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The Pathet Lao, antecedent of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party and the architect of
a successful decades-long struggle for socialism, celebrated its 67th anniversary last
month. In August 1950, the Laotian section of the Indochinese Communist Party, led by
Souphanouvong, formed a separate organization to struggle on behalf of Laotian
independence and socialism. The fruit of their struggle is the Lao People’s Democratic
Republic, a socialist state of 6.7 million people that has persisted through trial and
tribulation for 42 years. Like their closely-allied Vietnamese neighbors, Laotians too
have survived French colonialism, U.S. imperialism, isolation from China, the loss of
the Soviet Union and the ascendancy of neoliberalism.
What follows is a short overview of Laotian history, the formation of the Lao People’s
Democratic Republic in 1975, and the Laotian people’s heroic struggle to win and retain
their freedom in an increasingly hostile world.
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From Lan Xang Hom Khao to French Indochina
The territory comprising the modern state of Laos assumed its present form as a result
of French imperialism, which ruled the territory from 1889 to 1949 following the
collapse of Lan Xang Hom Khao ( Kingdom of One Million Elephants and White
Parasols). The once-prosperous kingdom had long-since fractured into client states
dominated by the powerful Rattanakosin Kingdom in the southwest, known to outsiders
as Siam.
In 1862-3 the French Empire annexed neighboring Cambodia and Cochinchina and
began sending expeditions into the interior of the continent. Following a short war with
Siam in 1893, Laos was annexed, and in 1898 all their Southeast Asian colonies were re-
organized into French Indochina. The Lao royalty in Louangphabang retained only
nominal autonomy.
By the early 20th century, the French imperialists realized that their main goal in
Southeast Asia, conquering Siam, was not possible. The Rattakonsin Kingdom grew
closer to the British Empire after losing the war with France. Consequently, the French
viewed Laos as a border region to provide security for the far more valuable Vietnamese
territories and as a hinterland to provide resources for French-controlled Vietnamese
industry near the coast. The French exploited the country for rice cultivation and rice
alcohol production, employing an unpaid corvee labor system. By the 1920s, the French
also established a tin mining operation and a coffee plantation, though few French
residents settled there.
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focus to the drive for Laotian independence, uniting the various non-Lao ethnicities and
cultures in the highlands to their east and south in common cause against French
imperialism.
The French founded several colonial institutions in Vientiane, turning a small regional
city into the main administrative and cultural center in the country. Colonial
institutions such as the law school and Independent Lao Buddhist Institute aimed to
create an indigenous petite-bourgeoisie of civil administrators who would run the
country on behalf of the French Empire. This petite bourgeoisie, however, began to
form nationalist inspirations of their own and would support the drive for
independence championed by the Laotian monarchy during and after World War 2,
although many of them would later favor cooperation with the West over socialist
revolution.
A coup d’etat ended 800 years of absolute monarchical rule in the Rattanakosin
Kingdom in 1932 and created a constitutional monarchy controlled by Tai ethnic
nationalists. Renaming the country Thailand, the Khana Ratsadon (People’s Party) led
by Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram, aimed to unite all Tai peoples, which
included the Lao, under a single state. After France was defeated and occupied by Nazi
Germany in 1940, the rump state, known as Vichy France, ruled by Field Marshal
Philippe Petain from Vichy, assumed control over the French Empire’s colonies and
allied itself with Germany. With France occupied by Nazi Germany, the Thai
government seized the opportunity to invade and annex several provinces in the
Mekong valley. The Thai-allied Japanese mediated the peace treaty with Vichy France,
using the crisis as an opportunity to establish their own presence in Southeast Asia.
The Laotian, Vietnamese, and Cambodian nationalist groups, including the Lao-
nationalist Movement for National Renovation, continued to fight. They forged a
greater amount of national unity during the French Popular Front government from
1936-38, which allowed both nationalist and communist parties to operate legally and
even to form part of government coalitions. But by 1939, all these groups had been
banned.
In February 1941, Ho Chi Minh returned from abroad, and the Indochinese Communist
Party adopted a program of national liberation, forming the “League for the
Independence of Vietnam” (Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh Hoi, or Viet Minh for short)
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to fight against both French colonial authorities and Japanese occupiers. Large
numbers of Lao freedom fighters joined the ranks of the Viet Minh.
On March 9th, 1945, the Japanese government, in an effort to save a failing situation,
directly seized Indochina from the French, imprisoning colonial authorities and forming
the different national governments into a constellation of semi-independent states
forcibly incorporated into its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Although
Vietnam was broken up, Cambodia and Laos became independent states until the end
of World War II, when they were again seized by the French from the Thai monarchy.
Ironically, the leaders of the three forces of the Laotian Civil War were all children of
Prince Bounkhoung, the last vice-king of Louangphabang.
The so-called “Domino Theory” asserted that socialist states encouraged revolutions in
neighboring countries. This motivated the U.S. to develop much closer ties with the
Thai government and to become more involved in fighting communism in Southeast
Asia. Although the American support for South Vietnam in its war against the North and
the civil war against the National Liberation Front was well-publicized, by comparison
their growing involvement in Laos was repeatedly denied and kept out of the media,
resulting in its nickname “The Hidden War.”
