmême,ȱjusqu’àȱseȱplanterȱunȱvieuxȱclouȱrouillé
dansȱlaȱgorgeȱpuisȱdansȱleȱventre,ȱavantȱd’apprendre,ȱdéjàȱàȱmoitiéȱinconscient,
”qu’ilȱ n’estoitȱ condamnéȱ qu’àȱ avoirȱ laȱ testeȱ tranchée.”42ȱ Revirementȱ complet
d’attitude:ȱilȱreprendȱcourage,ȱboitȱduȱvin,ȱremercieȱsesȱjuges,ȱcommeȱ”delivréȱde
laȱ mortȱ pourȱ l’avoirȱ changée.”ȱ L’annonceȱ d’uneȱ mortȱ pureȱ etȱ simpleȱ l’aȱ fait
paradoxalementȱrevenirȱàȱlaȱvie.43ȱCondamnerȱunȱhommeȱàȱlaȱpeineȱcapitaleȱne
donneȱpasȱenȱeffetȱtousȱlesȱdroitsȱsurȱlui,ȱcommeȱceluiȱdeȱleȱdisséquerȱtoutȱvifȱdans
l’intérêtȱdeȱlaȱmédecineȱouȱbienȱdeȱleȱlivrerȱauxȱjeuxȱduȱcirque,ȱàȱl’exempleȱdes
anciens.44
Siȱ raffinementsȱ deȱ cruautéȱ ilȱ doitȱ yȱ avoir,ȱ enȱ vueȱ deȱ faireȱ impressionȱ surȱ le
peuple,ȱceuxȬciȱdoiventȱs’exercer,ȱfaitȱvaloirȱMontaigne,ȱsurȱleȱcadavre,ȱnonȱsurȱle
corpsȱvif.ȱIlȱditȱavoirȱassistéȱparȱhasardȱàȱRome,ȱenȱjanvierȱ1581,ȱàȱl’exécutionȱd’un
scélératȱappeléȱCatenaȱ(deȱsonȱvraiȱnom,ȱBartolomeoȱVallante),ȱpenduȱpuisȱcoupé
enȱ morceaux.ȱ Àȱ laȱ ”mortȱ simple“ȱ duȱ condamnéȱ succédaȱ doncȱ leȱ traitement
ignominieuxȱetȱbarbareȱréservéȱàȱsaȱdépouille,ȱquiȱprovoquaȱdeȱvivesȱréactions
parmiȱl’assistance.ȱ”Carȱleȱpeuple,ȱrapporteȱdansȱleȱJournalȱdeȱvoyageȱleȱsecrétaire
deȱMontaigne,ȱquiȱn’avoitȱpasȱsentiȱdeȱleȱvoirȱestrangler,ȱàȱchaqueȱcoupȱqu’on
donnoitȱpourȱleȱhacher,ȱs’escrioitȱd’uneȱvoixȱpiteuse.”45ȱNonȱqueȱlesȱexécutionsȱse
39
40
Surȱlaȱréceptionȱdeȱl’historienȱlatinȱàȱlaȱRenaissance,ȱvoirȱl’étudeȱdeȱJessicaȱTvordi,ȱ”Constructing
theȱEarlyȱModernȱCriminalȱthroughȱSuetonius:ȱTheȱCasesȱofȱBuckinghamȱandȱCastlehaven,“ȱdans
notreȱvolume.
41
Deȱ”roues,ȱclousȱetȱcroix,ȱpotences,ȱestrapadeȱpeutȬêtreȱouȱécartèlement“ȱ(GéraldeȱNakam,ȱLes
EssaisȱdeȱMontaigne,ȱ325ȱ[voirȱn.ȱ3]).
42
43
VoirȱG.ȱNakamȱ(citéeȱn.ȱ3),ȱ325–26.
44
II,ȱ23,ȱ721ȱetȱ723ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).
45
Éd.ȱFrançoisȱRigolot,ȱ98ȱ(citéeȱn.ȱ33).
516 DenisȱBjaï
déroulassentȱtoujoursȱainsiȱàȱRome:ȱleȱmêmeȱsecrétaireȱditȱavoirȱencoreȱassisté,ȱce
jourȬlà,ȱ àȱ laȱ miseȱ àȱ mortȱ deȱ deuxȱ frèresȱ assassinsȱ deȱ leurȱ maître,ȱ quiȱ furent
successivementȱ tenaillés,ȱ amputésȱ duȱ poing,ȱ rouésȱ etȱ égorgés.ȱ Maisȱ c’estȱ bien
l’exempleȱ deȱ Catenaȱ quiȱ estȱ reprisȱ dansȱ lesȱ Essais,ȱ àȱ laȱ faveurȱ d’uneȱ addition
introduiteȱdansȱl’éditionȱdeȱ1582,ȱauȱretourȱduȱgrandȱvoyage:ȱ
Jeȱ meȱ rencontrayȱ unȱ jourȱ àȱ Rome,ȱ surȱ leȱ pointȱ qu’onȱ deffaisoitȱ Catena,ȱ unȱ voleur
insigne:ȱonȱl’estranglaȱsansȱaucuneȱemotionȱdeȱl’assistance,ȱmaisȱquandȱonȱvintȱàȱle
mettreȱàȱquartiers,ȱleȱbourreauȱneȱdonnoitȱcoup,ȱqueȱleȱpeupleȱneȱsuivistȱd’uneȱvoix
pleintive,ȱetȱd’uneȱexclamation,ȱcommeȱsiȱchacunȱeustȱprestéȱsonȱsentimentȱàȱcette
charongne.46ȱ
DuȱJournalȱdeȱvoyageȱauxȱEssais,ȱduȱcompteȱrenduȱduȱsecrétaireȱauȱtémoignageȱde
l’auteurȱréapparaissentȱlesȱmêmesȱélémentsȱnarratifs,ȱmaisȱrendusȱplusȱsignifiants
parȱleȱtravailȱdeȱl’écriture:ȱl’étroiteȱconnexionȱétablieȱauȱmoyenȱduȱtourȱconsécutif
entreȱ l’actionȱ duȱ bourreauȱ etȱ laȱ réactionȱ duȱ public,ȱ l’hyperbateȱ duȱ second
syntagmeȱcirconstancielȱménagéeȱparȱlaȱponctuationȱetȱlaȱcomparaisonȱfinaleȱqui
faitȱrevivreȱleȱcadavreȱàȱtraversȱchacunȱdesȱassistants.ȱNeȱsaurionsȬnous,ȱaprès
tout,ȱnousȱcomporterȱaussiȱhumainementȱqueȱlesȱcannibalesȱduȱNouveauȱMonde,
quiȱneȱfontȱrôtirȱetȱneȱmangentȱleursȱvictimesȱqu’uneȱfoisȱmortes?ȱÀȱdeuxȱreprises
enȱ effetȱ Montaigneȱ opposeȱ cesȱ pratiquesȱ anthropophagiquesȱ auxȱ usagesȱ des
peuplesȱditsȱcivilisésȱetȱlaȱcomparaisonȱneȱtourneȱpasȱàȱl’avantageȱdeȱcesȱderniers:ȱ
Jeȱpense,ȱdéclareȬtȬilȱdansȱ“DesȱCannibales,”47ȱqu’ilȱyȱaȱplusȱdeȱbarbarieȱàȱmangerȱun
hommeȱvivant,ȱqu’àȱleȱmangerȱmort,ȱàȱdeschirerȱparȱtourmensȱetȱparȱgehennes,ȱun
corpsȱencoreȱpleinȱdeȱsentiment,ȱleȱfaireȱrostirȱparȱleȱmenuȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱqueȱdeȱleȱrostirȱet
mangerȱaprèsȱqu’ilȱestȱtrespassé.48
Etȱ ilȱ revientȱ àȱ laȱ charge,ȱ pratiquementȱ dansȱ lesȱ mêmesȱ termes,ȱ dansȱ “Deȱ la
cruauté”:ȱ“LesȱSauvagesȱneȱm’offensentȱpasȱtant,ȱdeȱrostirȱetȱmangerȱlesȱcorpsȱdes
trespassez,ȱqueȱceuxȱquiȱlesȱtourmententȱetȱpersecutentȱvivans.”49
NeȱpourraitȬonȱmêmeȱseȱcontenterȱd’unȱchâtimentȱsymbolique,ȱquiȱréprimerait
laȱ fauteȱ commiseȱ sansȱ attenterȱ àȱ laȱ personneȱ duȱ coupable?ȱ Montaigne,ȱ grand
lecteurȱdesȱauteursȱanciensȱtraduitsȱparȱAmyot,ȱn’avaitȱpasȱmanquéȱdeȱrelever,
dansȱDiodoreȱdeȱSicile,ȱlaȱcuisanteȱpunitionȱinfligéeȱauxȱlâchesȱparȱleȱlégislateur
grecȱCharondas:ȱauȱlieuȱdeȱlesȱcondamnerȱàȱmort,ȱsuivantȱl’usage,ȱ“ilȱordonna
46
47
UnȱdesȱraresȱemploisȱduȱtourȱjeȱpenseȱqueȱdansȱLesȱEssaisȱ(quatreȱoccurrences,ȱquiȱneȱseȱrencontrent
qu’auxȱlivresȱIȱetȱII,ȱdansȱleȱtexteȱprimitifȱdeȱ1580ȱensuiteȱconservé).ȱSurȱleȱmêmeȱsujet,ȱvoirȱl’étude
d’Allisonȱ P.ȱ Coudert,ȱ “Theȱ Ultimateȱ Crime:ȱ Cannibalismȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Mindsȱ and
Imaginations,”ȱdansȱnotreȱvolume.
48
49
seulementȱqu’ilsȱfussentȱparȱtroisȱjoursȱassisȱemmyȱȱlaȱplaceȱpublicque,ȱvestusȱde
robeȱdeȱfemme,”50ȱc’estȬàȬdireȱsoumisȱàȱuneȱhumiliationȱtelleȱqueȱleȱrougeȱauȱfront
neȱmanqueraitȱpasȱdeȱleurȱfaireȱrevenirȱleȱsangȱdansȱlesȱveines.ȱEtȱdansȱlesȱMoralia
deȱ Plutarque,ȱ auȱ traitéȱ desȱ Dictsȱ notablesȱ desȱ anciensȱ Roys,ȱ ilȱ avaitȱ notéȱ cet
apophtegmeȱ d’Artaxerxès,ȱ introduitȱ dansȱ “Deȱ laȱ cruauté”ȱ àȱ laȱ faveurȱ d’une
additionȱdeȱ1588:ȱpourȱatténuerȱlaȱrigueurȱdesȱpremièresȱloisȱperses,ȱleȱgrandȱroi
adaptaȱleȱchâtimentȱréservéȱauxȱmauvaisȱministres,
ordonnantȱqueȱlesȱSeigneursȱquiȱavoyentȱfaillyȱenȱleurȱestat,ȱauȱlieuȱqu’onȱlesȱsouloit
fouetter,ȱfussentȱdespouillés,ȱetȱleursȱvestemensȱfouettezȱpourȱeux;ȱetȱauȱlieuȱqu’on
leurȱsouloitȱarracherȱlesȱcheveux,ȱqu’onȱleurȱostastȱleurȱhaultȱchappeauȱseulement.51ȱ
Leȱ châtimentȱ prendȱ iciȱ uneȱ formeȱ spectaculaire,ȱ quasiȱ théâtrale.ȱ Réduitȱ àȱ un
simulacre,ȱilȱseȱcantonneȱdansȱl’ordreȱduȱsymbolique.52ȱEstȬilȱbesoinȱàȱlaȱjustice
d’uneȱautreȱmiseȱenȱscène?
Troisièmeȱetȱdernièreȱquestion:ȱunȱchâtimentȱpénalȱpeutȬilȱêtreȱutile,ȱetȱàȱqui?ȱLe
seuilȱduȱchapitreȱ“Deȱl’artȱdeȱconferer,”ȱenȱtrompeȱl’œilȱcommeȱsouventȱdansȱLes
Essais,ȱabordeȱlaȱquestionȱdeȱbiais.ȱMontaigneȱs’yȱamuseȱenȱeffetȱàȱopposerȱaux
bellesȱ actionsȱ desȱ grandsȱ hommes,ȱ hautementȱ recommandables,ȱ sesȱ propres
insuffisances,ȱquiȱindiquentȱduȱmoinsȱlaȱvoieȱàȱneȱpasȱsuivre.ȱMaisȱilȱneȱleȱfait
qu’aprèsȱunȱdétourȱsoigneusementȱcalculéȱparȱlesȱfautesȱautrementȱrépréhensibles
desȱcriminels:ȱ“C’estȱunȱusageȱdeȱnotreȱjustice,ȱd’enȱcondamnerȱaucuns,ȱpourȱle
seulȱexempleȱdesȱautres.ȱOnȱneȱcorrigeȱpasȱceluyȱqu’onȱpend,ȱonȱcorrigeȱlesȱautres
parȱluy.”53ȱ
Enȱseȱrelisantȱlaȱplumeȱàȱlaȱmain,ȱMontaigneȱremplace,ȱdansȱl’Exemplaireȱde
Bordeaux,ȱ“pourȱleȱseulȱexemple”ȱparȱ“pourȱl’advertissement”ȱetȱintercaleȱune
nouvelleȱphraseȱ(quiȱappelaitȱlaȱcorrectionȱprécédente):ȱ“Deȱlesȱcondamner,ȱpar
ceȱqu’ilsȱontȱfailly,ȱceȱseroitȱbestise,ȱcommeȱditȱPlaton:ȱCarȱceȱquiȱestȱfaict,ȱneȱse
peutȱ deffaire:ȱ maisȱ c’estȱ afinȱ qu’ilsȱ neȱ faillentȱ plusȱ deȱ mesmes,ȱ ouȱ qu’onȱ fuye
l’exempleȱdeȱleurȱfaute.”ȱLaȱréférenceȱàȱPlaton,ȱtiréeȱduȱProtagorasȱouȱdesȱLois,54
50
51
II,ȱ11,ȱ453–54ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).ȱHautȱchapeauȱestȱreprisȱd’Amyot,ȱquiȱdésigneȱainsiȱlaȱtiare,ȱenȱformeȱde
turbanȱconique,ȱportéeȱparȱlesȱdignitairesȱperses.
52
Sansȱqueȱsonȱefficacitéȱsoitȱmoindre:ȱreprenantȱl’anecdoteȱdansȱSurȱlesȱdélaisȱdeȱlaȱjusticeȱdivine,ȱch.
25,ȱ565A,ȱPlutarqueȱpréciseȱqueȱ“eulxȱ[lesȱcondamnés]ȱaiansȱlesȱlarmesȱauxȱyeuxȱcryentȱetȱprient
queȱl’onȱcesse”ȱ(LesȱŒuvresȱmoralesȱetȱmeslées,ȱtrad.ȱAmyot,ȱ268Cȱ[citéeȱn.ȱ9]).
53
54
Protagoras,ȱ324AB,ȱouȱLesȱLois,ȱ11,ȱ934A,ȱsuivantȱlesȱdiversȱéditeursȱmodernesȱdesȱEssais.ȱLesȱdeux
textesȱsontȱenȱfaitȱassezȱproches,ȱquiȱsoulignentȱl’unȱetȱl’autreȱleȱcaractèreȱirréparableȱdeȱlaȱfaute
commiseȱ(leȱjugeȱ”neȱsauraitȱfaireȱqueȱneȱseȱsoitȱpasȱproduitȱceȱquiȱaȱétéȱaccompli,”ȱProtagoras,
324B,ȱinȱŒuvresȱcomplètes,ȱtrad.ȱLéonȱRobin,ȱBibliothèqueȱdeȱlaȱPléiadeȱ[Paris:ȱGallimard,ȱ1950],
t.ȱ1,ȱ93;ȱ”ceȱquiȱaȱeuȱlieu,ȱonȱneȱpourraȱjamaisȱempêcherȱqu’ilȱn’aitȱpasȱeuȱlieu,”ȱLesȱLois,ȱ11,ȱ934A,
518 DenisȱBjaï
vientȱnuancerȱlesȱassertionsȱpeutȬêtreȱtropȱabruptesȱduȱtexteȱdeȱ1588.ȱLeȱchâtiment
peutȱamenderȱaussiȱleȱcriminel,ȱpourȱluiȱéviterȱdeȱretomberȱàȱl’avenirȱdansȱles
mêmesȱtravers,ȱsiȱduȱmoinsȱunȱavenirȱluiȱestȱménagéȱparȱuneȱsentenceȱautreȱque
capitale!ȱ
Maisȱlaȱpremièreȱpunitionȱduȱcoupable,ȱc’estȱd’êtreȱtourmentéȱparȱleȱremords,
poursuiviȱparȱsesȱpropresȱ“furiesȱvengeresses,”ȱcommeȱl’écritȱMontaigneȱdansȱle
chapitreȱ“Deȱlaȱconscience,”ȱàȱpropos,ȱnonȱd’Oreste,ȱcommeȱonȱl’attendrait,ȱmais
d’unȱ parricideȱ moinsȱ connu,ȱ leȱ Péonienȱ Bessus.ȱ CeluiȬci,ȱ selonȱ Plutarque,ȱ en
abattantȱunȱnidȱauȱprétexteȱqueȱlesȱoisillonsȱneȱcessaientȱdeȱl’accuserȱduȱmeurtre
deȱ sonȱ père,ȱ auraitȱ ainsiȱ révéléȱ unȱ crimeȱ jusqueȱ làȱ ignoré.55ȱ “Uneȱ Némèsis
intérieure,ȱcommenteȱOlivierȱMillet,ȱseȱdéchaîneȱdansȱlaȱconscienceȱduȱcoupable,
enȱattendantȱqueȱvienneȱl’heureȱduȱchâtimentȱextérieur.”56ȱElleȱseȱdéchaîneȱsitôt
leȱforfaitȱcommis,ȱd’aprèsȱPlatonȱ(d’oùȱleȱmottoȱ“Laȱpeineȱsuyctȱleȱmalfaiteur,”
attestéȱdansȱl’emblématiqueȱdeȱlaȱRenaissance),57ȱvoireȱconcomitammentȱsuivant
Hésiodeȱ (“enȱ l’instantȱ etȱ quantȱ etȱ quantȱ leȱ peché”58),ȱ etȱ elleȱ finitȱ mêmeȱ par
tourmenter,ȱsurȱleȱtardȱilȱestȱvrai,ȱleȱfameuxȱ”larron“ȱrencontréȱparȱMontaigneȱen
Armagnacȱ etȱ dontȱ ilȱ résumeȱ plaisammentȱ l’existenceȱ dansȱ leȱ chapitreȱ ”Du
repentir“:ȱaprèsȱavoirȱvoléȱtouteȱsaȱvie,ȱceȱpaysanȱmiséreuxȱfinalementȱenrichi
consacreȱsesȱdernièresȱannéesȱàȱréparerȱleȱmalȱqu’ilȱaȱfaitȱàȱsesȱvictimesȱouȱàȱleurs
descendants,ȱ àȱ chargeȱ pourȱ sesȱ propresȱ héritiersȱ deȱ poursuivreȱ laȱ tâche!59
Montaigneȱsaitȱbienȱceȱqueȱl’onȱseȱdoitȱàȱsoiȬmême,ȱsiȱl’onȱveutȱcomparaîtreȱlaȱtête
hauteȱdevantȱleȱtribunalȱleȱplusȱrigoureuxȱquiȱsoit,ȱceluiȱdeȱsaȱpropreȱconscience:ȱ
Laȱcondemnationȱqueȱjeȱfaisȱdeȱmoy,ȱestȱplusȱvifveȱetȱroide,ȱqueȱn’estȱcelleȱdesȱjuges,
quiȱ neȱ meȱ prennentȱ queȱ parȱ leȱ visageȱ deȱ l’obligationȱ commune:ȱ l’estreinteȱ deȱ ma
conscienceȱplusȱserrée,ȱetȱplusȱsevere.60
Leȱchâtimentȱpénal,ȱquiȱfaitȱtropȱsouventȱdisparaître,ȱavecȱleȱcrime,ȱleȱcriminelȱluiȬ
même,ȱ aȬtȬilȱ duȱ moinsȱ valeurȱ exemplaireȱ pourȱ lesȱ autresȱ hommes?ȱ L’ancien
magistratȱestȱloinȱd’enȱêtreȱpersuadé.ȱDansȱleȱchapitreȱ”Queȱnotreȱdesirȱs’accroist
parȱ laȱ malaisance,”ȱ ilȱ s’interrogeȱ mêmeȱ surȱ lesȱ possiblesȱ effetsȱ perversȱ deȱ la
sanction,ȱfaisantȱsienneȱ”l’opinionȱd’unȱancien,ȱqueȱlesȱsupplicesȱaiguisentȱlesȱvices
t.ȱ2,ȱ1078)ȱetȱlaȱdoubleȱportéeȱdeȱlaȱpeine,ȱàȱlaȱfoisȱpourȱleȱcoupableȱdansȱl’avenirȱetȱpourȱlesȱautres
hommesȱdansȱl’immédiat.
55
56
”Lesȱemblèmesȱdeȱlaȱjustice,”ȱMontaigne:ȱlaȱjustice,ȱ39–52;ȱiciȱ44ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ12).
57
Aneau,ȱImaginationȱpoetiqueȱ(Lyon:ȱMacéȱBonhomme,ȱ1556),ȱ40ȱ(citéȱparȱOlivierȱMillet,ȱ42ȱetȱ44
[voirȱn.ȱ56]).
58
II,ȱ5,ȱ385ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).ȱMontaigneȱcontinueȱiciȱdeȱdémarquerȱPlutarque,ȱSurȱlesȱdélaisȱdeȱlaȱjustice
divine,ȱVIII,ȱ553F,ȱdansȱlaȱtraductionȱd’Amyot.
59
III,ȱ2,ȱ852–53ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).
60
plustostȱqu’ilsȱneȱlesȱamortissent:ȱQu’ilsȱn’engendrentȱpointȱleȱsoingȱdeȱbienȱfaire
[.ȱ.ȱ.]:ȱmaisȱseulementȱunȱsoingȱdeȱn’estreȱsurprisȱenȱfaisantȱmal.”61ȱL’auteurȱancien
alléguéȱestȱSénèqueȱquiȱsoutientȱdansȱleȱDeȱclementia62ȱqueȱlaȱrépressionȱencourage
sommeȱtouteȱleȱdélit,ȱenȱavançantȱl’exempleȱduȱparricide,ȱrépriméȱseulementȱà
partirȱdeȱClaudeȱetȱdèsȱlorsȱmultipliéȱsousȱsonȱrègneȱ(parricidæȱcumȱlegeȱcœperunt,
etȱillisȱfacinusȱpœnaȱmonstrauit,ȱlesȱparricidesȱontȱcommencéȱavecȱlaȱloiȱetȱlaȱsanction
aȱ donnéȱ l’idéeȱ duȱ forfait).ȱ Maisȱ sousȱ leȱ couvertȱ deȱ l’auteurȱ ancien,ȱ c’estȱ bien
l’auteurȱmoderneȱquiȱpousseȱplusȱavantȱl’argument:ȱlaȱmenaceȱduȱchâtiment,ȱloin
deȱdétournerȱduȱmal,ȱn’enȱrendȱleȱcontrevenantȱqueȱplusȱingénieuxȱàȱéviterȱdeȱse
faireȱprendre.ȱCeȱqueȱMontaigneȱcraintȱsurtout,ȱc’estȱqueȱleȱsangȱn’appelleȱleȱsang,
avecȱleȱrisque,ȱenȱpériodeȱdeȱguerreȱcivile,ȱdeȱlâcherȱlaȱbrideȱauxȱpulsionsȱlesȱplus
sadiques.63ȱÀȱlaȱfinȱdeȱ”DeȱlaȱPhysionomie,”ȱaprèsȱ avoirȱlaisséȱéchappéȱl’aveu
qu’enȱmatièreȱcriminelleȱilȱavaitȱpuȱluiȱarriverȱdeȱmanquerȱàȱlaȱjusticeȱenȱprenant
enȱ considérationȱ l’hommeȱ davantageȱ queȱ laȱ faute,ȱ ilȱ introduitȱ cetteȱ ultime
addition:ȱ
Lesȱjugementsȱordinaires,ȱs’exasperentȱàȱlaȱpunitionȱparȱl’horreurȱduȱmeffaict.ȱCela
mesmeȱrefroiditȱleȱmien.ȱL’horreurȱduȱpremierȱmeurtre,ȱm’enȱfaictȱcraindreȱunȱsecond.
Etȱlaȱlaideurȱdeȱlaȱpremiereȱcruautéȱm’enȱfaictȱabhorrerȱtouteȱimitation.64
LeȱmagistratȱetȱMontaigneȱontȱtoujoursȱétéȱdeux,ȱetȱilȱrépugneȱàȱl’hommeȱprivéȱde
voirȱlaȱjusticeȱappliquerȱlaȱloiȱduȱtalion,ȱtuerȱàȱsonȱtourȱceluiȱquiȱaȱtué,ȱreproduire
laȱcruautéȱqu’elleȱprétendȱprécisémentȱextirper.ȱ”Miseȱenȱcauseȱradicaleȱdeȱlaȱpeine
deȱ mort,”ȱ suivantȱ Géraldeȱ Nakam,ȱ exceptionnelleȱ chezȱ unȱ magistratȱ deȱ la
Renaissance.65
Niȱjustesȱniȱproportionnésȱniȱutiles,ȱlesȱchâtimentsȱinfligésȱparȱlaȱjusticeȱdeȱson
tempsȱ sontȱ doncȱ jugésȱ sévèrementȱ parȱ l’ancienȱ conseillerȱ auȱ Parlementȱ de
Bordeaux.ȱ Neȱ faudraitȬilȱ pasȱ punirȱ davantageȱ lesȱ mauvaisȱ jugesȱ queȱ leurs
malheureusesȱvictimes,ȱàȱl’instarȱdeȱceuxȱdeȱSocrate,ȱmisȱensuiteȱauȱbanȱdeȱlaȱcité
etȱquiȱfinirentȱparȱseȱpendre?66ȱMontaigneȱluiȬmême,ȱ”encoreȱviergeȱdeȱprocès,“67
quiȱn’aȱencoreȱcomparuȱdevantȱaucunȱtribunal,ȱ”pourȱquelqueȱcauseȱqueȱceȱsoit,
61
62
I,ȱXXIII,ȱ1.
63
64
65
“‘L’injusteȱtenuȱpourȱjuste’,ȱouȱlaȱperversionȱdesȱmentalités,”ȱMontaigne:ȱlaȱjustice,ȱ119–31;ȱiciȱ120
(voirȱn.ȱ12).ȱPourȱleȱ(quasiȬ)consensusȱdesȱhommesȱduȱtempsȱsurȱlaȱpeineȱdeȱmort,ȱvoirȱduȱmême
auteur,ȱLesȱEssaisȱdeȱMontaigne,ȱ138–39ȱ(citéȱn.ȱ3).
66
67
520 DenisȱBjaï
ouȱmienne,ȱouȱtierce,ȱouȱcriminelle,ȱouȱcivile,“68ȱentendȱbienȱneȱjamaisȱencourir
pareilȱrisque.ȱ
Dansȱ unȱ systèmeȱ judiciaireȱ fondéȱ surȱ laȱ suspicionȱ générale,ȱ leȱ mieuxȱ qu’on
puisseȱattendreȱd’unȱjuge,ȱc’estȱdeȱressortirȱindemneȱd’entreȱsesȱgriffes,ȱsansȱmême
espérerȱvoirȱsonȱdommageȱréparé.ȱ”Nostreȱjustice,ȱrésumeȱMontaigneȱdansȱ‘De
l’Experience’,ȱ neȱ nousȱ presenteȱ queȱ l’uneȱ deȱ sesȱ mains;ȱ etȱ encoreȱ laȱ gauche:
Quiconqueȱ ilȱ soit,ȱ ilȱ enȱ sortȱ avecquesȱ perte.”69ȱ Leȱ gentilhommeȱ périgourdin
comprendȱ etȱ partageȱ lesȱ appréhensionsȱ deȱ sesȱ paysans.ȱ Quandȱ ceuxȬciȱ lui
rapportentȱavoir,ȱdansȱuneȱforêtȱsienne,ȱlaisséȱagoniserȱunȱhommeȱagresséȱsansȱlui
porterȱsecours,ȱdeȱcrainteȱd’avoirȱmailleȱàȱpartirȱavecȱlaȱjustice,ȱilȱn’yȱtrouveȱrien
àȱredire,ȱparceȱqu’ilȱsait,ȱcommeȱeux,ȱqueȱ”cetȱofficeȱd’humanité,ȱlesȱeustȱmisȱen
peine.”70ȱ
Plusȱ fondamentalement,ȱ lesȱ Essaisȱ posentȱ laȱ questionȱ deȱ savoirȱ siȱ nousȱ ne
sommesȱpasȱtousȱdesȱdélinquantsȱenȱpuissance,ȱsusceptiblesȱd’êtreȱsanctionnésȱun
jourȱouȱl’autreȱparȱlaȱjustice.ȱÀȱyȱregarderȱdeȱprès,ȱdansȱuneȱsociétéȱauxȱnormes
juridiquesȱdeȱplusȱenȱplusȱcomplexes,ȱquiȱpeutȱseȱvanterȱdeȱn’avoirȱjamaisȱenfreint
quelqueȱrègleȱqueȱceȱsoit?ȱ”Ilȱn’estȱsiȱhommeȱdeȱbien,ȱrépondȱMontaigneȱenȱnotre
nom,ȱ qu’ilȱ metteȱ àȱ l’examenȱ desȱ loixȱ toutesȱ sesȱ actionsȱ etȱ pensées,ȱ quiȱ neȱ soit
pendableȱdixȱfoisȱenȱsaȱvie.”71ȱJugesȱouȱjusticiables,ȱnousȱneȱsommesȱdécidément
tousȱqueȱduȱgibierȱdeȱpotence!
68
69
III,ȱ13,ȱ1118ȱ(voirȱn.ȱ4).ȱCf.,ȱentreȱautresȱtextes,ȱlaȱdiatribeȱdeȱMonlucȱcontreȱlesȱinterminables
procèsȱduȱtemps:ȱ”Laȱruyneȱvientȱaussiȱbienȱàȱceluyȱquiȱgaigneȱqu’àȱceluyȱquiȱpert;ȱcarȱilsȱ[les
avocats]ȱtirentȱlesȱprocèsȱenȱsiȱgrandeȱlongueurȱque,ȱquandȱceluyȱquiȱaȱgaignéȱconteȱl’argentȱqu’il
aȱdespandu,ȱilȱtrouveȱavoirȱplusȱmisȱqueȱgaigné,ȱoutreȱleȱtempsȱqu’ilȱaȱperdu“ȱ(Commentaires,ȱéd.
PaulȱCourteault.ȱBibliothèqueȱdeȱlaȱPléiadeȱ(Paris:ȱGallimard,ȱ1964),ȱ621).
70
71
Chapterȱ22
AllisonȱP.ȱCoudert
(UniversityȱofȱCalifornia,ȱDavis)
TheȱUltimateȱCrime:ȱCannibalismȱinȱEarlyȱModern
MindsȱandȱImaginations
FromȱtheȱtaleȱofȱSaturnȱeatingȱhisȱchildrenȱtoȱtheȱchildȬeatingȱwitchȱofȱnursery
stories,ȱ fromȱ Pliny’sȱ dogȬfacedȱ peopleȱ feastingȱ onȱ humanȱ fleshȱ toȱ Christian
depictionsȱ ofȱ theȱ devilȱ asȱ aȱ cannibalistic,ȱ defecatingȱ monsterȱ andȱ Freud’s
convictionȱ thatȱ civilizationȱ beganȱ whenȱ aȱ bandȱ ofȱ brothersȱ ateȱ dearȱ oldȱ dad,
imagesȱofȱcannibalismȱhaveȱobsessedȱtheȱwesternȱimagination.ȱButȱnewȱkindsȱof
cannibalsȱ andȱ newȱ formsȱ ofȱ cannibalismȱ appearedȱ inȱ earlyȱ modernȱ Europe
especiallyȱ suitedȱ toȱ theȱ profoundȱ changesȱ inȱ mentalȱ andȱ materialȱ lifeȱ that
accompaniedȱtheȱdiscoveryȱofȱtheȱNewȱWorld,ȱtheȱreligiousȱconflictsȱgeneratedȱby
theȱ Reformationȱ andȱ CounterȬReformation,ȱ andȱ theȱ emergenceȱ ofȱ aȱ consumer
society.ȱ Hereȱ theȱ cannibalȱ becomesȱ aȱ proteanȱ figure:ȱ onȱ theȱ oneȱ hand,ȱ he
representsȱtheȱprimitiveȱ“other,”ȱaȱsavageȱmemberȱofȱaȱregressiveȱsociety,ȱwho
stoodȱinȱstarkȱoppositionȱtoȱtheȱprogressiveȱenterpriseȱsocietyȱofȱtheȱEuropeans;
butȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱandȱonȱaȱsubconsciousȱlevelȱthatȱgraduallyȱemergedȱintoȱthe
consciousnessȱ ofȱ atȱ leastȱ someȱ people,ȱ theȱ newȬworldȱ cannibalsȱ wereȱ mere
pussycats,ȱandȱsometimesȱnobleȱpussycats,ȱinȱcomparisonȱtoȱaȱnewerȱandȱmore
viciousȱkindȱofȱcannibal,ȱthoseȱrapaciousȱcolonialists,ȱimperialists,ȱandȱcapitalists,
whoȱliterallyȱdevouredȱtheȱpeoplesȱwhoȱstoodȱinȱtheirȱway.ȱ
ChristianityȱandȱChristianȱconflictȱfurtherȱcomplicatedȱtheȱcomplexȱmeaningȱof
cannibalismȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod.ȱReligiousȱfanaticsȱonȱbothȱsidesȱofȱthe
religiousȱ divideȱ wereȱ likenedȱ toȱ cannibalsȱ asȱ theyȱ tortured,ȱ mutilated,ȱ and
murderedȱtheirȱreligiousȱenemies.ȱTheȱFrenchȱHuguenotȱJeanȱdeȱLéryȱ(1536–1613)
claimedȱthatȱtheȱliversȱandȱheartsȱofȱtheȱProtestantsȱslainȱonȱSt.ȱBartholomew’s
DayȱwereȱeatenȱbyȱtheirȱCatholicȱkillers,ȱwhileȱtheȱCatholicȱauthorȱofȱThéatreȱdes
522 AllisonȱP.ȱCoudert
1
cruautezȱdesȱHereticquesȱdeȱnostreȱtemps ȱadvisedȱreadersȱtoȱ“hardenȱtheirȱhearts”
beforeȱtheyȱlookedȱatȱimagesȱofȱProtestantsȱdismemberingȱlittleȱCatholicȱbabies
andȱforcingȱaȱpriestȱtoȱeatȱhisȱownȱroastedȱgenitals.ȱTheȱparallelȱbetweenȱChristian
communionȱandȱcannibalȱfeastsȱwasȱrelentlesslyȱstressedȱbyȱProtestants,ȱwhoȱused
theȱ analogyȱ toȱ ridiculeȱ theȱ Catholicȱ doctrineȱ ofȱ theȱ transubstantiationȱ ofȱ the
EucharistȱbreadȱandȱwineȱintoȱtheȱbodyȱandȱbloodȱofȱChrist.ȱ
Butȱ Protestantȱ attacksȱ onȱ theȱ Eucharistȱ ignoredȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ inȱ additionȱ to
everythingȱelseȱcannibalismȱwasȱaȱpowerfulȱformȱofȱnostalgiaȱappealingȱtoȱthose
disaffectedȱ Europeansȱ whoȱ feltȱ themselvesȱ trappedȱ inȱ aȱ Hobbesianȱ worldȱ of
unfetteredȱindividualismȱdrivenȱbyȱwillȱandȱappetite.ȱForȱmanyȱpeople,ȱandȱnot
justȱCatholics,ȱtheȱGodȱwhoȱnourishedȱhisȱchildrenȱfromȱhisȱownȱbodyȱandȱblood
wasȱaȱpotentȱimageȱofȱtheȱmagnitudeȱofȱdivineȱlove,ȱmercy,ȱandȱforgiveness.ȱAnd
theȱchildrenȱwhoȱpartookȱofȱhisȱbodyȱsymbolizedȱsoulsȱreturningȱtoȱtheȱoriginal
stateȱofȱunityȱbetweenȱmanȱandȱGodȱshatteredȱbyȱtheȱFall.ȱ
Inȱ short,ȱ oneȱ mightȱ sayȱ thatȱ duringȱ theȱ earlyȱ modernȱ periodȱ theȱ issueȱ of
cannibalismȱwasȱlargelyȱtransformedȱfromȱaȱstoryȱaboutȱnonȬEuropeanȱ“others”
toȱaȱstoryȱaboutȱEuropeansȱthemselves,ȱalthoughȱinȱrealityȱstoriesȱaboutȱ“others”
areȱalwaysȱinȱaȱprofoundȱsenseȱaboutȱoneself.2ȱButȱtheȱcannibalȱdidȱcomeȱhomeȱto
roostȱ inȱ veryȱ tangibleȱ waysȱ duringȱ theȱ earlyȱ modernȱ period.ȱ Theȱ issueȱ of
cannibalismȱbecameȱinvolvedȱinȱdebatesȱaboutȱwhatȱcharacterizedȱhumanȱnature
asȱwellȱasȱtheȱstateȱofȱnature,ȱnotȱtoȱmentionȱtheȱnatureȱofȱtheȱstate.ȱWereȱhumans
innatelyȱ violentȱ andȱ theȱ stateȱ ofȱ natureȱ aȱ generalizedȱ warȱ ofȱ allȱ againstȱ allȱ as
RobertȱBurtonȱ(1577–1640)ȱmaintained,ȱwhenȱheȱdescribedȱtheȱoutsideȱworldȱasȱa
“Market”ȱinȱwhichȱ“weȱmaul,ȱpersecute,ȱandȱstudyȱhowȱtoȱsting,ȱgall,ȱandȱvexȱone
anotherȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱpreyingȱuponȱandȱdevouring,ȱasȱsoȱmanyȱravenousȱbirds?”3ȱOrȱwere
humansȱ basicallyȱ goodȱ andȱ theirȱ “fall”ȱ intoȱ societyȱ theȱ causeȱ ofȱ theirȱ moral
turpitude,ȱasȱRousseauȱandȱothersȱarguedȱwhoȱdeploredȱtheȱdogȬeatȬdogȱworld
ofȱanȱemergingȱconsumerȱsociety?ȱAndȱwhatȱaboutȱgovernments?ȱDidȱtheyȱsave
usȱ fromȱ ourȱ ownȱ cannibalisticȱ tendencies,ȱ asȱ Hobbesȱ believed,ȱ orȱ were
governmentsȱthemselvesȱcannibalsȱparȱexcellence,ȱwhoȱdevouredȱtheirȱcitizensȱin
theirȱquestȱforȱpowerȱandȱdominion?ȱ
Atȱtheȱheartȱofȱtheseȱquestionsȱlayȱaȱmoreȱfundamentalȱoneȱaboutȱwhatȱexactly
constitutedȱ theȱ “self”ȱ bothȱ inȱ thisȱ worldȱ andȱ theȱ next.ȱ Givenȱ theȱ richnessȱ and
1
ThéatreȱdesȱCruautezȱdesȱHereticquesȱdeȱnostreȱtemps.ȱTraduitȱduȱLatinȱ[ofȱR.ȱV.,ȱi.e.,ȱR.ȱVerstegan]
(Anvers:ȱA.ȱHubert,ȱ1607ȱ[1588]).
2
Hillerbrand,ȱHansȱJ.,ȱ“Theȱ‘Other’ȱinȱtheȱAgeȱofȱtheȱReformation:ȱReflectionsȱonȱSocialȱControlȱand
DevianceȱinȱtheȱSixteenthȱCentury.ȱInfiniteȱBoundaries:ȱOrder,ȱDisorder,ȱandȱReorderȱinȱEarlyȱModern
GermanȱCulture,ȱed.ȱMaxȱReinhartȱ(Kirksville,ȱMO:ȱSixteenthȱCenturyȱJournalȱPublishers,ȱ1998),
245–69.
3
RobertȱBurton,ȱTheȱAnatomyȱofȱMelancholyȱ(London:ȱPrintedȱandȱtoȱbeȱsoldȱbyȱHen.ȱCripsȱ&ȱLodo:
Lloyd,ȱ1652),ȱ407.
CannibalismȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱMindsȱandȱImaginations 523
complexityȱ ofȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ cannibalism,ȱ oneȱ canȱ agreeȱ withȱ Catalinȱ Avramescu
whenȱ heȱ pointsȱ outȱ thatȱ theȱ cannibalȱ isȱ “oneȱ ofȱ theȱ greatȱ forgottenȱ figuresȱ of
philosophy.”4ȱ Theȱ multifariousȱ waysȱ cannibalsȱ haveȱ beenȱ portrayedȱ andȱ the
conundrumsȱtheirȱexistenceȱhaveȱraisedȱtellsȱusȱaȱgreatȱdealȱaboutȱhowȱweȱhave
arrivedȱ whereȱ weȱ areȱ today;ȱ andȱ nowhereȱ areȱ cannibalsȱ moreȱ apparentȱ and
significantȱ thanȱ inȱ theȱ earlyȱ modernȱ period,ȱ whenȱ theirȱ presenceȱ castsȱ aȱ long
shadowȱoverȱtheȱbirthȱofȱtheȱmodernȱworldȱwithȱitsȱnewlyȱemergingȱideasȱofȱthe
self,ȱtheȱnation,ȱtheȱnatureȱofȱreligion,ȱandȱtheȱeffectsȱofȱaȱcapitalistȱeconomy.
*ȱ*ȱ*ȱ
Althoughȱtheȱthemeȱofȱcannibalismȱisȱanȱancientȱone,ȱtheȱsubjectȱdidȱnotȱcomeȱinto
itsȱownȱuntilȱtheȱpublicationȱofȱ WilliamȱArens’sȱTheȱManȬEatingȱMythȱinȱ1979.
Arguingȱthatȱtheȱideaȱofȱsavageȱcannibalismȱhadȱlittleȱbasisȱinȱrealityȱandȱwas,ȱin
fact,ȱ simplyȱ aȱ wayȱ forȱ Westernersȱ toȱ demonizeȱ theȱ “other”ȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ justify
colonialism,ȱconquest,ȱandȱevenȱextermination,ȱArens’sȱbookȱcausedȱaȱfuror.ȱWhile
heȱconcededȱthatȱsomeȱformsȱofȱ“ritualȱanthropophagy”ȱorȱactualȱcannibalismȱmay
haveȱexistedȱunderȱextremeȱcircumstancesȱ(likeȱshipwrecks),ȱheȱinsistedȱthatȱfor
theȱmostȱpartȱtheȱmythȱofȱcannibalismȱwasȱnothingȱshortȱofȱaȱtoolȱofȱempire,ȱbeȱit
inȱtheȱrealȱworldȱorȱtheȱworldȱofȱacademiaȱandȱtheȱdisciplineȱofȱanthropology.
Arens’sȱthesisȱwasȱexcoriatedȱbyȱMarshallȱSahlins,ȱamongȱothers,ȱwhoȱequatedȱhis
denialȱofȱcannibalismȱwithȱtheȱpostmodernistȱtendencyȱtoȱquestionȱtheȱtruthȱof
anything,ȱincludingȱtheȱHolocaust.5ȱ
Theȱ stakesȱ inȱ theȱ debateȱ wereȱ obviouslyȱ high,ȱ andȱ sinceȱ theȱ publicationȱ of
Arens’sȱbookȱmuchȱvaluableȱworkȱhasȱbeenȱdoneȱtoȱexplainȱwhyȱtheȱcannibalȱis
theȱobjectȱofȱsuchȱ“aȱveritableȱfixation”ȱandȱwhyȱtheȱfantasyȱofȱcannibalismȱhas
beenȱ“aȱpsychicȱstructureȱofȱlongȱduration”ȱinȱtheȱWestȱfromȱbothȱaȱpsychological
andȱhistoricalȱpointȱofȱview.6ȱObviouslyȱtheȱhistoricalȱpartȱofȱtheȱanalysisȱisȱmost
germaneȱtoȱthisȱessay,ȱbutȱbeforeȱgettingȱtoȱthatȱaȱwordȱmustȱbeȱsaidȱaboutȱthe
undeniableȱfactȱthatȱallȱofȱusȱstartȱoffȱasȱcannibalsȱeatingȱourȱmothersȱandȱtrying
toȱingestȱtheȱworldȱasȱwell.ȱAsȱweȱlearnȱfromȱGreekȱmythology,ȱthisȱisȱnotȱaȱoneȬ
wayȱstreet.ȱInfanticideȱandȱcannibalismȱappearȱtoȱbeȱpatriarchalȱprerogativesȱatȱthe
4
CatalinȱAvramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱtrans.ȱAlistairȱIanȱBlythȱ(2003;ȱPrinceton
andȱOxford:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2009),ȱ2.
5
Marshallȱ Sahlins,ȱ “Artificiallyȱ Maintainedȱ Controversies:ȱ Globalȱ Warmingȱ andȱ Fijian
Cannibalism,”ȱAnthropologyȱTodayȱ19ȱ(Juneȱ2003):ȱ3–5ȱ(partȱ1);ȱ(partȱ2)ȱAnthropologyȱTodayȱ6.19
(2003):ȱ21–23.Theȱgeneralȱconsensusȱnowȱisȱthatȱcannibalismȱdidȱandȱinȱsomeȱplacesȱstillȱexists,
butȱthatȱitȱwasȱalsoȱusedȱasȱaȱwayȱtoȱdemonizeȱnativesȱandȱjustifyȱcolonialism.ȱCf.ȱKatherineȱBiber,
“CannibalismȱandȱColonialism,”ȱSydneyȱLawȱReviewȱ27ȱ(2005):ȱ623–37.ȱ
6
Avramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱ10ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4);ȱGananathȱObeyesekere,ȱCannibal
Talk:ȱTheȱManȬEatingȱMythȱandȱHumanȱSacrificeȱinȱtheȱSouthȱSeasȱ(Berkeley:ȱUniversityȱofȱCalifornia
Press,ȱ2005),ȱ28.
veryȱ heartȱ ofȱ theȱ establishmentȱ ofȱ theȱ divineȱ pantheonȱ describedȱ inȱ Hesiod’s
Theogonyȱ asȱ Saturnȱ eatsȱ hisȱ childrenȱ andȱ theȱ Titansȱ Dionysius.ȱ Freudȱ tookȱ the
argumentȱmanyȱstepsȱfurtherȱinȱTotemȱandȱTabooȱbyȱarguingȱthatȱtheȱritualȱmurder
ofȱ theȱ fatherȱ andȱ theȱ eatingȱ ofȱ hisȱ fleshȱ byȱ hisȱ sonsȱ createdȱ theȱ guiltȱ that
sublimatedȱtheȱviolenceȱuponȱwhichȱcivilizationȱwasȱbuilt.ȱForȱFreudȱindividuals
recapitulatedȱthisȱoriginaryȱactȱofȱcannibalismȱinȱaȱfigurativeȱratherȱthanȱaȱliteral
wayȱasȱtheyȱprogressedȱfromȱtheȱoralȱtoȱtheȱanalȱandȱfinallyȱtoȱtheȱgenitalȱstageȱof
development.ȱButȱnoȱstageȱwasȱeverȱcompletelyȱleftȱbehind.ȱEvenȱaȱsatisfactory
attainmentȱofȱtheȱgenitalȱstageȱinvolvesȱanȱunsuccessfulȱattemptȱtoȱrecreateȱthe
absoluteȱintimacyȱbetweenȱmotherȱandȱbaby,ȱaȱshadowȱofȱwhichȱisȱcapturedȱinȱthe
Englishȱlanguageȱofȱlove,ȱwhichȱisȱrepleteȱwithȱmetaphorsȱofȱeatingȱandȱdevouring
theȱlovedȱone,ȱwhoȱamongȱotherȱthingsȱisȱaȱ“sweetieȱpie”ȱgoodȱenoughȱtoȱeat.ȱIn
Englishȱconsuming,ȱconsumption,ȱandȱconsummationȱareȱasȱapplicableȱtoȱsexȱas
theyȱ areȱ toȱ eating.ȱ Butȱ evenȱ theȱ mostȱ intenseȱ andȱ passionateȱ loveȱ failsȱ to
reestablishȱtheȱcompleteȱunityȱthatȱexistedȱbetweenȱmotherȱandȱbaby.ȱ
Consequently,ȱinȱsomeȱcasesȱtheȱthwartedȱdesireȱforȱunityȱmanifestsȱitselfȱinȱan
adult’sȱaggressiveȱattemptȱtoȱconsumeȱtheȱother.ȱForȱFreud,ȱhumanȱbeingsȱare
pulledȱinȱtwoȱdirections,ȱtheȱdesireȱforȱautonomyȱthatȱmovesȱusȱforwardȱandȱthe
desireȱforȱunityȱthatȱinvolvesȱregressionȱorȱwhatȱFreudȱcameȱtoȱcallȱ“theȱdeath
drive”ȱ(Todestrieb).7ȱMovingȱtoȱtheȱpresent,ȱweȱmightȱwellȱaskȱwhatȱisȱresponsible
forȱourȱcontemporaryȱfascinationȱwithȱvampireȱcannibals?ȱWhatȱcanȱHannibal
Lecter,ȱaȱmanȱofȱgreatȱrefinementȱasȱwellȱasȱtaste,ȱtellȱusȱaboutȱtheȱconsuming
passionsȱthatȱconsumeȱusȱasȱwellȱasȱthoseȱlambs,ȱwhoseȱsilenceȱisȱdeafening?ȱThe
historyȱofȱcannibalismȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiodȱcanȱtellȱusȱaȱlotȱaboutȱboth.
Asȱ manyȱ scholarsȱ haveȱ pointedȱ out,ȱ duringȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ andȱ eighteenth
centuriesȱcuriosityȱisȱremovedȱfromȱtheȱcatalogueȱofȱvicesȱandȱlegitimatedȱasȱa
suitableȱresponseȱtoȱtheȱavalancheȱofȱnewsȱcomingȱintoȱEuropeȱfromȱtheȱexplosion
ofȱtravelȱliteratureȱcombinedȱwithȱtheȱpublicationȱofȱnewȱasȱwellȱasȱoldȱscientific
andȱliteraryȱtexts.8ȱUnlikeȱmanyȱofȱhisȱmoreȱconservativeȱcontemporariesȱFrancis
7
Freudȱfirstȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱ“deathȱdrive”ȱinȱhisȱBeyondȱtheȱPleasureȱPrinciple.ȱTheȱStandardȱEditionȱof
theȱCompleteȱPsychologicalȱWorksȱofȱSigmundȱFreud,ȱvol.ȱXVIII,ȱȱed.ȱJamesȱStracheyȱ(London:ȱHogarth
Press,ȱ1955ȱ[firstȱpublishedȱinȱGermanȱinȱ1920]),ȱ38–41,ȱ49–57;ȱMaggieȱKilgour,ȱFromȱCommunion
toȱCannibalism:ȱAnȱAnatomyȱofȱMetaphorsȱofȱIncorporationȱ(Princeton:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,
1990),ȱ245;ȱLeonȱRappoport,ȱ“ChampagneȱSlippers,ȱtheȱTwinkieȱDefense,ȱandȱHeȬManȱDiets,”ȱid.,
HowȱWeȱEat:ȱAppetite,ȱCulture,ȱandȱtheȱPsychologyȱofȱFoodȱ(Toronto:ȱECWȱPress,ȱ2003),ȱ161–82.ȱ
8
PaulaȱFindlen,ȱPossessingȱNature:ȱMuseums,ȱCollecting,ȱandȱScientificȱCultureȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱItaly
(Berkeley:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1994);ȱStephenȱGreenblatt,ȱMarvelousȱPossessions:ȱThe
WonderȱofȱtheȱNewȱWorldȱ(Chicago:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1991);ȱBarbaraȱBenedict,ȱCuriosity:
AȱCulturalȱHistoryȱofȱEarlyȱModernȱInquiryȱ(ChicagoȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,
2001);ȱ Neilȱ Kenny,ȱ Theȱ Usesȱ ofȱ Curiosityȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Franceȱ andȱ Germanyȱ (Oxford:ȱ Oxford
UniversityȱPress,ȱ2004);ȱNicholasȱDew,ȱ“ReadingȱTravelsȱinȱtheȱCultureȱofȱCuriosity:ȱThévenot’s
CollectionȱofȱVoyages,”ȱJournalȱofȱEarlyȱModernȱHistoryȱ10.1–2ȱ(2006):ȱ40–59.
Baconȱ (1561–1626)ȱ enthusiasticallyȱ embracedȱ theȱ extensionȱ ofȱ intellectual