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Early in the war, American intelligence considered deploying 60,000 troops to southern
Laos to support their side of the conflict, even weighing the option of using nuclear
weapons. The CIA spent $500 million training and arming tens of thousands of
Hmongs on behalf of the Royal Lao government as the communist insurgency in the
north and east grew. It is the largest paramilitary operation the CIA has ever
undertaken.
Laos was key to the Vietnamese Resistance War Against America, allowing the Army of
North Vietnam to ship soldiers and supplies through the eastern side of its territory
along what became known as “the Ho Chi Minh Trail.” In addition to their direct
involvement in the expanding Laotian Civil War, the Americans waged several bombing
campaigns against the Ho Chi Minh Trail, including Operations Barrel Roll, Steel Tiger,
and Commando Hunt. Between 1964 and 1973, the U.S. flew 580,000 bombing
missions and dropped 2 million tons of bombs on Laos. That is more bombs than were
dropped during all of World War 2. Over 50,000 people died in the Laotian Civil War.
This had a massive impact on a small country of only 3.5 million, and they continue to
die today. Another 20,000 people have been killed since the war ended by stepping on
U.S. bombs leftover from the war that never exploded. In September 2016, then-US
President Barack Obama pledged $90 million to help Laos find and disarm the
estimated 80 million cluster bombs that never exploded. Although he claimed an
“obligation” to help Laos, he stopped short of apologizing for US crimes there.
The country was renamed the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), and the
Pathet Lao was reorganized as the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party. Souphanouvong
was President of the Republic, but was not as active in the Pathet Lao leadership. He
retired in 1991 to become an elder statesman until his death in 1995. The Laotian
Communists enjoyed the support of a variety of national-front organizations
representing the different ethnic minorities in Laos.
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Once the war was over, new problems reared their head: Laos had almost no industry
upon which to base an expansion of productive forces. The formation of socialist
relations of production in the country primarily took the form of nationalization, the
collectivization of agriculture and a state monopoly on foreign trade. Political relations
with its neighboring countries made economic growth difficult, and as a result of the
porous border with Thailand, a prolific black market emerged in Thailand where
Laotian farmers could sell their goods. This frustrated the government’s efforts to
control capitalist accumulation in the country and to achieve self-sufficiency.
In 1977 Vietnam and Laos signed a 25-year treaty of friendship, and Vietnamese
advisors provided much-needed expertise in government and economic policies.
Vietnam and Laos fit together, as the common saying goes, “like lips and teeth.” Laos
grew closer to Vietnam as its primary trade partner and only route to the sea. The Soviet
Union provided most foreign aid to Laos and especially the Laotian armed forces.
In 1981 the First Five-Year Plan aimed for self-sufficiency, but the perceived slow
economic growth of roughly 5% per year was judged insufficient, and the Second Five-
Year Plan from 1986-1990 implemented the New Economic Mechanism (NEM), which
aimed to slowly integrate parts of the Laotian economy with the world economy without
sacrificing its food self-sufficiency. While the capitalist world has remained largely
uninterested in Laos, China, Vietnam, and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
have been the primary investors. By the end of the Second Five-Year-Plan, rice
production had doubled and sugar production had increased by 40%. Since 1990 Laos
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cut the number of people living in poverty in half, while the population has nearly
doubled. Despite these advances, Lao PDR remains an oppressed country seeking to
overcome its tortured recent past.
Another area of economic growth in recent years has been rubber plantations, most of it
in the north near the Chinese border. The area under rubber cultivation is projected to
reach 13.8 million hectares by 2018, and much of this growth comes from the demand
for tires by the rapidly-expanding automobile industry in China. Many of these
plantations are funded by foreign investors but local villages struggle to exert some
communal control over the plantations, as is laid out by law.
Lao PDR retains very strict labor rules that reflect the power of its working class. Labor
unions exist alongside party and council bodies, and all labor units must have a trade
union representative. Workers are protected by these institutions from being fired, and
any layoff must be justified in a court. Such justifications must prove that the employer
has already sought new employment for the worker, with the worker being paid a
termination allowance to support them while they continue to look for new work.
Employment is a task the government and labor unions also help with. Labor is
restricted to 8 hours a day or 48 hours a week for all trades, with maximum overtime
hours limits also set, and with extremely generous paid sick leave, maternity leave, and
vacation time.
Despite these protections, the presence of market relations ensures the continued
survival of a bourgeoisie in Lao PDR. Under socialism, the class struggle continues but
it assumes new forms. The power of the bourgeoisie rests mainly in control over local
markets and trade in the highly-decentralized country. However, the control by the
Laotian working classes over the commanding heights of the economy and the strict
limits on private property keep the Laotian bourgeoisie on a tight leash.
The future of socialism and the Lao PDR are closely tied to the fates of their socialist
neighbors. A growing relationship with China and new trade opportunities with
surrounding Southeast Asian nations promises economic growth. When we speak of
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economic growth and capital accumulation, we should never forget to ask the question
posed by Lenin: “for whom?”
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