boundariesȱthatȱcameȱwithȱthisȱnewȱinformation:ȱ
Norȱshouldȱweȱignoreȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱdistantȱvoyagesȱandȱoverlandȱtravelsȱwhich
haveȱbecomeȱfrequentȱinȱourȱday,ȱhaveȱopenedȱupȱandȱrevealedȱtoȱusȱmanyȱthingsȱin
Natureȱwhichȱcanȱthrowȱnewȱlightȱonȱphilosophy.ȱAndȱsurelyȱitȱwouldȱbeȱdisgraceful
inȱaȱtimeȱwhenȱtheȱregionsȱofȱtheȱmaterialȱglobe,ȱthatȱisȱofȱtheȱearth,ȱtheȱseasȱandȱstars
haveȱbeenȱopenedȱupȱfarȱandȱwideȱforȱusȱtoȱsee,ȱifȱtheȱlimitsȱofȱourȱintellectualȱworld
wereȱrestrictedȱtoȱtheȱnarrowȱdiscoveriesȱofȱtheȱancients.9ȱ
Theȱ verseȱ fromȱ Daniel:ȱ “manyȱ shallȱ runȱ toȱ andȱ froȱ andȱ knowledgeȱ shallȱ be
increased”ȱ (Dan.ȱ 12:4)ȱ appealedȱ toȱ Baconȱ andȱ throughȱ himȱ toȱ Thomasȱ Sprat
(1635–1713).ȱSpratȱusedȱitȱasȱaȱmottoȱonȱtheȱfrontispieceȱofȱhisȱhistoryȱofȱEngland’s
RoyalȱSocietyȱ(1667),ȱwhichȱheȱillustratedȱwithȱaȱshipȱsailingȱsuggestivelyȱthrough
theȱpillarsȱofȱHerculesȱandȱthusȱsymbolicallyȱsurpassingȱtheȱancientsȱinȱtheȱquest
forȱknowledge.ȱTheȱwideningȱofȱintellectualȱboundariesȱwelcomedȱbyȱBaconȱand
Spratȱwasȱnotȱpositivelyȱconstruedȱbyȱeveryone,ȱhowever,ȱandȱweȱcanȱseeȱthis
reluctanceȱinȱtheȱliteratureȱdealingȱwithȱallegedȱcannibals.ȱ
JonathanȱZ.ȱSmithȱhasȱemphasizedȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱplaceȱinȱbothȱaȱculture’s
andȱ anȱ individual’sȱ selfȬperception.ȱ Sinceȱ socialȱ changeȱ isȱ inseparableȱ from
symbolicȱchange,ȱtheȱquestionȱpeopleȱaskȱandȱneedȱtoȱanswerȱtoȱensureȱaȱstable
existenceȱisȱ“whereȱdoȱIȱstand?”ȱAsȱSmithȱsays:ȱ“Atȱtheȱheartȱofȱtheȱissueȱofȱchange
areȱtheȱsymbolicȬsocialȱquestions:ȱWhatȱisȱtheȱplaceȱonȱwhichȱIȱstand?ȱWhatȱareȱmy
horizons?ȱ Whatȱ areȱ myȱ limits?”10ȱ Theseȱ wereȱ preciselyȱ theȱ questionsȱ that
preoccupiedȱand,ȱinȱmanyȱcases,ȱterrifiedȱindividualsȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱworld
asȱtheyȱclearedȱawayȱtheȱdebrisȱofȱoutmodedȱsymbolicȱstructuresȱandȱstruggled
toȱbuildȱnewȱonesȱsuitableȱforȱaȱchangingȱworld.ȱSmithȱemphasizesȱhowȱdifficult
thisȱis:ȱ“Toȱchangeȱstanceȱisȱtoȱtotallyȱalterȱone’sȱsymbolsȱandȱtoȱinhabitȱaȱdifferent
world.”11ȱWhatȱcausedȱindividualsȱtoȱchangeȱtheirȱstandȱonȱmanyȱkeyȱissuesȱwas
theȱ increasingȱ incoherenceȱ inȱ theȱ symbolicȱ systemsȱ governingȱ contemporary
culture,ȱaȱdisjunctionȱrevealingȱtheȱlackȱofȱfitȱbetweenȱtheȱvariousȱelementsȱwithin
theȱ prevailingȱ systemsȱ ofȱ classification,ȱ beȱ theyȱ social,ȱ intellectual,ȱ economic,
political,ȱorȱreligious.ȱ
WhatȱthinkingȱEuropeansȱwereȱforcedȱtoȱconfrontȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod
wasȱtheȱbreakdownȱofȱpreviouslyȱestablishedȱboundariesȱbothȱinȱtheȱheavensȱand
onȱearthȱandȱbetweenȱheavenȱandȱearthȱasȱtheȱAristotelianȬPtolemaicȱworldview
gaveȱwayȱtoȱtheȱCopernican.ȱOnceȱtheȱearthȱwasȱrecognizedȱasȱaȱplanetȱlikeȱevery
9
FrancisȱBacon,ȱNewȱOrganum.ȱWithȱOtherȱPartsȱofȱtheȱGreatȱInstauration,ȱtrans.ȱandȱed.ȱPeterȱUrbach
andȱJohnȱGibsonȱ(ChicagoȱandȱLaȱSalle:ȱOpenȱCourt,ȱ1994),ȱBk.ȱ1,ȱCh.ȱ84,ȱ93.
10
JonathanȱZ.ȱSmith,ȱ“TheȱInfluenceȱofȱSymbolsȱonȱSocialȱChange:ȱAȱPlaceȱonȱWhichȱtoȱStand,”Map
isȱnotȱTerritoryȱ(ChicagoȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1978),ȱ143.
11
Smith,ȱ“TheȱInfluenceȱofȱSymbolsȱonȱSocialȱChange,”ȱ143ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).
other,ȱwhereȱwasȱheavenȱandȱhowȱwasȱitȱtoȱbeȱdistinguishedȱfromȱearth?ȱWithȱthe
voyagesȱofȱdiscoveryȱandȱsettlementsȱinȱtheȱAmericasȱwhatȱhadȱpreviouslyȱbeen
consideredȱ theȱ dangerous,ȱ unfathomableȱ marginsȱ ofȱ theȱ knownȱ worldȱ were
absorbedȱ intoȱ theȱ culturalȱ center,ȱ butȱ notȱ withoutȱ considerableȱ confusionȱ and
muchȱopposition.ȱ
Establishingȱbordersȱandȱboundaries,ȱwhichȱisȱessentiallyȱtoȱdemarcateȱoneȱthing
fromȱanother,ȱhasȱbeenȱaȱfundamentalȱaspectȱofȱhumanȱsocietyȱfromȱtheȱbeginning
ofȱrecordedȱhistoryȱandȱaȱnecessaryȱone;ȱforȱasȱStructuralismȱmadeȱclear,ȱwithout
differenceȱthereȱcanȱbeȱnoȱmeaning.ȱPoststructuralismȱhas,ȱhowever,ȱmuddiedȱthe
watersȱbyȱquestioningȱtheȱveryȱdichotomiesȱstructuralistsȱdeemedȱbasicȱaspectsȱof
humanȱthought—dichotomiesȱsuchȱasȱnature/culture,ȱcenter/periphery/,ȱvoice/
writing,ȱcooked/raw,ȱpublic/private,ȱspirit/flesh,ȱhigh/low,ȱmale/female.ȱInȱJacques
Derrida’sȱviewȱallȱtheseȱbinaryȱoppositionsȱcanȱbeȱsummedȱupȱinȱaȱsingleȱone,
inside/outside,ȱ butȱ thisȱ oppositionȱ itselfȱ isȱ slipperyȱ andȱ alwaysȱ inȱ dangerȱ of
collapsingȱbecauseȱwhatȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱoutsideȱanyȱgivenȱsystemȱofȱthoughtȱis
alreadyȱfullyȱinside.12ȱForȱthisȱveryȱreasonȱtheȱmostȱinterestingȱbinaryȱopposition
forȱthisȱessayȱisȱinside/outsideȱsinceȱcannibalismȱinvolvesȱeating,ȱandȱtheȱactȱof
eatingȱ isȱ theȱ mostȱ basicȱ modelȱ forȱ theȱ dissolutionȱ ofȱ boundariesȱ andȱ the
incorporationȱofȱforeignȱelementsȱintoȱanȱindividual,ȱgroup,ȱorȱsociety.ȱ
Eatingȱisȱthereforeȱaȱpotentiallyȱdangerousȱactȱandȱfoodȱaȱpotentȱsymbolȱfor
whateverȱisȱabsorbedȱfromȱoutside,ȱwhetherȱphysicallyȱorȱmentally,ȱliterallyȱor
metaphorically.ȱFoodȱisȱmoreȱthanȱaȱsubstance;ȱitȱisȱanȱattitude,ȱaȱcircumstance,
evenȱaȱlanguage.13ȱOneȱisȱremindedȱofȱcertainȱEnglishȱphrasesȱsuchȱas,ȱtoȱ“hunger”
andȱ“thirst”ȱforȱGod.ȱWeȱalsoȱ“hunger”ȱandȱ“thirst”ȱafterȱknowledgeȱandȱtruth
andȱ inȱ soȱ doingȱ mayȱ readȱ “voraciously,”ȱ “biteȱ offȱ moreȱ thanȱ weȱ canȱ chew,”
“swallowȱ aȱ storyȱ whole,”ȱ “ruminate”ȱ overȱ anȱ issue,ȱ “digestȱ anȱ argument,”
“assimilateȱ aȱ source,”ȱ andȱ emergeȱ withȱ “halfȬbaked”ȱ ideasȱ orȱ muchȱ “mental
nourishment”ȱandȱ“foodȱforȱthought.”ȱSomethingȱmayȱlookȱtoȱyouȱ“goodȱenough
toȱeat,”ȱwhileȱothersȱmightȱdismissȱitȱasȱ“indigestible.”ȱConsequently,ȱindividuals
haveȱorȱdoȱnotȱhaveȱ“goodȱtaste.”ȱWeȱmightȱgoȱfurtherȱandȱsayȱthatȱtoȱeatȱorȱnot
toȱ eatȱ isȱ theȱ realȱ existentialȱ question.ȱ Mostȱ societiesȱ areȱ thereforeȱ carefulȱ to
determineȱnotȱonlyȱwithȱwhomȱoneȱeatsȱandȱhowȱoneȱeatsȱbutȱwhatȱoneȱeats.ȱ
Whileȱ maintainingȱ theȱ integrityȱ andȱ purityȱ ofȱ individualȱ bodiesȱ wasȱ an
importantȱaspectȱofȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱlife,ȱmaintainingȱtheȱboundaries
ofȱ theȱ bodyȱ politicȱ orȱ theȱ bodyȱ ofȱ Christendomȱ wasȱ equallyȱ important.ȱ Mary
12
JacquesȱDerrida,ȱ“Structure,ȱSign,ȱandȱPlayȱinȱtheȱDiscourseȱofȱtheȱHumanȱScience,”ȱWritingȱand
Difference,ȱtrans.ȱAlanȱBassȱ(Chicago:ȱChicagoȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1978),ȱ278–95.
13
ClaudeȱLéviȬStrauss,ȱ“LeȱTriangleȱculinaire,”ȱL’Arcȱ(AixȬenȬProvence)ȱ26ȱ(1965):ȱ19–29.ȱForȱan
Englishȱversion,ȱseeȱ“TheȱCulinaryȱTriangle,”ȱFoodȱandȱCulture:ȱAȱReader,ȱed.ȱCaroleȱCounihan
(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2008),ȱ28–35.
DouglasȱhasȱshownȱthatȱtheȱJewishȱdietaryȱlawsȱdidȱnotȱaffectȱindividualsȱalone;
theȱsameȱsubstancesȱthatȱwereȱprohibitedȱentryȱintoȱanȱindividual’sȱbodyȱwereȱalso
prohibitedȱ fromȱ enteringȱ theȱ precinctsȱ ofȱ theȱ templeȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ bordersȱ of
Israel.14ȱInȱtheȱmedievalȱandȱevenȱmoreȱsoȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiodȱEuropeans
wereȱdeeplyȱconcernedȱwithȱestablishingȱandȱmaintainingȱborders.ȱTheȱfearȱthat
theseȱbordersȱhadȱbeenȱpenetratedȱandȱtheȱbodyȱpoliticȱinfiltratedȱandȱpoisoned
byȱ sinisterȱ externalȱ forcesȱ providedȱ theȱ foundationȱ forȱ theȱ attacksȱ onȱ Jews,
heretics,ȱandȱwitches.ȱFromȱtheȱthirteenthȱandȱwellȱintoȱtheȱeighteenthȱcenturies
aȱ keyȱ characteristicȱ ofȱ theseȱ threateningȱ externalȱ forcesȱ wasȱ theirȱ alleged
cannibalism.ȱInȱhisȱChronicaȱMajoraȱ(1243)ȱtheȱBenedictineȱmonkȱMatthewȱParisȱ(ca.
1200–1259)ȱdescribedȱtheȱMongoliansȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱterms:ȱ“TheȱTartarȱchiefs,
withȱtheȱhoundishȱcannibals,ȱtheirȱfollowers,ȱfedȱuponȱtheȱfleshȱofȱtheirȱcarcasses,
asȱifȱtheyȱhadȱbeenȱbread,ȱandȱleftȱnothingȱbutȱbonesȱforȱtheȱvultures.”15ȱPogroms
againstȱ theȱ Jewsȱ wereȱ launchedȱ onȱ theȱ groundsȱ thatȱ they,ȱ too,ȱ practiced
cannibalism.16ȱTheȱwitchȱhuntsȱofȱtheȱsixteenthȱandȱseventeenthȱcenturiesȱwere
fueledȱ byȱ theȱ convictionȱ thatȱ witchesȱ wereȱ notoriousȱ eatersȱ ofȱ humanȱ flesh,
especiallyȱtheȱfleshȱofȱinnocentȱchildren.ȱ
Theȱ concernȱ withȱ purgingȱ hereticsȱ andȱ pagansȱ fromȱ withinȱ theȱ bodyȱ of
Christendomȱ occurredȱ atȱ theȱ sameȱ timeȱ thatȱ theȱ realȱ meaningȱ ofȱ theȱ central
Christianȱrite,ȱtheȱEucharisticȱmeal,ȱwasȱbeingȱdebated.ȱFromȱtheȱfourthȱLateran
Councilȱ(1215)ȱon,ȱtheȱdoctrineȱofȱtransubstantiation,ȱinȱwhichȱtheȱwaferȱandȱwine
wereȱliterallyȱtransformedȱintoȱtheȱbodyȱandȱbloodȱofȱChristȱatȱtheȱexactȱmoment
theȱofficiatingȱpriestȱpronouncedȱtheȱwordsȱ“Hocȱestȱenimȱcorpusȱmeum;ȱhicȱest
enimȱcalixȱsanguinisȱmei,”ȱbecameȱcentralȱinȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱCatholicȱtheology
andȱ theȱ institutionȱ ofȱ theȱ priesthood.ȱ Eucharistȱ miraclesȱ beganȱ toȱ proliferate,
becomingȱ theȱ subjectȱ ofȱ visions,ȱ sermons,ȱ andȱ paintings.ȱ Earlyȱ inȱ theȱ fifteenth
centuryȱColetteȱofȱCorbie,ȱforȱexample,ȱhadȱaȱvisionȱofȱJesusȱinȱaȱchaffingȱdish,
carvedȱupȱintoȱfragmentsȱofȱbloodiedȱmeat.ȱGodȱinformedȱherȱthatȱhumanȱsinȱwas
responsibleȱforȱJesus’sȱcruelȱdismemberment.17ȱInȱhisȱDialogusȱMiraculorum,ȱCaesar
ofȱHeisterbachȱ(ca.ȱ1180–ca.ȱ1240)ȱstressesȱtheȱbeneficialȱeffectȱtheseȱmiraclesȱhad
inȱinculcatingȱtheȱrealityȱofȱtransubstantiationȱinȱtheȱmindsȱofȱtheȱfaithful:ȱ“[t]he
Saviourȱcondescends.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtoȱshowȱtheȱrealityȱofȱHisȱbodyȱinȱthisȱsacramentȱtoȱgood
priestsȱinȱorderȱthanȱtheyȱmayȱbeȱcomforted;ȱtoȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱwaveringȱinȱtheir
faithȱthatȱtheyȱmayȱbeȱstrengthened;ȱtoȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱlivingȱillȱthatȱtheyȱmayȱbe
14
MaryȱDouglas,ȱ“DecipheringȱaȱMeal,”ȱImplicitȱMeanings:ȱSelectedȱEssaysȱinȱAnthropologyȱ(London
andȱNewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ1999),ȱ231–51.
15
Merralȱ Llwelynȱ Price,ȱ Consumingȱ Passions:ȱ Theȱ Usesȱ ofȱ Cannibalismȱ inȱ Lateȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Early
ModernȱEuropeȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2003),ȱ7.
16
Normanȱ Cohn,ȱ Europe’sȱ Innerȱ Demons:ȱ Anȱ Inquiryȱ Inspiredȱ byȱ theȱ Greatȱ WitchȬHuntȱ (London:
Heineman,ȱ1975),ȱ8.
17
Price,ȱConsumingȱPassions,ȱ27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15).
warned.”18ȱThisȱwasȱexactlyȱwhatȱhappenedȱinȱBolsenaȱinȱ1263ȱtoȱaȱpriestȱwho
doubtedȱtransubstantiationȱbutȱregainedȱhisȱfaithȱwhenȱheȱsawȱthatȱJesusȱwas
reallyȱpresentȱinȱtheȱcommunionȱwafer.19ȱPriceȱclaimsȱthatȱtheȱbloodierȱtheȱmiracle,
theȱbetter:
.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ amongȱ theȱ holy,ȱ theȱ especiallyȱ goryȱ andȱ gruesomeȱ visionsȱ andȱ miraclesȱ were
receivedȱ notȱ withȱ horrorȱ andȱ disgust,ȱ butȱ withȱ joyȱ andȱ desire.ȱ Theȱ cannibalistic
implicationsȱofȱfeedingȱonȱtheȱbodyȱofȱaȱsacrificedȱgodȱareȱembracedȱandȱelaborated
onȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.20
Theȱideaȱofȱtransubstantiationȱdidȱnotȱsitȱwell,ȱhowever,ȱwithȱmostȱProtestants.
Zwingliȱ drewȱ aȱ directȱ parallelȱ betweenȱ Catholicsȱ andȱ Cannibals:ȱ transubȬ
stantiationȱwasȱnotȱ“onlyȱimpiousȱbutȱalsoȱfoolishȱandȱmonstrous,ȱunlessȱperhaps
oneȱ isȱ livingȱ amongstȱ theȱ Anthrophagi.”21ȱ Theȱ Calvinistȱ Léryȱ drewȱ theȱ same
connection:ȱ “Theyȱ [Catholics]ȱ wantedȱ notȱ onlyȱ toȱ eatȱ theȱ fleshȱ ofȱ Jesusȱ Christ
grosslyȱ ratherȱ thanȱ spiritually,ȱ butȱ whatȱ wasȱ worse,ȱ likeȱ theȱ savagesȱ named
Ouetaca,ȱ ofȱ whomȱ Iȱ haveȱ alreadyȱ spoken,ȱ theyȱ wantedȱ toȱ chewȱ andȱ swallow
raw.”22ȱInȱhisȱpoemȱ“TheȱHolyȱEucharistȱandȱtheȱPapishȱBreadenȱGod”ȱ(1625),
ThomasȱTurkeȱridiculesȱtransubstantiation:
AsȱonȱtheȱwhaleȱdidȱJonas,ȱsoȱtheyȱeat
Himȱupȱalive,ȱbodyȱandȱsoul,ȱasȱmeat
Asȱmenȱeatȱoysters,ȱsoȱonȱHimȱtheyȱfeed;
Wholeȱandȱalive,ȱandȱrawȱandȱyetȱnotȱbleed.
Thisȱcookery,ȱvoidȱofȱhumanity
IsȱheldȱinȱRomeȱforȱsoundȱdivinity.23
MiltonȱtookȱtheȱideaȱofȱCatholicȱcannibalismȱtoȱitsȱlogicalȱconclusion:ȱ
TheȱMassȱbringsȱdownȱChrist’sȱbodyȱfromȱitsȱsupremeȱexaltationȱatȱtheȱrightȱhandȱof
God.ȱItȱdragsȱitȱbackȱtoȱearth,ȱthoȱitȱhasȱsufferedȱeveryȱpainȱandȱhardshipȱalready,ȱto
aȱstateȱofȱhumiliationȱevenȱmoreȱwretchedȱandȱdegradingȱthanȱbefore:ȱtoȱbeȱbroken
onceȱmoreȱandȱcrushedȱandȱground,ȱevenȱbyȱtheȱfangsȱofȱbrutes.ȱThen,ȱwhenȱitȱhas
beenȱdrivenȱthroughȱallȱtheȱstomach’sȱfilthyȱchannelsȱitȱshootsȱitȱout—oneȱshudders
evenȱtoȱmentionȱit—intoȱtheȱlatrine.24
18
19
Raphael’sȱfrescoȱofȱthisȱsceneȱ(1512)ȱcanȱbeȱseenȱinȱtheȱVatican.
20
Price,ȱConsumingȱPassions,ȱ31ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15),ȱ31.
21
22
23
Kilgour,ȱFromȱCommunionȱtoȱCannibalism,ȱ83ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7)ȱ.
24
Kilgour,ȱFromȱCommunionȱtoȱCannibalism,ȱ84ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).
EmployingȱtheȱFreudianȱnotionȱofȱprojection,ȱPeterȱHulmeȱconsidersȱtheȱgrowing
concernȱwithȱcannibalismȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱEuropeansȱaȱdirectȱconsequenceȱofȱthis
insistenceȱonȱtheȱliteralȱinterpretationȱofȱtransubstantiation:
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱboundariesȱofȱcommunityȱareȱoftenȱcreatedȱbyȱaccusingȱthoseȱoutsideȱtheȱboundary
ofȱtheȱveryȱpracticeȱonȱwhichȱtheȱintegrityȱofȱtheȱcommunityȱisȱfounded.ȱThisȱisȱatȱone
andȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱbothȱaȱpsychicȱprocess—involvingȱrepressionȱandȱprojection—and
anȱideologicalȱprocessȱwherebyȱtheȱsuccessȱofȱtheȱprojectionȱconfirmsȱtheȱneedȱforȱthe
communityȱtoȱdefendȱitselfȱagainstȱtheȱprojectedȱthreat,ȱtherebyȱclosingȱtheȱcircleȱand
perpetuatingȱit.25
MaggieȱKilgourȱtakesȱaȱslightlyȱdifferentȱapproach,ȱattributingȱtheȱfascinationȱof
Europeansȱ withȱ cannibalismȱ toȱ theirȱ ownȱ fierceȱ desireȱ toȱ incorporateȱ other
culturesȱandȱtheȱprojectionȱinvolvedȱinȱthisȱwish.ȱTheȱaccusationȱofȱcannibalism
againstȱnewȱworldȱculturesȱwasȱundoubtedlyȱaȱusefulȱformȱofȱprojection,ȱmaking
theȱassimilation,ȱevenȱobliteration,ȱofȱtheseȱculturesȱmoreȱpalatable,ȱoneȱmightȱsay.ȱ
WhatȱbothȱHulme’sȱandȱKilgour’sȱanalysisȱleavesȱoutȱisȱtheȱfactȱthatȱEuropeans
practicedȱrealȱcannibalismȱonȱaȱroutineȱbasis.ȱFromȱearliestȱtimesȱfragmentsȱofȱthe
humanȱbodyȱwereȱroutinelyȱincorporatedȱintoȱmedicines.ȱMedicalȱvampirismȱwas
aȱ factȱ ofȱ life.ȱ Theȱ medicinalȱ propertiesȱ ofȱ bloodȱ wereȱ universallyȱ recognized.
AccordingȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱphysicianȱCelsus,ȱwarmȱbloodȱfromȱwoundedȱgladiators
orȱexecutedȱcriminalsȱcuredȱepilepsy.ȱManyȱChristiansȱwereȱconvincedȱthatȱJews
requiredȱtheȱbloodȱofȱyoungȱChristiansȱtoȱhealȱtheirȱinnumerableȱinfirmities.26ȱThe
greatȱRenaissanceȱPlatonistȱMarsilioȱFicinoȱwasȱconvincedȱthatȱoldȱmenȱcouldȱbe
rejuvenatedȱ byȱ suckingȱ bloodȱ directlyȱ fromȱ theȱ veinȱ ofȱ aȱ healthyȱ youth.ȱ In
ProtestantȱareasȱofȱGermanyȱtheȱbloodȱofȱthoseȱbeheadedȱwasȱsoldȱandȱsometimes
drunkȱonȱtheȱspotȱbyȱepilepticsȱandȱotherȱinvalids.ȱTheȱlastȱrecordedȱexampleȱof
thisȱpracticeȱoccurredȱinȱMarburgȱa.ȱd.ȱL.ȱ(northȱofȱFrankfurt)ȱinȱ1865.ȱTheȱpractice
wasȱ lessȱ prevalentȱ inȱ Catholicȱ areas,ȱ butȱ atȱ theȱ executionȱ ofȱ Louisȱ XVIȱ people
dippedȱhandkerchiefs,ȱrags,ȱandȱevenȱaȱpairȱofȱdiceȱinȱtheȱroyalȱbloodȱtoȱabsorbȱits
curativeȱvalue.27ȱ
Rightȱ upȱ toȱ theȱ nineteenthȱ centuryȱ cow’sȱ bloodȱ wasȱ consideredȱ aȱ cureȱ for
anemia.ȱ Inȱ pastȱ agesȱ medicinesȱ wereȱ alsoȱ concoctedȱ fromȱ theȱ bonesȱ ofȱ buried
corpses.ȱ“Mummy”ȱwasȱanotherȱfavoriteȱmedicalȱingredient.ȱThisȱcameȱfromȱthe
fleshȱofȱaȱmummifiedȱcorpse,ȱandȱitȱwasȱappliedȱbothȱtopicallyȱandȱingestedȱasȱa
cureȱ forȱ bruising.ȱ Francisȱ Baconȱ claimedȱ thatȱ mummyȱ hasȱ greatȱ forceȱ in
25
PeterȱHulme,ȱColonialȱEncounters:ȱEuropeȱandȱtheȱNativeȱCaribbean,ȱ1492–1797ȱ(London:ȱMethuen,
1986),ȱ85.
26
Davidȱ Biale,ȱ Bloodȱ andȱ Belief:ȱ Theȱ Circulationȱ ofȱ aȱ Symbolȱ betweenȱ Jewsȱ andȱ Christiansȱ (Berkeley:
UniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ2008).
27
Avramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱ90–93ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).ȱCf.ȱRichardȱJ.ȱEvans,ȱRituals
ofȱRetribution:ȱCapitalȱPunishmentȱinȱGermany,ȱ1600–1987ȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1996).
staunchingȱblood.ȱTheȱgreatȱsixteenthȱcenturyȱmedicalȱinnovatorȱParacelsusȱ(who
calledȱhimselfȱthatȱtoȱemphasizeȱhisȱsuperiorityȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱphysicianȱCelsus)
wasȱaȱdevoteeȱofȱmummy:ȱ“Ifȱdoctorsȱwereȱawareȱofȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱsubstance,
noȱbodyȱwouldȱbeȱleftȱonȱtheȱgibbetȱforȱmoreȱthanȱthreeȱdays.”ȱ
Aȱspecialȱkindȱofȱfungusȱorȱ“mossȱofȱtheȱskull”ȱcalledȱ“usnea”ȱwasȱalsoȱhighly
regarded.ȱItȱgrewȱonȱtheȱheadsȱofȱdeadȱorȱexecutedȱcadaversȱandȱwasȱusedȱtoȱstop
hemorrhaging.ȱItȱwasȱheartilyȱendorsedȱbyȱJ.ȱB.ȱvanȱHelmont,ȱRichardȱBaxter,ȱand
RobertȱBoyle,ȱamongȱothers.ȱBoyleȱclaimedȱheȱcuredȱhisȱnoseȱbleedsȱwithȱusnea.
Kingȱ Charlesȱ IIȱ wasȱ soȱ devotedȱ toȱ theȱ “spiritȱ ofȱ theȱ skull”ȱ thatȱ heȱ paidȱ the
physicianȱWilliamȱGoddardȱsixȱthousandȱpoundsȱforȱtheȱrecipeȱandȱpreparedȱit
frequentlyȱinȱhisȱprivateȱlaboratory.ȱItȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱthingȱheȱaskedȱforȱwhenȱhe
wokeȱupȱ“feelingȱghastly”ȱfourȱdaysȱbeforeȱhisȱdeathȱonȱFebruaryȱ2,ȱ1685.28
RobertȱBoyleȱrecognizedȱ howȱ hypocriticalȱitȱwasȱforȱEuropeansȱtoȱcondemn
cannibalsȱ whenȱ theyȱ wereȱ cannibalsȱ themselves.ȱ Asȱ heȱ says,ȱ weȱ condemn
cannibals,ȱbutȱweȱgiveȱinfantsȱmother’sȱmilk,ȱwhichȱisȱ“butȱblanchedȱblood.”ȱWe
useȱmummyȱinȱmedicines;ȱweȱdrinkȱourȱownȱboys’ȱurineȱ“toȱpreventȱscurveyȱand
theȱ Gout.”ȱ Weȱ useȱ Albymȱ Graecum,ȱ otherwiseȱ knownȱ asȱ dogȱ feces,ȱ forȱ sore
throats;ȱsheep’sȱdungȱisȱmixedȱwithȱcheeseȱinȱHollandȱ“toȱgiveȱthemȱaȱcolourȱand
aȱrelish;”ȱandȱweȱeatȱoystersȱwholeȱandȱgreenȱdungȱoutȱofȱlobsters.29ȱNoneȱofȱthese
pertinentȱ observationsȱ didȱ muchȱ toȱ lessenȱ theȱ dichotomyȱ thatȱ theȱ majorityȱ of
EuropeansȱsawȱbetweenȱthemselvesȱandȱtheȱNewȱWorld’sȱcannibalȱ“others.”
GreenblattȱmakesȱtheȱcogentȱobservationȱthatȱhoweverȱmuchȱEuropeansȱmay
haveȱ wantedȱ toȱ discoverȱ whatȱ wasȱ realȱ aboutȱ theȱ nativesȱ andȱ culturesȱ they
encountered,ȱaccessȱtoȱsuchȱrealityȱwasȱinevitablyȱmediatedȱthroughȱpreconceived
notions.ȱ Columbus,ȱ forȱ exampleȱ wasȱ notȱ aȱ neutralȱ observerȱ butȱ likeȱ every
EuropeanȱhadȱcomeȱtoȱtheȱAmericasȱwithȱaȱheadȱfullȱofȱideasȱfromȱHerodotus,
Pliny,ȱMarcoȱPolo,ȱandȱaȱhostȱofȱotherȱancientȱandȱmedievalȱcommentatorsȱasȱto
whatȱlayȱbeyondȱtheȱknownȱworld.ȱAllȱthisȱinformationȱwasȱthenȱfilteredȱthrough
theȱ Christianȱ storyȱ ofȱ theȱ fallȱ andȱ redemption.ȱ Whileȱ heȱ initiallyȱ viewedȱ the
IndiansȱasȱmodernȱinhabitantsȱofȱtheȱGardenȱofȱEdenȱbecauseȱofȱtheirȱnakedness,
generosity,ȱandȱinnocence,ȱuponȱfurtherȱreflectionȱheȱconcludedȱthatȱwhatȱheȱhad
reallyȱ discoveredȱ wasȱ aȱ decadentȱ civilizationȱ ofȱ naked,ȱ cannibalisticȱ savages,
whoseȱgenerosityȱwasȱaȱsignȱofȱtheirȱstupidityȱandȱwhoȱdeservedȱtoȱbeȱenslaved
becauseȱ theyȱ wereȱ viciousȱ andȱ degenerate.ȱ Asȱ Hulmeȱ pointsȱ out,ȱ thisȱ rapid
reassessmentȱwasȱonlyȱpossibleȱbecauseȱColumbusȱwasȱableȱtoȱgiveȱupȱhisȱpositive
visionȱofȱtheȱnatives,ȱtheȱvisionȱsuppliedȱbyȱMarcoȱPolo,ȱandȱreplaceȱitȱwithȱtheȱa
28
RichardȱSugg,ȱ“CorpseȱMedicine:ȱMummies,ȱCannibals,ȱandȱVampires,”ȱTheȱLancet,ȱvol.ȱ371,ȱissue
9630ȱ(Juneȱ2008):ȱ2078–79;ȱid.ȱMummies,ȱCannibalsȱandȱVampires:ȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱCorpseȱMedicineȱfrom
theȱRenaissanceȱtoȱtheȱVictoriansȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2011).
29
Avramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,174ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
negativeȱHerodoteanȱvision.ȱConsequently,ȱheȱcouldȱmoveȱfromȱcomelyȱnativeȱto
dangerousȱcannibalȱwithȱrelativeȱease.30ȱByȱtheȱtimeȱColumbusȱwroteȱhisȱfamous
letterȱtoȱtheȱSovereignsȱFerdinandȱandȱIsabellaȱ(15ȱFebruaryȱ1493)ȱaȱfurtherȱchange
inȱhisȱviewȱofȱtheȱnativesȱhadȱoccurred.ȱAllȱcontradictionsȱhadȱbeenȱsmoothedȱout.
Theȱnativesȱwereȱnowȱbifurcatedȱintoȱdocile,ȱgentleȱones,ȱwhoȱwillȱbecomeȱgood
Christianȱsubjects,ȱandȱbadȱCaribsȱorȱcannibals,ȱwhoȱwillȱnot:
.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ theȱ radicalȱ dualismȱ ofȱ theȱ Europeanȱ responseȱ toȱ theȱ nativeȱ Caribbean—fierce
cannibalȱ andȱ nobleȱ savage—hadȱ suchȱ obviousȱ continuitiesȱ withȱ theȱ classical
Mediterraneanȱparadigmȱthatȱitȱisȱtemptingȱtoȱseeȱtheȱwholeȱintricateȱwebȱofȱcolonial
discourseȱ asȱ weavingȱ itselfȱ inȱ itsȱ ownȱ separateȱ spaceȱ entirelyȱ unaffectedȱ byȱ any
observationȱofȱorȱinterchangeȱwithȱnativeȱCaribbeanȱcultures.31
Inȱtruth,ȱuntilȱtheȱeighteenthȱcenturyȱitȱwasȱtheȱrareȱEuropeanȱlikeȱMontaigneȱwho
couldȱ trulyȱ entertainȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ theȱ nobleȱ savageȱ inȱ anythingȱ moreȱ thanȱ a
rhetoricalȱsense,ȱandȱevenȱinȱtheȱeighteenthȱcenturyȱtheȱnobleȱsavageȱwasȱmoreȱof
aȱ strawȱ figureȱ orȱ deviceȱ toȱ highlightȱ theȱ failingsȱ ofȱ Europeanȱ societyȱ thanȱ a
reflectionȱofȱreality.ȱAsȱinȱColumbus’sȱcaseȱtheȱsuperiorityȱofȱtheȱEuropeanȱ“Us”
versusȱtheȱcannibalȱ“Them”ȱreassertedȱitselfȱwhenȱchallengedȱinȱanyȱsubstantial
way,ȱleadingȱtoȱaȱreaffirmationȱofȱtheȱsuperiorȱbeauty,ȱintelligence,ȱandȱmorality
ofȱtheȱEuropeansȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱtheȱmentalȱinferiority,ȱimmorality,ȱandȱuglinessȱof
theȱnatives.32ȱ
Oneȱ powerfulȱ wayȱ inȱ whichȱ Europeanȱ superiorityȱ wasȱ establishedȱ wasȱ by
stressingȱ theȱ inherentȱ femininityȱ ofȱ theȱ newȱ worldȱ inhabitants.ȱ Inȱ theȱ last
paragraphȱofȱhisȱletterȱtoȱtheȱSovereigns,ȱColumbusȱassertsȱthatȱ“theȱislandȱofȱthe
Indies,ȱclosestȱtoȱSpain,ȱisȱpopulatedȱentirelyȱbyȱwomen,ȱwithoutȱaȱsingleȱman,ȱand
theirȱ comportmentȱ isȱ notȱ feminine,ȱ butȱ ratherȱ theyȱ useȱ weaponsȱ andȱ other
masculineȱpractices.”ȱTheyȱwereȱthereforeȱjustȱlikeȱtheȱAmazons,ȱwhoseȱdefeat
markedȱ theȱ riseȱ ofȱ Greekȱ civilization.33ȱ Theȱ authorȱ ofȱ “Theȱ Chronicleȱ ofȱ the
30
Hulme,ȱColonialȱEncounters,ȱ31–32ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).ȱPriceȱraisesȱtheȱquestionȱofȱhowȱColumbusȱcould
haveȱknownȱthereȱwereȱcannibalsȱsinceȱtheȱinterpreterȱaccompanyingȱhimȱonȱhisȱfirstȱvoyageȱwas
aȱConversoȱwithȱsomeȱknowledgeȱofȱArabicȱbutȱnoneȱofȱnativeȱCaribbeanȱlanguage.ȱColumbus
admitsȱ theȱ impossibilityȱ ofȱ communicating:ȱ “Iȱ doȱ notȱ knowȱ theȱ language;ȱ theȱ peopleȱ doȱ not
understandȱ me,ȱ norȱ Iȱ them,ȱ norȱ anyȱ ofȱ myȱ company”ȱ (Journal,ȱ 27ȱ November,ȱ citedȱ inȱ Price,
Consumingȱ Passions,ȱ 85ȱ [seeȱ noteȱ 14]).ȱ Atȱ firstȱ Columbusȱ wasȱ skepticalȱ thatȱ theȱ nativesȱ were
cannibals,ȱbutȱwhatȱfinallyȱconvincedȱhimȱtheyȱwereȱwasȱtheirȱuglinessȱ(JournalȱentryȱforȱJanuary
13,ȱcitedȱinȱPrince,ȱConsumingȱPassions,ȱ39–40ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ14]).ȱTheȱconnectionȱbetweenȱbeauty,ȱtruth,
reason,ȱandȱvirtueȱgoesȱbackȱtoȱPlatoȱandȱhadȱobviousȱramificationsȱthroughoutȱwesternȱhistory
forȱthoseȱdeemedȱuglyȱlikeȱcannibals.
31
Hulme,ȱColonialȱEncounters,ȱ47ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).ȱ
32
Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Theȱ Perceptionȱ ofȱ Americaȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Germanȱ Literature:ȱ From
SebastianȱBrantȱtoȱLohenstein,”ȱNeuphilologischeȱMitteilungenȱ95ȱ(1994):ȱ337–52.
33
MargaretȱZamorra,ȱ“Columbus’sȱ‘LetterȱtoȱtheȱSovereigns’:ȱAnnouncingȱtheȱDiscovery,”ȱNew
WorldȱEncounters,ȱed.ȱStephenȱGreenblattȱ(Berkeley:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1995),ȱ8.
AnonymousȱConquistador”ȱclaimsȱthatȱinȱtheȱNewȱWorldȱ“theȱmenȱhaveȱaȱcustom
ofȱurinatingȱsittingȱdown,ȱlikeȱourȱwomen,ȱandȱtheȱwomenȱstandingȱup.”ȱ
PatriciaȱdeȱFuentes,ȱwhoȱeditedȱandȱtranslatedȱthisȱChronicle,ȱsaysȱtheȱremark
wasȱintendedȱasȱaȱwitticism,34ȱbutȱasȱweȱknowȱfromȱFreudȱjokesȱrevealȱaȱgreatȱdeal
aboutȱ theȱ mentalȱworldȱofȱtheȱjokester,ȱinȱthisȱcaseȱaȱEuropeanȱwhoȱnaturally
equatedȱ femininityȱ withȱ inferiorityȱ andȱ consideredȱ aȱ societyȱ inȱ whichȱ women
ruledȱorȱactedȱlikeȱmenȱasȱutterlyȱpervertedȱandȱupsideȬdown.35ȱNonȬEuropeans
occupiedȱtheȱsameȱsymbolicȱspaceȱasȱEuropeanȱwomen.ȱTheyȱwereȱpartȱofȱnature
and,ȱlikeȱwomen,ȱeitherȱpassiveȱandȱchildlikeȱorȱdangerousȱandȱaggressive.36ȱInȱher
importantȱbookȱGenderȱandȱtheȱPoliticsȱofȱHistory,ȱJoanȱWallachȱScottȱestablishedȱthe
factȱthatȱgenderȱisȱaȱprimaryȱwayȱofȱsignifyingȱrelationshipsȱofȱpower.37ȱItȱshould
comeȱasȱnoȱsurpriseȱthenȱthatȱtheȱiconicȱimageȱofȱVespucciȱdiscoveringȱAmerica
byȱTheodorȱGalleȱ (afterȱ aȱ sketchȱbyȱJanȱvanȱdeȱStraet)ȱhasȱaȱfullyȱ clothedȱand
armoredȱVespucciȱencounteringȱnakedȱAmerica,ȱwhoȱrisesȱfromȱherȱhammockȱas
ifȱbeingȱawakenedȱintoȱrealityȱfromȱherȱprimitiveȱtorporȱ(Fig.ȱ1).
ȱInȱthisȱillustrationȱAmericaȱisȱsurroundedȱbyȱexoticȱfloraȱandȱfauna,ȱandȱamong
theȱfaunaȱareȱcannibals,ȱwhoȱappearȱinȱtheȱbackgroundȱatȱtheȱexactȱcenterȱofȱthe
picture.ȱ Thereȱ oneȱ seesȱ aȱ groupȱ ofȱ cannibalȱ womenȱ tendingȱ aȱ barbecueȱ of
dismemberedȱhumanȱlimbs.ȱTheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱNewȱWorldȱwasȱnamedȱafterȱtheȱold
worldȱ explorerȱ Amerigoȱ Vespucciȱ (1454–1512)ȱ impliesȱ thatȱ priorȱ toȱ hisȱ arrival
Americaȱ hadȱ noȱ pastȱ orȱ future.ȱ Thisȱ isȱ indeedȱ theȱ “writingȱ thatȱ conquers,”ȱ as
MichelȱdeȱCerteauȱclaims.38ȱForȱtoȱnameȱsomethingȱisȱtoȱestablishȱitsȱidentity,ȱand
Europeansȱwereȱtheȱonesȱwhoȱmostȱsuccessfullyȱdidȱthis.ȱTheyȱconsideredȱthe
NewȱWorldȱvirginȱterritory,ȱandȱlikeȱanyȱvirginȱsheȱneededȱaȱmanȱtoȱmakeȱher
fertileȱ andȱ useful.ȱ Ralegh’sȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ Guianaȱ employsȱ overtlyȱ sexual
metaphorsȱ toȱ whetȱ theȱ appetitesȱ ofȱ theȱ Europeansȱ heȱ hopedȱ wouldȱ investȱ in
colonialȱadventures:
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱGuianaȱisȱaȱcountryȱthatȱhathȱgotȱherȱmaydenhed,ȱneverȱsact,ȱturned,ȱnorȱwrought,
theȱfaceȱofȱtheȱearthȱhathȱnotȱbeneȱtorne,ȱnorȱtheȱvirtueȱandȱsaltȱofȱtheȱsoyleȱspentȱby
34
PatriciaȱdeȱFuentes,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans,ȱTheȱConquistadores:ȱFirstȱPersonȱAccountsȱofȱtheȱConquestȱofȱMexico
(NewȱYork:ȱOrion,ȱ1963),ȱ180.ȱ
35
TheȱthemeȱofȱinversionȱisȱtreatedȱinȱNatalieȱZ.ȱDavis,ȱ“WomenȱonȱTop,”ȱSocietyȱandȱCultureȱin
Earlyȱ Modernȱ Franceȱ (Stanford:ȱ Stanfordȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1975),ȱ ch.ȱ 5;ȱ Theȱ Reversibleȱ World:
SymbolicȱInversionȱinȱArtȱandȱSociety,ȱed.ȱBarbaraȱBabcockȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,
1978).
36
HelenȱCarr,ȱ“Woman/Indian:ȱ‘TheȱAmerican’ȱandȱhisȱOthers,”ȱEuropeȱandȱItsȱOthers,ȱed.ȱFrancis
Barkerȱ(Colchester:ȱUniversityȱofȱEssex,ȱ1985),ȱ50.
37
JoanȱWallachȱScott,ȱGenderȱandȱtheȱPoliticsȱofȱHistoryȱ(NewȱYork:ȱColumbiaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1999).
38
MichelȱdeȱCerteau,ȱTheȱWritingȱofȱHistory,ȱtrans.ȱTomȱConleyȱ(NewȱYork:ȱColumbiaȱUniversity
Press,ȱ1988),ȱxxv:ȱ“Thisȱisȱwritingȱthatȱconquers.ȱItȱwillȱuseȱtheȱNewȱWorldȱasȱifȱitȱwereȱaȱblank,
“savage”ȱpageȱonȱwhichȱWesternȱdesireȱwillȱbeȱwritten.”
manurance,ȱtheȱgravesȱhaveȱnotȱbeneȱopenedȱforȱgolde,ȱtheȱminesȱnotȱbrokenȱwith
sledges,ȱnorȱtheirȱImagesȱpuldȱdowneȱoutȱofȱtheirȱtemples.ȱItȱhathȱneverȱbeneȱentred
byȱanyȱarmieȱorȱstrength,ȱandȱneverȱconqueredȱorȱpossessedȱbyȱanyȱChristianȱPrince.39
ItȱwasȱnormalȱforȱEuropeanȱdiscoverers,ȱcolonists,ȱandȱimperialistsȱtoȱidentifyȱland
withȱfemaleȱbodiesȱandȱcolonizationȱwithȱsexualȱmastery.40ȱ
Thus,ȱwhenȱEuropeansȱwroteȱaboutȱtheȱNewȱWorldȱandȱtheȱpeopleȱinhabiting
itȱandȱwhenȱEuropeanȱartistsȱillustratedȱtheseȱnarratives,ȱwhatȱbothȱwritersȱand
artistsȱwereȱdepictingȱhadȱmoreȱtoȱdoȱandȱsayȱaboutȱthemselvesȱthanȱtheȱpeople
andȱplacesȱtheyȱencountered.ȱThisȱisȱespeciallyȱapparentȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱmultiȬ
volumeȱ seriesȱ ofȱ narrativesȱ andȱ engravingsȱ publishedȱ byȱ Theodoreȱ deȱ Bry
(1528–1596)ȱandȱmembersȱofȱhisȱfamilyȱbetweenȱ1590ȱandȱ1634ȱandȱknownȱunder
theȱ rubricȱ ofȱ theȱ “Greatȱ Voyages.”ȱ Inȱ herȱ analysisȱ ofȱ theȱ deȱ Bryȱ illustrations
BernadetteȱBucherȱgoesȱasȱfarȱasȱtoȱsayȱthatȱEuropeansȱlikeȱtheȱdeȱBrysȱsimply
couldȱnotȱseeȱwhatȱnativeȱAmericansȱlookedȱlike:ȱ“Oneȱisȱimmediatelyȱstruckȱby
theȱ inabilityȱ ofȱ theȱ Europeanȱ draftsmenȱ toȱ graspȱ theȱ physicalȱ differencesȱ that
distinguishȱAmerindiansȱfromȱEuropeansȱorȱotherȱpeoples.”41ȱDurer,ȱforȱexample,
onlyȱrecognizedȱ“twoȱspeciesȱofȱmankind,ȱwhitesȱandȱnegroes.”ȱNativeȱAmericans
orȱpeopleȱfromȱtheȱOrientȱwereȱnotȱonȱDurer’sȱmentalȱmap.42ȱJeanȱdeȱLéryȱadmits
thatȱheȱhadȱgreatȱproblemsȱdepictingȱnativeȱAmericans:ȱ
AlthoughȱIȱdiligentlyȱperusedȱandȱmarkedȱthoseȱbarbarianȱpeople,ȱforȱaȱwholeȱyear
together,ȱwhereinȱIȱlivedȱamongstȱthem,ȱsoȱIȱmightȱconceiveȱinȱmyȱmindȱaȱcertain
proportionȱofȱthem,ȱyetȱIȱsay,ȱbyȱreasonȱofȱtheirȱdiverseȱgesturesȱandȱbehaviors,ȱutterly
differentȱfromȱours,ȱitȱisȱaȱveryȱdifficultȱmatterȱtoȱexpressȱtheirȱtrueȱproportion.43
Itȱ wasȱ notȱ justȱ theȱ physicalȱ natureȱ ofȱ theȱ Amerindiansȱ thatȱ escapedȱ European
perception,ȱbutȱtheȱlookȱofȱtheȱlandȱandȱcultureȱasȱwell.44ȱTheȱdeȱBryȱnarratives
andȱtheirȱaccompanyingȱillustrationsȱdoȱnotȱshowȱusȱtheȱrealȱnatureȱofȱIndianȱlife
orȱ theȱ realȱ lookȱ ofȱ theȱ physicalȱ beingsȱ whoȱ livedȱ thatȱ lifeȱ butȱ aȱ European
interpretationȱofȱbothȱinȱtheȱlightȱofȱEuropeanȱinterestsȱandȱconcerns.ȱCannibalism
wasȱoneȱofȱtheȱprimaryȱfiltersȱthroughȱwhichȱtheseȱconcernsȱwereȱmediated.ȱThe
deȱ Bryȱ engravingsȱ leftȱ outȱ theȱ vibrantȱ colorsȱ andȱ frescosȱ characteristicȱ of
39
Citedȱ inȱ Louisȱ Montrose,ȱ “Theȱ Workȱ ofȱ Genderȱ inȱ theȱ Discourseȱ ofȱ Discovery,”ȱ Newȱ World
Encounters,ȱ12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ332).
40
ReferringȱtoȱEricȱPartridge’sȱShakespeare’sȱBawdyȱ(1948),ȱMontroseȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱbothȱ“country”
andȱ“countryȱmatters”ȱplayȱoffȱtheȱwordȱ“cunt”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ39).
41
Bernadetteȱ Bucher,ȱ Iconȱ andȱ Conquest:ȱ Aȱ Structuralȱ Analysisȱ ofȱ theȱ Illustrationsȱ ofȱ deȱ Bry’sȱ Great
Voyagesȱ(Chicago:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ32.
42
Bucher,ȱIconȱandȱConquest,ȱ32ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).
43
MichaelȱAlexander,ȱed.,ȱDiscoveringȱtheȱNewȱWorld.ȱBasedȱonȱtheȱWorksȱofȱTheodoreȱdeȱBryȱ(New
York:ȱHarperȱ&ȱRow,ȱ1976),ȱ7–8.
44
Mesoamericanȱtemplesȱandȱcities,ȱtransformingȱthemȱintoȱaȱseriesȱofȱ“poorȱhuts
orȱ scaffoldings.”ȱ Theȱ Mexicanȱ jewelryȱ soȱ admiredȱ byȱ Dürerȱ isȱ replacedȱ by
“shoddyȬlookingȱobjects.”ȱAllȱinȱall,ȱtheȱengravingsȱdegradeȱ“theȱimageȱofȱthe
NewȱWorldȱandȱdullsȱitȱfromȱtheȱoutset,ȱaffectingȱitȱnotȱonlyȱasȱaȱculturalȱwhole
butȱasȱaȱnaturalȱenvironmentȱofȱtropicalȱlandscape.”45ȱ
Theȱ deȱ Bry’sȱ volumesȱ furtherȱ reflectȱ theȱ family’sȱ Protestantȱ biasȱ andȱ the
emotional,ȱfinancial,ȱandȱpoliticalȱinterestsȱofȱDutchȱandȱEnglishȱProtestantsȱas
theyȱstruggledȱwithȱtheȱSpanishȱforȱdominionȱinȱtheȱAmericas.46ȱThisȱbiasȱexplains
theȱchangingȱcharacterȱofȱtheȱdepictionsȱofȱtheȱAmerindiansȱasȱoneȱmovesȱfrom
theȱ firstȱ volumesȱ toȱ laterȱ ones,ȱ especiallyȱ volumeȱ 9.ȱ Inȱ theȱ firstȱ volumes,ȱ the
relationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱEnglishȱsettlersȱandȱAlgonquianȱIndiansȱofȱVirginiaȱis
idealized,ȱasȱisȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱFrenchȱHuguenotȱcolonistsȱandȱthe
TimuscuaȱIndiansȱofȱFlorida.ȱAlthoughȱtheȱTimucuaȱareȱdescribedȱasȱdoingȱcruel
thingsȱ suchȱ asȱ sacrificingȱ newbornȱ infants,ȱ scalpingȱ enemies,ȱ andȱ axingȱ a
Frenchmanȱtoȱdeath,ȱtheyȱareȱromanticizedȱandȱdepictedȱinȱtheȱGreekȱmodeȱand
shownȱ welcomingȱ theȱ Englishȱ andȱ Frenchȱ withȱ openȱ armsȱ asȱ theyȱ establish
amicableȱrelationsȱwithȱthem.47ȱ
Theȱ thirdȱ volumeȱ isȱ devotedȱ toȱ theȱ cannibalȱ tribesȱ ofȱ Brazil,ȱ theȱ famous
Tupinambá,ȱwhoȱcapturedȱandȱthreatenedȱtoȱeatȱHansȱStaden.ȱTheȱdepictionȱofȱthe
Indiansȱ hereȱ isȱ moreȱ aggressive,ȱ bloody,ȱ andȱ savage,ȱ andȱ thisȱ continuesȱ in
volumesȱfourȱthroughȱsevenȱbutȱwithȱtheȱmitigatingȱfactorȱthatȱtheseȱpartsȱofȱthe
“GreatȱVoyage”ȱdealȱwithȱSpanishȱincursionsȱintoȱtheȱAmericas.ȱWhatȱweȱfindȱin
theseȱ volumesȱ isȱ anȱ indictmentȱ byȱ Protestantsȱ ofȱ theȱ tyrannyȱ ofȱ Spanish
CatholicismȱandȱtheȱdevilishȱcrueltyȱofȱtheȱSpanish,ȱwhichȱbyȱimplicationȱmakes
fruitfulȱcooperationȱwithȱtheȱnativesȱimpossible.ȱByȱstressingȱtheȱenslavementȱof
theȱnativesȱandȱtheȱhorribleȱtorturesȱinflictedȱonȱthemȱbyȱtheirȱCatholicȱenslavers,
deȱ Bry’sȱ illustrations,ȱ evenȱ moreȱ thanȱ theȱ textsȱ themselves,ȱ contributedȱ toȱ the
spreadȱofȱtheȱfamousȱ“blackȱlegend”ȱexcoriatingȱtheȱSpanishȱconquistadores.ȱHere
theȱ Spanishȱ areȱ depictedȱ asȱ theȱ realȱ cannibalsȱ andȱ whateverȱ awfulȱ thingsȱ the
nativesȱmayȱhaveȱdoneȱisȱlargelyȱexplainedȱasȱaȱreactionȱagainstȱtheȱunspeakable
crueltyȱofȱtheirȱtormentors.ȱ
Weȱ knowȱ fromȱ Lasȱ Casasȱ andȱ otherȱ criticsȱ thatȱ theȱ Spanishȱ engagedȱ in
horrendousȱactsȱofȱviolenceȱagainstȱtheȱnatives,ȱbutȱwhatȱisȱsoȱinterestingȱaboutȱde
Bry’sȱ illustrationsȱ isȱ thatȱ theȱ wholeȱ arsenalȱ ofȱ torturesȱ inflictedȱ onȱ Protestant
“heretics”ȱ byȱ theȱ Inquisitionȱ inȱ Europeȱ appearȱ inȱ anȱ Americanȱ setting—
45
46
Bucher,ȱIconȱandȱConquest,ȱ9ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).ȱTheodoreȱdeȱBry,ȱtheȱpatriarchȱofȱtheȱfamily,ȱwasȱa
ProtestantȱandȱnativeȱofȱLiège.ȱHeȱhadȱbeenȱexiledȱforȱhisȱreligion,ȱsettlingȱfirstȱinȱStrasbourgȱand
finallyȱinȱFrankfurt,ȱbothȱcentersȱofȱtheȱProtestantȱbookȱtrade.
47
Bucher,ȱIconȱandȱConquest,ȱ14–15,ȱ46ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).
flagellation,ȱgarroting,ȱtheȱstrappado,ȱburningȱatȱtheȱstake,ȱandȱtheȱwaterȱtorture,
togetherȱwithȱotherȱactsȱofȱcrueltyȱconsistentȱwithȱmilitaryȱconquest,ȱtheȱmassacre
ofȱwomenȱandȱchildren,ȱburningȱwholeȱvillages,ȱthrowingȱsodomitesȱtoȱtheȱdogs,
pillagingȱtowns,ȱrape,ȱandȱforcedȱlaborȱ(Fig.ȱ2ȱ&ȱ3).48ȱNotȱonlyȱareȱtheȱSpanish
depictedȱasȱbeingȱunnecessarilyȱcruelȱbutȱtheyȱareȱlicentiousȱasȱwell.ȱWhileȱthey
areȱ shownȱ tryingȱ toȱ seduceȱ Indianȱ woman,ȱ theȱ Englishȱ inȱ earlierȱ volumesȱ are
modelsȱ ofȱ propriety.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ oneȱ illustrationȱ depictsȱ theȱ Englishȱ settlers
sendingȱ anȱ emissaryȱ toȱ askȱ forȱ Pocahontas’sȱ handȱ inȱ marriage.49ȱ Theȱ overall
impressionȱgivenȱbyȱtheseȱillustrationsȱisȱthatȱtheȱSpanishȱareȱinfinitelyȱmoreȱevil
thanȱ theȱ Indians.ȱ Evenȱ whenȱ theȱ latterȱ roastedȱ theirȱ conquerorsȱ onȱ grillsȱ and
pouredȱmoltenȱgoldȱdownȱtheirȱthroats,ȱtheȱviewerȱconcludesȱthatȱsomeȱkindȱof
justiceȱisȱinvolved.
ItȱisȱnotȱthatȱtheȱIndiansȱareȱgivenȱaȱcompletelyȱfreeȱpassȱbyȱdeȱBry.ȱEvenȱinȱthe
illustrationsȱinȱvolumesȱthreeȱthroughȱsevenȱthatȱsoȱclearlyȱcondemnȱtheȱSpanish,
theȱIndiansȱareȱpresentedȱasȱtheȱdangerous,ȱunpredictableȱ“other.”ȱButȱonceȱagain,
whatȱ isȱ especiallyȱ interestingȱ isȱ theȱ wayȱ theirȱ “otherness”ȱ isȱ communicated
throughȱmotifsȱandȱthemesȱthatȱareȱalreadyȱfamiliarȱtoȱEuropeansȱfromȱtheirȱown
historyȱofȱviolenceȱandȱcruelty.ȱOneȱparticularȱmotifȱsingledȱoutȱbyȱBucherȱthat
willȱ resonateȱ withȱ anyoneȱ whoȱ hasȱ studiedȱ theȱ Europeanȱ witchȱ huntsȱ ofȱ the
sixteenthȱandȱseventeenthȱcenturies,ȱisȱ“theȱwomanȱwithȱsaggingȱbreasts”ȱ(Figȱ4).
Sheȱ appearsȱ inȱ theȱ thirdȱ volumeȱ ofȱ theȱ Greatȱ Voyagesȱ forȱ theȱ firstȱ time,ȱ but
reappearsȱthereafter.ȱNotȱonlyȱdoȱherȱpendulousȱbreastsȱconnectȱherȱwithȱtheȱlongȬ
establishedȱiconographyȱofȱtheȱEuropeanȱwitchȱbutȱso,ȱofȱcourse,ȱdoesȱherȱage,ȱher
wrinkles,ȱherȱwispyȱhair,ȱherȱbrutishȱlook,ȱandȱherȱcannibalisticȱinstincts.ȱ
TheȱEuropeanȱwitchȱwasȱtheȱcannibalȱparȱexcellence.ȱSheȱkidnapped,ȱtortured,
cooked,ȱandȱateȱdismemberedȱinfants,ȱrelishedȱtheȱgrilledȱpenisesȱofȱbewitchedȱor
glamorizedȱmales,ȱandȱfoundȱherȱstewsȱandȱbrewsȱofȱsimmeredȱbodyȱpartsȱjustȱas
fingerȬlickingȱ goodȱ asȱ herȱ Amerindianȱ counterparts.ȱ Femaleȱ cannibalsȱ inȱ the
Americasȱlovedȱpreciselyȱtheȱsameȱthings.ȱLikeȱwitchesȱtheyȱwereȱsaidȱtoȱlove
48
HistoriansȱdifferȱinȱtheirȱestimationȱofȱtheȱeffectȱtheȱInquisitionȱhadȱonȱtheȱlivesȱofȱtheȱnatives.ȱJ.
JorgeȱKlorȱdeȱAlvaȱemphasizesȱtheȱsmallȱnumberȱofȱIndiansȱbroughtȱbeforeȱtheȱInquisitionȱbefore
1571,ȱwhenȱaȱlawȱwasȱpassedȱremovingȱIndiansȱfromȱitsȱjurisdiction.ȱSeeȱ“ColonizingȱSouls:ȱThe
FailureȱofȱtheȱIndianȱInquisitionȱandȱtheȱRiseȱofȱPenitentialȱdiscipline,”ȱCulturalȱEncounters:ȱThe
ImpactȱofȱtheȱInquisitionȱinȱSpainȱandȱtheȱNewȱWorld,ȱed.ȱMaryȱElizabethȱPerryȱandȱAnneȱJ.ȱCruz
(Berkeley:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1991),ȱ3–22.ȱRobertoȱMorenoȱdeȱlosȱArcosȱarguesȱthat
whileȱtheȱnativesȱwereȱnotȱsubjectȱtoȱtheȱInquisition,ȱtheyȱwereȱsubjectȱtoȱaȱsimilarȱinstitutionȱwith
variousȱ names:ȱ Officeȱ ofȱ Provisorȱ ofȱ Natives,ȱ Tribunalȱ ofȱ theȱ Faithȱ ofȱ theȱ Indians,ȱ Secular
Inquisition,ȱ Vicarageȱ ofȱ theȱ Indians,ȱ Natives’ȱ Courts,ȱ andȱ thatȱ thisȱ institutionȱ generatedȱ an
enormousȱnumberȱofȱtrials,ȱbutȱveryȱfewȱhaveȱsoȱfarȱcomeȱtoȱlight.ȱSeeȱhisȱarticleȱinȱtheȱsame
volumeȱ“NewȱSpain’sȱInquisitionȱforȱIndiansȱfromȱtheȱSixteenthȱtoȱtheȱNineteenthȱCentury,”
23–36.
49
bloodȱandȱfat,ȱand,ȱasȱoneȱcanȱseeȱinȱFig.ȱ4,ȱtheyȱlickedȱtheirȱfingersȱgreedilyȱtoȱget
theȱveryȱlastȱdropȱofȱboth,ȱanȱindicationȱperhapsȱofȱdecayedȱorȱnonȬexistentȱteeth.50
TheȱactiveȱandȱaggressiveȱroleȱthatȱwitchesȱplayedȱinȱtheȱOldȱWorldȱandȱcannibal
womenȱ inȱ theȱ Newȱ representedȱ theȱ antithesisȱ ofȱ Europeanȱ normsȱ ofȱ political
authorityȱ andȱ genderȱ relationships,ȱ anotherȱ clearȱ indicationȱ ofȱ aȱ topsyȬturvey
worldȱgoneȱmad.
Anȱ evenȱ moreȱ frighteningȱ imageȱ ofȱ aȱ womanȱ withȱ longȱ pendulousȱ breasts
appearsȱinȱtheȱfrontispieceȱtoȱtheȱthirteenthȱvolumeȱofȱtheȱdeȱBryȱseriesȱasȱpartȱof
aȱmonstrousȱcoupleȱwithȱhypertrophiedȱsexualȱorgansȱ(Fig.ȱ5).ȱTheȱwoman’sȱlong
pendulousȱbreastsȱhangȱbelowȱherȱwaist,ȱtheirȱlengthȱextendedȱbyȱlongȱnipples
likeȱ theȱ teatsȱ ofȱ cows.ȱ Herȱ maleȱ counterpartȱ wearsȱ aȱ penisȱ sheath.ȱ Bothȱ have
sharpenedȱfingerȱandȱtoenailsȱlikeȱanimalȱclaws.ȱFromȱtheirȱcheeks,ȱears,ȱnostrils
andȱchinsȱhangȱmiceȱandȱfrogs,ȱwhichȱfurtherȱenhanceȱtheirȱgrotesqueȱandȱbrutish
appearance.51
Whenȱ itȱ cameȱ toȱ eating,ȱ itȱ wasn’tȱ justȱ cookedȱ bodyȱ partsȱ thatȱ Amerindian
cannibalsȱingestedȱwithȱsuchȱevidentȱrelish;ȱtheyȱalsoȱlovedȱwhatȱwasȱraw,ȱraw
fleshȱtoȱbeȱexact,ȱanȱadditionalȱsignȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱbeyondȱtheȱpaleȱofȱcivilization.
InȱoneȱengravingȱDutchmenȱwatchȱasȱaȱcannibalȱmotherȱprovidesȱherȱoffspring
withȱaȱrawȱbirdȱtoȱassuageȱtheirȱhungerȱ(Fig.ȱ6):
Sheȱtoreȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheȱbirdȱintoȱpiecesȱwithȱherȱteeth,ȱbitingȱintoȱitȱsoȱthatȱtheȱblood
ranȱdownȱherȱbreasts.ȱTheȱchildrenȱdidȱtheȱsame,ȱandȱateȱtheȱbirdȱraw.ȱOneȱofȱthem
wasȱaȱfourȬyearȬoldȱgirl,ȱtheȱotherȱwasȱnotȱmoreȱthanȱsixȱmonthsȱold,ȱbutȱheȱalready
hadȱaȱnumberȱofȱteethȱandȱcouldȱwalkȱbyȱhimself.ȱTheyȱremainedȱquiteȱseriousȱwhile
theyȱ ate,ȱ andȱ theȱ womanȱ showedȱ notȱ theȱ slightestȱ smileȱ inȱ spiteȱ ofȱ theȱ sailors’
outburstsȱofȱlaughter.52
AnotherȱengravingȱprovidesȱevidenceȱofȱhowȱdeeplyȱEuropeanȱperceptionsȱofȱthe
Amerindianȱcannibalsȱwasȱfilteredȱthroughȱtheirȱownȱhistoricalȱexperiencesȱand
expectations.ȱ Hereȱ weȱ seeȱ aȱ nakedȱ cannibalȱ Pandora.ȱ Nothingȱ isȱ saidȱ inȱ the
accompanyingȱtextȱaboutȱPandora,ȱbutȱanȱincidentȱisȱdescribedȱbyȱtheȱDutchman
SebaldȱdeȱWeert,ȱduringȱwhichȱheȱwasȱaccostedȱbyȱaȱoldȱwomenȱwithȱsagging
breasts,ȱwhoȱcarriedȱaȱbox.ȱAfterȱcirclingȱaroundȱhimȱthreeȱtimes,ȱsheȱknocked
threeȱtimesȱonȱtheȱlid,ȱcreatingȱaȱcloudȱofȱashesȱthatȱcoveredȱdeȱWeert’sȱclothing.
Whatȱtheȱpreciseȱmeaningȱofȱherȱactionȱwas,ȱnoȱoneȱknew,ȱbutȱbyȱtheȱtimeȱthis
incidentȱwasȱillustratedȱinȱtheȱdeȱBryȱvolumes,ȱtheȱwomanȱhadȱbecomeȱaȱnew
worldȱPandora,ȱasȱoneȱlearnsȱfromȱtheȱcaptionȱȱ(Fig.ȱ7).ȱ
50
ȱ Bucher,ȱIconȱandȱConquest,ȱ49ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).ȱTheȱimageȱofȱtheȱfemaleȱdevourerȱisȱtheȱnegativeȱside
ofȱtheȱarchetypeȱofȱtheȱgood,ȱnurturingȱmother.ȱTheȱvoraciousȱmouthȱisȱconflatedȱwithȱtheȱvagina
dentata,ȱorȱ“toothedȱvagina,”ȱthatȱseducesȱasȱitȱdevours.ȱCf.ȱErichȱNeumann,ȱTheȱGreatȱMother,
trans.ȱRalphȱManheimȱ(Princeton:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1955),ȱ168.
51
Bucher,ȱIconȱandȱConquest,ȱ136–37ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).
52
DoraȱandȱErwinȱPanofskyȱhaveȱshownȱthatȱthereȱwasȱaȱrevivalȱofȱiconographic
andȱ literaryȱ interestȱ inȱ theȱ mythȱ ofȱ Pandoraȱ inȱ theȱ sixteenthȱ century.53ȱ The
PanofskysȱattributedȱthisȱtoȱErasmus’sȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱPandoraȱmythȱunderȱthe
adage,ȱ “Giftsȱ fromȱ enemiesȱ areȱ notȱ gifts,”ȱ anȱ adageȱ accuratelyȱ encapsulating
Europeanȱ viewsȱ ofȱ cannibalȱ Amerindians.54ȱ Aȱ furtherȱ indicationȱ ofȱ how
profoundlyȱ Europeanȱ depictionsȱ ofȱ cannibalsȱ reflectedȱ theirȱ ownȱ psychesȱ and
culturalȱconcernsȱcomesȱinȱtheȱdepictionȱofȱpaganȱidols.ȱAnȱengravingȱofȱthese
idolsȱisȱnotȱhardȱtoȱreadȱinȱtermsȱofȱtheȱstandardȱattributesȱofȱtheȱChristianȱdevil.
Theyȱareȱallȱthere:ȱhoofs,ȱhorns,ȱserpentineȱtail,ȱandȱpitchfork.
WhatȱweȱseeȱinȱtheȱdeȱBryȱengravingsȱisȱaȱreflectionȱofȱEuropean,ȱinȱthisȱcase
ProtestantȱEuropean,ȱconcernsȱandȱobsessionsȱgraftedȱontoȱinformationȱcoming
fromȱtheȱNewȱWorld.ȱThisȱbecomesȱespeciallyȱclearȱbyȱtheȱninthȱvolumeȱofȱthe
Greatȱ Voyages,ȱ whenȱ theȱ illustratorsȱ becomeȱ lessȱ kindȱ toȱ theȱ cannibals.ȱ As
Protestantȱ involvementȱ inȱ theȱ colonial/imperialȱ enterpriseȱ becameȱ greater,ȱ the
depictionȱ ofȱ theȱ nativesȱ grewȱ moreȱ negative.ȱ Protestantsȱ neededȱ aȱ reasonȱ to
demonizeȱtheȱ“other”ȱwhoȱrefusedȱtoȱgoȱgentlyȱintoȱthatȱdarkȱnight,ȱandȱthey
foundȱitȱinȱtheirȱjustificationȱofȱwhyȱsuchȱpeopleȱdeservedȱtoȱbeȱdominatedȱand
exterminatedȱwhenȱnecessary:ȱtheyȱwereȱcannibals.ȱ
Theȱ reluctanceȱ orȱ inabilityȱ ofȱ menȱ likeȱ Columbusȱ toȱ fullyȱ appreciateȱ the
implicationsȱ ofȱ theirȱ ownȱ experiencesȱ hasȱ ledȱ someȱ historiansȱ toȱ takeȱ aȱ more
cautiousȱpositionȱonȱtheȱdestabilizingȱeffectsȱofȱtheȱinformationȱexplosionȱthatȱhit
EuropeȱinȱtheȱRenaissanceȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod.ȱInȱtheirȱviewȱtheȱpowerȱof
traditionȱandȱauthorityȱwasȱmoreȱdurableȱthanȱmanyȱscholarsȱrealize.55ȱButȱwhile
itȱ isȱ undoubtedlyȱ trueȱ thatȱ Europeansȱ wereȱ reluctantȱ toȱ abandonȱ inherited
structuresȱofȱknowledgeȱorȱgiveȱupȱtheirȱownȱinflatedȱsenseȱofȱthemselves,ȱchange
didȱoccur,ȱandȱradicalȱchangeȱatȱthat,ȱespeciallyȱwhenȱitȱcameȱtoȱrefashioningȱsuch
basicȱconceptsȱsuchȱasȱGod,ȱman,ȱandȱnature.ȱAsȱtheȱanxietyȱofȱtheȱlateȱmedieval
periodȱgaveȱwayȱtoȱtheȱcatastrophicȱreligiousȱandȱpoliticalȱwarfareȱendemicȱinȱthe
sixteenthȱandȱseventeenthȱcenturies,ȱtheȱdebateȱaboutȱtheȱnatureȱofȱmanȱandȱthe
stateȱofȱnatureȱbecameȱincreasinglyȱpessimisticȱandȱapocalyptic.ȱ
Asȱtheȱbordersȱofȱtheȱknownȱworldȱexpanded,ȱtheyȱincludedȱdiabolicalȱfigures
fromȱ theȱ ancientȱ worldȱ andȱ theȱ medievalȱ imaginationȱ togetherȱ withȱ newly
53
DoraȱandȱErwinȱPanofsky,ȱPandora’sȱBox:ȱTheȱChangingȱAspectsȱofȱaȱMythicalȱSymbolȱ(Princeton:
PrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1962);ȱȱJorgeȱCañizaresȬEsguerra,ȱPuritanȱConquistadors:Iberianizingȱthe
Atlantic,ȱ1550Ȭ1700ȱ(Stanford:ȱStanfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱclaimsȱPuritanȱandȱSpanishȱview
ofȱAmerindiansȱwereȱsimilar.
54
Bucher,ȱIconȱandȱConquest,ȱ94–95ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ41).
55
AnthonyȱGrafton,ȱwithȱAprilȱShelfordȱandȱNancyȱSiraisi,ȱNewȱWorlds,ȱAncientȱTexts:ȱTheȱPowerȱof
TraditionȱandȱtheȱShockȱofȱDiscoveryȱ(Cambridge,ȱMA,ȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱBelknapȱPressȱofȱHarvard
UniversityȱPress,ȱ1992);ȱCannibalismȱandȱtheȱColonialȱWorld,ȱed.ȱFrancisȱBarker,ȱPeterȱHulme,ȱand
MargaretȱIversen.ȱCulturalȱMargins,ȱ5ȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYorkȱ:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,
1998).
discoveredȱgroupsȱthatȱappearedȱequallyȱthreatening.ȱItȱwasȱamongȱtheseȱthatȱthe
cannibalȱ emergedȱ asȱ theȱ mostȱ potentȱ symbolȱ ofȱ theȱ chaosȱ causedȱ byȱ the
breakdownȱofȱauthorityȱandȱhierarchicalȱrelationships.ȱCommentingȱonȱtheȱneed
forȱgovernmentalȱauthorityȱHugoȱGrotiusȱdeclared,ȱ“IfȱthereȱwereȱnoȱSovereign
Power,ȱweȱshouldȱswallowȱupȱoneȱanotherȱalive.”56ȱWithȱtheȱvalueȱofȱhindsight
andȱinȱtheȱfaceȱofȱtheȱcontinuingȱstrugglesȱoverȱreligionȱonȱtheȱcontinentȱandȱin
England,ȱRobertȱBoltonȱwarnedȱhisȱparishionersȱofȱtheȱdangersȱofȱanarchy:ȱ“Take
Sovereigntyȱfromȱtheȱfaceȱofȱtheȱearth,ȱandȱyouȱturnȱitȱintoȱaȱcockpit.ȱMenȱwould
becomeȱcutȬthroatsȱandȱcannibalsȱoneȱuntoȱanother.ȱWeȱshouldȱhaveȱaȱveryȱhell
uponȱearth,ȱandȱtheȱfaceȱofȱitȱcoveredȱwithȱblood,ȱasȱitȱonceȱwasȱwithȱwater.”57ȱ
Withoutȱsovereigntyȱandȱtheȱsocialȱhierarchyȱitȱentailsȱmenȱwouldȱbeȱthrown
intoȱaȱstateȱofȱnatureȱofȱtheȱkindȱmadeȱallȱtooȱfamiliarȱbyȱtheȱwarsȱofȱreligionȱin
sixteenthȱcenturyȱFrance,ȱtheȱThirtyȱYears’ȱWarȱinȱGermany,ȱandȱtheȱCivilȱWarȱin
England.ȱInȱtheȱmindsȱofȱmanyȱofȱhisȱcontemporaries,ȱThomasȱHobbes’sȱviewȱof
theȱstateȱofȱnatureȱasȱ“nasty,ȱbrutish,ȱandȱshort”ȱfitȱtheirȱownȱexperiences,ȱandȱin
thisȱ contextȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ naturalȱ lawȱ madeȱ littleȱ sense,ȱ althoughȱ mostȱ people
continuedȱtoȱbelieveȱinȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱaȱbasicȱnaturalȱlaw,ȱhoweverȱmuchȱitȱwas
abrogatedȱbyȱtheȱperversityȱofȱtheȱhumanȱwill.58ȱ
Evenȱ legitimateȱ governmentalȱ authority,ȱ whichȱ manyȱ consideredȱ theȱ only
possibleȱbulwarkȱagainstȱtheȱlawlessȱanarchyȱofȱtheȱstateȱofȱnature,ȱbeganȱtoȱraise
alarms.ȱTheȱmotifȱofȱaȱraftȱofȱcannibalsȱadriftȱonȱtheȱseaȱbecomesȱaȱstockȱthemeȱin
novelsȱandȱtravelȱdiaries,ȱleadingȱtoȱdiscussionsȱaboutȱpropertyȱlawȱandȱtheȱright
ofȱselfȬpreservationȱatȱtheȱexpenseȱofȱweakerȱindividuals.59ȱTheȱideaȱthatȱauthority
isȱpredicatedȱonȱnaturalȱorȱsupernaturalȱlawȱgivesȱwayȱtoȱtheȱsecularȱviewȱthat
superiorȱpowerȱandȱconquestȱlegitimizesȱtheȱsubordinationȱofȱoneȱgroupȱorȱnation
toȱanother,ȱwhichȱwasȱessentiallyȱHobbes’sȱposition.ȱ
Butȱ notȱ everyoneȱ agreed,ȱ andȱ inȱ thisȱ regardȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ cannibalsȱ and
cannibalismȱwasȱcrucialȱinȱsettingȱtheȱlimitsȱofȱanyȱoneȱgroup’sȱorȱperson’sȱpower.
JeanȱBodin,ȱforȱexample,ȱexcoriatedȱtheȱtyrantȱasȱoneȱwhoȱ“drinkethȱhisȱsubject’s
blood,ȱgnawethȱtheirȱbones,ȱandȱoutȱofȱthemȱalsoȱsuckethȱevenȱtheȱmarrow,ȱsoȱby
allȱmeanesȱseekingȱtoȱweakenȱthem.”60ȱUnlikeȱtheȱclassicalȱstateȱpredicatedȱon
56
Grotius,ȱOnȱtheȱRightsȱofȱWarȱandȱPeaceȱ(London:ȱprintedȱforȱD.ȱBrown;ȱT.ȱWard;ȱandȱW.ȱMeares,
1715),ȱvol.ȱ1,ȱ182.ȱCitedȱinȱAvramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱ9ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
57
RobertȱBolton,ȱ“AȱSermoneȱPreachedȱbyȱRobertȱBolton,ȱ1621.”ȱCitedȱinȱAvramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectual
HistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱ9ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
58
Avramescuȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱinȱtheȱ16thȱandȱ17thȱcenturiesȱaȱnumberȱofȱworksȱwereȱpublished
emphasizingȱtheȱdiversityȱandȱstrangenessȱofȱdifferentȱpeoplesȱandȱtheirȱcustomsȱ(17).ȱInȱhis
EssaysȱonȱtheȱLawȱofȱNature,ȱforȱexample,ȱLockeȱdevotedȱaȱnumberȱofȱpagesȱtoȱstrangeȱcustoms,
concludingȱthatȱtheȱlawȱofȱnatureȱisȱnotȱ“writtenȱinȱtheȱheartsȱofȱmen.”ȱ
59
Pufendof,ȱ Onȱ theȱ Dutyȱ ofȱ Manȱ andȱ Citizenȱ accordingȱ toȱ Naturalȱ Law.ȱ Citedȱ inȱ Avramescuȱ An
IntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱ27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
60
Avramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱ202ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
promotingȱtheȱgoodȱlifeȱthroughȱjustice,ȱtheȱriseȱofȱtheȱmodernȱbureaucraticȱstate
provokedȱ profoundȱ anxieties,ȱ toȱ suchȱ aȱ pointȱ thatȱ theȱ stateȱ itselfȱ beginsȱ toȱ be
imaginedȱ asȱ aȱ cannibal.ȱ Theȱ supportȱ governmentsȱ gaveȱ toȱ aȱ nation’sȱ military
ambitionsȱledȱBaronȱd’Holbachȱ(1723–1789)ȱtoȱdescribeȱtheȱleadersȱasȱtheȱ“Caribs
orȱtrueȱcannibals”ȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱeaseȱwithȱwhichȱtheyȱsacrificeȱtheirȱcitizens.61ȱIn
hisȱessayȱPerpetualȱPeace:ȱAȱPhilosophicalȱSketchȱ(1795),ȱImmanuelȱKantȱcompares
theȱ“savageȱNationsȱofȱEurope”ȱtoȱthoseȱinȱAmerica,ȱremarkingȱonȱtheȱformer’s
greaterȱinhumanityȱbecauseȱinsteadȱofȱeatingȱtheirȱenemies,ȱtheyȱuseȱthemȱtoȱfight
furtherȱdestructiveȱwars:
TheȱmainȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱtheȱsavageȱnationsȱofȱEuropeȱandȱthoseȱofȱAmericaȱisȱthat
whileȱ someȱ Americanȱ tribesȱ haveȱ beenȱ entirelyȱ eatenȱ upȱ byȱ theirȱ enemies,ȱ the
Europeansȱknowȱhowȱtoȱmakeȱbetterȱuseȱofȱthoseȱtheyȱhaveȱdefeatedȱthanȱmerelyȱby
makingȱaȱmealȱofȱthem.ȱTheyȱwouldȱratherȱuseȱthemȱtoȱincreaseȱtheȱnumberȱofȱtheir
ownȱsubjects,ȱtherebyȱaugmentingȱtheirȱstockȱofȱinstrumentsȱforȱconductingȱevenȱmore
extensiveȱwars.62
Theȱ commercialȱ conquestȱ thatȱ followedȱ onȱ theȱ heelsȱ ofȱ explorationȱ and
colonizationȱwasȱnoȱlessȱcannibalisticȱinȱitsȱeffects,ȱaccordingȱtoȱEuropeanȱcritics
ofȱboth.ȱReflectingȱonȱtheȱcatastrophicȱeconomicȱconsequencesȱofȱtheȱenclosure
movement,ȱ Thomasȱ Moreȱ (1478–1535)ȱ describesȱ howȱ sheepȱ haveȱ turnedȱ into
cannibals:ȱtheȱ“sheepȱthatȱwereȱwontȱtoȱbeȱsoȱmeekȱandȱtameȱandȱsoȱsmallȱeaters,
now,ȱasȱIȱhearȱsay,ȱbeȱbecomeȱsoȱgreatȱdevourersȱandȱsoȱwild,ȱthatȱtheyȱeatȱupȱand
swallowȱdownȱtheȱveryȱmenȱthemselves.”63ȱItȱwasȱtheȱlandowners,ȱofȱcourse,ȱwho
grazedȱtheirȱflocksȱonȱlandȱappropriatedȱfromȱtheȱcommonsȱwhoȱwereȱtheȱreal
cannibals,ȱnotȱtheȱsheep.ȱ“HomoȱEconomicus”ȱwasȱnotȱsuchȱaȱprettyȱsight,ȱnorȱwas
emergingȱcannibalȱcapitalism.ȱAsȱMontaigneȱ(1533–1592)ȱwroteȱinȱhisȱessayȱ“Of
Carriages”ȱ(1585–1588):
Whoȱeverȱsetȱtheȱutilityȱofȱcommerceȱandȱtradingȱatȱsuchȱaȱprice?ȱSoȱmanyȱcitiesȱrazed,
soȱmanyȱnationsȱexterminated,ȱsoȱmanyȱmillionsȱofȱpeopleȱputȱtoȱtheȱsword,ȱandȱthe
richestȱandȱmostȱbeautifulȱpartȱofȱtheȱworldȱturnedȱupsideȱdown,ȱforȱtheȱtrafficȱof
pearlsȱandȱpepper.64
Inȱanȱearlierȱessayȱ“OfȱCannibals”ȱ(1578–1580)ȱMontaigneȱwasȱequallyȱbluntȱabout
exactlyȱwhoȱtheȱrealȱcannibalsȱwere:ȱ
Iȱthinkȱthereȱisȱmoreȱbarbarityȱinȱeatingȱaȱmanȱaliveȱthanȱinȱeatingȱhimȱdead;ȱand
tearingȱbyȱtorturesȱandȱtheȱrackȱaȱbodyȱstillȱfullȱofȱfeeling,ȱinȱroastingȱaȱmanȱbitȱbyȱbit,
61
62
Avramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱ261–62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
63
64
Montaigne,ȱTheȱCompleteȱWorks,ȱtrans.ȱDonaldȱM.ȱFrame.ȱEveryman’sȱLibraryȱ(NewȱYork:ȱAlfred
A.ȱKnopf,ȱ2003),ȱ844
inȱhavingȱhimȱbittenȱandȱmangledȱbyȱdogsȱandȱswineȱ(asȱweȱhaveȱnotȱonlyȱreadȱbut
seenȱwithinȱfreshȱmemory,ȱnotȱamongȱancientȱcivilizations,ȱbutȱamongȱneighborsȱand
fellowȱ citizens,ȱ andȱ whatȱ isȱ worse,ȱ onȱ theȱ pretextȱ ofȱ pietyȱ andȱ religion),ȱ thanȱ in
roastingȱandȱeatingȱhimȱafterȱheȱisȱdead.ȱ65
TheȱSpanishȱplaywrightȱLopeȱdeȱVegaȱ(1562–1635)ȱacceptedȱtheȱwidespreadȱidea
thatȱ theȱ Newȱ Worldȱ wasȱ theȱ dwellingȱ placeȱ ofȱ theȱ devilȱ andȱ nativeȱ religion
idolatry,ȱbutȱinȱhisȱplayȱTheȱNewȱWorldȱ(1614),ȱbothȱtheȱfigureȱofȱtheȱIdolatryȱand
theȱDevilȱshowȱtheȱConquistadoresȱforȱwhatȱtheyȱreallyȱare,ȱandȱthisȱdoesȱnot
includeȱbeingȱemissariesȱofȱtheȱtrueȱreligion.ȱAsȱIdolatryȱimplores:
Doȱnotȱallow,ȱOȱProvidence,
Thisȱinjusticeȱtoȱbeȱdoneȱtoȱme
Forȱtheyȱareȱimpelledȱtoȱundertakeȱthisȱfeat
Byȱvilestȱgreed.ȱUnderȱreligion’sȱcloak
Theyȱgoȱtoȱseekȱsilver,ȱgold
Andȱtreasureȱhiddenȱdeep.
TheȱDevilȱconcurs:ȱ“TheyȱareȱnotȱbourneȱthereȱbyȱChristianity/ȱbutȱbyȱgoldȱand
greed.”66ȱTheȱsecondȱactȱendsȱwithȱtheȱnativeȱleaderȱDuncanquelinȱorderingȱan
underlingȱtoȱkillȱfourȱofȱhisȱfattestȱservantsȱandȱbarbecueȱthemȱforȱtheȱSpaniards
travelingȱwithȱColumbus.ȱAlthoughȱmanyȱEuropeansȱbelievedȱthatȱeatingȱflesh
madeȱcannibalsȱstupid,ȱthisȱparticularȱcannibalȱhadȱnoȱtroubleȱrecognizingȱtheȱreal
motivesȱofȱtheȱEuropeanȱexplorers:ȱ“TheseȱSpaniards,ȱcovetingȱtheȱgoldȱofȱyour
Indies,ȱpretendȱtoȱbeȱsaints,ȱfeignȱChristianȱdecorum,/ȱWhileȱothersȱcomeȱtoȱtake
awayȱ yourȱ treasure.”67ȱ Michaelȱ deȱ Carvajal’sȱ fascinatingȱ playȱ Complaintȱ ofȱ the
IndiansȱinȱtheȱCourtȱofȱDeathȱ(1557)ȱhasȱtheȱChiefȱofȱtheȱIndiansȱquestionȱSpanish
justice:
.ȱ.ȱ.ȱBut,ȱDeath,ȱexplainȱtoȱus
whyȱwhenȱweȱworshippedȱotherȱgods,
bestial,ȱfalse,ȱandȱrude,
notȱoneȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱthroughȱourȱlandsȱhaveȱpassed
didȱslaughter,ȱplunder,ȱorȱwageȱfoulȱwars
againstȱus.ȱButȱnow,ȱalas!ȱThatȱweȱareȱChristians
itȱseemsȱthatȱlawlessȱaction,ȱmurders,ȱflames,
atrocitiesȱandȱburningȱcoalsȱrainȱdownȱuponȱourȱhearthsȱforȱthisȱdarkȱ
65
Montaigne,ȱTheȱCompleteȱWorks,ȱ189ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ64).
66
SusanȱCastillo,ȱPerformingȱAmerica:ȱColonialȱEncountersȱinȱNewȱWorldȱWriting,ȱ1500–1786ȱ(London
andȱNewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2006),ȱ91–92.
67
Castillo,ȱPerformingȱAmerica,ȱ100ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ66).ȱManyȱpeopleȱbelievedȱthatȱeatingȱhumanȱfleshȱwas
unnaturalȱandȱconsequentlyȱproducedȱnauseaȱandȱillness,ȱespeciallyȱvenerealȱdisease.ȱMarcoȱPolo
claimedȱthatȱpeopleȱwhoȱconsumedȱrawȱfleshȱbecameȱcoarse,ȱstupid,ȱandȱimpotentȱ(Avramescu,
AnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,163ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ4]).
lucre.68
Aȱ centuryȱ andȱ aȱ halfȱ laterȱ Jonathanȱ Swiftȱ (1667–1745)ȱ isȱ evenȱ fiercerȱ inȱ his
denunciationȱofȱtheȱrapacityȱofȱEuropeanȱcolonizers:
Aȱ crewȱ ofȱ Piratesȱ areȱ drivenȱ byȱ aȱ stormȱ theyȱ knowȱ notȱ whither;ȱ atȱ lengthȱ aȱ boy
discoversȱlandȱfromȱtheȱtopȬmast;ȱtheyȱgoȱonȱshoreȱtoȱrobȱandȱPlunder;ȱtheyȱseeȱan
harmlessȱpeople,ȱareȱentertainedȱwithȱkindness,ȱtheyȱgiveȱtheȱcountryȱaȱnewȱname,
takeȱformalȱpossessionȱofȱitȱforȱtheirȱKing,ȱtheyȱsetȱupȱaȱrottenȱplankȱorȱstoneȱforȱa
memorial,ȱtheyȱmurderȱtwoȱorȱthreeȱdozenȱofȱtheȱNatives,ȱbringingȱawayȱaȱcouple
moreȱbyȱForceȱforȱaȱsample,ȱreturnȱhome,ȱandȱgetȱtheirȱPardon.ȱHereȱcommencesȱa
newȱ dominionȱ acquiredȱ withȱ aȱ titleȱ byȱ Divineȱ right.ȱ Shipsȱ areȱ sentȱ withȱ theȱ first
opportunity;ȱtheȱnativesȱdrivenȱoutȱorȱdestroyed,ȱtheirȱPrincesȱtorturedȱtoȱdiscover
theirȱgold;ȱaȱfreeȱlicenseȱgivenȱtoȱallȱActsȱofȱinhumanityȱandȱlust;ȱtheȱEarthȱreeking
withȱtheȱbloodȱofȱitsȱinhabitants:ȱandȱthisȱexecrableȱcrewȱofȱbutchersȱemployedȱinȱso
piousȱanȱExpedition,ȱisȱaȱmodernȱcolonyȱsentȱtoȱconvertȱandȱcivilizeȱanȱidolatrousȱand
barbarousȱpeople.69
Theȱ critiqueȱ ofȱ colonialismȱ andȱ imperialismȱ foundȱ itsȱ mostȱ accomplished
spokespersonȱinȱJosephȱConradȱ(1857–1924),ȱwhoȱlaysȱbareȱtheȱcannibalisticȱnature
ofȱEuropeanȱcolonialismȱinȱHeartȱofȱDarkness,ȱaȱdevastatingȱpictureȱofȱwhatȱBelgian
imperialismȱdidȱtoȱtheȱCongo,ȱandȱinȱhisȱpenetratingȱportraitȱofȱKurtz,ȱforȱwhom
“my”ȱ hadȱ becomingȱ theȱ operatingȱ wordȱ asȱ inȱ “myȱ ivory,”ȱ “myȱ station,”ȱ “my
river.”ȱEverythingȱbelongedȱtoȱKurtz,ȱandȱanythingȱthatȱstoodȱinȱtheȱwayȱofȱhis
imperialȱselfȱdeservedȱextermination.ȱAsȱPhillipsȱcomments:ȱ“Theȱfantasyȱofȱtotal
incorporationȱ isȱ weddedȱ toȱ theȱ fantasyȱ ofȱ absoluteȱ possession;ȱ thusȱ ‘oral’ȱ and
‘anal’ȱvaluesȱmeetȱonȱtheȱplaneȱofȱcapitalistȱutopia.”70ȱ
Thisȱ analysisȱ certainlyȱ fitsȱ theȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ Kurtzȱ givenȱ byȱ Marlowe,ȱ the
narratorȱ inȱ Conrad’sȱ story:ȱ “Iȱ sawȱ himȱ openȱ hisȱ mouthȱ wide—itȱ gaveȱ himȱ a
weirdlyȱvoraciousȱaspect,ȱasȱthoughȱheȱwantedȱtoȱswallowȱallȱtheȱair,ȱallȱtheȱearth,
allȱtheȱmenȱbeforeȱhim.”71Europeansȱtendedȱtoȱseeȱtheȱhistoricalȱantecedentsȱof
KurtzȱandȱcannibalisticȱcapitalistsȱinȱtheȱstereotypeȱofȱtheȱJewishȱmerchantsȱand
moneylenders,ȱwhoȱappearȱinȱMarloweȱandȱShakespeareȱandȱantisemiticȱliterature
acrossȱEurope.ȱAsȱSalerioȱsaysȱinȱTheȱMerchantȱofȱVenice,ȱShylockȱmightȱappearȱto
beȱ“aȱcreatureȱthatȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱbearsȱtheȱshapeȱofȱman”ȱbutȱheȱ“isȱsoȱkeenȱandȱgreedy”ȱin
hisȱdevotionȱtoȱmanȬeatingȱthatȱheȱisȱactuallyȱsubȬhumanȱandȱbeyondȱtheȱbounds
68
Castillo,ȱPerformingȱAmerica,ȱ84ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ66).
69
JonathanȱSwift,ȱGulliver’sȱTravelȱ(London:ȱCRWȱpublishingȱLimited,ȱ2004),ȱpt.ȱ4,ȱch.ȱ12,ȱ363.
70
JerryȱPhillips,ȱ“CannibalismȱquaȱCapitalism:ȱTheȱMetaphoricsȱofȱAccumulationȱinȱMarx,ȱConrad,
Shakespeare,ȱandȱMarlowe,”ȱCannibalismȱandȱtheȱColonialȱWorld,ȱed.ȱFrancisȱBarker,ȱPeterȱHulme,
andȱMargaretȱIversenȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱ190.
71
JosephȱConrad,ȱHeartȱofȱDarkness,ȱed.ȱPaulȱB.ȱArmstrong.ȱAȱNortonȱCriticalȱEditionȱ(NewȱYorkȱand
London:ȱW.ȱW.ȱNortonȱ&ȱCompany,ȱ2006),ȱ59.
ofȱanyȱhumanȱcommunity.ȱHeȱisȱtheȱ“cutthroatȱdog,”ȱandȱ“wolf,”ȱ(iii.1.47)ȱwhoȱis
“starved”ȱandȱ“ravenous”ȱ(iv.1.137–38).ȱ
InȱTheȱJewȱofȱMaltaȱBarnabasȱconformsȱtoȱtheȱstereotype,ȱ proudlyȱ admitting,
“whenȱweȱgrinȱweȱbite”ȱ(ii.iii.20–22).ȱSinglingȱoutȱtheȱJewsȱwasȱasȱunfairȱinȱthe
earlyȱ modernȱ periodȱ asȱ itȱ isȱ today.ȱ Forȱ whatȱ reallyȱ beganȱ theȱ marchȱ toward
cannibalȱ capitalismȱ wasȱ notȱ Jewishȱ moneylending,ȱ butȱ theȱ emergenceȱ of
“possessiveȱindividualism”ȱdescribedȱbyȱC.P.ȱMacphersonȱinȱhisȱbookȱTheȱPolitical
TheoryȱofȱPossessiveȱIndividualismȱ(1962).ȱ
Historiansȱdisagreeȱaboutȱexactlyȱwhenȱpossessiveȱindividualismȱemerged,ȱbut
theyȱagreeȱthatȱitȱwasȱbasedȱonȱtheȱideaȱthatȱtheȱindividualȱwasȱtheȱproprietorȱof
hisȱownȱperson,ȱfreeȱfromȱdependenceȱonȱothersȱandȱowingȱlittleȱorȱnothingȱto
society.ȱ Bakhtinȱ considersȱ theȱ Renaissanceȱ theȱ periodȱ inȱ whichȱ theȱ individual
brokeȱ awayȱ fromȱ theȱ community,ȱ butȱ datingȱ theȱ Renaissanceȱ isȱ notoriously
difficultȱsinceȱsomeȱpeopleȱclaimȱitȱbeganȱinȱItalyȱinȱtheȱmidȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱbut
onlyȱ emergedȱ inȱ northernȱ Europeȱ andȱ Englandȱ inȱ theȱ timeȱ ofȱ Cervantesȱ and
Shakespeare.ȱ Itȱ isȱ perhapsȱ moreȱ helpfulȱ toȱ seeȱ possessiveȱ individualismȱ as
emergingȱ graduallyȱ duringȱ theȱ earlyȱ modernȱ period,ȱ fosteredȱ byȱ bothȱ the
breakdownȱofȱtheȱorganicȱmodelȱofȱtheȱuniverseȱcharacteristicȱofȱtheȱAristotelian
worldviewȱ andȱ theȱ shatteringȱ ofȱ theȱ idealȱ ofȱ Christianȱ unityȱ duringȱ the
Reformation.ȱ Protestantism,ȱ especiallyȱ inȱ theȱ Calvinistȱ formsȱ thatȱ hadȱ such
influenceȱonȱtheȱtwoȱgreatȱeconomicȱpowersȱofȱtheȱseventeenthȱandȱeighteenth
centuries,ȱ Englandȱ andȱ Holland,ȱ effectivelyȱ placedȱ religiousȱ authorityȱ inȱ the
individual,ȱwhoseȱrelationshipȱwithȱGodȱwasȱdirectȱandȱunmediatedȱbyȱaȱreligious
institutionȱ orȱ priest.ȱ Theȱ organicȱ modelȱ ofȱ theȱ bodyȱ politicȱ wasȱ replacedȱ byȱ a
contractualȱoneȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱideaȱthatȱanȱindividualȱhadȱtheȱdutyȱandȱright
toȱ freelyȱ followȱ hisȱ ownȱ selfȬinterest.ȱ Thisȱ providedȱ theȱ foundationȱ forȱ the
emergingȱcapitalistȱandȱconsumerȱsociety.
IanȱWattȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱtoȱseeȱDefoe’sȱnovelȱRobinsonȱCrusoeȱasȱsomethingȱofȱa
capitalistȱmanifesto.ȱButȱheȱalsoȱclaimedȱthatȱtheȱbookȱwasȱaȱdeeplyȱreligiousȱfable
ofȱPuritanȱspiritualȱlife.72ȱMoreȱrecentȱcommentatorsȱhaveȱbeenȱlessȱkindȱtoȱthe
bookȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ toȱ Crusoe’sȱ character.ȱ Theyȱ haveȱ emphasizedȱ whatȱ Watt
overlooked,ȱnamelyȱtheȱwayȱtheȱthemeȱofȱcannibalismȱstructuresȱtheȱstoryȱand
revealsȱCrusoe’sȱstateȱofȱmind.ȱFromȱtheȱmomentȱCrusoeȱseesȱtheȱfootprintȱonȱthe
sand,ȱ heȱ isȱ convincedȱ theȱ cannibalsȱ willȱ return,ȱ andȱ heȱ spendsȱ everyȱ nightȱ in
expectationȱofȱ“beingȱmurderedȱandȱdevouredȱbeforeȱmorning”ȱ(ch.ȱ14).ȱWhenȱhe
returnsȱ toȱ theȱ beachȱ andȱ findsȱ “skulls,ȱ hands,ȱ feet,ȱ andȱ otherȱ bonesȱ ofȱ human
bodies”ȱ(ch.ȱ15)—ȱtheȱremnantsȱofȱcannibalȱfeast—heȱisȱcompletelyȱoverwhelmed,
rushingȱtoȱoneȱofȱhisȱhidingȱplacesȱandȱfranticallyȱbuildingȱanȱenormousȱwallȱto
72
Hulme,ȱColonialȱEncounters,ȱ179,ȱ176ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).
protectȱhimself,ȱevenȱthoughȱtheȱplaceȱisȱsoȱsecludedȱthatȱnoȱoneȱinȱallȱlikelihood
wouldȱeverȱfindȱit.ȱ
Crusoeȱadmitsȱthatȱ“inȱtheȱdayȱgreatȱtroublesȱoverwhelmedȱmyȱmind,ȱandȱinȱthe
nightȱIȱdreamedȱoftenȱofȱkillingȱtheȱsavages,ȱandȱofȱtheȱreasonȱwhyȱIȱmightȱjustify
theȱdoingȱofȱit”ȱ(ch.ȱ16).ȱThisȱisȱveryȱoddȱbehaviorȱindeedȱforȱaȱmanȱdescribedȱby
earlierȱcommentatorsȱasȱtheȱprototypeȱforȱ“HomoȱEconomicus,”ȱthatȱmodelȱof
healthyȱ selfȬsufficiencyȱ andȱ theȱ rationalȱ calculatorȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ selfȬinterest.ȱ As
PearlmanȱsaysȱinȱhisȱfascinatingȱpsychoanalyticȱstudyȱofȱCrusoe,ȱheȱhadȱplentyȱof
placesȱtoȱhideȱonȱtheȱisland,ȱsoȱbothȱhisȱfantasiesȱaboutȱtheȱdangersȱtheȱcannibals
presentedȱ andȱ hisȱ eventualȱ murderȱ ofȱ themȱ wereȱ completelyȱ unnecessary.
Pearlmanȱ isȱ astonishedȱ thatȱ noȱ oneȱ beforeȱ himȱ investigatedȱ theȱ cannibalistic
fantasiesȱuponȱwhichȱtheȱnovelȱisȱbasedȱ orȱspeculatedȱaboutȱwhatȱ theyȱreveal
aboutȱCrusoe’sȱcharacter.73ȱ
Whileȱcannibalismȱandȱviolenceȱareȱmajorȱthemesȱinȱtheȱnovel,ȱPearlmanȱpoints
outȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱsex,ȱpassion,ȱandȱromanceȱofȱanyȱkindȱandȱseesȱthisȱasȱaȱsignȱof
Crusoe’sȱimmaturityȱandȱpersistentȱchildishness.ȱViolenceȱinȱconjunctionȱwithȱa
senseȱofȱterrifyingȱimpotenceȱisȱ“theȱessenceȱofȱhisȱ[Crusoe’s]ȱpersonality”ȱandȱan
indicationȱthatȱheȱhasȱbasicallyȱfailedȱtoȱgrowȱup:ȱ“.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheȱtwoȱcharacteristicsȱof
everyȱinfant,ȱfantasiedȱimpotenceȱandȱpowerlessȱrage,ȱappearȱinȱtheȱolderȱCrusoe
asȱ theȱ dispositionȱ towardsȱ theȱ analogousȱ polarȱ attitudesȱ ofȱ dominanceȱ and
violence.”74ȱLikeȱanȱinfant,ȱCrusoeȱfearsȱthatȱcannibals,ȱwhoȱlikeȱmothersȱthreaten
toȱengulf,ȱabsorb,ȱandȱdevourȱhim,ȱbutȱheȱalsoȱwantsȱtoȱdoȱexactlyȱtheȱsameȱthing
toȱthemȱandȱtheȱworldȱatȱlarge.ȱTheȱonlyȱsolutionȱheȱcanȱcomeȱupȱwithȱisȱtoȱbuild
aȱhugeȱwallȱthatȱessentiallyȱshoresȱupȱhisȱweakȱsenseȱofȱselfȱandȱselfȱesteem.ȱWhat,
Pearlmanȱasks,ȱdoesȱitȱtellȱusȱthatȱRobinsonȱCrusoeȱisȱtheȱmostȱpopularȱnovelȱin
English?ȱItȱtellsȱusȱsomethingȱaboutȱourselvesȱthatȱweȱshouldȱknowȱbutȱdon’tȱwant
toȱadmit,ȱnamelyȱthatȱ“HomoȱEconomicus”ȱhasȱdeepȱexistentialȱproblems:
TheȱmysteryȱisȱnotȱthatȱthisȱisȱtheȱmostȱpopularȱnovelȱinȱEnglish,ȱbutȱthatȱsoȱmany
readersȱhaveȱblindedȱthemselvesȱtoȱtheȱcharacterȱofȱtheȱhero.ȱCrusoeȱisȱcertainlyȱa
powerfulȱandȱpropheticȱfigure.ȱHeȱisȱaȱradicalȱindividualistȱandȱtheȱprototypeȱofȱaȱnew
economicȱ man,ȱ butȱ heȱ isȱ alsoȱ anȱ authoritarianȱ ofȱ aȱ dangerousȱ kindȱ andȱ an
unredeemed,ȱuncivilizedȱcolonialist.ȱForȱwhenȱtheȱnovelȱisȱstrippedȱofȱitsȱethnocentric
biases,ȱwhatȱisȱleftȱisȱtheȱessenceȱofȱtheȱcolonialȱencounter.ȱAȱweakȱindividual,ȱunable
toȱsucceedȱinȱhisȱownȱcountry,ȱofȱrestlessȱandȱunstableȱcharacter,ȱmovesȱtoȱanȱexotic
localeȱ whereȱ theȱ technologicalȱ advantageȱ ofȱ hisȱ civilizationȱ givesȱ himȱ immediate
superiorityȱoverȱtheȱindigenousȱpopulation.ȱThereȱheȱexploitsȱtheȱland,ȱslaughtersȱthe
heathensȱandȱmakesȱinstrumentsȱ(militaryȱandȱotherwise)ȱofȱselectedȱconverts.ȱHe
despisesȱtheȱnatives,ȱbutȱisȱalsoȱterrifiedȱofȱthem,ȱandȱisȱpreparedȱtoȱjustifyȱmassacre
ifȱ heȱ canȱ fantasizeȱ aȱ threatȱ toȱ himself.ȱ Itȱ isȱ onȱ thisȱ foundationȱ thatȱ expansionȱ and
73
ElihuȱPearlman,ȱ“RobinsonȱCrusoeȱandȱtheȱCannibals,”ȱMosaicȱ10.1ȱ(Fallȱ1976):ȱ39–55.ȱ
74
Pearlman,ȱ“RobinsonȱCrusoeȱandȱtheȱCannibals,”ȱ40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ73).
colonialismȱisȱreared,ȱandȱitȱisȱforȱtheseȱreasonsȱthatȱRobinsonȱCrusoeȱdemandsȱour
continualȱattention.75
Pearlman’sȱdiscussionȱofȱCrusoe’sȱweakȱegoȱstructureȱbringsȱusȱtoȱoneȱofȱtheȱmost
crucialȱissuesȱthatȱcomesȱupȱinȱconnectionȱwithȱcannibalism,ȱandȱthatȱisȱtheȱissue
ofȱwhatȱexactlyȱconstitutesȱtheȱ“self”ȱbothȱwhileȱlivingȱandȱafterȱdeath.76ȱSince
mostȱChristiansȱacceptedȱtheȱideaȱofȱbodilyȱresurrection,ȱhowȱcouldȱtheȱbodiesȱof
cannibalizedȱindividualsȱbeȱresurrected?ȱAugustineȱraisesȱtheȱcaseȱofȱaȱstarving
manȱ whoȱ eatsȱ another.ȱ Inȱ whatȱ bodyȱ willȱ theȱ manȱ whoȱ hasȱ beenȱ eatenȱ be
resurrected?ȱWillȱhisȱfleshȱbeȱrestored?ȱIfȱitȱis,ȱwon’tȱthatȱleaveȱholesȱinȱtheȱbody
ofȱtheȱcannibal?77ȱ
ThomasȱAquinasȱ(d.ȱ1273)ȱtookȱupȱtheȱperplexingȱcaseȱofȱtheȱidentityȱofȱaȱchild
ofȱcannibalȱparents.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱreigningȱmedicalȱtheoryȱofȱtheȱtime,ȱderived
fromȱtheȱsecondȱcenturyȱRomanȱphysicianȱGalen,ȱbothȱmaleȱandȱfemaleȱparents
produceȱseminalȱfluid,ȱandȱthisȱfluidȱisȱformedȱfromȱeveryȱorganȱandȱlimbȱinȱthe
body.ȱSinceȱtheȱseminalȱfluidȱofȱtheȱcannibalȱparentsȱwasȱproducedȱfromȱtheir
physicalȱbodies,ȱatȱleastȱsomeȱofȱitȱhadȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱfleshȱofȱthose
theyȱhadȱeatenȱandȱincorporatedȱintoȱtheirȱownȱbodies.ȱȱSo,ȱwhoȱexactlyȱwereȱthe
parentsȱofȱtheȱchild?ȱ
InȱAȱVoyageȱtoȱtheȱMoonȱCyranoȱdeȱBergeracȱproposesȱaȱthoughtȱexperiment
alongȱtheseȱveryȱlines:ȱSupposeȱyouȱeatȱaȱMuslim,ȱheȱsuggests.ȱOnceȱdigested,ȱthe
Muslimȱisȱtransformedȱintoȱflesh,ȱblood,ȱandȱsperm.ȱIfȱyouȱthenȱhaveȱaȱchild,ȱisȱit
ChristianȱorȱMuslim,ȱandȱwhatȱwillȱhappenȱtoȱtheȱchildȱonȱtheȱDayȱofȱJudgment?
SinceȱitȱisȱbothȱMuslimȱandȱChristian,ȱwillȱitȱbeȱdamnedȱandȱsavedȱatȱtheȱsame
time?ȱTheȱcomplicationsȱcannibalismȱposedȱwereȱinnumerable.ȱToȱgiveȱaȱfurther
example:ȱwhatȱifȱanȱanimalȱateȱaȱperson,ȱbutȱthenȱlaterȱanotherȱpersonȱateȱthat
animal?ȱThomasȱBrowneȱgoesȱevenȱfurther,ȱtakingȱliterallyȱtheȱbiblicalȱphraseȱ“all
fleshȱ isȱ grass”ȱ (Isa.ȱ 40:ȱ 6)ȱ toȱ argueȱ thatȱ weȱ areȱ allȱ cannibalsȱ andȱ virtuallyȱ eat
ourselves:
Allȱfleshȱisȱgrasse,ȱisȱnotȱonelyȱmetaphorically,ȱbutȱliterallyȱtrue,ȱforȱallȱtheseȱcreatures
weȱbeholdȱareȱbutȱtheȱherbsȱofȱtheȱfield,ȱdigestedȱintoȱfleshȱinȱthem,ȱorȱmoreȱremotely
carnifiedȱinȱourȱselves.ȱNayȱfurther,ȱweȱareȱwhatȱweȱallȱabhorre,ȱAnthropophagiȱand
Cannibals,ȱdevourersȱnotȱonelyȱofȱmen,ȱbutȱofȱourȱselves;ȱandȱthatȱnotȱinȱanȱallegory,
butȱaȱpositiveȱtruth;ȱforȱallȱtheȱmassȱofȱfleshȱthatȱweeȱbehold,ȱcameȱinȱatȱourȱmouths;ȱ
75
Pearlman,ȱ“RobinsonȱCrusoeȱandȱtheȱCannibals,”ȱ54–55ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ73).
76
TheȱfollowingȱsectionȱisȱdeeplyȱindebtedȱtoȱAvramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱch.
5ȱ“TheȱPredicamentsȱofȱIdentity”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4),ȱwhereȱheȱlaysȱoutȱtheȱproblemsȱcannibalismȱposes
forȱtheȱnotionȱofȱbodilyȱresurrection.
77
Augustine,ȱCityȱofȱGod,ȱbookȱXXII,ȱchapterȱ12.
thisȱframeȱweȱlookȱupon,ȱhathȱbeenȱuponȱourȱtrenchers;ȱinȱbrief.ȱWeȱhaveȱdevour’dȱour
selvesȱandȱyetȱdoeȱliveȱandȱremayneȱourȱselvesȱ(ourȱselvesȱisȱtwoȱwords).78
Numerousȱattemptsȱwereȱmadeȱtoȱsolveȱtheȱconundrumsȱcannibalismȱposedȱfor
theȱideaȱofȱbodilyȱresurrection.ȱSomeȱarguedȱthatȱcannibalsȱcannotȱassimilateȱbody
partsȱ orȱ thatȱ theyȱ canȱ onlyȱ assimilateȱ nonȬessentialȱ parts.ȱ Othersȱ claimedȱ that
wheneverȱhumansȱeatȱunnaturalȱfood,ȱtheyȱwouldȱbeȱstruckȱbyȱnausea,ȱwhich
leadsȱtoȱAvramescu’sȱwryȱcomment,ȱ“Nauseaȱthusȱhasȱanȱeschatologicalȱvirtue.”79
Stillȱothers,ȱlikeȱAugustine,ȱbelievedȱthatȱtheȱfleshȱaȱcannibalȱabsorbedȱwouldȱbe
returnedȱtoȱitsȱrightfulȱownerȱatȱtheȱdayȱofȱresurrection,ȱandȱwhateverȱgapsȱand
holesȱwereȱleftȱinȱtheȱbodyȱofȱtheȱcannibalȱwouldȱbeȱfilledȱupȱbyȱGod.80ȱ
Suchȱanswersȱappearedȱlessȱandȱlessȱconvincingȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod,ȱand
theȱideaȱthatȱtheȱentireȱphysicalȱbodyȱwouldȱbeȱresurrectedȱdeclinedȱaccordingly.
Inȱtheȱarticleȱonȱ“Resurrection”ȱinȱtheȱFrenchȱEncylopédie,ȱtheȱauthorȱturnedȱtoȱthe
philosopherȱLeibnizȱforȱhelp,ȱarguingȱthatȱallȱtheȱessentialȱpartsȱofȱtheȱbodyȱwere
foundȱinȱitsȱoriginalȱsingleȱmonad,ȱfromȱwhichȱeverythingȱdeveloped.ȱThusȱthis
“seed”ȱwillȱbeȱresurrected,ȱaȱsortȱofȱprototypeȱorȱblueprintȱorȱtheȱbody,ȱbutȱnotȱthe
entireȱphysicalȱbodyȱitself.ȱInterestinglyȱenoughȱSamuelȱClarke,ȱwhoȱsidedȱwith
NewtonȱandȱnotȱLeibnizȱinȱtheȱdebateȱoverȱwhoȱinventedȱcalculus,ȱtookȱtheȱsame
position:ȱ“Noȱmanȱcanȱsayȱ‘tisȱimprobable,ȱ(andȱtheyȱwhoȱhaveȱbeenȱmostȱandȱbest
versedȱinȱmicroscopicalȱobservationsȱthinkȱitȱmoreȱthanȱprobable,)ȱthatȱtheȱoriginal
Stamina,ȱwhichȱcontainsȱallȱandȱeveryȱoneȱofȱtheȱsolidȱpartsȱandȱvesselsȱofȱthe
body,ȱnotȱexceptingȱevenȱtheȱminutestȱnervesȱandȱfibresȱareȱthemselvesȱtheȱentire
Body.”81ȱ
Thisȱideaȱfitȱinȱwithȱwhatȱwasȱknownȱatȱtheȱtimeȱasȱtheȱ“preformationȱtheory,”
accordingȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱbodyȱunfolds;ȱitȱdoesȱnotȱdevelopȱbyȱaddingȱmatterȱasȱthe
rivalȱtheoryȱofȱepigenesisȱwouldȱhaveȱit.ȱInȱhisȱPhysicoȬTheologicalȱConsiderations
aboutȱtheȱPossibilityȱofȱtheȱResurrectionȱ(1675),ȱRobertȱBoyleȱturnedȱtoȱhisȱchemical
expertiseȱtoȱprovideȱexamplesȱofȱhowȱbodilyȱresurrectionȱmightȱoccurȱevenȱinȱthe
caseȱofȱcannibalismȱorȱinȱtheȱmoreȱwidespreadȱcaseȱofȱtheȱbodilyȱdecomposition
thatȱnaturallyȱoccursȱafterȱburial.ȱWhileȱonȱnumerousȱoccasionsȱheȱreiteratesȱthe
ideaȱ thatȱ Godȱ isȱ allȬpowerfulȱ andȱ couldȱ thereforeȱ reuniteȱ theȱ partsȱ ofȱ an
individual’sȱbodyȱwhateverȱtheȱsituationȱmightȱbe—heȱrefersȱtoȱEzekiel’sȱvision
ofȱtheȱvalleyȱofȱdeadȱmen’sȱbonesȱresurrectedȱbyȱGodȱ(Ez.ȱ37)—heȱalsoȱsuggests
thatȱchemistryȱprovidesȱtheȱusefulȱexampleȱofȱtheȱwayȱgoldȱdissolvedȱinȱacquaȱregis
canȱ beȱ recoveredȱ throughȱ theȱ processȱ ofȱ precipitation.ȱ Botanyȱ andȱ alchemy
78
ThomasȱBrowne,ȱReligioȱMedici,ȱed.ȱJeanȬJacquesȱDeonainȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversity
Press,ȱ1955),ȱsec.ȱxxxvii,ȱ49.
79
80
Augustine,ȱCityȱofȱGod,ȱch.ȱXXII,ȱsectionȱ20.
81
SamuelȱClarke,ȱTheȱWorksȱofȱSamuelȱClarke,ȱ4ȱvols.ȱ(London:ȱJ.ȱ&ȱP.ȱKnapton,ȱ1738),ȱvol.ȱ2,ȱ690.
provideȱsimilarȱexamplesȱofȱhowȱplantȱformsȱcanȱbeȱresurrectedȱfromȱtheirȱashes.82
Heȱalsoȱoffersȱcasesȱinȱwhichȱmilkȱtastesȱofȱaȱplantȱeatenȱbyȱtheȱcowȱandȱofȱpigs
whoseȱfleshȱtastesȱofȱtheȱfishȱtheyȱhaveȱeatenȱtoȱshowȱthatȱtheȱparticlesȱofȱaȱbody
persist.
LibertinesȱandȱskepticsȱlikeȱdeȱBergeracȱlovedȱtoȱexploitȱtheȱkindȱofȱconundrums
broughtȱupȱsoȱclearlyȱbyȱcannibalismȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱresurrection.ȱWeȱhaveȱalsoȱseen
howȱ entwinedȱ theȱ issueȱ ofȱ cannibalismȱ wasȱ withȱ theȱ Catholicȱ doctrineȱ ofȱ the
Eucharist.ȱ Theȱ illustrationȱ ofȱ transubstantiationȱ satirizedȱ byȱ Hogarthȱ (Fig.ȱ 8)
providesȱaȱclearȱindicationȱofȱwhatȱatȱleastȱoneȱEnglishȱProtestantȱthoughtȱabout
thisȱcentralȱCatholicȱdoctrine.ȱTheȱScottishȱProtestantȱDavidȱHumeȱalsoȱenjoyed
tacklingȱ theȱ problemȱ ofȱ transubstantiationȱ fromȱ theȱ angleȱ ofȱ cannibalism.ȱ In
Hume’sȱNaturalȱHistoryȱofȱReligion,ȱaȱpriestȱasksȱaȱTurkȱafterȱheȱhasȱconvertedȱto
Christianityȱandȱreceivedȱtheȱsacrament,ȱ“Howȱmanyȱgodsȱareȱthere?”ȱTheȱTurk
replies:ȱ“Noneȱatȱallȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱYouȱhaveȱtoldȱmeȱallȱalongȱthatȱthereȱisȱbutȱoneȱGod:ȱAnd
yesterdayȱIȱateȱhim.”83ȱWhatȱbetterȱplaceȱtoȱendȱanȱessayȱaboutȱtheȱultimateȱcrime
ofȱcannibalismȱinȱtheȱmindsȱandȱimaginationsȱofȱearlyȱmodernȱEuropeans.
82
FrançoisȱSecret,ȱ“Palingenesis,ȱAlchemyȱandȱMetempsychosisȱinȱRenaissanceȱMedicine,”Ambix
26ȱ(1979ȱJuly):ȱ81–92.
83
Hume,ȱDialoguesȱandȱNaturalȱHistoryȱofȱReligionȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1993),ȱ167–68.
CitedȱinȱAvramescu,ȱAnȱIntellectualȱHistoryȱofȱCannibalism,ȱ153ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).
Fig.ȱ1:ȱAmerigoȱVespucciȱ“discovering”ȱAmerica.ȱEngravingȱbyȱTheodorȱGalle,
ca. 1580 (after a drawing by Jan van der Straet, c. 1575)
ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ
Fig.ȱ2:ȱTheȱCrueltiesȱofȱdeȱSoto.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,
Chicago.ȱAyerȱ110ȱBȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ5
Fig.ȱ3:ȱSodomitesȱsavagedȱbyȱdogs.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,
Chicago.ȱAyerȱ110ȱBȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ4ȱ
Fig.ȱ4:ȱTheȱwomanȱwithȱsaggingȱbreasts.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberry
Library,ȱChicago,ȱAyerȱ110ȱBȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ3
Fig.ȱ5:ȱFrontispiece.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,ȱChicago.ȱAyer
110ȱBȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ13
Fig.ȱ6:ȱWomanȱwithȱrawȱbird.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,
Chicago. Ayer 110 B 1590, vol. 9
ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ
Fig.ȱ7:ȱPandora.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,ȱChicago.ȱAyerȱ110ȱB
1590,ȱvol.ȱ9
Fig.ȱ8:ȱWilliamȱHogarth,ȱTransubstantiationȱSatirizedȱ(1794)ȱ
Chapterȱ23ȱ
EvelyneȱLuef
(UniversityȱofȱVienna,ȱAustria)
PunishmentȱPostȱMortemȱ–ȱTheȱCrimeȱofȱSuicideȱin
EarlyȱModernȱAustriaȱandȱSweden
Onȱ Februaryȱ 21stȱ 1710ȱ theȱ juryȱ membersȱ ofȱ theȱ lowerȱ courtȱ (häradsting)ȱ in
Nordingrå,ȱaȱvillageȱinȱtoday’sȱVästernorrlandȱcounty,ȱSweden,ȱassembledȱforȱan
extraordinaryȱcourtȱ(extraordinarieȱorȱurtimaȱting)ȱtoȱdiscussȱtheȱsuicideȱofȱfiftyȬ
yearȬoldȱunmarriedȱmaidservantȱKarinȱMickelsdotter,ȱwhoȱhadȱhangedȱherselfȱon
Februaryȱ7th.1
Likeȱotherȱoffensesȱthatȱwereȱrelevantȱunderȱcivilȱorȱcriminalȱlaw,ȱsuicideȱleftȱits
marksȱinȱtheȱrecordsȱthatȱdocumentȱtheȱworkȱofȱpremodernȱjudicature.ȱOfȱcourse,
theȱsuicideȱofȱKarinȱMickelsdotterȱwasȱnotȱaȱsingularȱcase.ȱArchivesȱinȱAustriaȱand
Swedenȱ conserveȱ aȱ vastȱ rangeȱ ofȱ sourceȱ materialȱ whichȱ canȱ beȱ analyzedȱ with
regardȱtoȱtheȱquestionȱofȱhowȱselfȬinflictedȱdeathȱwasȱperceivedȱandȱsanctioned
inȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ andȱ eighteenthȱ century.ȱ Criminalȱ courtȱ recordsȱ (e.g.,ȱ court
protocols,ȱ files,ȱ letters)ȱ producedȱ byȱ secularȱ andȱ ecclesiasticalȱ authoritiesȱ are
invaluableȱsourcesȱthatȱinformȱusȱaboutȱtheȱworkȱthatȱwasȱconductedȱbyȱearly
modernȱ courts.ȱ Moreover,ȱ theyȱ indirectly—throughȱ witnessȱ accountsȱ and
statementsȱ givenȱ beforeȱ theȱ court—provideȱ anȱ insightȱ intoȱ theȱ livesȱ ofȱ early
modernȱ womenȱ andȱ men,ȱ theirȱ attitudes,ȱ conflicts,ȱ sorrows,ȱ andȱ hopes.ȱ The
GermanȱhistorianȱGerdȱSchwerhoffȱcharacterizesȱcriminalȱcourtȱrecordsȱasȱmultiȬ
1
ForskningsarkivetȱUmeåȱuniversitetsbibliotek,ȱSödraȱÅng.ȱAȱIȱa:10ȱMkȱD52268ȱ8/24,ȱNordingrå,
Februaryȱ21,ȱ1710.ȱConcerningȱtheȱcalendarȱdatesȱgivenȱinȱthisȱpaper,ȱitȱisȱimportantȱtoȱconsider
thatȱAustriaȱfollowedȱtheȱGregorianȱcalendarȱfromȱ1582ȱandȱSwedenȱfromȱ1753.ȱFromȱ1700ȱuntil
1712ȱSwedenȱfollowedȱitsȱownȱSwedishȱcalendar,ȱwhichȱwasȱoneȱdayȱaheadȱofȱtheȱJulianȱcalendar.
See:ȱLemmaȱ“Kronologi,”ȱNordiskȱfamiljebok.ȱKonversationslexikonȱochȱRealencyklopedi.ȱ2ndȱedition,
Vol.ȱ15ȱ(Stockholm:ȱNordiskȱfamiljeboksȱförlagsȱaktiebolag,ȱ1911),ȱ42,ȱorȱonlineȱat:
ȱhttp://runeberg.org/nfbo/0037.htmlȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNovemberȱ1,ȱ2010).
556 EvelyneȱLuef
perspectiveȱsourcesȱthatȱallowȱusȱtoȱexamineȱtheȱculturalȱvaluesȱofȱpremodern
individuals.2ȱ However,ȱ theȱ informationȱ providedȱ inȱ documentsȱ thatȱ were
producedȱinȱaȱjudicialȱcontextȱhasȱtoȱbeȱinterpretedȱwithȱdueȱdiligence:ȱItȱoften
containsȱtestimoniesȱloggedȱandȱeditedȱbyȱthirdȱparties,ȱusuallyȱrepresentingȱthe
authority’sȱ perspective,ȱ andȱ thusȱ needsȱ toȱ beȱ analyzedȱ critically.ȱ When
investigatingȱjudicialȱrecordsȱoneȱneedsȱtoȱkeepȱinȱmindȱtoȱwhatȱendȱandȱunder
whichȱ circumstances,ȱ intentionsȱ orȱ evenȱ manipulationsȱ theseȱ documentsȱ were
produced.3ȱBearingȱthisȱinȱmind,ȱtheȱquestionȱisȱnotȱtoȱwhatȱdegreeȱtestimonies,
statementsȱorȱotherȱinformationȱcontainedȱinȱcriminalȱcourtȱrecordsȱareȱ“true,”
authentic,ȱrightȱorȱwrong.ȱRather,ȱinsightȱcanȱbeȱgainedȱintoȱwhatȱwasȱplausible,
utterable,ȱ andȱ thinkableȱ forȱ contemporaries,ȱ andȱ howȱ theyȱ explainedȱ and
perceivedȱsuicide.
ThoughȱtheȱactȱofȱselfȬkillingȱmayȱbeȱtimeless,ȱtheȱperceptionȱofȱandȱattitudes
towardsȱ suicideȱ changedȱ notablyȱ duringȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ theȱ centuriesȱ andȱ the
phenomenonȱhasȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱaȱproductiveȱtopicȱofȱhistoricalȱresearch.ȱInȱrecent
years,ȱaȱrangeȱofȱhistoricalȱandȱmentalȬhistoricalȱstudiesȱonȱtheȱsubject,ȱfocusing
onȱ differentȱ regions,ȱ timeȱ framesȱ andȱ aspects,ȱ haveȱ significantlyȱ changedȱ and
broadenedȱ ourȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ theȱ handlingȱ andȱ perceptionȱ ofȱ suicideȱ inȱ the
premodernȱworld.4ȱTakingȱupȱaȱcomparativeȱapproachȱIȱwillȱdiscussȱsuicideȱin
earlyȱmodernȱruralȱAustriaȱandȱSwedenȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱcrimeȱandȱpunishment
inȱ thisȱ paper.5ȱ Basedȱ onȱ normativeȱ textsȱ andȱ judicialȱ recordsȱ Iȱ willȱ askȱ what
constitutedȱsuicideȱasȱaȱcrimeȱandȱhowȱindividualsȱwhoȱcommittedȱsuicideȱwere
punished.ȱ Byȱ doingȱ so,ȱ Iȱ hopeȱ toȱ drawȱ attentionȱ toȱ theȱ challengingȱ processȱ of
description,ȱascriptionȱandȱinterpretationȱwithinȱtheȱlimitsȱofȱearlyȱmodernȱlegal
normȱandȱpractice.
Inȱtoday’sȱWesternȱsocietiesȱsuicideȱandȱsuicideȱattemptȱareȱinȱgeneralȱexempt
fromȱjudicialȱpunishment.ȱInȱearlyȱmodernȱEurope,ȱhowever,ȱsuicideȱprimarily
wasȱ perceivedȱ asȱ aȱ felony,ȱ aȱ sinfulȱ deedȱ andȱ aȱ crimeȱ againstȱ God,ȱ natureȱ and
2
Gerdȱ Schwerhoff,ȱ Aktenkundigȱ undȱ gerichtsnotorisch:ȱ Einführungȱ inȱ dieȱ Historischeȱ KriminaliȬ
tätsforschung.ȱHistorischeȱEinführungen,ȱ3ȱ(Tübingen:ȱEditionȱDiskord,ȱ1999),ȱ155.
3
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱUlrikeȱGleixner,ȱ“GeschlechterdifferenzenȱundȱdieȱFaktizitätȱdesȱFiktionalen:ȱZur
DekonstruktionȱfrühneuzeitlicherȱVerhörprotokolle,”ȱWerkstattGeschichteȱ11.4ȱ(1995):ȱ65–71.
4
See,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ theȱ reviewȱ papersȱ byȱ Róisínȱ Healy,ȱ “Suicideȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ andȱ Modern
Europe,”ȱTheȱHistoricalȱJournalȱ49.3ȱ(2006):ȱ903–19,ȱandȱDavidȱLederer,ȱ“SuicideȱinȱEarlyȱModern
Centralȱ Europe:ȱ Aȱ Historiographicalȱ Review,”ȱ Germanȱ Historicalȱ Instituteȱ Londonȱ Bulletinȱ 38.2
(2006):ȱ 33–46.ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Desperateȱ Lovers,ȱ Suicidalȱ andȱ Murderous:ȱ Early
ModernȱDawnȱSongsȱandȱBallads,”ȱNeuphilologischeȱMitteilungenȱ100.2ȱ(1999):ȱ207–26.
5
Moreȱprecisely,ȱIȱstudyȱtheȱAustrianȱarchduchiesȱaboveȱandȱbelowȱtheȱriverȱEnnsȱandȱtheȱSwedish
Västernorrlandsȱlän.
SuicideȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱAustriaȱandȱSweden 557
society.ȱ Bothȱ suicideȱ andȱ suicideȱ attemptȱ wereȱ criminallyȱ prosecuted.ȱ They
resultedȱnotȱonlyȱinȱlegalȱconsequencesȱbutȱwereȱalsoȱsociallyȱstigmatized.
Theȱquestionȱifȱandȱunderȱwhatȱcircumstancesȱitȱisȱlegitimateȱtoȱendȱone’sȱown
lifeȱ hasȱ beenȱ discussedȱ forȱ hundredsȱ ofȱ years.ȱ Whileȱ inȱ antiquityȱ suicideȱ was
toleratedȱtoȱaȱcertainȱdegreeȱitsȱperceptionȱincreasinglyȱnarrowedȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Ages.6ȱ Theȱ banȱ onȱ suicideȱ inȱ theȱ earlyȱ modernȱ periodȱ thusȱ continuedȱ aȱ long
traditionȱ ofȱ primarilyȱ negativeȱ attitudeȱ towardsȱ selfȬinflictedȱ death.ȱ Especially
Augustine’sȱ(354–430)ȱconceptionȱofȱsuicideȱremainedȱpowerfulȱthroughoutȱthe
MiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱtimes.7ȱHeȱclearlyȱtookȱtheȱpositionȱagainst
suicideȱunderȱallȱcircumstancesȱinȱTheȱCityȱofȱGod,ȱinvokingȱtheȱcommandment:
“Youȱshallȱnotȱkillȱ(murder),”ȱthusȱequatingȱsuicideȱwithȱmurder.8ȱ
Suicideȱwasȱsanctionedȱbyȱcanonȱlawȱforȱtheȱfirstȱtimeȱthroughȱdecisionsȱthat
wereȱpromulgatedȱatȱtheȱcouncilȱofȱOrléansȱ(533)ȱandȱtheȱcouncilȱofȱBragaȱ(561),
whereȱ suicidesȱ wereȱ deniedȱ ceremonialȱ rites.9ȱ However,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ Karsten
Pfannkuchenȱthisȱappliedȱonlyȱtoȱthoseȱwhoȱwillfullyȱandȱwhileȱofȱsoundȱmind
tookȱtheirȱownȱlives,ȱwhereasȱsuicideȱcommittedȱoutȱofȱinsanityȱorȱnegligenceȱwas
notȱ sanctioned.10ȱ Inȱ theȱ thirteenthȱ centuryȱ Thomasȱ Aquinasȱ (1224/1225–1274)
outlinedȱthreeȱmainȱargumentsȱagainstȱsuicide,ȱconsideringȱselfȬkillingȱasȱaȱsin
6
Nicoleȱ Zeddies,ȱ “Verwirrteȱ oderȱ Verbrecher?ȱ Dieȱ Beurteilungȱ desȱ Selbstmordesȱ vonȱ der
Spätantikeȱ bisȱ zumȱ 9.ȱ Jahrhundert,”ȱ Trauer,ȱ Verzweiflungȱ undȱ Anfechtung:ȱ Selbstmordȱ und
Selbstmordversucheȱ inȱ mittelalterlichenȱ undȱ frühneuzeitlichenȱ Gesellschaften,ȱ ed.ȱ Gabrielaȱ Signori.
ForumȱPsychohistorie,ȱ3ȱ(Tübingen:ȱEditionȱDiskord,ȱ1994),ȱ55–90.ȱSeeȱalsoȱAlexanderȱMurray’s
comprehensiveȱseriesȱSuicideȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱVolumeȱI:ȱTheȱViolentȱagainstȱThemselvesȱ(Oxford:
OxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱandȱSuicideȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱVolumeȱII:ȱTheȱCurseȱonȱSelfȬMurder
(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2000).
7
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱZeddies,ȱ“VerwirrteȱoderȱVerbrecher?,”ȱ67ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6),ȱandȱVeraȱLind,ȱSelbstmord
inȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeit:ȱDiskurs,ȱLebensweltȱundȱkulturellerȱWandel.ȱVeröffentlichungenȱdesȱMaxȬ
PlanckȬInstitutsȱfürȱGeschichte,ȱ146ȱ(Göttingen:ȱVandenhoeckȱ&ȱRuprecht,ȱ1999),ȱ21–23.
8
Augustineȱargues:ȱ“Itȱonlyȱremainsȱforȱusȱtoȱapplyȱtheȱcommandment,ȱ‘Thouȱshaltȱnotȱkill,’ȱtoȱman
alone,ȱoneselfȱandȱothers.ȱAnd,ȱofȱcourse,ȱoneȱwhoȱkillsȱhimselfȱkillsȱaȱman.”ȱCitationȱfromȱSaint
Augustine,ȱTheȱCityȱofȱGod.ȱBooksȱI–VII,ȱtrans.ȱDemetriusȱB.ȱZemaȱandȱGeraldȱG.ȱWalshȱwithȱan
introductionȱbyȱEtienneȱGilson.ȱTheȱFathersȱofȱtheȱChurch.ȱAȱNewȱTranslation,ȱ8ȱ(Washington,
DC:ȱTheȱCatholicȱUniversityȱofȱAmericaȱPress,ȱ1977),ȱI,ȱ20.
9
Seeȱ Zeddies,ȱ “Verwirrteȱ oderȱ Verbrecher?,”ȱ 67–69ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 6)ȱ andȱ Karstenȱ Pfannkuchen,
Selbstmordȱ undȱ Sanktionen:ȱ Eineȱ rechtshistorischeȱ Betrachtungȱ unterȱ besondererȱ Berücksichtigung
ostpreußischerȱBestimmungenȱ(Berlin:ȱLogos,ȱ2008),ȱ37–39.
10
SeeȱPfannkuchen,ȱSelbstmordȱundȱSanktionen,ȱ38–39ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).
558 EvelyneȱLuef
againstȱnature,ȱsocietyȱandȱGod,11ȱaȱviewȱthatȱprevailedȱasȱtheȱalmostȱexclusive
positionȱthroughoutȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod.
TheȱperceptionȱandȱassessmentȱofȱsuicideȱinȱpremodernȱEuropeȱwas—ifȱnot
entirely—atȱleastȱtoȱaȱhighȱdegreeȱcoinedȱbyȱtheȱprevailingȱChristianȱworldȱview
thatȱ penetratedȱ almostȱ everyȱ aspectȱ ofȱ life.ȱ Likeȱ manyȱ otherȱ crimes,ȱ e.g.
blasphemy,ȱtheftȱfromȱaȱchurch,ȱmurderȱorȱadultery,ȱsuicideȱwasȱaȱphenomenon
positionedȱ atȱ theȱ interfaceȱ betweenȱ religionȱ andȱ theȱ state.ȱ Constitutingȱ bothȱ a
crimeȱandȱ aȱ sin,ȱ itȱconcernedȱecclesiasticalȱasȱwellȱasȱsecularȱspheres,ȱbutȱwas
judgedȱ byȱ worldlyȱ courtsȱ accordingȱ toȱ provisionsȱ inȱ secularȱ penalȱ codes.12ȱ Of
course,ȱ theseȱ “secular”ȱ penalȱ codesȱ alsoȱ wereȱ basedȱ onȱ Christianȱ valuesȱ and
norms.ȱThisȱbecomesȱparticularlyȱapparent,ȱforȱinstance,ȱinȱanȱappendixȱcontaining
extractsȱfromȱtheȱfiveȱbooksȱofȱMosesȱthatȱtheȱSwedishȱkingȱKarlȱIXȱaddedȱtoȱhis
ratificationȱofȱtheȱSwedishȱpenalȱcodeȱinȱ1608.
However,ȱselfȬinflictedȱdeathȱdidȱnotȱinȱanyȱcaseȱconstituteȱaȱcriminalȱact.ȱAs
mentionedȱabove,ȱtheȱearlyȱsanctionsȱbyȱcanonȱlawȱappliedȱonlyȱtoȱthoseȱwho
willfullyȱ andȱ whenȱ inȱ one’sȱ rightȱ mindȱ endedȱ theirȱ livesȱ voluntarily.ȱ Inȱ the
criminalizationȱofȱsuicideȱbothȱtheȱAustrianȱandȱtheȱSwedishȱpenalȱcodesȱfollowed
thisȱdivisionȱofȱsanity/insanity.13ȱInȱtheȱarchduchyȱAustriaȱthreeȱpenalȱcodesȱwere
11
SummaȱTheologica,ȱPartȱIIȱQuestionȱ64ȱarticleȱ5:ȱ“Suicideȱisȱcompletelyȱwrongȱforȱthreeȱreasons.
First,ȱeverythingȱnaturallyȱlovesȱitself,ȱandȱitȱisȱforȱthisȱreasonȱthatȱeverythingȱnaturallyȱseeksȱto
keepȱitselfȱinȱbeingȱandȱtoȱresistȱhostileȱforces.ȱSoȱsuicideȱrunsȱcounterȱtoȱone’sȱnaturalȱinclination,
andȱalsoȱtoȱthatȱcharityȱbyȱwhichȱoneȱoughtȱtoȱcherishȱoneself.ȱSuicideȱis,ȱtherefore,ȱalwaysȱa
mortalȱsinȱinȱsoȱfarȱasȱitȱstultifiesȱtheȱlawȱofȱnatureȱandȱcharity.ȱSecond,ȱeveryȱpartȱbelongsȱtoȱthe
wholeȱinȱvirtueȱofȱwhatȱitȱis.ȱButȱeveryȱmanȱisȱpartȱofȱtheȱcommunity,ȱsoȱthatȱheȱbelongsȱtoȱthe
communityȱ inȱ virtueȱ ofȱ whatȱ heȱ is.ȱ Suicideȱ thereforeȱ involvesȱ damagingȱ theȱ community,ȱ as
Aristotleȱmakesȱclearȱ(EthicsȱV,ȱ11).ȱThird,ȱlifeȱisȱaȱgiftȱmadeȱtoȱmanȱbyȱGod,ȱandȱitȱisȱsubjectȱto
himȱwhoȱisȱmasterȱofȱdeathȱandȱlife.ȱTherefore,ȱaȱpersonȱwhoȱtakesȱhisȱownȱlifeȱsinsȱagainstȱGod,ȱjust
asȱheȱwhoȱkillsȱanother’sȱslaveȱinjuresȱtheȱslave’sȱmaster,ȱorȱjustȱasȱheȱwhoȱusurpsȱjudgmentȱinȱa
matterȱoutsideȱhisȱauthorityȱalsoȱcommitsȱaȱsin.ȱAndȱGodȱaloneȱhasȱauthorityȱtoȱdecideȱaboutȱlife
andȱdeath,ȱasȱheȱdeclaresȱinȱDeuteronomy,ȱIȱkillȱandȱIȱmakeȱalive.”ȱ(Deut.ȱ32,ȱ39).ȱCitedȱfromȱSt.
ThomasȱAquinas,ȱSummaȱTheologiae.ȱVolumeȱ38.ȱ“Injustice”ȱ(2a2ae.ȱ63–79).ȱLatinȱtextȱandȱEnglish
translation,ȱIntroductions,ȱNotes,ȱAppendicesȱandȱGlossariesȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱBlackfriars
inȱconjunctionȱwithȱMcGrawȬHillȱandȱEyreȱ&ȱSpottiswoode,ȱLondon,ȱ1975),ȱ33.
12
SeeȱSusanneȱHehenberger,ȱ“EntfremdungȱvonȱGott?ȱGotteslästerungȱundȱKirchendiebstahlȱvor
weltlichenȱGerichtenȱimȱ18.ȱJahrhundert,”ȱErmitteln,ȱFahndenȱundȱStrafen:ȱKriminalitätshistorische
Studienȱvomȱ16.ȱbisȱzumȱ19.ȱJahrhundert,ȱed.ȱAndreaȱGriesebnerȱandȱGeorgȱTschannettȱ(Vienna:
Löcker,ȱ2010),ȱ141–63;ȱhereȱ141–43.
13
Theȱcriminalȱcodesȱthemselves,ȱhowever,ȱwereȱofȱveryȱdifferentȱcharacterȱforȱinstanceȱwithȱregard
toȱtheirȱextentȱandȱdegreeȱofȱdetail.ȱForȱaȱmoreȱdetailedȱreviewȱofȱtheȱprovisionsȱconcerning
suicideȱinȱSwedenȱconferȱGöranȱInger,ȱ“Rättenȱöverȱegetȱlivȱochȱöverȱegenȱkropp,”ȱKungl[iga]
HumanistiskaȱVetenskapsȬSamfundetȱiȱUppsala.ȱÅrsbokȱ1985ȱ(Uppsala:ȱAlmqvistȱ&ȱWiksell,ȱ1986),
79–105,ȱandȱAnnȬSofieȱOhlander,ȱ“SuicideȱinȱSweden:ȱAȱSocialȱHistory,”ȱDeath:ȱtheȱPublicȱand
Privateȱ Spheres,ȱ ed.ȱ Johnȱ Rogers.ȱ Meddelandeȱ frånȱ Familjehistoriskaȱ projektet,ȱ Historiska
institutionen,ȱUppsalaȱuniversitet,ȱ6ȱ(Uppsala:ȱUppsalaȱuniversitet,ȱ1986),ȱ1–52.ȱForȱAustria,see
StefanȱSchima,ȱ“DieȱrechtlicheȱEntwicklungȱdesȱBestattungswesensȱimȱSpannungsfeldȱzwischen
effectiveȱ fromȱ theȱ midȱ seventeenthȱ centuryȱ toȱ theȱ lateȱ eighteenthȱ century:ȱ the
Ferdinandeaȱ(1656),14ȱnamedȱafterȱHolyȱRomanȱEmperorȱandȱArchdukeȱofȱAustria
FerdinandȱIIIȱandȱappliedȱtoȱAustriaȱbelowȱtheȱriverȱEnns;ȱtheȱsoȱcalledȱLeopoldina
(1675)15ȱforȱAustriaȱaboveȱtheȱriverȱEnns,ȱwhichȱwasȱnamedȱafterȱHolyȱRoman
EmperorȱandȱArchdukeȱofȱAustriaȱLeopoldȱI.ȱTheȱprovisionsȱconcerningȱsuicide
areȱalmostȱidenticalȱinȱbothȱpenalȱcodes.16ȱInȱtheȱeighteenthȱcenturyȱbothȱterritorial
penalȱcodesȱwereȱsupersededȱbyȱtheȱcodeȱreferredȱtoȱasȱTheresiana17ȱ(1768),ȱnamed
afterȱHolyȱRomanȱEmpressȱconsortȱandȱarchduchessȱMariaȱTheresia,ȱandȱinȱeffect
fromȱ1770ȱuntilȱ1787.ȱ
Theȱ aboveȱ mentionedȱ distinctionȱ betweenȱ premeditatedȱ suicideȱ andȱ suicide
committedȱoutȱofȱanȱinfirmityȱofȱmind,ȱmelancholy,ȱandȱillnessȱwasȱcommonȱtoȱall
threeȱpenalȱcodes.ȱOnlyȱthoseȱwhoȱkilledȱthemselvesȱ“außȱbösemȱWillen/ȱund
gottloserȱVerzweiflung”ȱ(“outȱofȱmaliceȱwillȱandȱgodlessȱdespair”)18ȱshouldȱreceive
severeȱ andȱ infamousȱ punishment.ȱ Theirȱ bodiesȱ shouldȱ beȱ handledȱ byȱ the
executionerȱ likeȱ “unvernünftigesȱ Vieh”ȱ (“unreasoningȱ brutes”).ȱ Bothȱ the
FerdinandeaȱandȱtheȱLeopoldinaȱalsoȱstipulatedȱforfeitureȱinȱcasesȱofȱpremeditated
suicide.ȱHowever,ȱsuicideȱcommittedȱoutȱofȱanȱinfirmityȱofȱmind,ȱmelancholyȱand
illnessȱwasȱnotȱtoȱbeȱpunished.ȱTheseȱpeopleȱshouldȱbeȱgrantedȱaȱsilentȱfuneralȱin
consecratedȱground,ȱi.e.,ȱwithoutȱanyȱceremonialȱritesȱandȱinȱaȱsecludedȱspotȱofȱthe
cemetery.
ForȱSwedenȱtheȱrelevantȱpenalȱcodeȱwasȱKristofersȱlandslag,ȱinstitutedȱbyȱunion
KingȱChristopherȱofȱBavariaȱinȱ1442.ȱExpandedȱbyȱtheȱaboveȱmentionedȱappendix
thisȱcodeȱwasȱconfirmedȱandȱreȬpublishedȱbyȱtheȱSwedishȱkingȱKarlȱIXȱinȱ1608.19
Kircheȱ undȱ Staat.ȱ Dasȱ Tauziehenȱ umȱ dasȱ Suizidantenbegräbnisȱ undȱ derȱ Konfliktȱ umȱ die
Feuerbestattung,”ȱFreundȱHein?ȱTodȱundȱRitualȱinȱderȱGeschichte,ȱed.ȱWolfgangȱHameter,ȱMeta
NiederkornȬBruck,ȱ andȱ Martinȱ Scheutzȱ (Innsbruck,ȱ Vienna,ȱ andȱ Bozen:ȱ Studienverlag,ȱ 2007),
135–56,ȱandȱEvelyneȱLuef,ȱ“…ȱboshaftigȱdenȱentsetzlichenȱselbstmordȱangethann:ȱSelbsttötungȱals
strafrechtlichesȱ Deliktȱ imȱ frühneuzeitlichenȱ Österreich,”ȱ Ermitteln,ȱ Fahndenȱ undȱ Strafen:.
KriminalitätshistorischeȱStudienȱvomȱ16.ȱbisȱzumȱ19.ȱJahrhundert,ȱed.ȱAndreaȱGriesebnerȱandȱGeorg
Tschannettȱ(Vienna:ȱLöcker,ȱ2010),ȱ165–90.
14
Ferdinandeaȱ (1656):ȱ “LandȬGerichtsȬOrdnung:ȱ Deßȱ ErzȬHerzogthumbsȱ Oesterreichȱ unterȱ der
Ennß,”ȱCodexȱAustriacusȱ1ȱ(Vienna:ȱVoigt,ȱ1704),ȱ659–729.
15
Leopoldinaȱ (1675):ȱ Desȱ Ihroȱ Römisch=Kayserlich=undȱ Königlich=Catholischenȱ Majestätȱ Leopoldi
ErtzherzogensȱzuȱÖsterreichȱUnsersȱAllergnädigestȱgemachteȱSatzungen,ȱWieȱauchȱunterschiedlicheȱin
diesemȱLandȱeingeführteȱOrdnungen,ȱSammtȱeinemȱausführlichenȱRegisterȱüberȱalleȱhierinȱvorkommende
MaterienȱzuȱgelegentlichemȱGebrauchȱderenȱhierländigenȱGerichts=Persohnenȱbeygerucketȱwordenȱ(Linz:
Feichtinger,ȱ1736).
16
Ferdinandeaȱ(1656),ȱarticleȱ69ȱandȱLeopoldinaȱ(1675),ȱpartȱIII,ȱarticleȱ11.
17
Theresianaȱ (1768):ȱ Constitutioȱ Criminalisȱ Theresiana.ȱ Peinlicheȱ Gerichtsordnung.ȱ Vollständiger
Nachdruckȱ derȱ Trattnerschenȱ Erstausgabe.ȱ Viennaȱ 1769ȱ (Graz:ȱ Akademischeȱ DruckȬȱ und
Verlagsanstalt,ȱ1993).
18
Allȱtranslationsȱgivenȱinȱroundȱbracketsȱareȱmine.
19
Kristofersȱlandslagȱ(1608):ȱSwerikesȱrijkesȱlandsȬlag,ȱsomȱafȱrijksensȱrådȱblefȱöfwerseddȱochȱförbättrat:ȱoch
560 EvelyneȱLuef
TheȱsubsequentȱSwerigesȱRikesȱLagȱ(1734)ȱwasȱeffectiveȱfromȱSeptemberȱ1736ȱuntil
theȱnewȱcriminalȱlawȱofȱ1864ȱwentȱintoȱforce.20ȱAlsoȱtheȱSwedishȱlawȱdistinguished
betweenȱpremeditatedȱsuicideȱandȱsuicideȱcommittedȱoutȱofȱanȱinfirmityȱofȱmind.
Thoseȱwhoȱtookȱtheirȱownȱlivesȱshould—accordingȱtoȱKristofersȱlandslag—beȱburnt
atȱtheȱstakeȱinȱtheȱwoods.21ȱYet,ȱpeopleȱwhoȱcommittedȱsuicideȱoutȱofȱanȱinfirmity
ofȱmindȱwereȱtoȱbeȱburiedȱoutsideȱtheȱcemetery.ȱInȱeitherȱcaseȱtheȱheirsȱinherited
theȱpropertyȱofȱtheȱdeceased,ȱi.e.,ȱunlikeȱinȱAustriaȱ(untilȱ1770)ȱforfeitureȱwasȱnot
partȱ ofȱ Swedishȱ law.ȱ However,ȱ evenȱ thoughȱ thisȱ penalȱ codeȱ wasȱ theoretically
effectiveȱ untilȱ 1736,ȱ severalȱ resolutionsȱ atȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ andȱ the
beginningȱofȱtheȱeighteenthȱcenturyȱalteredȱtheseȱprovisions:ȱResolutionsȱfrom
1700ȱandȱ1701ȱprescribedȱthatȱpremeditatedȱsuicidesȱshouldȱnoȱlongerȱbeȱcremated
butȱ buriedȱ inȱ theȱ woods,ȱ resolutionsȱ fromȱ 1695,ȱ 1700ȱ andȱ 1701ȱ declaredȱ that
suicidesȱ dueȱ toȱ insanityȱ shouldȱ beȱ buriedȱ inȱ theȱ cemeteryȱ inȱ silenceȱ andȱ atȱ a
secludedȱ spot.22ȱ Inȱ practice,ȱ however,ȱ theseȱ resolutionsȱ hadȱ alreadyȱ been
implementedȱ forȱ quiteȱ someȱ timeȱ beforeȱ theirȱ formalȱ announcement.
Consequently,ȱtheȱnewȱpenalȱcodeȱofȱ1734,ȱwhichȱstipulatedȱthatȱpremeditated
suicidesȱnoȱlongerȱshouldȱbeȱcrematedȱbutȱburiedȱinȱtheȱwoods,ȱmerelyȱstated
whatȱhadȱbeenȱcommonȱpracticeȱforȱquiteȱsomeȱtime.23
Theȱfactȱthatȱaȱdifferenceȱwasȱmadeȱbetweenȱpremeditatedȱsuicidesȱ(feloȱdeȱse)
andȱsuicidesȱcommittedȱoutȱofȱanȱinfirmityȱofȱmindȱ(nonȱcomposȱmentis)ȱinȱallȱabove
mentionedȱcriminalȱcodesȱshowsȱthatȱsuicideȱperȱseȱwasȱnotȱaȱfelonyȱaccordingȱto
theȱletterȱofȱtheȱlaw,ȱonlyȱsuicidesȱthatȱwereȱcommittedȱwithȱintentȱandȱwhenȱof
soundȱmind.24ȱOr,ȱinȱotherȱwords,ȱoneȱmightȱsayȱthatȱsuicideȱwasȱaȱfelonyȱthat,
underȱcertainȱcircumstances,ȱlostȱitsȱcriminalȱstatus,ȱbecameȱexcusableȱandȱwas
regardedȱratherȱasȱanȱindicatorȱofȱaȱmentalȱillness.ȱYet,ȱitȱisȱsafeȱtoȱsay,ȱthatȱsome
kindȱofȱstigmaȱwasȱattachedȱalsoȱtoȱ“nonȬcriminalȱsuicides”ȱasȱ“silentȱburials,”
afȱk.ȱChristofer,ȱSwerikes,ȱDanmarks,ȱNorikes,ȱWendesȱochȱGöthaȱkonung,ȱpalatzȬgrefweȱwidhȱReen,ȱoch
hertighȱafȱBeijeren,ȱåromȱefterȱC.ȱB.ȱ1442.ȱstadfäst:ȱsåȱockȱafȱmenigeȱSwerikesȱrijkesȱständerȱsamtyckt,ȱgillat
ochȱwedertagen,ȱefterȱthenȱstormächtige,ȱhöghborneȱfurstesȱochȱherres,ȱherrȱCarlsȱthenȱnijondes,ȱSwerikes,
Göthes,ȱWendes,ȱfinnars,ȱcarelers,ȱlapparsȱiȱnorlanden,ȱtheȱcaijaners,ȱochȱestersȱiȱLiflandȱ&c.ȱkonungs,
nådigeȱbefalning,ȱåhrȱ1608.ȱafȱtrycketȱvtgången,ȱed.ȱPetterȱAbrahamssonȱ(Stockholm:ȱafȱdirecteuren
JohanȱHenrichȱWernerȱmedȱegenȱbekostnad,ȱ1726).
20
SwerigesȱRikesȱLagȱ(1734):ȱSverigesȱRikesȱLag.ȱGilladȱochȱantagenȱpåȱriksdagenȱårȱ1734.ȱTillȱ250Ȭårsdagen
avȱ lagensȱ tillkomstȱ efterȱ denȱ förstaȱ iȱ antikvaȱ trycktaȱ upplagenȱ avȱ årȱ 1780.ȱ Medȱ inledningȱ avȱ Stig
Jägerskiöld.ȱUtgivenȱiȱfacsimileȱ1984.ȱSkrifterȱutgivnaȱavȱInstitutetȱförȱrättshistoriskȱforskning
grundatȱavȱGustavȱochȱCarinȱOlin.ȱSerienȱ1,ȱRättshistorisktȱbibliotekȱ(Stockholm:ȱInstitutetȱför
rättshistoriskȱforskning,ȱ1984).
21
Kristofersȱlandslagȱ(1608),ȱHögmålsbalken,ȱSectionȱ4ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).
22
23
SwerigesȱRikesȱLagȱ(1734):ȱMissgärningsbalken,ȱSectionȱ13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).
24
AlthoughȱnotȱuncommonȱinȱotherȱEuropeanȱcountries,ȱsuchȱdifferentiation,ȱforȱinstance,ȱwasȱnot
madeȱinȱtheȱduchiesȱofȱSchleswigȱandȱHolstein.ȱSeeȱLind,ȱSelbstmordȱinȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱ340–45
(seeȱnoteȱ7).
whetherȱ inȱ orȱ outsideȱ theȱ cemetery,ȱ stillȱ mustȱ beȱ regardedȱ asȱ milderȱ formsȱ of
sanctioning.25
Theȱdistinctionȱofȱ“twoȱkindsȱofȱsuicide”ȱinȱnormativeȱtexts,ȱwhereofȱonlyȱone
constitutedȱaȱcriminalȱoffense,ȱmakesȱtheȱmatterȱratherȱcomplicatedȱandȱraises
questionsȱaboutȱhowȱtheseȱprovisionsȱshouldȱandȱcouldȱbeȱfollowedȱinȱpractice.
Forȱobviousȱreasons,ȱindividualsȱwhoȱhadȱcommittedȱsuicideȱcouldȱnoȱlongerȱbe
questionedȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtheirȱ(criminal)ȱoffenseȱandȱasȱtoȱwhatȱmotivatedȱtheir
selfȬdestructiveȱact—exceptȱinȱcasesȱwhenȱtheyȱsurvivedȱtheȱsuicideȱattempt.ȱNor
wasȱ itȱ possibleȱ toȱ examineȱ aȱ suicide’sȱ stateȱ ofȱ mindȱ atȱ theȱ timeȱ ofȱ theȱ deed
retrospectively.ȱApartȱfromȱthat,ȱsinceȱthereȱisȱnoȱpreciseȱdefinitionȱofȱwhatȱmode
ofȱ behaviorȱ wasȱ classifiedȱ asȱ “normal”ȱ orȱ “abnormal,”ȱ “insane”ȱ andȱ “melanȬ
cholic,”ȱtheȱdeterminationȱwasȱaȱmatterȱofȱconstructionȱandȱinterpretation.ȱInȱhis
studyȱonȱ“spiritualȱphysic”ȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱBavaria,ȱDavidȱLedererȱpointsȱoutȱthe
strikinglyȱdifferentiatedȱvocabularyȱthatȱcontemporariesȱusedȱtoȱdescribeȱaȱbroad
rangeȱofȱmentalȱafflictions.26ȱHeȱalsoȱremindsȱus,ȱthatȱ“[t]heȱcultureȱofȱinsanity
manifestsȱ itselfȱ inȱ aȱ communityȱ relatingȱ throughȱ sharedȱ valuesȱ ofȱ normal
behavior.”27
Withoutȱ delvingȱ furtherȱ intoȱ theȱ realmȱ ofȱ penalȱ law,ȱ thisȱ shortȱ reviewȱ of
provisionsȱconcerningȱsuicideȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱAustrianȱandȱSwedishȱpenalȱcodes
showsȱthatȱsuicideȱwasȱascribedȱtoȱeitherȱaȱcriminalȱmindȱorȱtoȱaȱstateȱofȱmental
infirmity.ȱTheȱlatterȱboreȱnoȱlegalȱconsequencesȱbutȱwasȱneverthelessȱstigmatized.
Theȱlegalȱnormsȱthusȱprovidedȱaȱwideȱscopeȱforȱinterpretation.ȱInȱtheȱfollowingȱI
willȱ addressȱ howȱ thisȱ roomȱ forȱ constructionȱ wasȱ filledȱ withȱ meaningȱ inȱ legal
practice.ȱHowever,ȱbeforeȱturningȱtoȱthisȱquestion,ȱIȱwillȱgiveȱaȱbriefȱoutlineȱofȱthe
administrativeȱprocedureȱwhichȱproducedȱtheȱunprintedȱsourcesȱIȱwillȱdrawȱupon
inȱmyȱfurtherȱdiscussion.
InȱruralȱSwedenȱallȱsuicidesȱwereȱinvestigatedȱbyȱtheȱcourtsȱofȱfirstȱinstanceȱ(lower
courts),ȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱhäradsrättȱorȱhäradsting,ȱwhichȱalsoȱreachedȱaȱ(preliminary)
verdict.ȱUntilȱ1720ȱthisȱverdictȱhadȱtoȱbeȱapprovedȱbyȱtheȱcompetentȱhighȱcourt
(hovrätt).ȱForȱtheȱcaseȱhistoriesȱmentionedȱinȱthisȱpaperȱthisȱwasȱtheȱSveaȱhigh
25
AlexanderȱKästner,ȱ“TödlicheȱGeschichte(n):ȱSelbsttötungenȱundȱSuizidversucheȱinȱKursachsen
1547–1815,”ȱPh.D.ȱdiss.,ȱTechnischeȱUniversitätȱDresden,ȱ2009,ȱ484.
26
DavidȱLedererȱdefinesȱspiritualȱphysicȱasȱaȱ“specificȱformȱofȱmentalȱhealthȱcareȱ[that]ȱfellȱwithin
theȱpurviewȱofȱtheȱclergy.”ȱDavidȱLederer,ȱMadness,ȱReligionȱandȱtheȱStateȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope:
AȱBavarianȱBeacon.ȱNewȱStudiesȱinȱEuropeanȱHistoryȱ(Cambridge,ȱNewȱYork,ȱMelbourne,ȱetȱal.:
CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ1.ȱThisȱspiritualȱartȱorȱpracticeȱofȱtreatingȱafflictionsȱofȱtheȱsoul
includedȱremediesȱsuchȱasȱauricularȱconfession,ȱpilgrimage,ȱandȱexorcism.
27
Lederer,ȱMadness,ȱReligionȱandȱtheȱState,ȱ3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26).
562 EvelyneȱLuef
courtȱinȱStockholm,ȱfoundedȱinȱ1614.ȱSinceȱ1720,ȱtheȱrulingȱofȱtheȱhäradsrättȱserved
asȱaȱfinalȱjudgment.28
Likeȱotherȱoffensesȱthatȱwereȱrelevantȱunderȱcivilȱorȱcriminalȱlaw,ȱsuicidesȱwere
documentedȱinȱtheȱhäradsrätt’sȱprotocol,ȱtheȱsoȱcalledȱ“judgmentȱbook”ȱ(dombok).
SuchȱjudgmentȱbooksȱwereȱmaintainedȱbyȱallȱlowerȱcourtsȱinȱSwedenȱandȱcontain
informationȱaboutȱwhereȱandȱwhenȱtheȱcourtȱconvened,ȱtheȱnamesȱofȱtheȱusually
twelveȱjuryȱmembersȱ(nämndemän)ȱpresent,ȱandȱprovideȱaȱsummaryȱofȱtheȱoral
testimoniesȱandȱstatementsȱthatȱwereȱpresentedȱbeforeȱtheȱcourt.ȱTheȱentryȱfor
eachȱ caseȱ heardȱ usuallyȱ closesȱ withȱ aȱ resolution,ȱ i.e.,ȱ theȱ judgmentȱ thatȱ was
pronouncedȱbyȱtheȱlowerȱcourt.ȱAȱfairȱhandȱcopyȱofȱtheseȱjudgmentȱbooksȱhadȱto
beȱsubmittedȱtoȱtheȱhighȱcourtȱforȱscrutinyȱonceȱaȱyear.ȱBesidesȱtheseȱjudgment
booksȱ Iȱ drawȱ uponȱ lettersȱ sentȱ fromȱ theȱ Sveaȱ highȱ courtȱ toȱ theȱ regional
administrativeȱunitȱ(GävleborgsȱLänsȱLandskansli),ȱwhichȱuntilȱ1720ȱcontainedȱthe
finalȱverdict.
Inȱ Austriaȱ theȱ administrativeȱ organizationȱ wasȱ lessȱ wellȬstructuredȱ thanȱ in
Sweden.ȱ However,ȱ alsoȱ inȱ theȱ Austrianȱ archduchiesȱ aȱ distinctionȱ wasȱ drawn
betweenȱtwoȱlevelsȱofȱjurisdiction:ȱlowȱjusticeȱ(niedereȱGerichtsbarkeit)ȱandȱhigh
justiceȱ(höhereȱGerichtsbarkeit).ȱLowȱjusticeȱwasȱheldȱbyȱtheȱGrundherrschaft,ȱnoble
orȱclericalȱmanorialȱlords,ȱwhoȱexercisedȱjurisdictionȱoverȱhisȱorȱherȱsubjects.ȱIt
generallyȱinvolvedȱcausaeȱminores,ȱe.g.,ȱpettyȱtheftȱorȱinsults,ȱi.e.,ȱaffairsȱthatȱwere
settledȱbyȱlimitedȱfines,ȱshortȬtimeȱincarcerationȱand/orȱlightȱcorporalȱpunishment.
Highȱjustice,ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱwasȱexercisedȱbyȱtheȱLandgericht.ȱTheseȱ“land
courts”ȱtooȱwereȱheldȱbyȱeitherȱnobleȱorȱclericalȱproprietors—thenȱcalledȱ“freie
Landgerichte”ȱ (“freeȱ landȱ courts”)—or,ȱ whenȱ theȱ Landgerichtȱ directlyȱ was
subordinatedȱtoȱtheȱsovereignȱ(LandesfürstȱorȱLandesfürstin),ȱtermedȱ“landesfürstȬ
lichesȱLandgericht.”ȱ
Inȱgeneral,ȱtheȱLandgerichteȱwereȱinȱchargeȱofȱcausaeȱmaiores,ȱusuallyȱidenticalȱto
theȱcrimesȱlistedȱinȱtheȱterritorialȱpenalȱcodes,ȱandȱhadȱtheȱauthorityȱtoȱimpose
aggravatedȱcorporalȱpunishmentȱandȱtheȱdeathȱpenalty.ȱDependingȱonȱtheȱkind
ofȱLandgerichtȱ(“freies”ȱorȱ“landesfürstlichesȱLandgericht”),ȱtheȱprovinceȱandȱthe
crimeȱinȱquestion,ȱtheyȱinȱturnȱwereȱsubordinatedȱtoȱhigherȱrankingȱadministrative
andȱjudicialȱauthorities.29ȱWithȱregardȱtoȱsuicideȱtheȱjurisdictionȱwasȱsplitȱbetween
theȱGrundherrschaftȱandȱtheȱLandgericht.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱaboveȬmadeȱdistinction,
28
29
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱAndreaȱGriesebnerȱandȱSusanneȱHehenberger,ȱ“EntscheidungȱüberȱLeibȱund
Leben:ȱRechtsgutachterȱinȱfrühneuzeitlichenȱMalefizprozessenȱimȱErzherzogtumȱ Österreich,”
ExpertenȱundȱExpertenwissenȱinȱderȱStrafjustizȱvonȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeitȱbisȱzurȱModerne,ȱed.ȱAlexander
KästnerȱandȱSylviaȱKesperȬBiermann.ȱEditionenȱ+ȱDokumentationen,ȱ1ȱ(Leipzig:ȱMeineȱVerlag,
2008),ȱ17–31.
nonȬcriminalȱsuicidesȱwereȱaȱmatterȱofȱtheȱGrundherrschaft,ȱtheȱlocalȱauthorities;
premeditatedȱsuicides,ȱhowever,ȱwereȱsubjectedȱtoȱhighȱjustice,ȱtheȱLandgericht.ȱ
Notȱ surprisingly,ȱ thisȱ arrangementȱ createdȱ confusionȱ inȱ itsȱ practical
implementation,ȱ andȱ theȱ sourceȱ materialȱ containsȱ severalȱ examplesȱ where
GrundherrschaftȱandȱLandgerichtȱdisagreedȱaboutȱtheirȱrespectiveȱrightsȱandȱduties,
andȱultimatelyȱaboutȱtheȱquestionȱofȱjurisdiction.ȱGenerally,ȱlocalȱauthoritiesȱhad
toȱreportȱallȱcasesȱofȱsuicideȱtoȱtheȱresponsibleȱLandgericht.ȱHowever,ȱaȱthorough
investigationȱbyȱtheȱLandgerichtȱshouldȱonlyȱbeȱconductedȱinȱcasesȱwhenȱthereȱwas
reasonableȱ suspicionȱ ofȱ aȱ premeditatedȱ suicide.ȱ Thisȱ suggestsȱ thatȱ theȱ local
authoritiesȱ hadȱ importantȱ influenceȱ onȱ howȱ aȱ suicideȱ wasȱ presentedȱ when
reportedȱtoȱtheȱLandgericht,ȱandȱthusȱwhetherȱanȱinvestigationȱwasȱopenedȱorȱa
silentȱburial,ȱmaybeȱwithoutȱfurtherȱinvestigation,ȱwasȱauthorized.ȱWeȱcanȱalso
assumeȱthatȱthisȱarrangementȱwasȱreflectedȱinȱtheȱwrittenȱdocumentsȱthatȱwere
producedȱinȱtheȱcourseȱofȱanȱinvestigation.ȱAfterȱall,ȱtheȱinspectionȱofȱtheȱcorpse
inȱanȱassumedȱnonȬcriminalȱsuicideȱwasȱnotȱnecessarilyȱfollowedȱbyȱanyȱfurther
investigation,ȱ thusȱ producingȱ lessȱ “paperwork”ȱ foundȱ inȱ today’sȱ archives.
Consequently,ȱ concentratingȱ onȱ documentsȱ producedȱ inȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ an
investigationȱconductedȱbyȱaȱLandgerichtȱinȱmyȱarchivalȱresearch,ȱIȱassumeȱthat
materialsȱ concerningȱ suspectedȱ premeditatedȱ suicidesȱ primarilyȱ appear.ȱ The
sourceȱ materialȱ forȱ Austriaȱ thatȱ Iȱ willȱ drawȱ uponȱ inȱ thisȱ paperȱ rangesȱ from
protocolȱbooksȱandȱinterrogationȱprotocolsȱtoȱwrittenȱcommunicationȱbetween
authorities.
Whileȱdifferentȱadministrativeȱandȱjudicialȱsystemsȱwouldȱmakeȱaȱquantitative
comparisonȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱstudyȱregionsȱdifficult,ȱtheseȱdifferencesȱbenefitȱmy
qualitativeȱanalysisȱonȱhowȱsuicideȱwasȱperceivedȱandȱpunishedȱinȱearlyȱmodern
Austriaȱ andȱ Sweden.ȱ Theȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ theȱ “other”ȱ producesȱ multiple
perspectives,ȱwhichȱallowȱmeȱtoȱapproachȱtheȱrespectivelyȱ“other”ȱmaterialȱwith
freshȱeyes.30ȱHavingȱconcentratedȱonȱtheȱnormativeȱandȱadministrativeȱaspectsȱof
suicideȱsoȱfar,ȱweȱnowȱturnȱtoȱtheȱpracticalȱlevelȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱsection.
Sometimesȱ theȱ firstȱ stepȱ forȱ theȱ courtȱ wasȱ toȱ establishȱ ifȱ anȱ individualȱ had
committedȱsuicideȱinȱtheȱfirstȱplaceȱorȱifȱs/heȱhadȱdiedȱinȱanȱaccident,ȱofȱnatural
causes,ȱ orȱ hadȱ becomeȱ aȱ homicideȱ victim.ȱ Thisȱ wasȱ notȱ alwaysȱ anȱ easy
undertaking.ȱTheȱlatterȱwasȱrelativelyȱrareȱbutȱwasȱforȱinstanceȱtheȱcaseȱinȱthe
investigationȱ ofȱ theȱ suddenȱ deathȱ ofȱ 41Ȭyearȱ oldȱ masterȱ carpenterȱ Johann
30
MichaelȱWernerȱandȱBénédicteȱZimmermann,ȱ“BeyondȱComparison:ȱHistoireȱcroiséeȱandȱthe
ChallengeȱofȱReflexivity,”ȱHistoryȱandȱTheoryȱ45ȱ(2006):ȱ30–50.
564 EvelyneȱLuef
PfundbauerȱfromȱAustriaȱaboveȱtheȱriverȱEnns.31ȱJohannȱPfundbauerȱdiedȱinȱ179232
afterȱbeingȱsickȱforȱseveralȱdays.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱcourtȱrecords,ȱbeforeȱhisȱdeath
heȱhadȱmentionedȱtoȱseveralȱpeopleȱthatȱheȱsuspectedȱhisȱwifeȱofȱhavingȱpoisoned
hisȱbeer.ȱAfterȱhisȱdeathȱanȱautopsyȱwasȱorderedȱandȱtheȱsuspicionȱofȱpoisoning
wasȱ confirmedȱ whenȱ arsenicȱ wasȱ foundȱ inȱ hisȱ body.ȱ Inȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ the
investigation,ȱwitnessȱstatementsȱconfirmedȱanȱunhappyȱmarriageȱbetweenȱJohann
Pfundbergerȱandȱhisȱwife,ȱbutȱalsoȱreferredȱtoȱsuicideȱthreatsȱthatȱheȱhadȱuttered
beforeȱhisȱdeathȱandȱrevealedȱthatȱheȱhadȱaȱdrinkingȱproblem.ȱThus,ȱtheȱcourtȱwas
notȱsureȱifȱsomeoneȱ(hisȱwifeȱwasȱtheȱmainȱsuspect)ȱhadȱpoisonedȱhim,ȱorȱifȱhe
himselfȱ wasȱ responsibleȱ forȱ hisȱ death.ȱ Unfortunatelyȱ theȱ incomplete
documentationȱofȱtheȱcaseȱleavesȱusȱinȱtheȱdarkȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtheȱoutcomeȱofȱthe
investigation.
Alsoȱ interestingȱ inȱ thisȱ regardȱ isȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ Jonȱ Zachrissonȱ from
Ångermannland,ȱ Sweden.33ȱ Inȱ Aprilȱ 1711ȱ heȱ endedȱ upȱ withȱ aȱ mysteriously
inflictedȱcutȱtoȱhisȱthroatȱthatȱcausedȱhisȱdeathȱsomeȱdaysȱlater.ȱJonȱZachrisson
claimedȱthatȱanȱunknownȱmanȱhadȱtriedȱtoȱstealȱhayȱfromȱhisȱhayrickȱand,ȱinȱthe
courseȱofȱfisticuffs,ȱwoundedȱhim.ȱOnȱhisȱdeathbedȱheȱrepeatedȱhisȱversionȱofȱthe
eventsȱforȱtheȱparishȱpriest,ȱbutȱtheȱstoryȱdidȱnotȱwithstandȱcloserȱscrutiny.ȱThe
häradsrättȱsuspectedȱJonȱofȱsuicideȱandȱruledȱthatȱheȱshouldȱbeȱburiedȱinȱtheȱwoods
byȱtheȱexecutioner.ȱInȱitsȱrevisionȱtheȱhighȱcourtȱacknowledgedȱtheȱhäradsrätt’s
reasoning,ȱadmittingȱthatȱJonȱmightȱhaveȱmadeȱupȱtheȱstoryȱinȱorderȱtoȱachieveȱa
Christianȱburial.ȱHowever,ȱinȱtheȱopinionȱofȱtheȱhighȱcourtȱtheȱevidenceȱdidȱnot
satisfyȱaȱ“högmålssak,”ȱmeaningȱaȱmatterȱofȱcapitalȱcrime.ȱJonȱZachrisson’sȱcase
wasȱnotȱfreeȱofȱdoubtȱandȱthusȱtheȱhighȱcourtȱextenuatedȱtheȱlowerȱcourt’sȱverdict
andȱgrantedȱhimȱaȱsilentȱburialȱatȱaȱmarginalȱspotȱinȱtheȱcemetery.34
Whileȱhomicideȱcasesȱonlyȱrarelyȱwereȱdisguisedȱasȱsuicidesȱandȱviceȱversa,
courtsȱmoreȱoftenȱhadȱtoȱdecideȱifȱtheyȱwereȱdealingȱwithȱsuicideȱorȱaccidental
death.ȱSuddenȱdeathȱespeciallyȱbyȱindividualsȱwho,ȱforȱexample,ȱdrowned,ȱfroze
toȱdeath,ȱorȱwereȱkilledȱbyȱaȱfallȱfromȱgreatȱheightȱwereȱalwaysȱsuspiciousȱtoȱa
31
OberösterreichischesȱLandesarchiv,ȱsubsequentlyȱȱreferredȱtoȱasȱOÖLA,ȱHAȱPuchheim,ȱSchachtelȱ44
Bundȱ61ȱNr.ȱ42.
32
Inȱ1792ȱtheȱJosephinaȱ(1787)ȱwasȱtheȱcodeȱinȱeffectȱinȱtheȱAustrianȱarchduchies.ȱJosephinaȱ(1787):
“AllgemeinesȱGesetzbuchȱüberȱVerbrechenȱundȱderselbenȱBestrafungȱ(1787),”ȱJosephȱdesȱZweyten
Römischenȱ Kaisersȱ Gesetzeȱ undȱ Verfassungenȱ imȱ Justiz=Fache.ȱ Fürȱ Böhmen,ȱ Mähren,ȱ Schlesien,
OesterreichȱobȱundȱunterȱderȱEnns,ȱSteyermark,ȱKärnthen,ȱKrain,ȱGörz,ȱGradisca,ȱTriest,ȱTyrolȱundȱdie
Vorlande.ȱInȱdemȱsiebentenȱJahreȱseinerȱRegierung.ȱJahrgangȱvonȱ1786ȱbisȱ1787ȱ(Vienna:ȱKaiserlichȬ
KöniglicheȱHofȬȱundȱStaatsȬAerarialȬDruckerei,ȱ1817),ȱ7–60ȱ,orȱhttp://alex.onb.ac.at/ȱ(lastȱaccessed
onȱNovemberȱ1,ȱ2010).
33
ForskningsarkivetȱUmeåȱuniversitetsbibliotek,ȱSödraȱÅng.ȱAȱIȱa:10ȱMkȱD52268ȱ12/24,ȱSidensiö,
Mayȱ3,ȱ1711.
34
ForskningsarkivetȱUmeåȱuniversitetsbibliotek,ȱSkrivelserȱfrånȱSveaȱhovrättȱtillȱGävleborgsȱLäns
Landskansliȱ1635–1736,ȱDIIa:14ȱMkȱS10553ȱ1/10,ȱMayȱ25,ȱ1711.
certainȱdegree.35ȱInȱSeptemberȱ1763,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱcottagerȱandȱtailorȱCatharina
Pührnsteinerinȱ wasȱ foundȱ drownedȱ inȱ aȱ weir.36ȱ Aȱ preservedȱ letterȱ thatȱ was
presumablyȱ sentȱ fromȱ theȱ localȱ authorityȱ (Grundherrschaft)ȱ toȱ theȱ Landgericht
depictsȱ andȱ interpretsȱ theȱ circumstancesȱ ofȱ herȱ death.ȱ Theȱ writerȱ ofȱ theȱ letter
providesȱthreeȱargumentsȱthatȱpointȱtowardsȱaȱpremeditatedȱsuicideȱandȱnine
argumentsȱ inȱ Catharina’sȱ defense,ȱ emphasizingȱ mitigatingȱ circumstancesȱ and
suggestingȱ herȱ innocence.ȱ Theȱ aggravatingȱ factorsȱ citedȱ wereȱ thatȱ Catharina
repeatedlyȱlamentedȱherȱpovertyȱandȱtheȱillnessesȱofȱherȱchildren.ȱMoreover,ȱshe
hadȱnotȱtakenȱtheȱusualȱwayȱfromȱherȱhouseȱtoȱtheȱweirȱonȱtheȱnightȱofȱherȱdeath,
leadingȱtheȱwriterȱtoȱconcludeȱthatȱsheȱmustȱhaveȱhadȱsomethingȱ“evilȱonȱher
mind.”ȱ
Asȱforȱmitigatingȱcircumstancesȱheȱmentionedȱherȱ(1)ȱChristianȱandȱedifying
conduct,ȱ (2)ȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ sheȱ hadȱ livedȱ peacefullyȱ andȱ inȱ harmonyȱ withȱ her
husbandȱandȱtheȱwholeȱneighborhoodȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱ(3)ȱloveȱandȱcareȱsheȱhad
shownȱforȱherȱconstantlyȱsickȱchildren.ȱMoreover,ȱthoughȱlamentingȱherȱpoverty,
(4)ȱ sheȱ hadȱ neverȱ utteredȱ anyȱ wordsȱ ofȱ desperation,ȱ andȱ (5)ȱ accordingȱ toȱ the
deceased’sȱ husbandȱ andȱ theȱ localȱ “baderin”ȱ (theȱ wifeȱ ofȱ theȱ barberȱ surgeon),
Catharinaȱhadȱbeenȱsickȱbeforeȱherȱdeath.ȱTheȱwriterȱofȱtheȱletterȱfinallyȱoffered
anȱalternativeȱtoȱtheȱsuicideȱscenarioȱbyȱsuggestingȱ(6)ȱthatȱCatharinaȱmightȱhave
fallenȱbyȱaccidentȱintoȱtheȱweirȱonȱherȱwayȱtoȱseeȱacquaintances,ȱtoȱwhomȱshe
wantedȱtoȱ“pourȱherȱheartȱout”ȱ(“ihrȱherzȱauszuschitten”).ȱHeȱmoreoverȱargued,
thatȱ(7)ȱsheȱcouldȱhaveȱdrownedȱherselfȱmoreȱeasilyȱinȱaȱriverȱthatȱsheȱhadȱtoȱcross
beforeȱsheȱcameȱtoȱtheȱweir.ȱ
Sinceȱsheȱdidȱnotȱdrownȱherselfȱatȱtheȱfirstȱopportunityȱtheȱwriterȱpresumedȱthat
sheȱdidȱnotȱhaveȱ“evilȱinȱmind”ȱ(“nichtsȱüblesȱwirdȱgedachtȱhaben”)ȱwhenȱshe
passedȱtheȱweir,ȱandȱthatȱsheȱmustȱhaveȱfallenȱintoȱtheȱwaterȱbyȱaccident.ȱThis
theoryȱwas,ȱinȱhisȱopinion,ȱalsoȱsupportedȱbyȱtheȱ“fact”ȱthatȱ(8)ȱCatharinaȱwas
foundȱlyingȱonȱherȱback,ȱwhileȱinȱcasesȱofȱ“malicious”ȱdrowningȱaȱpersonȱwas
alwaysȱfoundȱfaceȱdown.ȱFinallyȱ(9)ȱanȱamulet,ȱalthoughȱnoȱscapular,ȱwasȱfound
onȱher.ȱForȱcontemporariesȱthisȱusuallyȱindicatedȱhopeȱandȱfaithȱandȱthusȱmade
despairȱanȱunlikelyȱmotiveȱforȱaȱsuicide.
TheȱwriterȱofȱthisȱletterȱclearlyȱadvocatedȱleniencyȱforȱCatharinaȱPührnsteinerin.
AlthoughȱCatharina’sȱbehaviorȱshortlyȱbeforeȱherȱdeathȱpointedȱtowardsȱsuicide
withȱ intent,ȱ theȱ writerȱ raisedȱ doubtȱ byȱ providingȱ anȱ alternativeȱ scenarioȱ and
emphasizedȱherȱChristianȱlifestyle,ȱmoralȱconductȱandȱgoodȱintegrationȱintoȱthe
35
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱBodilȱE.ȱB.ȱPersson,ȱ“Drunknadȱellerȱdränkt?ȱPlötsligaȱoväntadeȱdödsfallȱiȱSkåne
1704–1718,”ȱDenȱfrivilligaȱdöden:ȱSamhälletsȱhanteringȱavȱsjälvmordȱiȱhistorisktȱperspektiv,ȱed.ȱBirgitta
Odén,ȱBodilȱE.ȱB.ȱPersson,ȱandȱYvonneȱMariaȱWernerȱ(Stockholm:ȱBokförlagetȱCuraȱiȱsamarbete
medȱForskningsrådsnämnden,ȱ1998),ȱ101–208.
36
OÖLA,ȱHAȱOberwallseeȬEschlberg,ȱSchachtelȱ27.
566 EvelyneȱLuef
localȱcommunity.ȱTheseȱpersonalȱcharacteristicsȱwereȱmoreȱimportant,ȱitȱseems,
thanȱtheȱactualȱevent.
Theȱexamplesȱpresentedȱdemonstrateȱthatȱtheȱcauseȱofȱdeathȱwasȱnotȱalways
clearȱandȱtoȱaȱcertainȱdegreeȱwasȱdeterminedȱbyȱascriptionsȱandȱinterpretations.
Doubtȱwasȱanȱimportantȱaspectȱinȱtheȱinvestigationȱofȱsuddenȱdeathȱandȱsuicide
andȱ courtsȱ bothȱ inȱ Austriaȱ andȱ Swedenȱ wereȱ urgedȱ toȱ judgeȱ inȱ favorȱ ofȱ the
defendantȱinȱdoubtfulȱcases.37ȱHowever,ȱreasonableȱdoubtȱwasȱaȱprivilegeȱthatȱwas
notȱgrantedȱtoȱeveryone.ȱAȱchargeȱofȱpremeditatedȱsuicideȱwasȱoftenȱassociated
withȱsinȱandȱpoorȱmoralȱconduct.ȱThus,ȱitȱwasȱnotȱunusualȱthatȱone’sȱlifestyle
codeterminedȱ theȱ judgmentȱ withȱ regardȱ toȱ theȱ causeȱ ofȱ death.ȱ Goodȱ moral
conductȱ andȱ acknowledgedȱ conformistȱ behaviorȱ increasedȱ theȱ chancesȱ for
lenience;ȱyet,ȱitȱwasȱnoȱguaranty.
TheȱcaseȱofȱCatharinaȱPührnsteinerinȱalsoȱremindsȱusȱthatȱitȱisȱimpossibleȱto
gaugeȱaccuratelyȱtheȱnumberȱofȱunrecognizedȱsuicides.ȱInȱourȱanalysesȱweȱdepend
onȱcasesȱofȱselfȬinflictedȱdeathȱthatȱwereȱreadilyȱidentifiableȱorȱatȱleastȱsuspect.
Onceȱ establishedȱ asȱ aȱ suicide,ȱ authoritiesȱ thenȱ hadȱ toȱ tackleȱ theȱ processȱ of
interpretation.ȱ Inȱ orderȱ toȱ makeȱ theȱ aboveȱ describedȱ distinctionȱ between
premeditatedȱsuicideȱandȱsuicideȱdueȱtoȱanȱinfirmityȱofȱmindȱitȱwasȱcrucialȱto
determineȱwhyȱsomeoneȱhadȱtakenȱhis/herȱownȱlife.
Toȱrevealȱtheȱreasonȱorȱmotivationȱthatȱledȱtoȱaȱsuicide,ȱtheȱinvestigationȱsought
toȱestablishȱtheȱcircumstancesȱofȱtheȱsuicideȱandȱtheȱperson’sȱstateȱofȱmindȱatȱthe
timeȱofȱtheȱdeed.ȱAuthoritiesȱinterrogatedȱfamilyȱmembers,ȱneighborsȱandȱoften
inquiredȱaboutȱtheȱmoralȱconductȱofȱtheȱdeceasedȱwithȱtheȱparishȱpriest.ȱAlthough
theȱ verdict,ȱ i.e.,ȱ theȱ burialȱ decision,ȱ wasȱ reachedȱ byȱ secularȱ authorities,ȱ inȱ the
courseȱofȱtheȱinvestigationȱtheȱopinionȱofȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱauthorities,ȱsuchȱasȱthe
parishȱpriest,ȱwasȱofȱgreatȱimportance.38
Letȱ usȱ returnȱ toȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ Karinȱ Mickelsdotterȱ thatȱ wasȱ mentionedȱ inȱ the
beginningȱofȱthisȱpaperȱinȱorderȱtoȱillustrateȱthisȱdecisionȱmakingȱprocessȱinȱaȱcase
ofȱ apparentȱ suicide.39ȱ Accordingȱ toȱ theȱ judgmentȱ bookȱ theȱ extraordinary
assembledȱcourtȱproceededȱasȱfollows:ȱFirst,ȱtwoȱjuryȱmembersȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱsent
forȱbyȱtheȱdeceased’sȱbrotherȱtheȱdayȱafterȱtheȱtragicȱoccurrenceȱreportedȱonȱtheir
37
ForȱAustriaȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱFerdinandeaȱ(1656),ȱarticleȱ69,ȱ§ȱ9;ȱLeopoldinaȱ(1675),ȱpartȱIII,ȱarticleȱ11,
§ȱ9ȱandȱTheresianaȱ(1768),ȱarticleȱ93,ȱ§ȱ4.ȱForȱSwedenȱseeȱSwerigesȱRikesȱLagȱ(1734),ȱ“domarregler”
(“rulesȱforȱjudges”),ȱnumberȱ31.
38
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱAlexanderȱKästner,ȱ“ExpertenȱfürȱeinȱgutesȱLeben:ȱZurȱRolleȱvonȱlutherischen
PfarrernȱinȱUntersuchungsverfahrenȱnachȱSelbsttötungenȱ(Kursachsenȱ1700–1815),”ȱExpertenȱund
ExpertenwissenȱinȱderȱStrafjustizȱvonȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeitȱbisȱzurȱModerne,ȱed.ȱAlexanderȱKästnerȱand
SylviaȱKesperȬBiermann.ȱEditionenȱ+ȱDokumentationen,ȱ1ȱ(Leipzig:ȱMeineȱVerlag,ȱ2008),ȱ85–98.
39
ForskningsarkivetȱUmeåȱuniversitetsbibliotek,ȱSödraȱÅng.ȱAȱIȱa:10ȱMkȱD52268ȱ8/24,ȱNordingrå,
Februaryȱ21,ȱ1710ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).
externalȱ inspectionȱ ofȱ theȱ deadȱ bodyȱ andȱ theȱ scene.ȱ Thereafter,ȱ Karin
Mickelsdotters’ȱmother,ȱMäritȱErsdotter,ȱstatedȱthatȱsheȱhadȱnoticedȱnothingȱout
ofȱtheȱordinaryȱtheȱdayȱherȱdaughterȱdied.ȱAllegedlyȱKarinȱhadȱdevotionallyȱread
herȱmorningȱprayersȱandȱhadȱcarriedȱoutȱsomeȱregularȱhouseholdȱchoresȱbefore
sheȱwentȱtoȱaȱseparateȱroomȱtoȱlieȱdownȱforȱaȱwhile.ȱWhenȱherȱmotherȱcameȱto
lookȱ inȱ onȱ herȱ aboutȱ thirtyȱ minutesȱ later,ȱ sheȱ foundȱ herȱ daughterȱ dead.ȱ On
inquiry,ȱtheȱjuryȱaffirmedȱthatȱKarinȱMickelsdotterȱindeedȱnotȱonlyȱhadȱbeenȱable
toȱreadȱ“inȱtheȱbook”ȱ(i.e.,ȱtheȱcatechism)ȱbutȱhadȱalsoȱbeenȱdiligentȱinȱsinging.
Moreover,ȱnoneȱofȱtheȱassembledȱpeopleȱcouldȱrecallȱanyȱmisconductȱonȱherȱpart;
onȱtheȱcontrary,ȱtheyȱallȱconfirmedȱherȱ“still”ȱ(i.e.,ȱgood)ȱlifestyleȱandȱagreedȱthat
sheȱhadȱneverȱtalkedȱunreasonably.ȱ
However,ȱtheȱprotocolȱalsoȱmentionsȱthatȱKarinȱalreadyȱsomeȱthirtyȱyearsȱago
hadȱcomplainedȱtoȱherȱmotherȱandȱbrotherȱaboutȱbeingȱanxiousȱandȱsaddened
withoutȱanyȱapparentȱreason.ȱTheseȱrecurringȱafflictionsȱpromptedȱherȱbrotherȱto
askȱtheȱchaplainȱtoȱtalkȱtoȱherȱandȱconsoleȱher.ȱButȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱprotocolȱwhich
presumablyȱfollowsȱtheȱstatementȱofȱherȱbrother,ȱevenȱafterȱtheȱspiritualȱhelpȱof
theȱclericȱtheȱanxietyȱreturned,ȱleavingȱherȱfearfulȱandȱfeelingȱatȱaȱloss.ȱOnȱJanuary
sixthȱKarinȱhadȱreceivedȱHolyȱCommunionȱatȱchurchȱforȱtheȱlastȱtime.ȱChaplain
PetrusȱHernäus,ȱwhoȱapparentlyȱwasȱpresentȱatȱtheȱexamination,ȱaffirmedȱthat
Karin’sȱ brotherȱ hadȱ approachedȱ himȱ fiveȱ yearsȱ agoȱ withȱ regardȱ toȱ hisȱ sister’s
condition.ȱIndeed,ȱheȱhadȱtriedȱtoȱconsoleȱherȱandȱconfirmedȱthatȱsheȱsuffered
fromȱanxietyȱandȱmelancholy.ȱIfȱherȱconditionȱhadȱworsenedȱorȱimprovedȱoverȱthe
years,ȱheȱdidȱnotȱknow,ȱbutȱheȱreinforcedȱthatȱsheȱknewȱherȱ“christendomsȱstycke”
(“Christendom’sȱpieces”)ȱbetterȱthanȱheȱhadȱexpected.ȱ
Twoȱotherȱmenȱ fromȱtheȱsameȱvillageȱtestifiedȱthatȱsheȱhadȱbeenȱ“opasslig”
(“indisposed”)ȱforȱaȱcoupleȱofȱyears,ȱbutȱtheyȱdidn’tȱknowȱwhatȱexactlyȱcausedȱher
toȱfeelȱthatȱway.ȱTheyȱdidȱassert,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱKarinȱhadȱalwaysȱbeenȱofȱsound
mind.ȱFinallyȱKarin’sȱbrotherȱOlofȱrequestedȱthatȱhisȱsister’sȱdeadȱbodyȱbeȱhandled
byȱherȱclosestȱrelativesȱandȱburiedȱinȱsilenceȱatȱtheȱnorthernȱsideȱofȱtheȱcemetery
withoutȱtheȱusualȱceremony,ȱarguingȱthatȱsheȱhadȱtakenȱherȱownȱlifeȱinȱaȱstateȱof
severeȱmelancholy.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱhäradsrättȱpronouncedȱaȱdifferentȱjudgment:ȱThe
courtȱacknowledgedȱtheȱbrother’sȱrequestȱ“äfterȱhonȱuthiȱettȱstarckȱmelancolie
tagitȱlyfwettȱafȱsigȱsielf,ȱochȱsådanȱswårmodigheetȱiämbwählȱförȱsiukdomȱräcknas
kanȱhosȱdenȱsomȱmanȱingenȱmisgiärningȱwetȱmed”ȱ(“becauseȱsheȱtookȱherȱownȱlife
inȱaȱstateȱofȱsevereȱmelancholyȱandȱsuchȱmelancholyȱcanȱbeȱregardedȱasȱanȱillness
ifȱtheȱpersonȱhasȱnotȱbeenȱknownȱforȱanyȱmisdeeds”).ȱ
Nevertheless,ȱtheȱhäradsrättȱfollowedȱtheȱSwedishȱpenalȱcodeȱwhichȱprescribed
thatȱsuicidesȱshouldȱbeȱburiedȱinȱtheȱwoodsȱunlessȱitȱwasȱobviousȱthatȱtheyȱhad
beenȱcompletelyȱoutȱofȱtheirȱminds.ȱForȱtheȱcourtȱthisȱhadȱnotȱbeenȱtheȱcaseȱwith
Karinȱwhoȱapparentlyȱhadȱbeenȱmelancholic,ȱbutȱstillȱofȱsoundȱmind.ȱThereforeȱthe
häradsrättȱsawȱnoȱotherȱchoiceȱthanȱtoȱdetermineȱthatȱtheȱexecutionerȱshouldȱbury
568 EvelyneȱLuef
herȱinȱtheȱwoods.ȱKnowingȱthatȱtheȱverdictȱwasȱsentȱtoȱtheȱhighȱcourtȱforȱrevision
andȱconfirmationȱtheȱhäradsrättȱpresumablyȱanticipatedȱaȱmilderȱjudgmentȱbyȱthe
superordinatedȱ instance.ȱ Andȱ indeed,ȱ inȱ aȱ writingȱ byȱ Gabrielȱ Falkenberg,
presidentȱofȱtheȱSveaȱhighȱcourtȱatȱtheȱtime,ȱtoȱtheȱregionalȱadministrationȱofȱthe
districtȱcourtȱfromȱMarchȱ3,ȱ1710,ȱtheȱjudgmentȱwasȱmodified:ȱArguingȱthatȱKarin
Mickelsdotterȱhadȱsufferedȱfromȱ“hierteängslan”ȱ(“heartȬanxiety”)ȱandȱmelancholy
soȱsevereȱthatȱaȱclericȱhadȱtoȱvisitȱher,ȱand,ȱconsideringȱthatȱsheȱotherwiseȱhad
livedȱaȱstillȱandȱgodȬfearingȱlife,ȱtheȱhighȱcourtȱruledȱthatȱherȱbodyȱshouldȱbe
handledȱbyȱherȱrelativesȱandȱgrantedȱherȱaȱburialȱatȱaȱremoteȱplaceȱinȱtheȱcemetery
inȱsilence.40ȱInȱtheȱend,ȱtheȱrequestȱofȱtheȱdeceased’sȱbrotherȱwasȱfulfilled.
InȱsomeȱregardsȱtheȱdocumentationȱofȱKarin’sȱsuicideȱinȱtheȱjudgmentȱbookȱis
representativeȱforȱmanyȱdocumentedȱsuicideȱcasesȱinȱSweden.ȱConstitutiveȱand
recurringȱfactorsȱthatȱareȱmentionedȱincludeȱanȱemphasisȱonȱtheȱperson’sȱmoral
conduct,ȱ questionsȱ concerningȱ churchȱ attendance,ȱ his/herȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ the
scriptureȱandȱwhenȱhe/sheȱlastȱreceivedȱHolyȱCommunion.ȱAlsoȱimportantȱwas
howȱ wellȱ theȱ deceasedȱ hadȱ beenȱ integratedȱ inȱ theȱ localȱ communityȱ andȱ how
he/sheȱgotȱalongȱwithȱfamily,ȱneighborsȱandȱfriends.ȱTheȱsameȱaspects,ȱasȱweȱhave
seen,ȱwereȱalsoȱofȱimportanceȱinȱassessingȱtheȱAustrianȱCatharinaȱPührnsteinerin’s
drowning,ȱmentionedȱabove.ȱItȱappearsȱasȱifȱconsiderationȱofȱtheseȱfactorsȱwasȱa
commonȱ denominatorȱ throughoutȱ earlyȱ modernȱ Europe.41ȱ Ofȱ course,
contemporariesȱwereȱwellȱinformedȱofȱtheȱpossibleȱconsequencesȱofȱaȱsuicide,ȱas
OlofȱMickelson’sȱrequestȱforȱaȱfuneralȱinȱsilenceȱindicates.ȱThus,ȱweȱshouldȱassume
thatȱ statementsȱ givenȱ beforeȱ courtȱ wereȱ atȱ least,ȱ toȱ aȱ certainȱ degree,
strategic—peopleȱknewȱwhatȱtoȱemphasizeȱandȱwhatȱtoȱconcealȱinȱorderȱtoȱlead
anȱinvestigationȱinȱaȱcertainȱdirection.
Itȱ isȱ alsoȱ interestingȱ toȱ noteȱ thatȱ theȱ häradsrätt,ȱ althoughȱ apparentlyȱ wellȬ
disposedȱ towardsȱ Karin,ȱ didȱ notȱ acceptȱ melancholyȱ asȱ aȱ sufficientȱ excuseȱ but
insistedȱ onȱ insanity—whateverȱ thatȱ conceptȱ mayȱ haveȱ implied—asȱ theȱ only
pardonableȱexplanationȱforȱsuicide.ȱInterestingly,ȱbothȱtheȱpreliminaryȱverdictȱby
theȱhäradsrättȱandȱtheȱfinalȱverdictȱbyȱtheȱhovrättȱregardedȱmelancholyȱonlyȱin
conjunctionȱwithȱanȱotherwiseȱ“good”ȱlifestyleȱasȱanȱargumentȱforȱlenience.
Why,ȱ then,ȱ wasȱ theȱ häradsrättȱ soȱ strictȱ inȱ itsȱ judgmentȱ andȱ insistedȱ onȱ the
disposingȱofȱtheȱbodyȱinȱtheȱwoods?ȱInȱhisȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱChristopher
R.ȱClasonȱdistinguishesȱbetweenȱ“theȱletterȱofȱtheȱlaw”ȱandȱ“theȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlaw”
asȱtwoȱanalyticalȱcategories.42ȱApplyingȱthisȱdistinctionȱtoȱearlyȱmodernȱSwedish
40
Landskansliȱ1635–1736,ȱDIIa:13ȱMkȱS21057ȱ12/14,ȱMarchȱ3,ȱ1710.
41
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱKästner,ȱTödlicheȱGeschichte(n),ȱ443–46ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25),ȱandȱLind,ȱSelbstmordȱinȱder
FrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱ360–62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).
42
SeeȱChristopherȱR.ȱClason’sȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolume.
judicatureȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheȱdistrictȱcourtsȱhadȱtoȱstickȱcloseȱtoȱtheȱletterȱofȱtheȱlaw
whileȱtheȱinterpretationȱofȱtheȱspiritȱofȱtheȱlawȱwasȱreservedȱforȱtheȱhighȱcourt,
whichȱalsoȱheldȱtheȱcompetenceȱtoȱshowȱlenience.43ȱYet,ȱtheȱinfluenceȱofȱtheȱlower
courtsȱonȱtheȱfinalȱjudgmentȱisȱnotȱtoȱbeȱunderestimated.ȱAfterȱall,ȱinȱSwedenȱthe
highȱ courtȱ basedȱ itsȱ decisionȱ entirelyȱ onȱ documentsȱ thatȱ wereȱ producedȱ and
transmittedȱbyȱtheȱlowerȱcourts.ȱInȱAustriaȱtoo,ȱtheȱLandgerichteȱtoȱaȱhighȱdegree
wereȱreliantȱonȱtheȱcooperationȱwithȱtheȱGrundherrschaft.
Theȱexamplesȱhighlightedȱhereȱprovideȱinsightsȱintoȱtheȱlegalȱprocessesȱthat
constructedȱandȱlabeledȱselfȬinflictedȱdeathȱasȱeitherȱaȱcriminalȱorȱnonȬcriminalȱact.
Inȱtheȱfollowingȱsectionȱweȱwillȱturnȱtowardsȱtheȱpunitiveȱaspectsȱofȱsuicide.
Thereȱ isȱ neitherȱ aȱ simpleȱ norȱ aȱ singleȱ answerȱ toȱ theȱ questionȱ whyȱ itȱ was
consideredȱ toȱ beȱ soȱ importantȱ toȱ prosecuteȱ andȱ punishȱ suicides.ȱ Presumably,
ecclesiasticalȱ andȱ secularȱ authoritiesȱ wereȱ strivingȱ toȱ stigmatizeȱ theȱ deedȱ asȱ a
felonyȱandȱaȱsinȱinȱorderȱtoȱmakeȱclearȱthatȱonlyȱGodȱorȱtheȱsovereign,ȱinȱhisȱplace,
hadȱtheȱpowerȱandȱcontrolȱoverȱaȱsubject’sȱlife,ȱdeathȱandȱbody.ȱInȱthisȱregardȱthe
legalȱconsequencesȱofȱaȱsuicideȱcanȱbeȱinterpretedȱasȱdisplayȱofȱpower.ȱAtȱtheȱsame
timeȱ theȱ deterrentȱ effectȱ ofȱ theȱ dishonorableȱ andȱ ignominiousȱ intermentȱ was
intendedȱtoȱkeepȱsubjectsȱfromȱcommittingȱsuicide.
However,ȱfocusingȱonlyȱonȱtheȱinterestsȱofȱauthoritiesȱdoesȱnotȱsuffice:ȱPopular
beliefsȱandȱsuperstitionsȱassociatedȱsuicideȱwithȱdisastersȱandȱmisfortune.ȱTheȱfear
thatȱ theȱ burialȱ ofȱ aȱ suicideȱ inȱ theȱ cemeteryȱ wouldȱ causeȱ badȱ weatherȱ orȱ crop
failuresȱwasȱwidespread.ȱHence,ȱsometimesȱindividualsȱorȱcommunitiesȱsupported
orȱinsistedȱuponȱexcludingȱtheȱbodyȱofȱaȱsuicideȱfromȱburialȱinȱtheȱcemetery.ȱTo
stateȱthatȱtheȱdishonorableȱdisposalȱofȱaȱsuicide’sȱbodyȱwasȱsolelyȱdrivenȱbyȱthe
ecclesiasticalȱandȱsecularȱauthoritiesȱhoweverȱwouldȱbeȱoverlyȱsimplisticȱbecause,
inȱsomeȱcases,ȱtheȱcommunityȱdemandedȱthatȱtheȱbodiesȱofȱsuicidesȱbeȱhandled
disgracefully.ȱ
Thisȱwas,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱcaseȱinȱ1754ȱwhenȱaȱfemaleȱtailorȱcommittedȱsuicide
inȱaȱsmallȱvillageȱinȱAustriaȱaboveȱtheȱEnns.44ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱadministratorȱof
theȱ Landgericht,ȱ whoȱ conductedȱ theȱ investigation,ȱ theȱ womanȱ hadȱ been
melancholicȱ forȱ aȱ while.ȱ Sheȱ hadȱ beenȱ passiveȱ andȱ unableȱ toȱ workȱ forȱ weeks
despiteȱbeingȱinȱgoodȱphysicalȱhealth.ȱMoreover,ȱsheȱhadȱactivelyȱtriedȱtoȱimprove
herȱconditionȱbyȱbloodlettingȱandȱprayingȱtheȱrosary.ȱSinceȱnoȱobjectionȱwasȱraised
43
Seeȱ Yvonneȱ Mariaȱ Werner,ȱ “Självmordȱ iȱ detȱ storaȱ nordiskaȱ krigetsȱ skugga:ȱ Enȱ analysȱ av
självspillingsmålenȱ vidȱ Götaȱ hovrättȱ 1695–1718,”ȱ Denȱ frivilligaȱ döden:ȱ Samhälletsȱ hanteringȱ av
självmordȱiȱhistorisktȱperspektiv,ȱed.ȱBirgittaȱOdén,ȱBodilȱE.ȱB.ȱPerssonȱandȱYvonneȱMariaȱWerner
(Stockholm:ȱBokförlagetȱCuraȱiȱsamarbeteȱmedȱForskningsrådsnämnden,ȱ1998),ȱ31–99.ȱYvonne
MariaȱWernerȱobservesȱaȱtendencyȱtowardȱmoreȱlenienceȱshownȱbyȱtheȱGötaȱhighȱcourtȱduring
theȱperiodȱsheȱinvestigates.
44
OÖLA,ȱHAȱPuchheim,ȱSchachtelȱ43ȱBundȱ60ȱNr.ȱ29.
570 EvelyneȱLuef
byȱtheȱpriestȱeither,ȱtheȱwomanȱwasȱgrantedȱaȱChristianȱburialȱ“withoutȱpomp”
inȱexactȱaccordanceȱwithȱterritorialȱlaw.ȱ
However,ȱtheȱattemptȱtoȱburyȱtheȱwomanȱfailedȱwhenȱallegedlyȱaboutȱhundred
arousedȱparishionersȱrestrainedȱtheȱpallbearersȱfromȱenteringȱtheȱcemetery.ȱThe
administratorȱ firstȱ triedȱ toȱ negotiateȱ withȱ theȱ enragedȱ crowdȱ andȱ suggested
buryingȱ theȱ womenȱ outsideȱ theȱ cemetery,ȱ inȱ theȱ placeȱ ofȱ burialȱ reservedȱ for
“inculpable,”ȱi.e.,ȱunbaptizedȱchildren,ȱbutȱevenȱthisȱconcessionȱdidȱnotȱsufficeȱto
appeaseȱtheȱmob.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱpreservedȱdocumentsȱtheȱprotestersȱdidȱnot
challengeȱ theȱ rulingȱ ofȱ theȱ Landgerichtȱ identifyingȱ melancholyȱ andȱ insanityȱ as
causesȱforȱherȱsuicide.ȱNeverthelessȱtheyȱwantedȱtoȱpreventȱtheȱburial,ȱfearingȱbad
thunderstormsȱ asȱ itsȱ consequence,ȱ aȱ beliefȱ thatȱ wasȱ referredȱ toȱ asȱ “sträflicher
aberglaube”ȱ(“criminalȱsuperstition”)ȱinȱtheȱadministrator’sȱwriting.ȱOpposition
againstȱ aȱ suicide’sȱ burialȱ inȱ theȱ cemeteryȱ didȱ notȱ necessarilyȱ culminateȱ inȱ a
cemeteryȱrevoltȱbutȱcouldȱtakeȱmoreȱsubtleȱforms.ȱInȱMayȱ1769,ȱforȱexample,ȱseven
menȱ appearedȱ inȱ personȱ beforeȱ theȱ priestȱ inȱ theȱ upperȱ Austrianȱ townȱ of
Gmunden,ȱurgingȱtheȱclericȱnotȱtoȱburyȱtheȱbodyȱofȱtheȱsuicideȱFranzȱKemptner
inȱtheȱcemetery.45ȱ
Cemeteryȱ revoltsȱ andȱ otherȱ formsȱ ofȱ influencingȱ aȱ suicide’sȱ burialȱ wereȱ not
uncommonȱinȱcentralȱEurope.46ȱTheyȱdemonstrateȱthatȱparishȱcommunitiesȱwere
notȱalwaysȱinȱagreementȱwithȱtheȱverdictȱreachedȱbyȱtheȱauthorities,ȱandȱwould
underȱ certainȱ circumstancesȱ takeȱ mattersȱ intoȱ theirȱ ownȱ hands.ȱ Ofȱ course,ȱ as
AlexanderȱKästnerȱpointsȱout,ȱrevoltsȱwereȱratherȱrareȱoccurrencesȱcomparedȱto
theȱnumberȱofȱburialsȱwithoutȱanyȱincidents.47ȱYet,ȱtheseȱtumultsȱsuggestȱthatȱthe
criminalizationȱandȱpunishmentȱofȱsuicideȱwasȱtoȱaȱcertainȱdegreeȱsupportedȱby
theȱpopulation.48
ItȱseemsȱasȱifȱsimilarȱprotestsȱwereȱnotȱunȬheardȱofȱinȱSwedenȱeither,49ȱandȱthe
caseȱ ofȱ Annaȱ Olofsdotterȱ demonstratesȱ theȱ connectionȱ betweenȱ suicideȱ and
45
OÖLA,ȱHAȱEbenzweier,ȱSchachtelȱ2.
46
See,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ Lind,ȱ Selbstmordȱ inȱ derȱ Frühenȱ Neuzeit,ȱ 457–62ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 7);ȱ Davidȱ Lederer,
“AufruhrȱaufȱdemȱFriedhof:ȱPfarrer,ȱGemeindeȱundȱSelbstmordȱimȱfrühneuzeitlichenȱBayern,”
Trauer,ȱ Verzweiflungȱ undȱ Anfechtung:ȱ Selbstmordȱ undȱ Selbstmordversucheȱ inȱ mittelalterlichenȱ und
frühneuzeitlichenȱGesellschaften,ȱed.ȱGabrielaȱSignori.ȱForumȱPsychohistorie,ȱ3ȱ(Tübingen:ȱEdition
Diskord,ȱ1994),ȱ189–209ȱandȱKästner,ȱTödlicheȱGeschichte(n),ȱ235–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).
47
Kästner,ȱTödlicheȱGeschichte(n),ȱ236ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).
48
MichaelȱMacDonaldȱandȱTerenceȱR.ȱMurphy,ȱforȱinstance,ȱstateȱforȱeighteenthȬcenturyȱEngland
aȱgrowingȱdivergencyȱinȱtheȱperceptionȱofȱsuicideȱbetweenȱ“commonȱpeople”ȱandȱtheȱeducated
upperȱ classes.ȱ Seeȱ Michaelȱ MacDonaldȱ andȱ Terenceȱ R.ȱ Murphy,ȱ “Dieȱ Säkularisierungȱ des
Selbstmords:ȱLiteraten,ȱRechtsgelehrteȱundȱreligiöseȱFanatikerȱimȱfrühneuzeitlichenȱEngland,”
Trauer,ȱVerzweiflungȱundȱAnfechtung:ȱSelbstmordȱundȱSelbstmordversucheȱinȱmittelalterlichenȱundȱfrühȬ
neuzeitlichenȱ Gesellschaften,ȱ ed.ȱ Gabrielaȱ Signori.ȱ Forumȱ Psychohistorie,ȱ 3ȱ (Tübingen:ȱ Edition
Diskord,ȱ1994),ȱ233–81.
49
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱWerner,ȱ“Självmordȱiȱdetȱstoraȱnordiskaȱkrigetsȱskugga,”ȱ49–50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ43).
misfortuneȱinȱpopularȱbeliefȱasȱexpressedȱbyȱtheȱsuicidalȱwomanȱherself.50ȱInȱMay
1713ȱ60ȬyearȬoldȱAnnaȱOlofsdotterȱwentȱintoȱtheȱwoodsȱandȱstabbedȱherselfȱinȱthe
throat.ȱAȱlittleȱwhileȱlater,ȱtheȱinjuredȱwomanȱwasȱfoundȱbyȱherȱdaughterȬinȬlaw
andȱtheȱneighbourȱHansȱPärsson.ȱAtȱfirstȱAnnaȱdidȱnotȱwantȱtoȱacceptȱtheirȱhelp
andȱtriedȱtoȱsendȱthemȱawayȱsayingȱ“rörȱintetȱmedȱmig,ȱtyȱdetȱärȱgiort,ȱsomȱgiort
är”ȱ(“don’tȱtouchȱme,ȱwhat’sȱdoneȱisȱdone”).ȱHansȱPärssonȱneverthelessȱreached
outȱtoȱherȱandȱaskedȱifȱsheȱwantedȱtoȱcomeȱbackȱwithȱhimȱtoȱhisȱhome.ȱAccording
toȱtheȱjudgmentȱbookȱAnnaȱOlofsdotterȱansweredȱ“attȱgårdenȱblirȱolyckelig,ȱom
honȱ kommerȱ hem”ȱ (“thatȱ theȱ farmȱ wouldȱ becomeȱ unfortunate,ȱ ifȱ sheȱ came
home”).ȱNotȱuntilȱHansȱPärssonȱassuredȱherȱthatȱthisȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱtheȱcaseȱdid
sheȱfinallyȱgoȱwithȱthem.ȱNineȱdaysȱlaterȱsheȱdiedȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱherȱinjuries.
Theseȱexamplesȱshowȱthatȱsuicideȱconcernedȱnotȱonlyȱthoseȱwhoȱwereȱcloseȱto
theȱ deceasedȱ orȱ wereȱ somehowȱ involvedȱ inȱ theȱ legalȱ proceeding.ȱ Toȱ aȱ certain
degreeȱselfȬinflictedȱdeathȱwasȱaȱmatterȱofȱpublicȱinterestȱthatȱconcernedȱaȱwider
circleȱofȱpeopleȱwhoȱconsideredȱthemselvesȱtoȱbeȱaffectedȱbyȱtheȱincident,ȱandȱthus
alsoȱtookȱinterestȱinȱtheȱoutcomeȱofȱtheȱinvestigation.
However,ȱgenerallyȱtheȱrightȱtoȱjudgeȱandȱpunishȱaȱsuicideȱwasȱreservedȱforȱthe
secularȱauthorities.ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱideaȱofȱpunishingȱaȱdeadȱpersonȱappearsȱstrange
fromȱ today’sȱ perspective.ȱ Neverthelessȱ earlyȱ modernȱ justiceȱ foundȱ waysȱ and
meansȱtoȱchastiseȱindividualsȱwhoȱhadȱendedȱtheirȱownȱlives.ȱInȱtheȱfollowingȱI
willȱbrieflyȱbroachȱdifferentȱaspectsȱofȱpunishmentȱthatȱaffectedȱtheȱgoods,ȱthe
body,ȱtheȱsoul,ȱandȱtheȱremembranceȱofȱtheȱdeceased.
Asȱoutlinedȱabove,ȱAustrianȱ(butȱnotȱSwedish)ȱlawȱsanctionedȱpremeditated
suicideȱ withȱ forfeitureȱ untilȱ theȱ Theresianaȱ cameȱ intoȱ effectȱ inȱ 1770.51ȱ Studies
conductedȱbyȱVeraȱLindȱforȱSchleswigȬHolstein,52ȱDavidȱLederer53ȱforȱBavaria,ȱand
Alexanderȱ Kästnerȱ forȱ Kursachsen54ȱ showȱ thatȱ confiscationȱ wasȱ aȱ ratherȱ rare
occurrenceȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱcentralȱEurope.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱAustrianȱsourceȱmaterial
containsȱevidenceȱthatȱthisȱprovisionȱinȱfactȱwasȱimplementedȱinȱpractice.ȱEven
thoughȱitȱisȱnotȱyetȱclearȱtoȱwhatȱextentȱforfeitureȱwasȱexecuted,ȱtheȱmaterials
indicateȱ thatȱ itȱ wasȱ notȱ aȱ rareȱ phenomenon.ȱ Inȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ Jacobȱ Pauer,ȱ for
example,ȱwhoȱinȱ1762ȱ“wickedly”ȱdrownedȱhimselfȱinȱAustriaȱbelowȱtheȱEnns,ȱthe
Landgerichtȱ inȱ aȱ letterȱ toȱ theȱ Grundherrschaftȱ explicitlyȱ reservedȱ itsȱ rightȱ to
confiscateȱ hisȱ bequestȱ withȱ referenceȱ toȱ theȱ respectiveȱ paragraphsȱ inȱ the
Ferdinandea.55ȱ
50
ForskningsarkivetȱUmeåȱuniversitetsbibliotek,ȱSödraȱÅng.ȱAȱIȱa:11ȱMkȱD52269ȱ4/19+5/19,ȱNora,
Mayȱ18,ȱ1713.
51
SeeȱalsoȱPfannkuchen,ȱSelbstmordȱundȱSanktionen,ȱ88–91ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).
52
Lind,ȱSelbstmordȱinȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱ340–47ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).
53
Lederer,ȱMadness,ȱReligionȱandȱtheȱState,ȱ251ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26).
54
Kästner,ȱTödlicheȱGeschichte(n),ȱ143ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).
55
NiederösterreichischesȱLandesarchiv,ȱhenceȱforwardȱreferredȱtoȱasȱNÖLA,ȱHAȱRaabs,ȱKartonȱ44.
572 EvelyneȱLuef
Inȱ 1687ȱ theȱ inheritanceȱ ofȱ theȱ suicideȱ Thomasȱ Auerȱ wasȱ confiscatedȱ byȱ the
Landgericht.56ȱHowever,ȱdueȱtoȱtheȱpovertyȱofȱhisȱwifeȱandȱtwoȱyoungȱchildren,ȱthe
Landgerichtȱdidȱnotȱinsistȱonȱtheȱtwoȱthirdsȱofȱhisȱbequestȱwhichȱitȱwouldȱhave
beenȱentitledȱtoȱbyȱlaw.ȱInsteadȱanȱindividualȱsolutionȱwasȱnegotiatedȱwithȱthe
widow.ȱAlsoȱtheȱsonȱofȱtheȱsuicideȱJohannȱMayrȱhadȱtoȱturnȱinȱtwoȱthirdsȱofȱhis
inheritanceȱtoȱtheȱLandgerichtȱinȱ1723.57ȱInȱtheȱcaseȱofȱStephanȱPühringer58ȱwho
killedȱhimselfȱinȱ1686,ȱaȱconflictȱhadȱarisenȱbetweenȱtheȱGrundherrschaftȱandȱthe
Landgericht.ȱ Againstȱ theȱ opinionȱ ofȱ theȱ Landgericht,ȱ theȱ Grundherrschaftȱ was
convincedȱthatȱheȱhadȱcommittedȱsuicideȱoutȱofȱanȱinfirmityȱofȱmindȱandȱthus
rejectedȱtheȱLandgericht’sȱclaimȱforȱjurisdiction,ȱwhichȱwouldȱhaveȱincludedȱthe
rightȱtoȱconfiscateȱtwoȱthirdsȱofȱhisȱbequestȱifȱaȱcaseȱpremeditatedȱsuicideȱwas
proven.ȱTheseȱfewȱexamplesȱshowȱthatȱforfeitureȱinȱtheȱAustrianȱarchduchiesȱwas
anȱoptionȱuntilȱtheȱTheresianaȱcameȱintoȱforce.59ȱ
Generallyȱ theȱ financialȱ aspectȱ ofȱ suicideȱ wasȱ aȱ pointȱ ofȱ contentionȱ between
differentȱauthorities.ȱApartȱfromȱforfeiture,ȱwhereȱtheȱGrundherrschaftȱhadȱaȱstrong
interestȱtoȱkeepȱtheȱmoneyȱwithinȱtheirȱownȱHerrschaft,ȱmonetaryȱquestionsȱplayed
anȱimportantȱroleȱinȱmanyȱrespects.ȱLikeȱinȱotherȱcriminalȱcasesȱconductedȱbyȱthe
Landgericht,ȱ theȱ delinquentsȱ themselvesȱ hadȱ toȱ compensateȱ allȱ costsȱ incurred
duringȱtheȱtrialȱandȱtheȱinvestigation.ȱInȱtheȱcaseȱofȱsuicideȱthisȱmoneyȱusuallyȱwas
takenȱfromȱtheȱdeceased’sȱbequest.ȱHowever,ȱimpecuniousȱsuicidesȱwhichȱdidȱnot
haveȱtheȱmeansȱtoȱpayȱtheseȱexpensesȱincurredȱcostsȱthatȱtheȱauthorityȱinȱcharge
hadȱtoȱpay.ȱThus,ȱsometimesȱconflictsȱbetweenȱdifferentȱauthoritiesȱwouldȱarise
becauseȱneitherȱofȱthemȱwantedȱtoȱbeȱresponsibleȱforȱretrievingȱaȱdeadȱbodyȱand
theȱassociatedȱcosts.60
Bothȱ inȱ Austriaȱ andȱ Sweden,ȱ theȱ bodiesȱ ofȱ premeditatedȱ suicidesȱ shouldȱ be
handledȱ byȱ theȱ executioner.ȱ Austrianȱ lawsȱ explicitlyȱ stateȱ thatȱ theyȱ shouldȱ be
draggedȱ throughȱ theȱ streetsȱ orȱ carriedȱ onȱ theȱ “Schindkarren”ȱ (“executioner’s
cart”)ȱtoȱtheȱplaceȱwhereȱtheȱcorpseȱshouldȱbeȱ“vertilgt”ȱ(“exterminated”).ȱOnȱthe
otherȱhand,ȱthoseȱtoȱwhomȱaȱsilentȱburialȱhadȱbeenȱgrantedȱshouldȱbeȱtakenȱcare
ofȱbyȱfamilyȱmembers,ȱneighborsȱorȱotherȱ“honest”ȱpeople.ȱYet,ȱonceȱagain,ȱthe
informationȱ containedȱ inȱ archivalȱ recordsȱ blursȱ theȱ distinctionȱ between
56
NÖLA,ȱKGAȱKrems,ȱHSȱ173/102,ȱfol.ȱ31v–33v.
57
NÖLA,ȱKGAȱKrems,ȱHSȱ173/102,ȱfol.ȱ184–85.
58
OÖLA,ȱHAȱEbenzweier,ȱSchachtelȱ2,ȱNr.ȱ12.
59
TheȱTheresianaȱstipulatedȱconfiscationȱonlyȱinȱcasesȱwhenȱsuicidesȱpriorȱtoȱtheȱselfȬkillingȱhad
committedȱaȱcrimeȱthatȱwasȱpunishedȱwithȱforfeiture.ȱHence,ȱforfeitureȱasȱaȱpunishmentȱapplied
noȱlongerȱtoȱtheȱactȱofȱselfȬkillingȱbutȱtoȱtheȱpriorȱcommittedȱcrime.ȱSeeȱTheresianaȱ(1768),ȱarticle
93,ȱsectionȱ7.
60
Thisȱconcernedȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱbodiesȱofȱsuicidesȱbut,ȱforȱinstance,ȱalsoȱunknownȱdeadȱpersonsȱthat
wereȱfoundȱonȱtheȱroadside,ȱespeciallyȱinȱcasesȱwhenȱtheȱborderȱbetweenȱtwoȱLandgerichtȱdistricts
wasȱunclear.
premeditatedȱsuicideȱandȱnonȬcriminalȱsuicideȱtoȱaȱcertainȱdegree.ȱInȱpractice,ȱa
wideȱscopeȱofȱreactions,ȱrequestsȱandȱindividualȱsolutionsȱwereȱapplied.
Generally,ȱpremeditatedȱsuicidesȱwereȱtoȱbeȱhandledȱbyȱdishonorableȱpeople,
inȱmostȱcasesȱtheȱexecutioner.ȱHowever,ȱdelinquentsȱwhoȱcommittedȱsuicideȱto
skirtȱ punishmentȱ whileȱ underȱ arrestȱ enduredȱ evenȱ harsherȱ treatment.ȱ Their
corpsesȱcouldȱbeȱexposedȱtoȱphysicalȱpunishmentȱpostȱmortem.ȱInȱVienna,ȱinȱ1704
oneȱcaseȱisȱdocumentedȱwhereȱaȱmurdererȱwhoȱcommittedȱsuicideȱwasȱdragged
toȱtheȱplaceȱofȱexecutionsȱwhereȱhisȱheadȱwasȱseveredȱwithȱaȱdiggingȱshovelȱbyȱthe
executioner.61ȱAnȱanonymousȱscriptȱfromȱ1781ȱreportsȱonȱaȱpresumedȱmurderer
andȱthiefȱwhoȱwasȱcarriedȱtoȱtheȱplaceȱofȱexecutionsȱandȱlashedȱtoȱtheȱbreaking
wheelȱaboveȱwhichȱaȱgallowsȱwasȱerected.62ȱ
Suchȱ aggravatedȱ measuresȱ wereȱ inȱ accordanceȱ withȱ theȱ aboveȱ mentioned
Austrianȱcriminalȱcodesȱuntilȱ1787,63ȱandȱinȱuseȱalsoȱinȱotherȱEuropeanȱcountries.64
Swedishȱlawsȱdidȱnotȱexplicitlyȱprescribeȱsuchȱaggravatedȱpunishments.ȱHowever,
someȱofȱmyȱSwedishȱcaseȱhistoriesȱshowȱthatȱinȱpracticeȱpeopleȱwhoȱcommitted
suicideȱ whileȱ underȱ arrestȱ orȱ afterȱ escapingȱ fromȱ arrestȱ hadȱ toȱ fearȱ harsher
treatment.ȱTheȱseventyȬyearȱoldȱformerȱsoldierȱPerȱJönssonȱLustig,ȱforȱinstance,
hadȱbeenȱaccusedȱofȱtheftȱbutȱmanagedȱtoȱfleeȱfromȱarrestȱinȱ1709.ȱSeveralȱdays
afterȱ hisȱ escapeȱ heȱ wasȱ foundȱ deadȱ withȱ whatȱ appearedȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ selfȬinflicted
woundȱinȱtheȱthroat.ȱInȱtheȱendȱtheȱexecutionerȱwasȱinstructedȱtoȱburyȱhisȱbody
underȱtheȱgallowsȱandȱnot,ȱasȱotherwiseȱcommon,ȱinȱtheȱwoods.65
Anotherȱpossibleȱconsequenceȱofȱsuicideȱthatȱshouldȱbeȱmentionedȱatȱthisȱpoint
forȱ theȱ sakeȱ ofȱ completenessȱ wasȱ theȱ possibilityȱ toȱ transferȱ theȱ bodyȱ ofȱ a
premeditatedȱsuicideȱtoȱtheȱuniversity’sȱanatomyȱdepartment.66ȱIfȱandȱtoȱwhat
61
MyȱthanksȱtoȱSusanneȱHehenbergerȱforȱthisȱreference.ȱSeeȱtheȱonlineȱdatabaseȱKriminalitätȱinȱund
umȱWienȱ1703–1803:ȱEineȱDatenbank,ȱhttp://www.univie.ac.at/iefnȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱOctoberȱ21,
2010).
62
Anonymous,ȱ Derȱ sträflicheȱ Selbstmord,ȱ oderȱ dieȱ unmenschlicheȱ Mordthatȱ vonȱ Johannȱ S.ȱ verübet,
(Vienna:ȱJahnischeȱUniversitätsȬBuchdruckerei,ȱ1781).
63
TheȱJosephinaȱ(1787)ȱstipulatedȱthatȱinȱsuchȱcasesȱtheȱactualȱbodyȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱviolated,ȱinstead
aȱ noteȱ withȱ theȱ nameȱ ofȱ theȱ suicideȱ andȱ his/herȱ committedȱ crimesȱ shouldȱ beȱ attachedȱ toȱ the
gallowsȱandȱthusȱmadeȱpublic.ȱSeeȱJosephinaȱ(1787),ȱpartȱ1,ȱsectionȱ124.
64
See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱMachielȱBosman,ȱ“TheȱJudicialȱTreatmentȱofȱSuicideȱinȱAmsterdam,”ȱFromȱSin
toȱInsanity:ȱSuicideȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope,ȱed.ȱJeffreyȱR.ȱWattȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,
2004),ȱ9–24.
65
Landskansliȱ1635–1736,ȱDIIa:13ȱMkȱS10552ȱ11/14,ȱNovemberȱ25,ȱ1709.
66
Forȱaȱmoreȱdetailedȱdiscussionȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱKästner,ȱTödlicheȱGeschichte(n),ȱ244–325ȱ(seeȱnote
25)ȱandȱJuliaȱSchreiner,ȱJenseitsȱvomȱGlück:ȱSuizid,ȱMelancholieȱundȱHypochondrieȱinȱdeutschsprachigen
Textenȱ desȱ spätenȱ 18.ȱ Jahrhunderts.ȱ Ancienȱ Régime,ȱ Aufklärungȱ undȱ Revolution,ȱ 34ȱ (Munich:
Oldenbourg,ȱ2003),ȱ32–55.
574 EvelyneȱLuef
degreeȱthisȱoptionȱwasȱappliedȱinȱpracticeȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱAustriaȱandȱSweden
stillȱneedsȱfurtherȱscrutiny.67
However,ȱtheȱviolentȱhandlingȱofȱtheȱbodyȱwasȱonlyȱoneȱaspectȱofȱpunishment.
Inȱ timesȱ whenȱ religionȱ dominatedȱ lifeȱ andȱ theȱ afterlifeȱ wasȱ consideredȱ more
importantȱthanȱtheȱhereȱandȱnowȱbyȱmanyȱpeople,ȱtheȱwhereaboutsȱofȱtheȱsoul
wasȱmostȱlikelyȱdeemedȱmoreȱimportantȱthanȱtheȱhandlingȱofȱtheȱphysicalȱbody.
TheȱprevailingȱstanceȱofȱtheȱCatholicȱChurchȱonȱsuicideȱwasȱoutlinedȱaboveȱwith
theȱ positionsȱ ofȱ Augustineȱ andȱ Thomasȱ Aquinas—premeditated,ȱ intentional,
desperateȱsuicideȱwasȱconsideredȱaȱheinousȱsinȱwithȱsevereȱconsequencesȱforȱthe
deceased’sȱsoul.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱinȱherȱarticleȱonȱsuicideȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,
GabrielaȱSignoriȱemphasizesȱtheȱgrowingȱinfluenceȱofȱtheȱconceptsȱofȱpurgatory
andȱgrace.68ȱAsȱtheseȱconceptsȱremainedȱpowerfulȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiodȱone
cannotȱ excludeȱ theȱ possibilityȱ thatȱ contemporaryȱ Catholicsȱ drewȱ hopeȱ forȱ a
suicide’sȱsoulȱfromȱtheȱgraceȱofȱGodȱorȱtheȱVirginȱMary.
InȱSwedenȱLutheranismȱwasȱadoptedȱinȱtheȱfirstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱsixteenthȱcentury
andȱmoreȱorȱlessȱcompletelyȱenforcedȱbyȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱcentury.ȱMartinȱLuther’s
positionȱ onȱ suicideȱ wasȱ somewhatȱ inconclusive.ȱ Heȱ tooȱ emphasizedȱ the
individual’sȱobligationȱtoȱconserveȱone’sȱownȱlife.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱheȱstressedȱthe
powerȱ ofȱ theȱ devilȱ overȱ aȱ suicide,ȱ suggestingȱ thatȱ atȱ theȱ timeȱ ofȱ theȱ deedȱ the
individualȱdidȱnotȱpossessȱfreeȱwill.ȱHowever,ȱevenȱthoughȱMartinȱLutherȱoften
arguedȱthatȱleniencyȱshouldȱbeȱshownȱbyȱecclesiasticalȱauthorities,ȱheȱnevertheless
agreedȱonȱtheȱpunishmentȱimposedȱbyȱsecularȱauthorities.69
Hence,ȱbyȱcommittingȱsuicideȱbothȱCatholicsȱandȱLutheransȱputȱtheirȱsouls,ȱthe
prospectȱofȱsalvation,ȱandȱeternalȱlifeȱatȱrisk.ȱInȱanȱatmosphereȱwhereȱsalvation
67
ForȱAustria,ȱaȱregulationȱfromȱ1742ȱstipulatedȱthatȱtheȱLandgerichteȱhadȱtoȱdeliverȱtheȱbodiesȱof
executedȱcriminalsȱforȱanatomicȱstudies,ȱifȱrequestedȱbyȱtheȱuniversity.ȱHowever,ȱitȱisȱyetȱunclear
ifȱandȱtoȱwhatȱdegreeȱthisȱincludedȱpremeditatedȱsuicides.ȱSeeȱSammlungȱallerȱk.ȱk.ȱVerordnungen
undȱGesetzeȱvomȱJahreȱ1740ȱbisȱ1780,ȱdieȱunterȱderȱRegierungȱderȱRegierungȱdesȱKaisersȱJosephȱdesȱII.
theilsȱnochȱganzȱbestehen,ȱtheilsȱzumȱTheileȱabgeändertȱsind,ȱalsȱeineȱHilfsȬȱundȱErgänzungsbuchȱzuȱdem
Handbucheȱ allerȱ unterȱ derȱ Regierungȱ desȱ Kaisersȱ Josephsȱ desȱ II.ȱ fürȱ dieȱ k.ȱ k.ȱ Erbländerȱ ergangenen
VerordnungenȱundȱGesetzeȱinȱeinerȱchronologischenȱOrdnung,ȱed.ȱJosephȱKropatschek.ȱVol.ȱ1ȱ(Vienna:
Mößle,ȱ1786),ȱ7,ȱnr.ȱ7ȱorȱhttp://alex.onb.ac.atȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.ȱ1,ȱ2010).ȱForȱSweden,ȱaȱroyal
letterȱfromȱ1747ȱexplicitlyȱstipulatedȱthatȱtheȱbodiesȱofȱsuicidesȱandȱchildrenȱbornȱoutȱofȱwedlock
hadȱtoȱbeȱdeliveredȱtoȱtheȱuniversitiesȱinȱUppsala,ȱLundȱandȱTurkuȱandȱtheȱCollegiumȱMedicum
inȱStockholm,ȱifȱrequired.ȱSeeȱEvaȱÅhrén,ȱDeath,ȱModernity,ȱandȱtheȱBody:ȱSwedenȱ1870–1940,ȱtrans.
DanielȱW.ȱOlson.ȱRochesterȱStudiesȱinȱMedicalȱHistory,ȱ15ȱ(2002;ȱRochester,ȱNY:ȱUniversityȱof
RochesterȱPress,ȱ2009),ȱ21.
68
GabrielaȱSignori,ȱ“RechtskonstruktionenȱundȱreligiöseȱFiktionen:ȱBemerkungenȱzurȱSelbstmordfȬ
rageȱimȱMittelalter,”ȱTrauer,ȱVerzweiflungȱundȱAnfechtung:ȱSelbstmordȱundȱSelbstmordversucheȱin
mittelalterlichenȱundȱfrühneuzeitlichenȱGesellschaften,ȱed.ȱGabrielaȱSignori.ȱForumȱPsychohistorie,ȱ3
(Tübingen:ȱEditionȱDiskord,ȱ1994),ȱ9–54.
69
ForȱaȱdetailedȱdiscussionȱofȱMartinȱLuther’sȱposition,ȱseeȱKästner,ȱTödlicheȱGeschichte(n),ȱ94–105
(seeȱnoteȱ25).
playedȱaȱmajorȱroleȱtheȱwhereaboutsȱofȱtheȱsoulȱwasȱanȱimportantȱissue;ȱsome
suicidalȱpeopleȱtriedȱtoȱarrangeȱtheirȱdeathȱwithoutȱactuallyȱharmingȱthemselves
directly.ȱTheȱphenomenon,ȱreferredȱtoȱasȱe.g.ȱ“indirect”ȱorȱ“concealed”ȱsuicide,
“suicidalȱmurder”70ȱorȱ“suicideȱbyȱproxy,”71ȱbearsȱwitnessȱthatȱindividualsȱwould
notȱrefrainȱfromȱexceptionalȱmeansȱinȱorderȱtoȱendȱtheirȱlivesȱwithoutȱdyingȱat
theirȱownȱhands.ȱBothȱCatholicȱandȱLutheranȱbelieversȱoccasionallyȱcommittedȱor
confessedȱtoȱcapitalȱcrimes,ȱe.g.ȱchildȱmurder,ȱbestialityȱorȱblasphemy,ȱwithȱthe
purposeȱofȱbeingȱexecutedȱbyȱtheȱauthority.72ȱTheyȱthusȱavoidedȱcommittingȱthe
sinȱofȱ‘selfȬmurder’ȱandȱsavedȱtheirȱsoulȱbyȱconfessingȱtheirȱsinsȱandȱreceiving
absolutionȱbeforeȱexecution.73
Ofȱcourse,ȱweȱdon’tȱknowȱhowȱimportantȱtheȱconceptȱofȱsalvationȱactuallyȱwas
toȱtheȱmenȱandȱwomenȱwhoȱtookȱtheirȱownȱlives,ȱorȱifȱtheyȱatȱallȱwereȱconcerned
withȱ thatȱ question.ȱ Itȱ canȱ beȱ assumed,ȱ though,ȱ thatȱ inȱ aȱ religiouslyȱ charged
atmosphereȱuncertaintyȱregardingȱtheȱwhereaboutsȱofȱtheȱsoulȱpostȬmortemȱwas
aȱconcernȱforȱ manyȱpeople.ȱThisȱconcernȱunderliesȱtheȱpunitiveȱcharacterȱofȱa
disgracefulȱburialȱoutsideȱtheȱcemetery.ȱForȱtheȱfateȱofȱtheȱsoulȱaȱChristianȱfuneral
wasȱofȱgreatȱimportance.ȱForȱCatholicsȱtheȱconsecratedȱgroundȱofȱtheȱcemetery,
prayers,ȱsongsȱandȱintercessionsȱofȱtheȱfaithfulȱwereȱthoughtȱtoȱprovideȱsupport
forȱtheȱdeceased.ȱTheȱdeedsȱofȱtheȱbereavedȱwereȱthoughtȱtoȱshortenȱtheȱtimeȱin
purgatoryȱforȱtheȱdeceasedȱandȱthusȱhelpȱtheȱsoulȱonȱitsȱwayȱtoȱeternity.ȱInȱthis
regardȱtheȱbanȱonȱprovidingȱauxiliaryȱspiritualȱmeansȱmustȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱsevere
punishmentȱbothȱforȱtheȱdeceased,ȱwhoȱknewȱaboutȱtheȱconsequencesȱforȱhisȱsoul
andȱforȱthoseȱwhoȱcouldȱnotȱinterveneȱforȱtheȱreposeȱofȱtheȱsoulȱofȱtheȱdeceased.
Toȱaȱcertainȱextentȱtheȱinterdictionȱofȱauxiliaryȱspiritualȱmeansȱaffectedȱnotȱonly
premeditatedȱsuicidesȱthatȱwereȱexcludedȱfromȱtheȱcemeteriesȱandȱhandledȱbyȱthe
executionerȱbutȱalsoȱthoseȱwhoȱwereȱgrantedȱaȱfuneralȱinȱsilence.
Unlikeȱ theirȱ Catholicȱ counterpartsȱ Lutheranȱ cemeteriesȱ inȱ Swedenȱ wereȱ not
consecrated,ȱwhichȱinȱtheoryȱmadeȱtheȱgroundȱinȱandȱoutsideȱtheȱcemeteryȱthe
same.ȱNonethelessȱtheȱcemeteryȱwasȱalsoȱconsideredȱaȱspecialȱandȱhonoredȱplace
70
Seeȱ Arneȱ Jansson,ȱ Fromȱ Swordsȱ toȱ Sorrow:ȱ Homicideȱ andȱ Suicideȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Stockholm.
StockholmȱStudiesȱinȱEconomicȱHistory,ȱ30ȱ(Stockholm:ȱAlmqvistȱ&ȱWiksell,ȱ1998),ȱ49–69.
71
Seeȱ Kathyȱ Stuart,ȱ “Suicideȱ byȱ Proxy:ȱ Theȱ Unintendedȱ Consequencesȱ ofȱ Publicȱ Executionsȱ in
EighteenthȬCenturyȱGermany,”ȱCentralȱEuropeanȱHistoryȱ41ȱ(2008):ȱ413–45.
72
Withȱ regardȱ toȱ falseȱ confessionȱ inȱ theȱ contextȱ ofȱ bestialityȱ see,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ Jonasȱ Liliequist,
“Bekännelsen,ȱ dödenȱ ochȱ makten:ȱ Enȱ studieȱ iȱ socialȱ kontrollȱ medȱ utgångspunktȱ från
tidelagsbrottetȱiȱ1600Ȭȱochȱ1700ȬtaletsȱSverige,”ȱHistoriaȱNu:ȱ18ȱUmeåforskareȱomȱdetȱförflutna.ȱEn
vänbokȱtillȱKerstinȱStrömbergȬBack.ȱForskningsrapporterȱfrånȱHistoriskaȱInstitutionenȱvidȱUmeå
universitet,ȱ4ȱ(Umeå:ȱHistoriskaȱinstitutionenȱUmeåȱuniversitet,ȱ1988),ȱ143–70.
73
Forȱanȱexcellentȱdiscourseȱanalysisȱapproachȱtoȱthisȱphenomenon,ȱseeȱJürgenȱMartschukat,ȱ“Ein
FreitodȱdurchȱdieȱHandȱdesȱHenkers:ȱErörterungenȱzurȱKomplementaritätȱvonȱDiskursenȱund
PraktikenȱamȱBeispielȱvonȱ‘MordȱausȱLebensȬÜberdruß’ȱundȱTodesstrafeȱimȱ18.ȱJahrhundert,”
ZeitschriftȱfürȱHistorischeȱForschungȱ27.1ȱ(2000):ȱ53–74.
576 EvelyneȱLuef
byȱLutherans.74ȱItȱcanȱbeȱassumedȱthatȱforȱsuicidesȱandȱtheirȱfamiliesȱitȱmadeȱan
importantȱdifferenceȱwhetherȱtheyȱwereȱburiedȱinȱtheȱcemeteryȱorȱoutside.ȱAfter
all,ȱtheȱspatialȱsegregationȱofȱpremeditatedȱsuicidesȱfromȱthoseȱwhoȱdiedȱaȱ“good
Christianȱdeath”ȱsymbolizedȱalsoȱtheȱexclusionȱfromȱtheȱChristianȱcommunityȱin
death.ȱTheȱcemeteryȱwasȱaȱcommunityȱplaceȱtoȱrememberȱtheȱdeadȱwhereasȱsome
remote,ȱunidentifiedȱspotȱinȱtheȱwoodsȱexcludedȱtheȱcommunityȱfromȱanyȱfurther
contactȱwithȱtheȱdeceased.ȱTheȱsameȱappliesȱtoȱtheȱinterdictionȱofȱburialȱrites.ȱEven
thoughȱ Lutheransȱ didȱ notȱ believeȱ inȱ theȱ auxiliaryȱ effectȱ ofȱ prayers,ȱ songsȱ and
intercessionsȱbecauseȱsalvationȱcouldȱbeȱachievedȱsolelyȱbyȱGod’sȱgrace,ȱburial
ritesȱstillȱplayedȱanȱimportantȱroleȱforȱtheȱfamilyȱwhoȱderivedȱcomfortȱfromȱthem.
InȱthisȱpaperȱsuicideȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱAustriaȱandȱSwedenȱhasȱbeenȱapproached
fromȱaȱbroadȱperspective.ȱLikeȱinȱotherȱcountries,ȱauthoritiesȱbothȱinȱAustriaȱand
Swedenȱ hadȱ toȱ dealȱ withȱ suicideȱ asȱ aȱ societalȱ phenomenonȱ thatȱ wasȱ relevant
underȱ criminalȱ law.ȱ Inȱ theȱ firstȱ partȱ ofȱ thisȱ paper,ȱ attentionȱ hasȱ beenȱ directed
towardsȱtheȱlegalȱnormsȱthatȱconstructedȱsuicideȱasȱaȱcrimeȱandȱtheȱadministrative
proceduresȱofȱaȱsuicideȱinvestigation.ȱDespiteȱallȱdistinctionsȱinȱtheȱdetails,ȱthe
provisionsȱconcerningȱsuicideȱinȱAustrianȱandȱSwedishȱjudicialȱnormsȱshareȱthe
sameȱgeneralȱnotion.ȱByȱdifferentiatingȱbetweenȱpremeditatedȱsuicidesȱ(feloȱdeȱse)
andȱsuicidesȱcommittedȱofȱunsoundȱmindȱ(nonȱcomposȱmentis)ȱaȱwideȱscopeȱfor
constructionȱ andȱ interpretationȱ wasȱ created.ȱ Whileȱ judicialȱ normsȱ provide
guidelinesȱforȱtheȱhandlingȱofȱsuicideȱcasesȱonȱaȱmoreȱabstractȱlevel,ȱimplementing
theseȱnormsȱinȱpracticeȱwasȱaȱcomplexȱprocessȱofȱinterpretation.ȱ
Theȱsecondȱpartȱofȱtheȱpaperȱfocusedȱonȱtheȱpunitiveȱcomponentsȱofȱsuicideȱand
itsȱimplementationȱinȱpractice.ȱAgainstȱtheȱbackgroundȱofȱtheȱtwoȱdifferentȱstudy
areasȱ andȱ religiousȱ denominationsȱ bothȱ similaritiesȱ andȱ differencesȱ haveȱ been
revealed.ȱGenerally,ȱtheȱinterpretationȱofȱselfȬinflictedȱdeathȱwasȱcloselyȱconnected
toȱone’sȱlifestyle,ȱsuggestingȱaȱhighȱdegreeȱofȱflexibilityȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtheȱrules
applicable.ȱ Thus,ȱ toȱ aȱ certainȱ degree,ȱ aȱ suicide’sȱ descriptionsȱ andȱ ascriptions
servedȱasȱretrospectiveȱassessmentsȱofȱhowȱwellȱanȱindividualȱhadȱlivedȱhisȱorȱher
lifeȱinȱconformityȱwithȱtheȱprevalentȱrulesȱsetȱbyȱsociety.ȱStudyingȱsuicideȱinȱearly
modernȱtimesȱmakesȱitȱclearȱthatȱcrimeȱandȱpunishmentȱnotȱonlyȱconcernedȱthe
hereȱandȱnowȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱfateȱofȱtheȱsoulȱinȱtheȱafterlife.ȱDealingȱwithȱsuicideȱas
aȱhistoricalȱphenomenonȱremindsȱusȱthatȱcertainȱactionsȱperȱseȱareȱnotȱcriminal,
butȱthatȱtheyȱareȱcriminalizedȱinȱaȱspecificȱhistoricalȱcontextȱandȱsociety,ȱandȱthat
theseȱassessmentsȱareȱsubjectȱtoȱhistoricalȱchange.
74
See,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ Werner,ȱ “Självmordȱ iȱ detȱ storaȱ nordiskaȱ krigetsȱ skugga,”ȱ 35ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 43).
YvonneȱMariaȱWernerȱsuggestsȱthatȱsomeȱformer,ȱCatholicȱcustomsȱpersistedȱuntilȱlongȱafterȱthe
reformation.ȱThus,ȱcemeteriesȱwereȱcontinuouslyȱperceivedȱasȱ“consecrated”ȱplacesȱbyȱmany
people.
ListȱofȱIllustrations
IllustrationsȱforȱBirgitȱWiedl’sȱarticle:
Fig.ȱ1:ȱStiftsmuseumȱKlosterneuburg,ȱIngeȱKitlitschka,ȱKlosterneuburg.ȱPortable
altarȱ (aroundȱ 1470)ȱ withȱ fourȱ paintingsȱ (upperȱ left:ȱ spontaneousȱ ignitionȱ of
candles,ȱupperȱright:ȱtheȱJewȱholdingȱtheȱhost,ȱbottomȱleft:ȱtwoȱblindȱregainȱtheir
sight,ȱbottomȱright:ȱtwoȱcrippledȱareȱcured)
Figs.ȱ2ȱ–ȱ13:ȱStadtmuseumȱKorneuburg.ȱCycleȱofȱpaintings,ȱoil,ȱ1660,ȱelevenȱofȱthe
originallyȱtwelveȱpaintingsȱthatȱwereȱonȱdisplayȱinȱtheȱcloisterȱofȱtheȱmonastery
ofȱKorneuburg,ȱnowȱkeptȱatȱtheȱMunicipalȱMuseum.
Fig.ȱ2:ȱ“1301,ȱtheȱJewȱZerklinȱmadeȱaȱChristianȱsellȱaȱholyȱhostȱwaferȱforȱmoney
andȱaȱcoat.”ȱBackground,ȱleft:ȱZerkelȱoffersȱaȱredȱcoatȱandȱmoneyȱtoȱtheȱChristian.
[Noȱdonation]
Fig.ȱ3:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱChristianȱsellsȱtheȱhostȱtoȱZerkelȱtheȱJewȱforȱmoneyȱandȱaȱcoat.”
Donatedȱ byȱ Wenzeslausȱ Melzer,ȱ CRSAȱ [=ȱ Canonȱ Regular],ȱ parishȱ priestȱ of
Korneuburg
Fig.ȱ4:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱJewȱZerkelȱthrowsȱtheȱhostȱintoȱtheȱwellȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱthe
JewȱScholasticus.”
Donatedȱ byȱ Blasiusȱ Vitalisȱ Seywald,ȱ imperialȱ Salzgegenschreiberȱ (officialȱ atȱ the
imperialȱsaltȱauthority)
Fig.ȱ5:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱJewȱScholasticusȱretrievesȱtheȱhostȱfromȱtheȱwell,ȱandȱtheȱJew
Zerkelȱtrodsȱonȱit.”
Onȱtheȱbaseȱofȱtheȱwell:ȱ“Johannȱ Georgȱ Rekinger,ȱ(memberȱof)ȱtheȱlocalȱinner
councilȱwhoȱrecoveredȱtheȱclothȱwhichȱtheȱmostȱholyȱhostȱhadȱbeenȱwrappedȱin
andȱ whichȱ hadȱ beenȱ hiddenȱ inȱ theȱ localȱ parishȱ churchȱ forȱ innumerableȱ years,
throughȱdivineȱdirection.”
578 Illustrations
Fig.ȱ6:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱJewȱZerkelȱshowsȱitȱ[=ȱtheȱhost]ȱtoȱaȱChristianȱsoȱthatȱheȱshould
throwȱtheȱhostȱtogetherȱwithȱaȱwhiteȱclothȱintoȱtheȱDanube,ȱbutȱtheȱChristianȱdid
notȱtakeȱtheȱhost.”ȱDonatedȱbyȱ[inscriptionȱfaded]ȱJacobȱSn[.ȱ.ȱ.]hacknerȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]
Fig.ȱ7:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱtwoȱJewsȱZerkelȱandȱtheȱScholasticusȱcryȱandȱfalselyȱcomplain,
asȱifȱtheȱChristianȱhadȱcarriedȱtheȱhostȱintoȱtheirȱhouse.”ȱBackground:ȱOneȱofȱthe
Jewsȱappearsȱonȱtheȱthresholdȱwithȱtheȱhostȱwrappedȱinȱcloth.ȱDonatedȱbyȱPaulus
Müller,ȱsenatorȱofȱKorneuburg
Fig.ȱ8:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱtwoȱJewsȱZerkelȱandȱScholasticusȱagainȱthrowȱtheȱhostȱandȱthe
clothȱtoȱtheȱfloorȱandȱtreadȱonȱitȱinȱanger.”ȱDonatedȱbyȱWenzislausȱDyrnwald,
notaryȱpublicȱandȱsyndicȱatȱKorneuburg
Fig.ȱ9:ȱ“Here,ȱanȱangelȱguidesȱaȱbackerȱcalledȱLuderichȱ[!]ȱfromȱtheȱbakeryȱtoȱthe
JewȱZerkel’sȱhouseȱsoȱthatȱheȱshouldȱpickȱupȱtheȱhost;ȱbutȱasȱheȱwasȱscared,ȱthe
hostȱmiraculouslyȱappearedȱbetweenȱhisȱfingersȱ[barelyȱreadable].”ȱBackground:
Theȱbakerȱstoopsȱdownȱtoȱpickȱupȱtheȱhost.ȱ[Noȱdonation]
Fig.ȱ10:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱbakerȱputsȱtheȱhostȱwithȱutmostȱreverenceȱandȱobeisanceȱonȱthe
stonyȱ doorstep,ȱ whereuponȱ theȱ hostȱ sweatedȱ bloodȱ andȱ wasȱ thuslyȱ found.”
Background:ȱLedȱbyȱtheȱangel,ȱtheȱbakerȱcarriesȱtheȱhost.ȱDonation:ȱcoatȱofȱarms
andȱinitialsȱCFVSȱ(accordingȱtoȱZeissl,ȱDasȱehemaligeȱAugustinerkloster,ȱ30ȱ[seeȱnote
33],ȱtheȱcoatȱofȱarmsȱpointsȱatȱtheȱfamilyȱofȱDachsenbeck)
Fig.ȱ 11:ȱ “Here,ȱ waxȱ candlesȱ igniteȱ uponȱ beingȱ shownȱ theȱ hostȱ andȱ theȱ bloodȬ
stainedȱcloth.”ȱDonatedȱbyȱJohannȱNußdorfer,ȱnotaryȱpublicȱatȱKorneuburg
Fig.ȱ12:ȱ“Here,ȱtheȱblindȱareȱhealedȱbyȱbeingȱshownȱtheȱhostȱandȱbyȱapplicationȱof
theȱcloth.”ȱ[Theȱbeardedȱmanȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱhandicapped.]ȱDonatedȱbyȱGeorgius
Eberschwanger
IllustrationsȱforȱMarthaȱPeacock’sȱarticle:
Figureȱ1:ȱQuiringhȱvanȱBrekelenkam,ȱInteriorȱwithȱThreeȱWomenȱandȱaȱLittleȱGirl,
1663,ȱKunsthaus,ȱZürich
Figureȱ2:ȱHendrickȱdeȱKeyser,ȱSpinhuisȱPortalȱSculpture,ȱ1607,ȱAmsterdam
Figureȱ 3:ȱ Nicolaesȱ Eliaszȱ Pickenoy,ȱ Regentsȱ ofȱ theȱ Spinhuis,ȱ 1628,ȱ Amsterdam,
Illustrations 579
Figureȱ 4:ȱ Dirckȱ Dirckszȱ vanȱ Santvoort,ȱ Regentessesȱ ofȱ theȱ Spinhuis,ȱ 1638,
Amsterdam,ȱAmsterdamsȱHistorischȱMuseum
Figureȱ5:ȱKarelȱDujardin,ȱRegentsȱofȱtheȱSpinhuis,ȱ1669,ȱAmsterdam,ȱRijksmuseum
Figureȱ 6:ȱ Bartholomeusȱ vanȱ derȱ Helst,ȱ Twoȱ Regentessesȱ andȱ Twoȱ Regentsȱ ofȱ the
Spinhuis,ȱ1650,ȱAmsterdam,ȱAmsterdamsȱHistorischȱMuseum
Figureȱ7:ȱJacobȱGoleȱafterȱCornelisȱDusart,ȱTactus,ȱAtlasȱvanȱStolk,ȱRotterdam
Figureȱ 8:ȱ Afterȱ Adriaenȱ vanȱ deȱ Venne,ȱ Moeder,ȱ Fromȱ Houwelick,ȱ Koninklijke
Bibliotheek,ȱTheȱHague
Figureȱ 9:ȱ Geertruydtȱ Roghman,ȱ Twoȱ Womenȱ Sewing,ȱ Rijksprentenkabinet,

Rijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam
Figureȱ10:ȱJohannesȱVermeer,ȱLaceȬmaker,ȱTheȱLouvre,ȱParis
Figureȱ11:ȱQuiringhȱvanȱBrekelenkam,ȱLaceȬmaker’sȱSchool,ȱ1654,ȱPresentȱLocation
Unknown
Figureȱ12:ȱIsraelȱvanȱMeckenam,ȱBattleȱforȱtheȱTrousers,ȱBibliothequeȱRoyaleȱAlbert
Ier,ȱBrussels
Figureȱ13:ȱAfterȱAdriaenȱvanȱdeȱVenne,ȱBattleȱforȱtheȱTrousers,ȱFromȱTafereelȱvanȱde
BelacchendeȱWerelt,ȱ1635,ȱAtlasȱvanȱStolk,ȱRotterdam
Figureȱ14:ȱPieterȱdeȱBloot,ȱSpinningȱRoom,ȱPresentȱLocationȱUnknown
Figureȱ 15:ȱ Anonymous,ȱ Theȱ Struggleȱ forȱ Dailyȱ Bread,ȱ Amsterdam,ȱ Amsterdams
HistorischȱMuseum
IllustrationsȱforȱThomasȱWillard’sȱarticle:
Figureȱ1:.ȱRobertȱGreene’sȱexposéȱofȱcozenage
Figureȱ2:ȱJudithȱPhilipsȱbridlingȱaȱrichȱman
580 Illustrations
Figureȱ3:ȱTheȱWhoreȱofȱBabylonȱbyȱAlbrechtȱDürer
Figureȱ4:ȱAristotleȱandȱPhyllisȱbyȱHansȱBaldungȱGrienȱinȱtheȱatelierȱofȱAlbrecht
Dürer
Figureȱ5:ȱAliceȱWestȱandȱJohnȱWestȱinȱtheȱpillory
IllustrationsȱforȱAllisonȱP.ȱCoudert’sȱarticle:
Fig.ȱ1:ȱAmerigoȱVespucciȱ“discovering”ȱAmerica.ȱEngravingȱbyȱTheodorȱGalle,ȱc.
1580ȱ(afterȱaȱdrawingȱbyȱJanȱvanȱderȱStraet,ȱc.ȱ1575).ȱReproducedȱbyȱcourtesyȱofȱthe
TrusteesȱofȱtheȱBritishȱMuseum
Fig.ȱ2:ȱTheȱCrueltiesȱofȱdeȱSoto.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,ȱChicago.
Ayerȱ110ȱBȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ5
Fig.ȱ 3:ȱ Sodomitesȱ savagedȱ byȱ dogs.ȱ Photoȱ Courtesyȱ ofȱ Theȱ Newberryȱ Library,
Chicago.ȱAyerȱ110ȱBȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ4ȱ
Fig.ȱ4:ȱTheȱwomanȱwithȱsaggingȱbreasts.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,
Chicago,ȱAyerȱ110ȱBȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ3
Fig.ȱ5:ȱFrontispiece.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,ȱChicago.ȱAyerȱ110
Bȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ13
Fig.ȱ6:ȱWomanȱwithȱrawȱbird.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,ȱChicago.
Ayerȱ110ȱBȱ1590,ȱvol.ȱ9
Fig.ȱ7:ȱPandora.ȱPhotoȱCourtesyȱofȱTheȱNewberryȱLibrary,ȱChicago.ȱAyerȱ110ȱB
1590,ȱvol.ȱ9
Fig.ȱ 8:ȱ Williamȱ Hogarth,ȱ Transubstantiationȱ Satirizedȱ (1794).ȱ Reproducedȱ by

CourtesyȱofȱtheȱTrusteesȱofȱtheȱBritishȱMuseum
Contributors
ROSAȱ ALVAREZȱ PEREZ,ȱ Assistantȱ professorȱ ofȱ Frenchȱ atȱ Southernȱ Utah
University.ȱSheȱhasȱpublishedȱtheȱfollowingȱentries,ȱ“TheȱBiblicalȱJudith”;ȱ“Jewish
Tradition,ȱ Genderȱ andȱ Women”;ȱ “Rabelais”;ȱ “Judaism”;ȱ “Jewishȱ Women’s
League”ȱ inȱ theȱ Encyclopediaȱ ofȱ Sexȱ andȱ Gender,ȱ editedȱ byȱ Fedwaȱ Maltiȱ Douglas
(2007).ȱSheȱalsoȱhasȱpublishedȱseveralȱarticlesȱonȱaspectsȱofȱtheȱexchangesȱbetween
Jewishȱ womanȱ andȱ Christianȱ societyȱ inȱ medievalȱ northernȱ Franceȱ (suchȱ asȱ in
Urbanȱ Space,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ 2009).ȱ Sheȱ isȱ presentlyȱ workingȱ onȱ several
projects:ȱ aȱ bookȱ projectȱ thatȱ recoversȱ theȱ finalȱ yearsȱ ofȱ Jewishȱ women
moneylendersȱ inȱ Parisȱ beforeȱ theȱ finalȱ expulsionȱ ofȱ 1394;ȱ andȱ anȱ articleȱ that
examinesȱaȱpeculiarȱculturalȱeventȱinȱeighteenthȬcenturyȱLondon:ȱanȱorganized
boxingȱmatchȱbetweenȱaȱJewishȱandȱaȱChristianȱwomanȱ(basedȱonȱaȱnewspaper
clippingȱ ofȱ theȱ period).ȱ Inȱ parallel,ȱ sheȱ isȱ alsoȱ workingȱ onȱ aȱ translationȱ ofȱ Art
profaneȱetȱreligionȱpopulaireȱauȱmoyenȱâgeȱbyȱClaudeȱGaignebetȱandȱJ.ȱDominique
Lajoux.
JOHNȱBEUSTERIENȱisȱanȱAssociateȱProfessorȱofȱSpanishȱatȱTexasȱTechȱUniversity.ȱ
Publicationsȱ includeȱ Anȱ Eyeȱ onȱ Race:ȱ Perspectivesȱ fromȱ Theaterȱ inȱ Imperialȱ Spain
(BucknellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006)ȱandȱanȱeditedȱvolumeȱofȱessaysȱentitledȱDeathȱand
AfterlifeȱinȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱHispanicȱWorldȱ(UniversityȱofȱMinnesotaȱPress,ȱ2010).
Beusterienȱisȱcurrentlyȱinterestedȱinȱtheȱstudyȱofȱanimalsȱinȱdifferentȱcontextsȱin
theȱ medievalȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ SpanishȬspeakingȱ world.ȱ Heȱ isȱ completingȱ a
manuscriptȱentitledȱAmorȱperro:ȱAnimalȱStudiesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱSpain.ȱȱHeȱisȱalso
beginningȱ anotherȱ projectȱ onȱ theȱ arrivalȱ ofȱ Europeanȱ animalsȱ toȱ theȱ North
AmericanȱSouthwest.
DENISȱBJAÏ,ȱancienȱélèveȱdeȱlȇÉcoleȱNormaleȱSupérieure,ȱprofesseurȱdeȱlittérature
françaiseȱ àȱ l’Institutȱ Universitaireȱ deȱ Formationȱ desȱ Maîtresȱ deȱ l’Université
d’Orléans,ȱaȱconsacréȱsaȱthèseȱdeȱdoctoratȱàȱlaȱpoésieȱépiqueȱdeȱlaȱRenaissanceȱ(La
Franciadeȱsurȱleȱmétier:ȱRonsardȱetȱlaȱpratiqueȱduȱpoèmeȱhéroïque,ȱ2001)ȱetȱcoȬéditéȱLes
EssaisȱdeȱMontaigne,ȱauȱLivreȱdeȱPoche,ȱsousȱlaȱdirectionȱdeȱJeanȱCéard.ȱIlȱvient
deȱ terminer,ȱ enȱ collaboration,ȱ uneȱ nouvelleȱ éditionȱ critiqueȱ deȱ Laȱ Sepmaineȱ de
GuillaumeȱduȱBartasȱ(3ȱvol.,ȱsousȱpresse)ȱetȱtravailleȱégalementȱsurȱlesȱrapports
582 Contributors
entreȱdroitȱetȱlittératureȱauȱseinȱdeȱl’équipeȱJusLittera,ȱpourȱl’AgenceȱNationaleȱde
laȱRecherche.
CHRISTOPHERȱR.ȱCLASONȱisȱProfessorȱofȱGermanȱatȱOaklandȱUniversityȱin
Rochester,ȱMichigan.ȱTheȱfocusȱofȱhisȱresearchȱinȱMedievalȱStudiesȱhasȱbeenȱon
Gottfried’sȱTristanȱundȱIsoldeȱandȱWolfram’sȱParzival.ȱȱHeȱhasȱparticipatedȱinȱtwo
previousȱArizonaȱColloquia,ȱandȱheȱȱhasȱcontributedȱarticlesȱonȱtheȱlanguageȱof
power,ȱ andȱ onȱ eroticismȱ andȱ theȱ fulfillmentȱ ofȱ desireȱ inȱ Tristan.ȱ Heȱ hasȱ also
publishedȱarticlesȱonȱGottfriedȇsȱcontinuators,ȱonȱRomanticȱandȱmodernȱreception
ofȱmedievalȱepics,ȱandȱonȱbedsȱandȱmaterialȱcultureȱinȱGermanȱliteratureȱofȱthe
Middleȱ Ages.ȱ Heȱ isȱ aȱ pastȱ Presidentȱ ofȱ theȱ Internationalȱ Tristanȱ Societyȱ and
presentlyȱisȱservingȱasȱanȱAssistantȱEditorȱofȱGermanȱcontributionsȱtoȱtheȱjournal
Tristania.ȱClasonȱhasȱcontributedȱseveralȱarticlesȱtoȱtheȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱStudies
(ed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen),ȱandȱheȱisȱtheȱcollaboratorȱwithȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱinȱthe
publicationȱ ofȱ Ruralȱ Spaceȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Time.ȱ Hisȱ other
researchȱinterestsȱconcentrateȱonȱGermanȱRomanticȱnarrative,ȱandȱheȱisȱcurrently
engagedȱ inȱ aȱ bookȱ projectȱ onȱ complexityȱ theoryȱ andȱ ecocriticismȱ inȱ E.ȱ T.ȱ A.
Hoffmann’sȱDieȱLebensȬAnsichtenȱdesȱKatersȱMurrȱandȱDieȱElixiereȱdesȱTeufels.
ALBRECHTȱCLASSENȱisȱUniversityȱDistinguishedȱProfessorȱofȱGermanȱStudies
atȱ Theȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Arizona.ȱ Heȱ hasȱ publishedȱ moreȱ thanȱ fiftyȱ books,ȱ most
recentlyȱTheȱMedievalȱChastityȱBelt:ȱAȱMythȬMakingȱProcessȱ(2007),ȱTheȱPowerȱofȱa
Woman’sȱ Voiceȱ (2007);ȱ theȱ Englishȱ translationȱ ofȱ theȱ poemsȱ byȱ Oswaldȱ von
Wolkensteinȱ (1376/77Ȭ1445)ȱ (2008);ȱ aȱ bookȱ onȱ SixteenthȬCenturyȱ Germanȱ Jest
Narrativesȱ (Deutscheȱ Schwankliteratur,ȱ 2009);ȱ Liedȱ undȱ Liederbuchȱ inȱ derȱ Frühen
Neuzeit,ȱ togetherȱ withȱ Lukasȱ Richter,ȱ 2009,ȱ andȱ Tiereȱ alsȱ Freundeȱ imȱ Mittelalter,
togetherȱwithȱGabrielaȱKompatscherȱandȱPeterȱDinzelbacherȱ(2010).ȱInȱ2011ȱhe
publishedȱhisȱlatestȱbook,ȱSexȱimȱMittelalter.ȱAmongȱtheȱvolumesȱthatȱheȱhasȱedited
recentlyȱareȱWordsȱofȱLoveȱandȱLoveȱofȱWordsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissance
(2008),ȱSexualityȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimeȱ(2008),ȱUrbanȱSpaceȱinȱthe
MiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimeȱ(2009),ȱWarȱandȱPeaceȱ(2011),ȱandȱRuralȱSpaceȱin
theȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimeȱ(2012).ȱAȱthreeȬvolumeȱHandbookȱofȱMedieval
Studiesȱ (withȱ Walterȱ deȱ Gruyter)ȱ appearedȱ inȱ 2010.ȱ Inȱ 2008ȱ theȱ Universityȱ of
Arizonaȱbestowedȱuponȱhimȱitsȱhighestȱawardȱforȱresearch,ȱtheȱ“Henryȱ&ȱPhyllis
Kofflerȱ Award.”ȱ Inȱ 2004ȱ theȱ Germanȱ governmentȱ awardedȱ himȱ withȱ the
BundesverdienstkreuzȱamȱBandȱ(OrderȱofȱMerit),ȱitsȱhighestȱcivilianȱaward.ȱHeȱhas
alsoȱreceivedȱnumerousȱteachingȱandȱserviceȱawardsȱoverȱtheȱlastȱtwoȱdecades,
mostȱ recentlyȱtheȱ“FiveȱStarȱFacultyȱAward”ȱ(2009).ȱHeȱisȱservingȱasȱeditorȱof
TristaniaȱandȱeditorȱofȱMediaevistik.ȱForȱmanyȱyearsȱheȱhasȱbeenȱtheȱpresidentȱof
theȱ Arizonaȱ chapterȱ ofȱ theȱ Americanȱ Associationȱ ofȱ Teachersȱ ofȱ German,ȱ and
Contributors 583
recentlyȱcompletedȱhisȱfunctionȱasȱPresident/PastȱPresidentȱofȱtheȱRockyȱMountain
ModernȱLanguageȱAssociation.ȱ
ALLISONȱP.ȱCOUDERTȱreceivedȱherȱPh.D.ȱfromȱtheȱWarburgȱInstitute,ȱUniversity
ofȱ London.ȱ Sheȱ currentlyȱ holdsȱ theȱ Paulȱ andȱ Marieȱ Castelfrancoȱ Chairȱ inȱ the
Historyȱ ofȱ Christianityȱ atȱ theȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Californiaȱ atȱ Davis.ȱ Herȱ focusȱ of
interestȱ isȱ onȱ theȱ interactionȱ betweenȱ religionȱ andȱ scienceȱ inȱ theȱ West,ȱ withȱ a
specialȱemphasisȱonȱJewishȱcontributionsȱtoȱscienceȱandȱonȱwomenȱandȱgender
issues.ȱHerȱmostȱrecentȱbook,ȱReligion,ȱMagic,ȱandȱScienceȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope
andȱAmerica,ȱwasȱpublishedȱbyȱPraegerȱinȱ2011.ȱHerȱotherȱpublishedȱworkȱincludes
LeibnizȱandȱtheȱKabbalahȱ(Dordrecht:ȱKluwer,ȱ1995)ȱandȱTheȱImpactȱofȱtheȱKabbalahȱin
theȱ17thȱCentury:ȱTheȱLifeȱandȱThoughtȱofȱFrancisȱMercuryȱvanȱHelmont,ȱ1614Ȭ1698
(Leidenȱ andȱ Boston:ȱ Brill,ȱ 1999).ȱ Amongȱ herȱ recentȱ articlesȱ are,ȱ “Laughingȱ at
CredulityȱandȱSuperstitionȱinȱtheȱLongȱEighteenthȱCentury,”ȱLaughterȱinȱtheȱMiddle
AgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimesȱ(2010);ȱ“Sewers,ȱCesspools,ȱandȱ Privies:ȱWasteȱas
RealityȱandȱMetaphorȱinȱPreȬmodernȱEuropeanȱCities,”ȱUrbanȱSpaceȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Agesȱ andȱ theȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Ageȱ (2009);ȱ andȱ ȱ “Probingȱ Womenȱ andȱ Penetrating
WitchcraftȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope,”ȱHiddenȱIntercourse:ȱErosȱandȱSexualityȱinȱthe
HistoryȱofȱWesternȱEsotericismȱ(2008).ȱ
JOHNȱ GOUGH,ȱ Aȱ nativeȱ ofȱ Saltȱ Lakeȱ City,ȱ Utahȱ andȱ aȱ graduateȱ inȱ French
LiteratureȱfromȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱUtah,ȱJohnȱGoughȱhasȱjustȱcompletedȱhisȱfirst
year’sȱcourseworkȱatȱNYUȱinȱtheirȱFrenchȱLiteratureȱPh.D.ȱProgram.ȱJohn’sȱcurrent
areasȱ ofȱ interestȱ andȱ researchȱ includeȱ Frenchȱ Revolutionaryȱ Theatre,ȱ spatial
approachesȱandȱinterpretationsȱofȱtheȱnovelsȱofȱMadameȱdeȱLafayette,ȱasȱwellȱas
PainȱandȱitsȱfunctionȱinȱMedievalȱandȱContemporaryȱFrenchȱLiterature.ȱ
STACEYȱ L.ȱ HAHNȱ isȱ Associateȱ Professorȱ ofȱ Frenchȱ atȱ Oaklandȱ Universityȱ in
Rochester,ȱ Michigan,ȱ whereȱ sheȱ teachesȱ Frenchȱ languageȱ andȱ literature.ȱ She
receivedȱherȱdoctorateȱfromȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱWisconsinȬMadisonȱinȱ1988.ȱHer
fieldȱofȱinterestȱisȱmedievalȱFrenchȱproseȱromance,ȱparticularlyȱtheȱLancelotȬGrail
Cycleȱ andȱ Jeanȱ d’Arras’sȱ Romanȱ deȱ Mélusine.ȱ Herȱ mostȱ recentȱ articlesȱ include
“FeminineȱSexualityȱinȱtheȱLancelotȬGrailȱCycle,”ȱSexualityȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱand
Earlyȱ Modernȱ Times:ȱ Newȱ Approachesȱ toȱ aȱ Fundamentalȱ CulturalȬHistoricalȱ and
LiteraryȬAnthropologicalȱTheme,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalter
deȱGruyter,ȱ2008),ȱ485Ȭ502;ȱandȱ“TheȱEnigmaticȱContoursȱofȱtheȱBedȱinȱYaleȱ229,”
Essaysȱ onȱ theȱ ‘Lancelot’ȱ ofȱ Yaleȱ 229,ȱ ed.ȱ Elizabethȱ M.ȱ Willinghamȱ (Turnhout,
Belgium:ȱBrepols,ȱ2007),ȱ69Ȭ88.ȱ
584 Contributors
JEANȱ E.ȱ JOSTȱisȱProfessorȱofȱEnglishȱatȱBradleyȱUniversityȱwhereȱsheȱteaches

graduateȱandȱundergraduateȱcoursesȱonȱChaucer,ȱArthurianȱLiterature,ȱOldȱand
MiddleȱEnglishȱsurveys,ȱMedievalȱDrama,ȱandȱMiddleȱEnglishȱromance.ȱSheȱhas
publishedȱTenȱMiddleȱEnglishȱArthurianȱRomances;ȱAȱReferenceȱGuideȱandȱeditedȱa
collectionȱ calledȱ Chaucer’sȱ Humor:ȱ Criticalȱ Essays.ȱ Currentlyȱ sheȱ isȱ editingȱ the
Southernȱ Recensionȱ ofȱ theȱ Prickeȱ ofȱ Conscience.ȱ Herȱ articlesȱ haveȱ considered
Chaucer’sȱPerformativeȱCriseyde,ȱmasculinitiesȱinȱtheȱFriar’sȱandȱSummoner’sȱTales,
variousȱMiddleȱEnglishȱromancesȱ(ȱAmisȱandȱAmiloun,ȱAwntyrsȱoffȱArthurȱatȱthe
TerneȱWathelyne,ȱTheȱTurkeȱandȱGowin,ȱTristanȱandȱIsolt),ȱtheȱpoeticsȱofȱsexualȱdesire
inȱtheȱMerchantsȱTale,ȱTheȱUnȬChaucerianȱTaleȱofȱBeryn,ȱandȱlatelyȱTheȱGawainȱPoet.
HerȱlastȱNEHȱonȱtheȱOldȱFrenchȱFabliauxȱhasȱprovidedȱaȱnewȱinterestȱwhichȱshe
isȱpursuing.ȱ
JOLANTAȱN.ȱKOMORNICKAȱisȱaȱPh.D.ȱcandidateȱinȱHistoryȱatȱBostonȱUniversity
(expectedȱcompletion:ȱ2011).ȱHerȱdissertationȱfieldȱconcernsȱcrimesȱofȱlèseȬmajesté
inȱ Franceȱ underȱ theȱ firstȱ threeȱ Valoisȱ kingsȱ (1328–1380).ȱ Herȱ areasȱ ofȱ research
includeȱ judicialȱ procedureȱ inȱ medievalȱ France,ȱ particularlyȱ theȱ relationship
betweenȱtheoryȱandȱpractice,ȱtheȱlanguageȱofȱcrimeȱandȱitsȱdeployment,ȱandȱthe
historyȱofȱtorture.ȱSheȱhasȱpublishedȱonȱtheȱhistoriographyȱofȱJewsȱinȱPoland,ȱthe
roleȱofȱtheȱdevilȱinȱtheȱtrialȱbyȱordeal,ȱandȱtheȱorcȱbodyȱinȱtheȱworkȱofȱJ.ȱR.ȱR.
Tolkien
NICOLASȱ LOMBART,ȱ ancienȱ élèveȱ deȱ l’Écoleȱ Normaleȱ Supérieureȱ de

Fontenay/SaintȬCloud,ȱmaîtreȱdeȱconférencesȱdeȱlittératureȱfrançaiseȱduȱXVIeȱsiècle
àȱl’Universitéȱd’Orléans,ȱaȱconsacréȱsaȱthèseȱdeȱdoctoratȱauȱgenreȱdeȱl’hymneȱdans
laȱpoésieȱfrançaiseȱdeȱlaȱRenaissanceȱ(2004)ȱetȱparticipéȱàȱl’éditionȱcollectiveȱde
L’artȱpoétiqueȱfrançaisȱ(1596)ȱdeȱPierreȱLaudunȱd’Aigaliersȱ(STFM,ȱ2001).ȱSesȱarticles
portentȱprincipalementȱsurȱleȱlyrismeȱdeȱcélébration,ȱlesȱrapportsȱentreȱlittérature
etȱpolitique,ȱetȱlaȱpoétiqueȱdeȱlaȱpoésieȱàȱlaȱRenaissance.ȱIlȱprépareȱactuellement,
enȱcollaboration,ȱuneȱéditionȱcritiqueȱduȱRecueilȱdeȱl’origineȱdeȱlaȱlangueȱetȱpoésie
françoise,ȱrymeȱetȱromansȱdeȱClaudeȱFauchetȱ(1581)ȱetȱdeȱl’Académieȱdeȱl’artȱpoétique
deȱ Pierreȱ deȱ Deimierȱ (1610).ȱ Ilȱ travailleȱ aussiȱ surȱ lesȱ rapportsȱ entreȱ droitȱ et
littératureȱauȱseinȱdeȱl’équipeȱJusLitteraȱpourȱl’AgenceȱNationaleȱdeȱlaȱRecherche.
EVELYNEȱLUEFȱisȱaȱPhDȱstudentȱatȱtheȱDepartmentȱofȱHistory,ȱUniversityȱof
Vienna,ȱ Austria,ȱ currentlyȱ workingȱ onȱ suicideȱ inȱ earlyȱ modernȱ Austriaȱ and
Sweden.ȱSheȱreceivedȱherȱMagisterȱdegreesȱinȱHistoryȱandȱScandinavianȱStudies
fromȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱVienna,ȱfocusingȱonȱdomesticȱviolenceȱinȱhistoricalȱand
literaryȱcontexts.ȱInȱtheȱcourseȱofȱherȱstudiesȱsheȱhasȱconductedȱresearchȱatȱthe
UniversitiesȱofȱUmeåȱandȱGothenburg,ȱSweden.ȱHerȱcurrentȱresearchȱinterests
Contributors 585
includeȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱbody,ȱgenderȱstudies,ȱasȱwellȱasȱearlyȱmodernȱlegalȱand
criminalȱhistoryȱwithȱaȱspecialȱfocusȱonȱhistoricalȱsuicideȱstudies.
KATHLEENȱM.ȱLLEWELLYNȱisȱAssociateȱProfessorȱofȱFrenchȱandȱInternational
StudiesȱatȱSaintȱLouisȱUniversity.ȱSheȱhasȱpublishedȱarticlesȱonȱL’Heptaméronȱof
MargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȱ(suchȱasȱinȱApproachesȱtoȱteachingȱMargueriteȱdeȱNavarreȇs
Heptameron,ȱed.ȱColetteȱH.ȱWinn,ȱ2007),ȱtheȱpoetryȱofȱMadeleineȱdesȱRochesȱand
GabrielleȱdeȱCoignard,ȱandȱonȱtheȱwidowȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱFrenchȱliteratureȱ(such
asȱinȱAimerȱetȱMourir:ȱLove,ȱDeath,ȱandȱWomenȇsȱLivesȱinȱTextsȱofȱFrenchȱExpression,
ed.ȱ Eileneȱ HoftȬMarchȱ andȱ Judithȱ Hollandȱ Sarnecki,ȱ 2009).ȱ Sheȱ isȱ currently
workingȱ onȱ aȱ bookȱ onȱ representationsȱ ofȱ theȱ biblicalȱ figureȱ ofȱ Judithȱ inȱ early
modernȱFrenchȱliterature.
SUSANNAȱNIIRANENȱstudiedȱhistory,ȱRomanceȱphilology,ȱandȱjournalismȱatȱthe
Universityȱ ofȱ Jyväskylä,ȱ Finland,ȱ whereȱ sheȱ receivedȱ herȱ Master’sȱ degreeȱ and
Ph.D.,ȱfocusingȱonȱtheȱOccitanȱwomenȱtroubadours,ȱtrobairitz:ȱȈMiroirȱdeȱmeыriteȈ:
valeursȱsociales,ȱrôlesȱetȱimageȱdeȱlaȱfemmeȱdansȱlesȱtextesȱmeыdieыvauxȱdesȱtrobairitzȱ(2009:
http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978Ȭ951Ȭ39Ȭ3509Ȭ2ȱ).ȱȱSinceȱ2005,ȱsheȱhasȱbeenȱaȱmemberȱof
theȱprojectȱPhilosophicalȱPsychology,ȱMoralityȱandȱPoliticsȱResearchȱUnit,ȱtheȱcentreȱof
excellenceȱinȱresearchȱfundedȱbyȱtheȱAcademyȱofȱFinland.ȱSheȱhasȱeditedȱaȱwideȬ
rangingȱ Handbookȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ Studiesȱ (2009,ȱ withȱ Markoȱ Lambergȱ andȱ Anu
Lahtinen,ȱfirstȱpublishedȱmedievalist’sȱmanualȱinȱtheȱFinnishȱlanguage).ȱSheȱhas
publishedȱ articlesȱ dealingȱ withȱ variousȱ aspectsȱ ofȱ troubadoursȱ andȱ medieval
literatureȱinȱvariousȱanthologies.ȱHerȱmostȱrecentȱpublicationsȱincludeȱanȱarticle
dedicatedȱtoȱtheȱtroubadourȱPeireȱVidal:ȱ“PeireȱVidalȱ–ȱAȱFoolȱandȱaȱTroubadour”
inȱBehavingȱLikeȱFools:ȱVoice,ȱGesture,ȱandȱLaughterȱinȱTexts,ȱManuscripts,ȱandȱEarly
Books,ȱ ed.ȱ byȱ Lucyȱ Perryȱ andȱ Alexanderȱ Schwartz,ȱ 2010).ȱ Herȱ currentȱ areasȱ of
interestȱ andȱ researchȱ includeȱ medievalȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ medicalȱ recipe
collectionsȱandȱtheirȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱphenomenonȱofȱvernacularizationȱasȱwellȱas
toȱhumanȱconceptionȱofȱwellȬbeing.ȱSheȱisȱcurrentlyȱworkingȱonȱaȱbookȱprojectȱon
Mentalȱ(Dis)ordersȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAges.
MARTHAȱMOFFITTȱPEACOCKȱisȱProfessorȱofȱArtȱHistoryȱatȱBrighamȱYoung
University.ȱ Sheȱ receivedȱ herȱ Ph.D.ȱ fromȱ Theȱ Ohioȱ Stateȱ Universityȱ inȱ 1989,
specializingȱ inȱ theȱ historyȱ ofȱ seventeenthȬcenturyȱ Dutchȱ art.ȱ Herȱ researchȱ has
particularlyȱcenteredȱonȱtheȱrelationshipȱofȱartȱtoȱtheȱlivesȱofȱwomen—bothȱas
artistsȱandȱsubjectsȱinȱart—inȱtheȱDutchȱRepublic.ȱSheȱhasȱpublishedȱaȱnumberȱof
articlesȱandȱessaysȱinȱbothȱinternationalȱandȱnationalȱartȱhistoricalȱjournalsȱand
booksȱincluding:ȱ“DomesticityȱinȱtheȱPublicȱSphere,”ȱSaints,ȱSinners,ȱandȱSisters.
GenderȱandȱNorthernȱArtȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope,ȱed.ȱJaneȱCarrollȱand
Alisonȱ Stewart,ȱ 2003;ȱ “Hoorndragersȱ andȱ Hennetasters:ȱ Theȱ Oldȱ Impotent
586 Contributors
CuckoldȱasȱOtherȱinȱNetherlandishȱArtȱandȱFarce,”ȱOldȱAgeȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱand
Renaissance,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2007;ȱ“EarlyȱModernȱDutchȱWomenȱinȱtheȱCity,”
UrbanȱSpaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱAge,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2009;
andȱ “Compatibleȱ Charactersȱ inȱ Contrastingȱ Cultures:ȱ Hieronymusȱ Boschȱ and
JacopoȱBellini,”ȱNord/SudȱII,ȱUniversityȱofȱPaduaȱ(ȱ2008).ȱCurrently,ȱsheȱisȱworking
onȱaȱbook,ȱHeroines,ȱHarpiesȱandȱHousewives:ȱWomenȱofȱConsequenceȱinȱtheȱDutch
GoldenȱAge.
DANIELȱ F.ȱ PIGGȱ isȱ aȱ Professorȱ ofȱ Englishȱ atȱ Theȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Tennesseeȱ at
MartinȱwhereȱheȱteachesȱChaucer,ȱmedievalȱBritishȱliterature,ȱandȱhistoryȱofȱthe
Englishȱlanguage.ȱHeȱhasȱpublishedȱwidelyȱinȱEnglishȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱranging
fromȱBeowulfȱtoȱMalory’sȱWorks.ȱHeȱhasȱpublishedȱarticlesȱdealingȱwithȱvarious
aspectsȱofȱmasculinityȱinȱhistoricalȱcontextsȱinȱChaucer’sȱCanterburyȱTalesȱandȱin
theȱ presentationȱ ofȱ Beowulfȱ inȱ variousȱ anthologiesȱ availableȱ toȱ highȱ school
students.ȱHisȱmostȱrecentȱpublicationsȱincludeȱanȱarticleȱdedicatedȱtoȱLangland’s
PiersȱPlowmanȱandȱOldȱAgeȱthatȱappearedȱinȱtheȱcollectionȱofȱessaysȱarisingȱfrom
theȱ 2006ȱ Internationalȱ Symposiumȱ onȱ theȱ Representationȱ ofȱ Oldȱ Agesȱ inȱ the
MiddleȱAgesȱandȱRenaissanceȱ(ed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2007).ȱHeȱalsoȱpublishedȱan
essayȱonȱmercantileȱmasculinityȱrepresentedȱinȱChaucer’sȱCook’sȱTaleȱinȱaȱcollection
ofȱ essaysȱ arisingȱ fromȱ theȱ 2008ȱ Internationalȱ Symposiumȱ onȱ Urbanȱ Spaceȱ (ed.
AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2009);ȱthenȱonȱissuesȱofȱmasculinityȱandȱsexualȱperformanceȱof
SirȱGarethȱinȱMalory’sȱTaleȱofȱSirȱGarethȱforȱSexualityȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarly
ModernȱTimesȱ(ed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2008).ȱHeȱhasȱalsoȱcontributedȱtoȱtheȱHandbook
ofȱMedievalȱStudiesȱ(ed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2010)ȱonȱscholarlyȱstudiesȱofȱmasculinity
studiesȱandȱsocialȱconstructionism.ȱMoreover,ȱheȱisȱalsoȱworkingȱonȱaȱbookȱonȱthe
culturalȱ poeticsȱ ofȱ Piersȱ Plowmanȱ andȱ onȱ articlesȱ onȱ Theȱ Dreamȱ ofȱ theȱ Roodȱ and
identityȱformation.
BERNARDȱ RIBÉMONTȱ estȱ professeurȱ deȱ littératureȱ médiévaleȱ àȱ l’Université

d’Orléansȱ(France).ȱIlȱestȱleȱfondateurȱetȱleȱdirecteurȱdeȱpublicationȱdesȱCahiersȱde
RecherchesȱMédiévalesȱetȱHumanistesȱetȱdirigeȱplusieursȱcollectionsȱscientifiquesȱsur
laȱ périodeȱ médiévaleȱ (Honoréȱ Champion,ȱ Klincksieck).ȱ Ilȱ estȱ l’auteurȱ deȱ 130
articlesȱsurȱleȱMoyenȱÂge,ȱetȱaȱécritȱetȱdirigéȱuneȱtrentaineȱd’ouvrages.ȱSpécialiste
desȱencyclopédiesȱmédiévalesȱetȱdeȱlaȱlittératureȱdeȱlaȱfinȱduȱMoyenȱÂgeȱ(Christine
deȱ Pizanȱ enȱ particulier),ȱ ilȱ travailleȱ essentiellementȱ surȱ lesȱ relationsȱ entreȱ la
littératureȱetȱlesȱsavoirsȱsavants,ȱlaȱpolitiqueȱetȱl’histoire.ȱDepuisȱpeu,ȱilȱs’intéresse
particulièrementȱauxȱrelationsȱentreȱleȱdroitȱetȱlaȱlittérature,ȱenȱparticulierȱdansȱla
chansonȱ deȱ geste;ȱ ilȱ dirigeȱ leȱ projetȱ Juslitteraȱ deȱ l’Agenceȱ Nationaleȱ pourȱ la
Rechercheȱ(http://bernard.ribemont.neuf.fr).
Contributors 587
LIAȱB.ȱROSSȱholdsȱaȱPh.D.ȱinȱEuropeanȱHistoryȱ(Medievalȱ&ȱEarlyȱModern)ȱfrom
theȱUniversityȱofȱNewȱMexicoȱwhereȱsheȱworksȱfullȬtimeȱasȱcomputerȱanalystȱand
(inȱtheȱpast)ȱasȱpartȬtimeȱasȱhistoryȱinstructor.ȱSheȱspecializesȱinȱculturalȱstudies
ofȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱFrance,ȱBurgundy,ȱandȱEnglandȱandȱisȱanȱactiveȱmemberȱof
theȱCentreȱeuropéenȱd’étudesȱbourguignonnes.ȱAfterȱherȱbookȱRevisitingȱDecadence:ȱa
Behavioralȱ Interpretationȱ ofȱ FifteenthȬCenturyȱ Historicalȱ Narrativeȱ (2009)ȱ sheȱ has
contributedȱtoȱseveralȱvolumesȱinȱtheȱseriesȱ“FundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarly
Modernȱ Culture,”ȱ editedȱ byȱ Albrechtȱ Classenȱ andȱ Marilynȱ Sandidge,ȱ most
recentlyȱtoȱtheȱvolumeȱonȱLaughterȱ(2010).
MARIAȱCECILIAȱRUIZȱteachesȱatȱUniversityȱofȱSanȱDiego.ȱȱSheȱhasȱpublishedȱa
bookȱonȱDonȱJuanȱManuel,ȱLiteraturaȱyȱpolítica:ȱelȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱestadosȱyȱelȱLibroȱdeȱlas
armasȱdeȱdonȱJuanȱManuelȱ(ScriptaȱHumanística,ȱ1990),ȱandȱanȱarticle,ȱ“Elȱhumorȱen
elȱLibroȱdelȱcaualleroȱetȱdelȱescudero,ȱelȱLibro de los estadosȱyȱelȱLibroȱenfenidoȱdeȱdon
JuanȱManuel”ȱ(Estudiosȱalfonsinosȱyȱotrosȱescritos:ȱenȱhomenajeȱaȱJohnȱEstenȱKellerȱyȱa
AnibalȱA.ȱBiglieri,ȱNationalȱEndowmentȱforȱtheȱHumanities,ȱ1991).ȱȱRecentȱpapers
givenȱonȱdonȱJuanȱManuelȱhaveȱbeen:ȱ“Nature,ȱManȱandȱMoralityȱinȱdonȱJuan
Manuel’sȱLibroȱdelȱcaualleroȱetȱdelȱescudero”ȱandȱ“ReligionȱinȱdonȱJuanȱManuel:ȱFaith
andȱAmbition.”ȱȱSheȱisȱcurrentlyȱworkingȱonȱknighthood,ȱreadershipȱandȱreligion
inȱdonȱJuanȱManuel.
CONNIEȱ L.ȱ SCARBOROUGHȱ (Ph.D.ȱ 1983ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Kentucky)ȱ teachesȱ at

TexasȱTechȱUniversity.ȱMostȱrecentlyȱsheȱpublishedȱaȱbook,ȱAȱHolyȱAlliance:ȱAlfonso
X’sȱPoliticalȱUseȱofȱMarianȱPoetry.ȱAmongȱherȱpreviousȱbooksȱisȱaȱcriticalȱeditionȱof
theȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱexenplosȱporȱa.b.cȱandȱWomenȱinȱThirteenthȬCenturyȱSpain.ȱSheȱhas
publishedȱarticlesȱinȱtheȱvolumesȱthatȱresultedȱfromȱpreviousȱsymposiaȱorganized
byȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱonȱWordsȱofȱLoveȱandȱLoveȱofȱWords,ȱOldȱAge,ȱandȱSexuality.ȱShe
hasȱalsoȱpublishedȱmostȱrecentlyȱanȱarticleȱinȱMedievaliaȱentitledȱ“AnotherȱLook
atȱtheȱEncounterȱwithȱtheȱSerranasȱinȱtheȱLibroȱdeȱbuenȱamor.”ȱSheȱhasȱalsoȱanȱarticle
inȱAlcanateȱ(Spain),ȱ“LaȱvozȱpersonalȱdeȱAlfonsoȱXȱenȱunaȱcantigaȱmurciana.”ȱShe
hasȱarticlesȱforthcomingȱinȱCelestinesca,ȱHispanicȱResearchȱJournal,ȱRomanceȱNotes,
andȱMediaevistik.ȱHerȱnewȱresearchȱprojectȱisȱanȱapplicationȱofȱecocriticalȱtheories
toȱworksȱofȱMedievalȱSpanishȱliterature.
SCOTTȱL.ȱTAYLOR,ȱPh.D.,ȱJ.D.,ȱisȱaȱretiredȱattorney,ȱcurrentlyȱteachingȱhistory
andȱ politicalȱ scienceȱ atȱ Pimaȱ Communityȱ College,ȱ Tucson,ȱ Arizona.ȱ ȱ Heȱ has
authoredȱaȱnumberȱofȱpapersȱandȱarticlesȱdealingȱwithȱaspectsȱofȱmedievalȱlaw,
includingȱ“LawyersȱonȱtheȱMargins:ȱGenderedȱImagesȱofȱtheȱLegalȱVocationȱin
MedievalȱFrance,”ȱ75thȱannualȱmeetingȱofȱtheȱMedievalȱAcademyȱofȱAmerica,
Austin,ȱTexas,ȱAprilȱ13–16,ȱ2000,ȱandȱ“Reason,ȱRhetoricȱandȱRedemption:ȱȱThe
teachingȱofȱlawȱandȱtheȱPlanctusȱMariaeȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱ20thȱannual
588 Contributors
MiddleȱAgesȱConference,ȱFordhamȱUniversity,ȱMarchȱ24–25,ȱ2000,ȱpublishedȱin
MedievalȱEducation,ȱed.ȱRonaldȱB.ȱBegleyȱandȱJosephȱW.ȱKoterski,ȱS.J.ȱȱFordham
SeriesȱinȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱ4ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱFordhamȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱasȱwell
asȱhisȱdissertation,ȱ“MaryȱbetweenȱGodȱandȱtheȱDevil:ȱȱJurisprudence,ȱTheology
andȱSatireȱinȱBartoloȱofȱSassoferrato’sȱProcessusȱSathane”(UniversityȱofȱArizona,
2005).ȱȱHisȱreviewsȱhaveȱappearedȱinȱTheologicalȱStudies,ȱandȱheȱhasȱcontributedȱto
aȱnumberȱofȱotherȱWalterȱdeȱGruyterȱpublications,ȱincludingȱOldȱAgeȱinȱtheȱMiddle
AgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱ(2007),ȱandȱLaughterȱinȱtheȱMiddle
AgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimes,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱ(2010);ȱseveralȱentries,ȱincluding
thoseȱonȱmedievalȱlawȱandȱpoliticalȱtheoryȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱinȱtheȱHandbookȱof
Medievalȱ Studies,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classenȱ (2010);ȱ andȱ “Theȱ Conquestȱ ofȱ Sodom:ȱ
SymbiosisȱofȱCalumnyȱandȱCanonȱinȱtheȱJusȱBelliȱfromȱIrelandȱtoȱtheȱIndies,”ȱin
WarȱandȱPeace:ȱȱNewȱPerspectivesȱinȱEuropeanȱHistoryȱandȱLiterature,ȱ700Ȭ1800,ȱed.
NadiaȱMargolisȱandȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱ(2011),ȱasȱwellȱasȱ“Usosȱrerumȱrusticarum:
Malaeȱ consuetudines,ȱ maleȱ usosȱ legeȱ andȱ Peasantȱ Rebellionȱ asȱ Resistanceȱ or
AdaptationȱtoȱLegalȱChange,”ȱinȱtheȱforthcomingȱvolumeȱRuralȱSpaceȱinȱtheȱMiddle
Agesȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Age:ȱ Theȱ Spatialȱ Turnȱ inȱ Premodernȱ Studies,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrecht
ClassenȱinȱcollaborationȱwithȱChristopherȱR.ȱClason.
JESSICAȱ TVORDIȱ earnedȱ herȱ Ph.D.ȱ inȱ Englishȱ Literatureȱ atȱ theȱ Universityȱ of
Arizonaȱinȱ2002.ȱHerȱpublicationsȱincludeȱarticlesȱonȱShakespeareȱinȱMaidsȱand
Mistresses,ȱCousinsȱandȱQueens:ȱWomenȇsȱAlliancesȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱEngland,ȱedited
byȱSusanȱFryeȱandȱKarenȱRobertsonȱ(OxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1999)ȱandȱinȱThe
JournalȱofȱtheȱWoodenȱOȱ(2008),ȱasȱwellȱasȱaȱforthcomingȱarticleȱonȱThomasȱCarew’s
CoelumȱBritannicumȱinȱQuidditas.ȱRecentlyȱsheȱalsoȱcontributedȱanȱarticleȱonȱRobert
HerrickȱtoȱRuralȱSpaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱTimeȱ(ed.ȱAlbrecht
Classen,ȱ2012).ȱSheȱisȱcurrentlyȱworkingȱonȱaȱbookȬlengthȱprojectȱthatȱexamines
howȱpostȬReformationȱanxietiesȱaboutȱinstitutionalȱpolitics,ȱcivicȱmorality,ȱand
nationalȱboundariesȱinform,ȱandȱareȱinformedȱby,ȱearlyȱmodernȱdiscoursesȱon
genderȱ andȱ sexualȱ deviance.ȱ Sheȱ holdsȱ theȱ positionȱ ofȱ Assistantȱ Professorȱ of
EnglishȱatȱSouthernȱUtahȱUniversity,ȱwhereȱsheȱteachesȱcoursesȱonȱShakespeare,
Milton,ȱ andȱ poetics,ȱ andȱ alsoȱ servesȱ regularlyȱ asȱ aȱ guestȱ lecturerȱ forȱ theȱ Utah
ShakespeareanȱFestivalȇsȱCampȱShakespeareȱseries.
PATRICIAȱA.ȱTURNINGȱ(Ph.D.ȱ2007,TheȱUniversityȱofȱCalifornia,ȱDavis)ȱteaches
medievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱEuropeanȱhistoryȱcoursesȱatȱArizonaȱStateȱUniversity.
Inȱ 2009,ȱ sheȱ receivedȱ Theȱ L.ȱ Christianȱ Smithȱ Teachingȱ Excellenceȱ Award,
Presentedȱ byȱ Phiȱ Alphaȱ Theta.ȱ ȱ Sheȱ publishedȱ anȱ articleȱ inȱ theȱ volumeȱ that
resultedȱfromȱpreviousȱsymposiaȱorganizedȱbyȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱonȱUrbanȱSpace
inȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱAge.ȱSheȱhasȱalsoȱrecentlyȱpublishedȱan
articleȱ inȱ Frenchȱ Historyȱ entitled,ȱ “Theȱ Rightȱ toȱ Punish:ȱ Jurisdictionalȱ Disputes
Contributors 589
betweenȱRoyalȱandȱMunicipalȱOfficialsȱinȱMedievalȱToulouse.”ȱSheȱisȱcurrently
finishingȱ herȱ manuscript,ȱ “Fearȱ Notȱ theȱ Madnessȱ ofȱ theȱ Ragingȱ Mob:”ȱ Municipal
Officials,ȱTheirȱPublicȱandȱtheȱNegotiationȱofȱJusticeȱinȱMedievalȱ Languedoc,ȱforȱthe
publicationȱofȱresearchȱfundedȱbyȱtheȱBirgitȱBaldwinȱFellowship,ȱpresentedȱbyȱthe
MedievalȱAcademyȱofȱAmerica.ȱHerȱnextȱprojectȱisȱanȱexaminationȱofȱwomenȱin
medievalȱprisons.ȱ
BIRGITȱWIEDLȱisȱaȱresearchȱfellowȱatȱtheȱInstituteȱofȱJewishȱHistoryȱinȱAustria,
St.ȱ Pölten,ȱ andȱ aȱ lecturerȱ atȱ theȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Salzburg.ȱ Sheȱ studiedȱ History,
GermanȱandȱRussianȱPhilologyȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱSalzburgȱ(MasterȱandȱPhD),
andȱHistoryȱandȱArchivisticsȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱViennaȱ(Master).ȱHerȱmainȱfield
ofȱresearchȱisȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱJewsȱinȱmedievalȱAustria,ȱurbanȱhistory,ȱandȱeconomic
history.ȱSheȱisȱtheȱauthorȱofȱAlltagȱundȱRecht.ȱAspekteȱderȱAlltagsȬȱundȱRechtsgeȬ
schichteȱ imȱ Handwerkȱ (2006),ȱ andȱ hasȱ publishedȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ articlesȱ onȱ the
economic,ȱurban,ȱandȱsocialȱhistoryȱofȱJewsȱinȱmedievalȱAustriaȱasȱwellȱasȱedited
anthologiesȱ onȱ thatȱ topic.ȱ Togetherȱ withȱ Evelineȱ Brugger,ȱ sheȱ conductsȱ the
researchȱprojectȱ“DocumentsȱonȱJewishȱHistoryȱinȱMedievalȱAustria,”ȱfundedȱby
theȱ Austrianȱ Scienceȱ Fundȱ (FWF),ȱ whichȱ aimsȱ atȱ collectingȱ charters,
historiographic,ȱ andȱ literaryȱ documentsȱ thatȱ bearȱ referenceȱ toȱ Austrianȱ Jews.
Volumesȱ1ȱandȱ2ȱofȱthisȱcollectionȱhaveȱalreadyȱbeenȱpublishedȱ(EvelineȱBrugger
andȱBirgitȱWiedl,ȱRegestenȱzurȱGeschichteȱderȱJudenȱinȱÖsterreichȱimȱMittelalter.ȱVol
1:ȱVonȱdenȱAnfängenȱbisȱ1338.ȱVol.ȱ2:ȱ1339–1365.ȱ2005,ȱ2010;ȱvolumeȱ3ȱisȱcurrently
beingȱcompleted.ȱOnlineȱ(forȱfreeȱdownload)ȱat:
http://www.injoest.ac.at/projekte/laufend/mittelalterliche_judenurkunden/).ȱShe
hasȱbeenȱaȱregularȱcontributorȱtoȱtheȱvolumesȱinȱtheȱbookȱseriesȱ“Fundamentals
ofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture.”
THOMASȱWILLARDȱteachesȱEnglishȱliteratureȱatȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱArizona.ȱHe
hasȱeditedȱtheȱalchemicalȱwritingsȱofȱJeanȱd’Espagneȱ(2000).ȱHisȱoccasionalȱessays
onȱaspectsȱofȱRosicrucianismȱhaveȱappearedȱinȱPapersȱofȱtheȱBibliographicalȱSociety
ofȱ Americaȱ (1984),ȱ Theorienȱ vomȱ Ursprungȱ derȱ Spracheȱ (1989),ȱ Secretȱ Texts:ȱ The
LiteratureȱofȱSecretȱSocietiesȱ(1995),ȱandȱMysticalȱMetalȱofȱGold:ȱEssaysȱonȱAlchemyȱand
RenaissanceȱCultureȱ(2007).ȱHeȱhasȱalsoȱeditedȱaȱcollectionȱofȱwritingsȱbyȱandȱabout
Northropȱ Fryeȱ (1991),ȱ andȱ hasȱ publishedȱ moreȱ thanȱ aȱ dozenȱ essaysȱ onȱ Frye’s
criticism.ȱSomeȱofȱhisȱarticlesȱappearedȱinȱFrench,ȱsuchȱasȱinȱÉsotérisme,ȱgnosesȱ&
imaginaireȱ symboliqueȱ (2001).ȱ Heȱ hasȱ contributedȱ repeatedlyȱ toȱ theȱ volumes
dedicatedȱtoȱTheophrastusȱvonȱHohenheim,ȱed.ȱbyȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱ(Religionȱund
Gesundheit,ȱ2011;ȱandȱWahresȱ LebenȱundȱTodȱvomȱ16.ȱJahrhundertȱbisȱzurȱNeuzeit,
2012).ȱHeȱalsoȱcontributedȱmostȱrecentlyȱtoȱRuralȱSpaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarly
ModernȱTimeȱ(ed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2012).
Index
AbbeyȱofȱMaillezais 93–94,ȱ104,ȱ105 AndréȱdeȱLavalȬLohéac 367,

Abélard 100 ȱ369,ȱ400
DerȱAckermannȱausȱBöhmen 135,ȱ137 AndréȱdeȱMonchy 201
Adamȱd’Hordain 208 ApostolicȱPenitentiary 8
adultery 231Ȭ33,ȱ243 Aquinas,ȱThomas 544,ȱ557,ȱ558
Aeneas 87 Aristotle 491,ȱ493–94,
Aesop 248,ȱ280 ȱ496–502,ȱ507
AgobardȱofȱLyon 111 ArnaldusȱdeȱSantoȱMartino 293
AimericȱdeȱPeguilhan 48 ArnaudȱVigier 197
AlanusȱAnglicus 191 ArthurȱdeȱRichemont 366,ȱ374
AlbigensianȱCrusade 49,ȱ54–55,ȱ Aspremont 39Ȭ41
57,ȱ284,ȱ291 AssizeȱofȱClarendon 116
AlbrechtȱI 328–29 AssizeȱofȱNorthampton 116
AlbrechtȱII 321,ȱ325Ȭ27,ȱ329 assurément 190,ȱ192,ȱ216,ȱ222
AlbrechtȱV 329–30 AucassinȱetȱNicolette 145
AlbrechtȱIIȱofȱSaxonyȬWittenberg Auer,ȱThomas 572
326 Augustine,ȱSaint 408,ȱ557
AlbrechtȱvonȱHegerloch 139 AymardȱJohanninȱofȱCahors 205
alcahuetas 412–13 Bacon,ȱFrancis 525,ȱ529
TheȱAlchemist 24,ȱ496Ȭ502 Baillés,ȱGuillemet 207
AlexanderȱII 112 Balladeȱdesȱpendus 159–60,
AlexanderȱtheȱGreat 456,ȱ493 ȱ163–64,ȱ173
AlfonsoȱII 48 Balladeȱdesȱlanguesȱennuyeuses 171
AlfonsoȱX 17–18,ȱ225Ȭ27, Baronȱd’Holbach 539
ȱ232,ȱ241,ȱ243Ȭ46 Barrau,ȱGuillaume 291
Alfred 115,ȱ120 baston 286
AmbraserȱHeldenbuch 152 BaudoinȱdeȱSebourc 37
Ambrose,ȱSaint 302–03, Baxter,ȱRichard 530
ȱ314,ȱ317Ȭ22,ȱ325 Beaumanoir 123
AmbroseȱofȱHeiligenkreuz 302–03, Becker,ȱHenry 466
ȱ314,ȱ317 beguine 249,ȱ263Ȭ67,ȱ273
AmiȱetȱAmile 34 BenedictȱXII 326
Amplumus,ȱRobert 207 BernardȱdeȱCastanet 295
592 Index
BernardȱofȱClairvaux 143 Carvajal,ȱMichaelȱde 540

Bertha 306,ȱ308,ȱ323 casȱroyaux 191Ȭ93,ȱ195,ȱ196
Bertram,ȱWayne 381,ȱ384 Castigosȱ eȱ documentosȱ delȱ reyȱ don
BertranȱdeȱBorn 48 Sancho 228,ȱ233
Bible 120–21,ȱ123–24 Catena 515–16
binnenmoeder 463 CatherineȱdeȱThouars 362,ȱ400
binnenvader 463 Cats,ȱJacob 463
TheȱBirthȱofȱtheȱNation 405 Caxton 126
Blanchet,ȱEustache 371,ȱ374,ȱ388 Celsus 529–30
Blouyn,ȱJean 381 chansonȱdeȱgeste 12,ȱ29–30,ȱ32,
Bluebeard 360,ȱ398–99 ȱ34,ȱ37,ȱ41–42
Bodin,ȱJean 538 ChansonȱdeȱRoland 13,ȱ32,ȱ38
Boelisz,ȱHendrick 465 Chapeillon,ȱGuillaume 382
Bolton,ȱRobert 538 characterȱassassination 249,ȱ270Ȭ73
BonifaceȱVIII 118 Charlemagne 228
BonifaceȱofȱMonteferrat 56 CharlesȱVII 363–64,ȱ367,ȱ372,ȱ399
Boquet,ȱJean 200 CharlesȱII 530
laȱBoucherie 289 CharlesȱduȱSault 452
Bouteiller,ȱJean 30,ȱ35 CharlesȱIX 439,ȱ445
Boyle,ȱRobert 530,ȱ545 CharlesȱofȱValois 201
Breslau 330 CharlesȱIV 199,ȱ202
Bridewellȱprison 461 CharroiȱdeȱNîmes 31
Britton 119,ȱ126–27 Chartier,ȱJacques 399
Brouwer,ȱGerbrant 465 Chartier 21
Brouwers,ȱCatharina 467,ȱ469 chastity 418–19,ȱ434
Brown,ȱDan 87 ChâteauȱNarbonnais 290,ȱ293–94
Bruno 309 Châtelet 281,ȱ287,ȱ289
BrunoȱvonȱBrennenberg 138 Châtellerault 51
Brutus 87 Chaucer 20,ȱ21
Bry,ȱTheodoreȱde 533–34 Chaucer,ȱGeoffrey 347Ȭ51,
Buchet,ȱAndré 365 ȱ353–54,ȱ356Ȭ58
TheȱBurialȱofȱCountȱOrgaz 408 TheȱCheats 500
Burton,ȱRobert 522 ChevalerieȱOgier 31
CaesarȱofȱHeisterbach 527 LeȱChevalierȱdeȱlaȱcharrete 15
Caesar 438,ȱ456–57,ȱ515 Christ 87,ȱ98
cannibalism 25,ȱ27 ChristopherȱofȱBavaria 559
CanterburyȱTales 20,ȱ347–48,ȱ350 ChronicaȱMajora 527
CantigasȱdeȱSantaȱMaria 228,ȱ232, TheȱCityȱofȱGod 557
ȱ234,ȱ241Ȭ43 CivilȱWar 538
Capetianȱkingdom 284 Clarke,ȱSamuel 545
CarminaȱBurana 13 ClementȱV 10
Index 593
TheȱClerk’sȱTale 348,ȱ357 DerȱarmeȱHeinrich 14,ȱ66Ȭ70

coblas 57–58 Derrida,ȱJacques 526
ColdardȱdeȱGisors 290 devil 248,ȱ249,ȱ260Ȭ62,
ColetteȱofȱCorbie 527 ȱ264Ȭ68,ȱ276,ȱ278
Columbus 530–31,ȱ537,ȱ540 DialogusȱMiraculorum 527
Commelin,ȱJohn 466 Dickens,ȱCharles 404
Commentaires 23,ȱ437Ȭ58 DictsȱnotablesȱdesȱanciensȱRoys 510,
ComplaintȱofȱtheȱIndiansȱinȱ ȱ517
theȱCourtȱofȱDeathȱ 540 Dujardin,ȱKarel 466,ȱ479
CompteȱdeȱPoitiers 122 Dürer,ȱAlbrecht 493,ȱ506–07,ȱ533
compurgation 175 Düring 138
ElȱCondeȱLucanor 18,ȱ234,ȱ247–48, Dusart,ȱCornelis 468,ȱ481
ȱ250Ȭ66,ȱ268Ȭ77,ȱ279–80 Eadmer 115
Conrad,ȱJoseph 541 EaucourtȬl’Abbaye 201
conversos 408 Ebermannus 309
Corrillaut,ȱÉtienne 365 edeleȱherzen 81
costellum 291 EdwardȱIII 195
Coudrette 91 EdwardȱtheȱConfessor 115
CouncilȱofȱWorms 112 EikeȱvonȱRepgow 3,ȱ16
CouronnementȱdeȱRenart 141 Eleigh 237
coutumes 291 Elias,ȱNorbert 136
Coutumierȱd’Artois 32,ȱ36 ElizabethȱI 501
Lesȱcoutumesȱd’Alzen 115 LesȱEncoupementsȱdeȱlaȱCorone 109
CoutumesȱdeȱBeauvaisis 34–35, enqueteurs 117
ȱ 189–90,ȱ194,ȱ199,ȱ210,ȱ214 envejos 60
cozeners 491,ȱ492,ȱ499–500,ȱ502 ErasmusȱofȱRotterdam 471,ȱ500
Croesus 512 esguard 115
Crónicaȱabreviada 233 Espéculo 226
custodiesȱplacitorumȱcoronae 117 Essais 509Ȭ11,ȱ513Ȭ17,ȱ519,ȱ520
CyranoȱdeȱBergerac 544 Estoireȱd’Engleis 115
Dahmer,ȱJeffrey 362,ȱ376 ÉtablissementsȱdeȱSaintȬLouis 212
David,ȱKing 87,ȱ88 EtienneȱdeȱBourbon 52
deȱJonge,ȱMuilmanȱWillem 466 Exceptiones 117–18
deȱLaȱTrémoille 363–64,ȱ366,ȱ389 Expilly,ȱClaude 126
Deȱodioȱetȱatia 117 fabliaux 347
Deȱclementia 519 Faidit,ȱGaucelm 47,ȱ56,ȱ60,ȱ61
Deȱalcumista 500 FaustȱPartȱ1 71
deceit 247,ȱ256,ȱ278 fautorȱiudeorum 328
Decretum 112 feloȱdeȱse 560,ȱ576
Dee,ȱJohn 501 feminization 434
Defoe,ȱDaniel 542 fengȱshui 498
594 Index
Ferdinand 531 GeoffreyȱII,ȱDukeȱofȱBrittany 56

FerdinandȱIII 559 GeoffroiȱdeȱVigeois 52
Ferdinandea 559,ȱ566,ȱ571 GeoffroiȱleȱGros 52
Fernandes,ȱGarci 233 geomancy 498
FernandoȱdeȱRojas 22,ȱ406–07, George,ȱCroock 466
ȱ409,ȱ411,ȱ412 GeraldȱofȱWales 145
Ficino,ȱMarsilio 529 GérardȱdeȱGalles 52
Figueira 55 GerbertȱdeȱMontreuil 122
Fleet 282,ȱ286,ȱ291–92 Gertrud 309
Fleta 127 Gertrudis 308
Folc,ȱRaimon 48–49 Gesera 312,ȱ329,ȱ330
Folenfant,ȱJean 294 AȱGestȱofȱRobinȱHood 177,ȱ188
Forgery 190,ȱ195–96,ȱ203Ȭ07, Gielée,ȱJaquemart 141
ȱ209,ȱ213Ȭ16,ȱ222,ȱ223 GillesȱdeȱSillé 365
Forman,ȱSimon 501–02 GillesȱdeȱRais 21,ȱ359Ȭ76,ȱ378,ȱ380,
Fortescue 126 ȱ382Ȭ84,ȱ386Ȭ91,ȱ393Ȭ95,ȱ398Ȭ401
Foucault 459 GiovanniȱdeȱLegnano 111
FourthȱLateranȱCouncil 7,ȱ110, Girard,ȱBishopȱofȱAngoulême 50,ȱ51
ȱ114,ȱ118 GirartȱdeȱVienne 31
fox 248–49,ȱ251Ȭ54,ȱ258 GirartȱdeȱRoussillon 13,ȱ30,ȱ31,ȱ36
francusȱhomo 119 Glanvill 117
FrederickȱII 55 Goddard,ȱWilliam 530
Friedrich 303–04,ȱ306Ȭ08,ȱ313,ȱ323 Gole,ȱJacob 468,ȱ481
Frisians 228 Goodfellow,ȱRobin 501–02
Froissart,ȱJean 125 GormondaȱdeȱMonpeslier 54Ȭ56,ȱ60
FueroȱdeȱCuenca 225–26,ȱ231,ȱ238 Gottesurteil 111
FueroȱdeȱSepúlveda 231,ȱ237 GottfriedȱvonȱStraßburg 14,
FueroȱReal 225–26,ȱ238 ȱ66,ȱ80,ȱ125
fueros 231 Goya 406,ȱ411
Gaimar 115 Gratian 112–13
Galian,ȱJacques 206 Greene,ȱRobert 492
Galle,ȱTheodor 532,ȱ547 GregoryȱXI 114
Gamelyn 175Ȭ88 Griart,ȱHenriet 365
Gamelyn 16 laȱGriesche 289
GastonȱII 203,ȱ213 Grimaut,ȱGui 201
GävleborgsȱLänsȱLandskansli 562, Griselda 357
ȱ 564,ȱ568,ȱ573 Grotius,ȱHugo 538
Gaydon 33,ȱ34 Grundherrschaft 562–63,
gelos 60 ȱ565,ȱ569,ȱ571,ȱ572
GeoffreyȱBigȱTooth 87,ȱ88,ȱ90–91 GuerresȱdeȱReligion 437,
GeoffreyȱofȱLusignan 94 ȱ451,ȱ454,ȱ457
Index 595
Gui,ȱBernard 294 HonoriusȱIII 114

Guiȱd’Apremont 202 HorologiumȱSapientiae 135,ȱ136
GuibertȱdeȱNogent 52 host 19,ȱ20,ȱ24
GuilhelmaȱMonja 56 hostia 306,ȱ308,ȱ318,ȱ331
GuilhemȱdeȱBergueda 47Ȭ49, hostiaȱmirifica 318
ȱ59–60,ȱ64 Houwelick 463,ȱ469,ȱ482
GuilhemȱRainolȱd’At 57 hovrätt 561,ȱ564,ȱ568–69,ȱ573
GuilhemȱdeȱlaȱTor 46 HugoȱvonȱTrimberg 132
GuilhemȱdeȱCabestanh 13 Hume,ȱDavid 546
GuilhemȱdeȱFigueira 13 HuonȱdeȱBordeaux 31
GuilhemȱdeȱCabestanh 46 Hutterin,ȱAlheit 309
GuillaumeȱdeȱDecken 210Ȭ12 identityȱtheft 249,ȱ270–71
Guillaume,ȱbishopȱofȱLéon 373 incest 233–34
GuillaumeȱdeȱDole 121 infanticide 227–28,ȱ234
GuiotȱdeȱProvins 120–21 ingratitude 249,ȱ270,ȱ274,ȱ277
GuyȱofȱWarwick 89,ȱ90 InnocentȱIII 116,ȱ118
Hadrian 229 inquisition 405Ȭ07
Haeck,ȱLysbethȱHendricusdr 465 intentio 70
hanging 287 Isabella 531
häradsrätt 561–62,ȱ564,ȱ567–68 iudiciumȱDei 15,ȱ115,ȱ123
häradsting 555,ȱ561 jailers 281,ȱ284Ȭ89,ȱ293–94,ȱ297
DerȱarmeȱHartmann 145 jails 284–85,ȱ288,ȱ290,ȱ293
HartmannȱvonȱAue 14, Jeanȱd’Arras 14,ȱ89,ȱ91
ȱ66–67,ȱ72,ȱ75–76 JeanȱdeȱMeun 124
HeartȱofȱDarkness 541 JeanȱLeȱFerron 373,ȱ383
HeinrichȱderȱGlichezare 15,ȱ131 JeanȱVȱofȱBrittany 364,ȱ367,
HeinrichȱderȱTeichner 15 ȱ369,ȱ374
HeinrichȱvonȱMelk 145 JeanȱdeȱMeun 349
HelioȱdeȱManso 296 JeanȱdeȱMalestroit 367,ȱ369,
Helmbrecht 15,ȱ131,ȱ134,ȱ139,ȱ152Ȭ58 ȱ373,ȱ399
HendrickȱdeȱKeyser 464,ȱ476 JeanȱdeȱCraon 362Ȭ65,ȱ375,ȱ396
HenryȱII 116 JehanȱdeȱCarrouges 125
Heptaméron 22–23, Jephthah 348,ȱ354Ȭ56,ȱ358
ȱ415Ȭ29,ȱ431,ȱ434–35 TheȱJewȱofȱMalta 542
Hesiode 518,ȱ523 JoanȱofȱArc 20–21,
HicquetȱdeȱBrémont 365 ȱ359Ȭ61,ȱ363,ȱ372
HildebertȱdeȱLavardin 52 JohanetaȱdeȱSantolo 292
HistoriaȱNovarum 115 JohannesȱvonȱTepl 137
Hobbes 522 JohannesȱdeȱManso 296
Hogarth 524,ȱ546,ȱ554 JohanniȱdeȱBarra 294
Hohenstaufen 146,ȱ158 Johannis,ȱGuillelmus 296
596 Index
JohnȱStowe 186 LeopoldȱI 559

JohnȱofȱSalisbury 145,ȱ206–07 Leopoldina 559,ȱ566
Jonson,ȱBen 24,ȱ496 Léry,ȱJeanȱde 521,ȱ533
JourdainȱdeȱBlaye 31,ȱ34,ȱ36,ȱ37 Léry 521,ȱ528,ȱ533
Jourdainȱdeȱl’Isle 199,ȱ202 LèseȬmajesté 17,ȱ189Ȭ96,
JourdainȱdeȱBlaye 13 ȱ 200,ȱ202,ȱ204–05,ȱ209–10,
Judensau 133 ȱ213–14,ȱ216,ȱ219Ȭ22
jugementȱdeȱDieu 118,ȱ121–22, LexȱCorneliaȱdeȱSicarriss 195,ȱ229
ȱ125Ȭ29 LexȱPompeiaȱdeȱParricidiis 229
LesȱJuliaȱMajestatis 195 LexȱJuliaȱMajestatis 194
Justinian 189 Libroȱdeȱlosȱexenlosȱporȱa.b.c. 232
Juvenal,ȱJean 125 LibroȱdeȱApolonio 233–34
Kant,ȱImmanuel 539 Lilly,ȱWilliam 501
KarlȱIX 558–59 Lithgow,ȱWilliam 167
Kempe,ȱMargery 289 Livy 20,ȱ124,ȱ348–49,ȱ351
Klett,ȱKonrad 324 Lohengrin 124
Koloman 309 LopeȱdeȱVega 540
KonradȱofȱLeobendorf 322 LouisȱIX 117,ȱ120
KonradȱanȱderȱHochstrass 302, LouisȱX 198
ȱ304Ȭ09,ȱ321Ȭ25,ȱ333 LouisȱXVI 529
Korneuburg 299,ȱ301Ȭ04, LouisȱdeȱNevers 201,ȱ210
ȱ 306,ȱ308–09,ȱ311Ȭ14,ȱ317Ȭ19, Lucanorȱ(seeȱElȱCondeȱLucanor)
ȱ 321,ȱ322,ȱ324Ȭ28,ȱ330Ȭ33, Lusignan 87,ȱ89,ȱ91,
ȱ 335–36,ȱ340–41,ȱ344 ȱ93–94,ȱ97Ȭ99,ȱ105–06
Kristofersȱlandslag 559–60,ȱ562 Lustig,ȱPerȱJönsson 573
LaȱCelestina 22 Luther,ȱMartin 574
LaaȱanȱderȱThaya 312,ȱ321,ȱ328 Mabbe,ȱJohn 408
Lais 16 Magnus,ȱAlbertus 351
Lakenhal,ȱLeiden 473 Magret,ȱGuilhem 47,ȱ57,ȱ59
Lancelot 87,ȱ88,ȱ96,ȱ98–99,ȱ104 Maillezais 88,ȱ93–94,ȱ104–05
LancelotȬGrailȱCycle 88,ȱ96,ȱ98–99 Maissau 309
Landgericht 562–63,ȱ565,ȱ569Ȭ72 MalleusȱMalificarum 407
Langland,ȱWilliam 28 Malory 126,ȱ356
Languedoc 282,ȱ284–85,ȱ297 Manesse 137Ȭ39,ȱ143
LasȱCasas 534 Manuel,ȱJuan 18,ȱ247Ȭ50,ȱ253Ȭ65,
LasȱSieteȱPartidas 17–18 ȱ267–68,ȱ273,ȱ280
lauzengiers 60 Map,ȱWalter 145
LeȱRomanȱdeȱTristan 15 Mareuil,ȱHenriȱde 205
Leibniz 545 MargueriteȱdeȱNavarre 22–23,
Leobendorf 304,ȱ322,ȱ325 ȱ415Ȭ35
LeonhardȱMeurlȱzuȱLeonbach 152 Maria,ȱviscountessȱofȱVentadorn 56
Index 597
MariaȱTheresia 559 Newton,ȱIsaac 135,ȱ545

Marie 362,ȱ368,ȱ372–373,ȱ387,ȱ400 NicholasȱArnaud 210Ȭ12
MarieȱdeȱFrance 158 NicholasȱI 111
MäritȱErsdotter 567 Nicolas 437,ȱ457
Marlowe 541 nonȱcomposȱmentis 560,ȱ576
Marquard 307,ȱ324,ȱ333 oblata 318,ȱ321
Marquesia 295 Ogier 31,ȱ32
MartinȱV 330 TheȱOldȱCuriousityȱShop 404
MaryȱMagdalene 87 Olof 567–68
Mastaroza 296 ordeal 110,ȱ112Ȭ19,
MatildaȱHerewardȱofȱBranndeston ȱ121–22,ȱ124,ȱ128
290 Ordinesȱiudiciorum 109,ȱ110
MaximilianȱI 152 ordoȱScietiam 118
Mayr,ȱJohann 572 ordo 65,ȱ67,ȱ75,ȱ80
MehmetȱII 512 orpȱapel 115
mementoȱmori 163,ȱ173 OttoȱvonȱZelking 309
Mickelsdotter,ȱKarin 555,ȱ566Ȭ68 OttoȱanȱdemȱRoßmarkt 304–05,
Milton 528 ȱ323–24,ȱ333
AȱMidsummerȱNight’sȱDream OttoȱII 325
491–92,ȱ501–02 paleae,ȱNobilisȱhomo 112
minnegrotte 84 pantoffelheld 469
MiracleȱdeȱThéophile 93 Papiensis,ȱOtto 117
Mirakelbuch 331 Paris,ȱMatthew 527
Molenaer,ȱHendrickȱDircksz 465 parricide 519
MoniageȱGuillaume 33 Pärsson,ȱHans 571
Monja,ȱGuillelma 61 Parzival 14,ȱ16,ȱ66,ȱ70,ȱ72Ȭ79,ȱ85
Monluc,ȱBlaiseȱde 23,ȱ437Ȭ58 Passau 318–19,ȱ321,ȱ325Ȭ27,ȱ330
Montaigne 24–25, Pauer,ȱJacob 571
ȱ509Ȭ20,ȱ531,ȱ539–40 Paulus 229
Montanier,ȱÉtienne 211 PèlerinageȱdeȱCharlemagne 31
Moralia 517 Pero 309,ȱ324
More,ȱThomas 539 PerpetualȱPeace 539
LeȱMorteȱd’Arthur 356 Peter,ȱBishopȱofȱPoitiers 50,ȱ51
murumȱstrictum 295 Pfundbauer,ȱJohann 564
nämndemän 562 PhilipȱtheȱFair 198
Napier,ȱRichard 502 PhilipȱV 198
NaturalȱHistoryȱofȱReligion 546 PhilipȱVIȱValois 17,ȱ189
Neckinger,ȱJohannȱGeorg 331 PhilipȱtheȱFair 127
Neidhart 138,ȱ144 PhilipȱtheȱBold 198
Newgate 282,ȱ286, Philippa 51,ȱ52
ȱ288–89,ȱ461,ȱ494–95 PhilippeȱdeȱBeaumanoir 30,
598 Index
ȱ34Ȭ36,ȱ189 RaymundusȱBonhomme 291Ȭ93,ȱ296

PhilippeȱofȱMacedon 510 RaymundusȱdeȱSantoȱPaulo 296
Philips,ȱJohn 494 razo 47,ȱ49,ȱ56,ȱ61–63
Philips,ȱJudith 493,ȱ499, RegistreȱCriminelȱdeȱlaȱJustice 237,
ȱ501–02,ȱ505 ȱ239
TheȱPhysician’sȱTale 20–21,ȱ347–48, Registreȱdeȱl’OfficialitéȱdeȱCerisy 236
ȱ350–51,ȱ353Ȭ358 ReinhardȱFuchs 15,ȱ131,ȱ134,
PhysicoȬTheologicalȱConsiderations ȱ 140Ȭ42,ȱ148,ȱ157,ȱ158
545 ReinmarȱvonȱBrennenberg 138
Pickenoy,ȱNicolaesȱEliasz 465,ȱ477 Renart 121
Pierreȱdeȱl’Hôpital 375,ȱ381,ȱ383 RenartȱleȱBestourné 141
PierreȱtheȱChanter 100 RenartȱleȱNouvel 141
PiersȱPlowman 28 RenaudȱdeȱPressigny 210,ȱ212
PlacitaȱCorone 109,ȱ126,ȱ127 RenautȱdeȱMontauban 32
Plato 517–18 RenéȱdeȱLaȱSuze 367,ȱ369,
Pliny 530 ȱ387,ȱ400
Plutarch 510,ȱ517–18 Renerus 116
poenaȱcullei 229,ȱ241 DerȱRenner 132
poètesȱmaudits 43–44,ȱ47,ȱ63 Reus,ȱKonrad 306Ȭ08,ȱ323
Polo,ȱMarco 530,ȱ540 Ribaldus 305
PonsȱdeȱCapduelh 48 RichardȱIȱofȱEngland 56
Mr.ȱPope 494 RichardȱCoeurȱdeȱLion 47,ȱ48
Prégent,ȱJean 382–83 Ried,ȱHans 152
prisonȱwarden 19 Rintfleisch 310
prison 281Ȭ97 RoberdȱofȱCisyle 89–90
privilegium 215 RobertȱtheȱDevilȱ(leȱDiable) 14,ȱ
ProseȱTristan 98 87Ȭ91,ȱ101,ȱ103,ȱ105Ȭ07
Protagoras 517 RobinȱHood 177,ȱ182,ȱ188
Pucelle,ȱGerard 116 RobinsonȱCrusoe 542Ȭ44
Pühringer,ȱStephan 572 RogerȱdeȱBricqueville 365,ȱ368
Pührnsteinerin,ȱCatharina 565–66 Roghman,ȱGeertruydt 470,ȱ483
Pulkau 321,ȱ324Ȭ28,ȱ331 RoiȱFloreȱetȱlaȱbelleȱJeanne 122
Quiȱpresbiterum 112 Romanȱdeȱlaȱrose 348,ȱ351
Raimbautȱd’Aurenga 46 LeȱRomanȱdeȱMélusine 14,ȱ88,
Raimonȱd’Avinho 47,ȱ57–58 ȱ90–91
RaimonȱVI 48 RomanȱdeȱRenart 140–41
RaimonȱdeȱMiraval 49 RomanȱdeȱlaȱRose 121,ȱ124
RaoulȱdeȱCambrai 32 Romanȱdeȱlaȱviolette 122
rape/raptus 4Ȭ6,ȱ8,ȱ11,ȱ21, Romulart,ȱRobin 365
ȱ235Ȭ42,ȱ347,ȱ356–57 Rossignol,ȱJean 365
RaymondȱVII 120 Röttingen 310
Index 599
Rousseau 522 Sternberg 330

Rubey,ȱPetrus 296 LeȱStinche 286,ȱ288
Rudel,ȱJaufre 46 TheȱStricker 145,ȱ158
Rudger 320 TheȱStruggleȱforȱDailyȱBread 474,
RudolfȱI 328 ȱ489
RudolfȱIII 318Ȭ20,ȱ322,ȱ326Ȭ28 Stubbes,ȱPhilip 492
Rufus,ȱWilliam 115 Sueton 515
Rutebeuf 93,ȱ141 suicide 20,ȱ26,ȱ555Ȭ66,ȱ568Ȭ76
Sachsenspiegel 3,ȱ6,ȱ114 Suso,ȱHenry 135Ȭ37
sacoȱbenito 405 SwerigesȱRikesȱLag 560,ȱ566
SaintȱLouis 191,ȱ198–99,ȱ213 Swift,ȱJonathan 541
SaintȬGermainȬdesȬPrès 289 SynodȱofȱSeligenstadt 112
Saladin 248,ȱ263,ȱ264,ȱ267Ȭ70 Tasch,ȱRapoto 324
Samadet,ȱPierre 205–06 Tasco 309
sambenito 405–06 Tertullian 353
Sarrasinȱd’Angle 198 Testament 2,ȱ8,ȱ16,ȱ21,ȱ159,ȱ163Ȭ73
Schoderleh,ȱChunzelinus 309 TheȱNewȱWorld 521,ȱ524,
Schottenstift 320 531Ȭ35,ȱ537,ȱ540
Seneca 519 ThéatreȱdesȱcruautezȱdesȱHereticquesȱ
Seuseȱ(seeȱSuso) deȱnostreȱtemps 522
SevenȱDeadlyȱSins 28 theft 247Ȭ49,ȱ251Ȭ54,ȱ256,
Shakespeare 491,ȱ492,ȱ494,ȱ496, ȱ257,ȱ260,ȱ262–63,ȱ268,
ȱ501–02,ȱ541–42 ȱ 270–71,ȱ273Ȭ75,ȱ277,ȱ280
shame 267,ȱ269–70 Theresiana 559,ȱ566,ȱ571–72
Shellerin 306 Thibaultȱd’Aucigny 166,ȱ168
Shem,ȱHeinrich 307–08,ȱ333 thief 247Ȭ50,ȱ252–53,ȱ257–58,
Sidlin 306,ȱ313,ȱ323 ȱ260–61,ȱ263–64,ȱ267–68,ȱ271
Sidlo 305,ȱ307 ThirtyȱYears’ȱWar 538
SieteȱPartidas 225Ȭ27,ȱ229–30, Thomas,ȱStyntje 465
ȱ235,ȱ238–39,ȱ241,ȱ244Ȭ46 SaintȱThomas 122
Sifridus 306,ȱ309,ȱ323 Tiberius 512
SimonȱdeȱMontfort 290 Tielensz,ȱMichael 466
SirȱYsumbras 89,ȱ90 torture 245
SirȱGowther 89–90,ȱ97,ȱ101,ȱ107 TotemȱandȱTaboo 524
sirventesȱcontraȱRoma 54 Toulouse 19,ȱ284,ȱ285,ȱ290Ȭ97
Socrates 519 traïson 193
Sommeȱrural 35 TreatyȱofȱMeaux 120
Spinhuis 23–24,ȱ27,ȱ459,ȱ476Ȭ80 TristanȱundȱIsolde 14,ȱ66,ȱ80–81,
Sprat,ȱThomas 525 ȱ122,ȱ124–25
St.ȱPölten 299,ȱ301,ȱ319,ȱ328 trobairitz 44,ȱ54,ȱ56,ȱ59Ȭ63
StephanȱV 111 troubadours 13,ȱ43Ȭ49,ȱ52Ȭ64
600 Index
trouvères 43 WernerȱvonȱElmendorf 145

truth 253Ȭ55,ȱ259,ȱ269–70,ȱ278–79 WernhardȱofȱPrambach 321
Turke,ȱThomas 528 WernherȱderȱGartenære 15,ȱ131,
Turlande,ȱPierreȱde 202–03 ȱ 134,ȱ139,ȱ142,ȱ152Ȭ57
UlfardȱdeȱGhistelles 200 West,ȱAlice 494,ȱ502
Vallante,ȱBartolomeo 515 West,ȱJohn 494,ȱ502
vanȱBeverwijk,ȱJohann 463 WilliamȱofȱMalmesbury 50Ȭ52
vanȱBrekelenkam,ȱQuirijn 464,ȱ471 WilliamȱofȱSaintȬThierry 143
vanȱDorhout,ȱJanȱJansz 465 WilliamȱIX,ȱDukeȱofȱAquitaine 13
vanȱHelmont,ȱJ.ȱB. 530 WilliamȱIXȱofȱPoitiers 49
vanȱMeckenam,ȱIsrael 472,ȱ486 Wilson,ȱJohn 500
vanȱSantvoort,ȱDirckȱDircksz 465, WitchesȱinȱtheȱAir 411
ȱ478 WitigoȱofȱBruck 309
vanȱdeȱStraet,ȱJan 532 WolframȱvonȱEschenbach 14,ȱ16,
vanȱdeȱVenne,ȱAdriaen 472 ȱ 66,ȱ72,ȱ75,ȱ77,ȱ79,ȱ124
vanȱderȱHelst,ȱBartholomeus 467, Zachrisson,ȱJon 564
ȱ480 Zerkel 301,ȱ302,ȱ305Ȭ08,
vanȱderȱVoort,ȱCornelis 464 ȱ312Ȭ14,ȱ317,ȱ321,ȱ332–33,ȱ335Ȭ41
vandalisms 203 Zorzi,ȱBartolomeo 47
Verlaine,ȱPaul 44 Zwingli 528
Vermeer 470,ȱ484
Vespucci 532,ȱ547
vicini 117
vida 46Ȭ49,ȱ52–53,ȱ55Ȭ57,ȱ59Ȭ61,ȱ63
Vidal,ȱPeire 48,ȱ59
Villon,ȱFrançois 16,ȱ43–45,ȱ64,
ȱ 159–60,ȱ163–64,ȱ170,ȱ172
Virgil 409,ȱ410
VitalisȱDurandi 296
Vitalis,ȱBerengaria 296
Vitalis,ȱOrderic 51,ȱ52
AȱVoyageȱtoȱtheȱMoon 544
Vries,ȱPietertjeȱde 467
WachsmutȱvonȱMühlhausen 138
Wallsee 309
WaltherȱvonȱderȱVogelweide
148–49,ȱ156
wardens 281,ȱ283,ȱ285Ȭ89,ȱ297
Webbe,ȱMargaret 237
Weert,ȱSebaldȱde 536
Weikersdorf 321,ȱ326
AcknowledgmentȱandȱGratitude
Theȱ currentȱ volumeȱ alreadyȱ makesȱ upȱ theȱ eleventhȱ volumeȱ inȱ ourȱ series
“FundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture.”ȱItȱisȱnotȱevenȱthatȱlong
agoȱ thatȱ Dr.ȱ Heikoȱ Hartmann,ȱ thenȱ EditorȬinȬChiefȱ atȱ Deȱ Gruyterȱ (nowȱ with
AkademieȱVerlag),ȱandȱDr.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱUniversityȱDistinguishedȱProfessor
atȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱArizona,ȱagreedȱonȱlaunchingȱthisȱseries.ȱReallyȱtheȱveryȱfirst
volume,ȱChildhoodȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissanceȱ(2005)ȱhadȱnotȱevenȱyet
beenȱpartȱofȱit,ȱbutȱifȱweȱincludeȱitȱinȱourȱcalculation,ȱtheȱpresentȱvolumeȱwould
countȱasȱtheȱtwelfthȱ(no.ȱ1ȱwasȱmyȱmonographȱTheȱPowerȱofȱaȱWoman’sȱVoiceȱin
MedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱLiteratures,ȱ2007).ȱMoreover,ȱseveralȱotherȱvolumesȱare
alreadyȱinȱpreparationȱforȱpublication,ȱandȱothersȱareȱcurrentlyȱinȱtheȱplanning
stages.ȱSoȱitȱseemsȱaȱveryȱgoodȱtimeȱbrieflyȱtoȱreflectȱbackwardsȱandȱtoȱexpressȱmy
gratitudeȱbothȱtoȱtheȱmanyȱcontributorsȱandȱtoȱDeȱGruyterȱandȱitsȱwonderfulȱstaff
bothȱ inȱ Berlinȱ andȱ inȱ Tübingen.ȱ Theȱ collaborationȱ hasȱ beenȱ marvelousȱ and
unparalleled.ȱWeȱcanȱallȱbeȱveryȱproudȱofȱtheȱseries,ȱwhichȱhasȱcoveredȱmany
fundamentalȱaspectsȱofȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱcultureȱandȱwillȱaddressȱmany
moreȱinȱtheȱfuture.ȱ
Althoughȱ notȱ partȱ ofȱ ourȱ series,ȱ inȱ 2010ȱ appearedȱ inȱ printȱ theȱ threeȬvolume
HandbookȱofȱMedievalȱStudies:ȱTermsȱ–ȱMethodsȱ–ȱTrends,ȱed.ȱbyȱAlbrechtȱClassen,
andȱcurrentlyȱtheȱnewȱproject,ȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱCulture,ȱalsoȱed.ȱbyȱAlbrecht
Classen,ȱisȱfullyȱonȱitsȱway.ȱThisȱclearlyȱmeansȱthatȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModern
Studiesȱareȱaliveȱandȱwellȱinȱtermsȱofȱresearch,ȱsoȱweȱcanȱonlyȱhopeȱthatȱthisȱwill
alsoȱ translateȱ intoȱ renewedȱ studentȱ interestsȱ andȱ supportȱ byȱ academic
administrationsȱworldwide,ȱnotȱtoȱspeakȱofȱtheȱbroaderȱpublic.ȱOurȱpresentȱis,ȱas
allȱtheseȱeffortsȱandȱendeavorsȱilluminateȱonlyȱtooȱvividly,ȱdeeplyȱdeterminedȱby
theȱpremodernȱworld,ȱandȱweȱwouldȱallȱbeȱwellȱadvisedȱtoȱheedȱcarefullyȱthe
messagesȱfromȱtheȱpastȱinȱorderȱtoȱforgeȱaheadȱintoȱtheȱfuture.ȱHumanȱculture,
philosophy,ȱreligion,ȱliterature,ȱandȱtheȱartsȱasȱdevelopedȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱand
earlyȱ modernȱ timesȱ haveȱ alwaysȱ embracedȱ theȱ physicalȱ andȱ theȱ spiritual,ȱ so
whetherȱweȱlookȱatȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱmentalityȱorȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱeverydayȱculture,
fundamentalȱaspectsȱfromȱthatȱepochȱcontinueȱtoȱbeȱofȱcentralȱrelevanceȱforȱus
todayȱandȱtomorrow.ȱ
602 AcknowledgmentȱandȱGratitude
IȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱexpressȱmyȱparticularȱgratitudeȱtoȱmyȱsteadyȱandȱwonderfulȱcoȬ
editorȱofȱthisȱseries,ȱProf.ȱMarilynȱSandidge,ȱwhoseȱcalmȱandȱreliableȱsupportȱhas
beenȱanȱincredibleȱcontributionȱthroughout.ȱMyȱrecentȱcoȬeditorsȱofȱindividual
volumes,ȱProf.ȱChristopherȱR.ȱClasonȱandȱProf.ȱConnieȱScarborough,ȱalsoȱdeserve
particularȱacknowledgment.ȱChristineȱHaenschel,ȱformerlyȱatȱDeȱGruyter,ȱandȱher
successor,ȱDanielȱGietz,ȱhaveȱbeenȱasȱcompetentȱandȱsupportiveȱasȱSusanneȱMang
andȱManuelaȱGerlof.ȱIȱcannotȱgiveȱenoughȱwordsȱofȱpraiseȱandȱthanksȱtoȱallȱof
them.ȱ Butȱ thereȱ areȱ manyȱ otherȱ peopleȱ inȱ theȱ backgroundȱ whoȱ alsoȱ have
contributedȱinȱmanyȱdifferentȱways,ȱandȱIȱoweȱthemȱallȱmyȱgratitude.ȱIȱwouldȱalso
likeȱtoȱacknowledgeȱmanyȱofȱtheȱregularȱcontributorsȱtoȱourȱvolumes,ȱbutȱthatȱlist
wouldȱ simplyȱ growȱ tooȱ longȱ atȱ thisȱ point.ȱ Theyȱ allȱ knowȱ howȱ muchȱ Iȱ have
appreciatedȱandȱcontinueȱtoȱappreciateȱtheirȱscholarlyȱwork,ȱtheirȱpatienceȱwith
myȱconstantlyȱnaggingȱquestions,ȱinquiries,ȱrequests,ȱandȱ(hopefully)ȱconstructive
criticism,ȱandȱhowȱmuchȱIȱhaveȱfeltȱhonoredȱtoȱeditȱtheirȱsubsequentlyȱimpressive,
polished,ȱandȱthoroughlyȱrevisedȱpieces.ȱDr.ȱHartmann,ȱhowever,ȱonceȱagain,ȱas
aȱkindȱofȱ“spiritusȱrector”ȱforȱourȱseriesȱandȱthenȱalsoȱforȱtheȱHandbookȱofȱMedieval
Studies,ȱdeservesȱtoȱbeȱmentionedȱoneȱmoreȱtime.ȱHeȱhasȱcontributedȱinȱmany
waysȱtoȱtheȱwellȬbeingȱofȱMedievalȱStudiesȱinȱGermanyȱandȱonȱaȱglobalȱlevel.ȱ
Weȱhaveȱalwaysȱtriedȱtoȱachieveȱperfection,ȱbutȱnobodyȱisȱperfect.ȱNevertheless,
theȱgoalȱremainsȱtoȱachieveȱtheȱhighestȱpossibleȱscholarlyȱquality,ȱandȱifȱweȱhave
failed,ȱthenȱweȱhopeȱthatȱourȱreadersȱattributeȱthisȱsimplyȱtoȱtheȱfactȱthatȱweȱare
human,ȱafterȱall.ȱ
Butȱtheseȱwordsȱareȱnotȱsupposedȱtoȱbeȱanȱepitaph,ȱonȱtheȱcontrary.ȱWeȱareȱinȱthe
midstȱnowȱofȱaȱflourishingȱscholarlyȱbookȱseries,ȱandȱweȱallȱlookȱforwardȱtoȱmany
moreȱvolumesȱtoȱcomeȱforwardȱsinceȱthereȱareȱstillȱsoȱmanyȱotherȱfundamental
aspectsȱ ofȱ humanȱ existenceȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ timeȱ toȱ be
covered.ȱItȱisȱaȱgreatȱhonorȱtoȱbeȱpublishedȱbyȱDeȱGruyter.
Iȱdoȱnotȱwantȱtoȱconcludeȱtheseȱbriefȱremarksȱwithoutȱaȱquietȱbutȱdeeplyȱfeltȱthank
youȱtoȱtheȱcentralȱmainstayȱinȱmyȱlifeȱwithoutȱwhomȱnothingȱwouldȱbeȱreally
possibleȱ orȱ matterȱ forȱ me,ȱ myȱ belovedȱ wifeȱ Carolyn,ȱ companion,ȱ friend,ȱ and
motherȱofȱourȱsonȱStephan.ȱWhatȱwouldȱweȱbothȱbeȱwithoutȱhim?

(Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture) Albrecht Classen-Crime and Punishment in The Middle Ages and Early Modern Age-De Gruyter (2012)

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” 2012 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Scottȱ Taylor’sȱ article,ȱ “Judiciumȱ Dei,ȱ vulgarisȱ popularisqueȱ sensus:ȱ Survivalȱ of

Kathleenȱ Llewellynȱ treatsȱ anotherȱ importantȱ sixteenthȬcenturyȱ work,ȱ the

contentȱas,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱdescriptionsȱ ofȱ spring,ȱtheȱbeautyȱofȱtheȱlady,ȱthe

Theȱ aboveȬmentionedȱ sirventes59ȱ ofȱ Raimonȱ d’Avinho,ȱ ca.1230,ȱ inȱ whichȱ he

mysticȱ orȱ selfȬdestructiveȱ enough,ȱ theirȱ transgressionsȱ andȱ fooleryȱ were

ȱȱ Accordingȱ toȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Thereȱ is,ȱ however,ȱ aȱremarkableȱdifference

spemȱ roborat,ȱ vultumȱ exhilarat,ȱ conscientiaeȱ affertȱ serenitatem,ȱ etȱ internorum

substitutesȱ replacedȱ thisȱ methodȱ asȱ universityȬtrainedȱ lawyersȱ positedȱ “a

Gamelyn’sȱ conclusion,ȱ however,ȱ contradictsȱ Sirȱ Johnȱ Fortescue’sȱ reasoning,ȱ as

Punishment Punishment No.ȱof Percentȱof

Punishment Punishment NonȱLèseȬ LèseȬMajesté

Royal Court Other Officers

inmatesȱ andȱ performingȱ dismembermentsȱ andȱ evenȱ executions.”31ȱ Thisȱ fact

version,ȱ seeȱ https://webshare.uchicago.edu/users/nirenberg/Public/hopesȬmistakes.pdf,ȱ last

Vétéranȱ desȱ Guerresȱ d’Italieȱ jusqu’auȱ controverséȱ traitéȱ duȱ CateauȬCambrésis

traditionnellesȱ (lorsqu’ilȱ estȱ promissoire),ȱ auȱ pointȱ d’êtreȱ omniprésentȱ dansȱ la

Secondeȱ question,ȱ unȱ châtimentȱ peutȬilȱ êtreȱ proportionné?ȱ Montaigneȱ fixe

Baconȱ (1561–1626)ȱ enthusiasticallyȱ embracedȱ theȱ extensionȱ ofȱ intellectual

Figureȱ 9:ȱ Geertruydtȱ Roghman,ȱ Twoȱ Womenȱ Sewing,ȱ Rijksprentenkabinet,

Fig.ȱ 8:ȱ Williamȱ Hogarth,ȱ Transubstantiationȱ Satirizedȱ (1794).ȱ Reproducedȱ by

JEANȱ E.ȱ JOSTȱisȱProfessorȱofȱEnglishȱatȱBradleyȱUniversityȱwhereȱsheȱteaches

NICOLASȱ LOMBART,ȱ ancienȱ élèveȱ deȱ l’Écoleȱ Normaleȱ Supérieureȱ de

BERNARDȱ RIBÉMONTȱ estȱ professeurȱ deȱ littératureȱ médiévaleȱ àȱ l’Université

CONNIEȱ L.ȱ SCARBOROUGHȱ (Ph.D.ȱ 1983ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Kentucky)ȱ teachesȱ at

AbbeyȱofȱMaillezais 93–94,ȱ104,ȱ105 AndréȱdeȱLavalȬLohéac 367,

BernardȱofȱClairvaux 143 Carvajal,ȱMichaelȱde 540

TheȱClerk’sȱTale 348,ȱ357 DerȱarmeȱHeinrich 14,ȱ66Ȭ70

Ferdinand 531 GeoffreyȱII,ȱDukeȱofȱBrittany 56

Gui,ȱBernard 294 HonoriusȱIII 114

JohnȱStowe 186 LeopoldȱI 559

MariaȱTheresia 559 Newton,ȱIsaac 135,ȱ545

ȱ34Ȭ36,ȱ189 RaymundusȱBonhomme 291Ȭ93,ȱ296

Rousseau 522 Sternberg 330

trouvères 43 WernerȱvonȱElmendorf 145

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