DEPARTMENT OF SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIAN

STUDIES

TERM PAPER
TOPIC: GEOPOLITICS OVER KALAPANI; SPECIAL
REFERENCES WITH ITS RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
PAPER: GEOPOLITICS: CRITICAL PRESPECTIVE (POL.555)

SUBMITTED TO SUBMITTED BY

DR.NISHTHA KAUSHIKI KOTUB UDDIN AHMED

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR 19MAPLSC14

The Kalapani territory is an area under Indian administration as part of Pithoragarh
district in the Uttarakhand state, but is also claimed by Nepal since 1997.
According to Nepal's claim, it lies in Darchula district, Sudurpashchim Pradesh.
The territory represents the basin of the Kalapani river, one of the headwaters of
the Kali River in the Himalayas at an altitude of 3600–5200 meters. The valley of
Kalapani, with the Lipulekh Pass at the top, forms the Indian route to Kailash–
Manasarovar, an ancient pilgrimage site. It is also the traditional trading route to
Tibet for the Bhotiyas of Uttarakhand and Tinkar valley.

The Kali River forms the boundary between India and Nepal in this region.
However, India states that the headwaters of the river are not included in the
boundary. Here the border runs along the watershed. This is a position dating back
to British India c. 1865

Nepal has another pass, the Tinkar Pass (or "Tinkar Lipu"), close to the area. After
India closed the Lipulekh Pass in the aftermath of the 1962 Sino-Indian War, much
of the Bhotiya trade used to pass through the Tinkar Pass. The Nepalese protests
regarding the Kalapani territory started in 1997, after India and China agreed to
reopen the Lipulekh pass. Since that time, Nepalese maps have shown the area up
to the Kalapani river, measuring 35 square kilometres, as part of Nepal's Darchula
District.

A joint technical committee of Indian and Nepalese officials have been discussing
the issue since 1998, along with other border issues. But the matter has not yet
been resolved.

On 20 May 2020, Nepal released a new map of its own territory that expanded its
claim to 335 square kilometres area up to the Kuthi Yankti river, including
Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura. It did not explain why a new claim arose.

All is not well on the eastern front for India. The inauguration of a new road
linking Dharchula in Uttarakhand to Lipulekh Pass as a new route for the Kailash
Mansarovar pilgrims on May 8, 2020 by Defense Minister Rajnath Singh has
attracted a strong response from the neighbor and an old ally, Nepal. Following
this, the Government of Nepal under Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli published a
new political map of Nepal and has claimed the territories of Kalapani,
Limpidhuriya and Lipulekh which the Indian State calls its own. This move has
caused a huge uproar in India with the Indian Army Chief General MM Navarane
hinting that Nepal may be acting at the ‘behest’ of China.

The recent developments between the two nations are neither sudden nor
insignificant in any way. In fact, there were a number of events in the past that set
stage for escalated tensions between the once amicable neighboring states. It all
started with the demarcation of the boundary between erstwhile British India and
the Kingdom of Nepal under the Treaty of Sugauli, signed after the Anglo-
Nepalese war in 1816. Under this treaty, River Kali also known as Mahakali was
determined as the acting border between the two States, the territories on eastern
side of which belonged to Nepal while the territories on the west of the river came
under British India. However, it was all agreed upon more than two centuries ago
and the river Kali has changed course many times over these years. The root of the
current border dispute lies in the fact that both parties disagree upon the origin and
location of the river and cite separate colonial era maps to prove their claim. This
instance, however, does not reflect the true picture of Indo-Nepal relations as both
nations have had close economic and cultural ties for a long part of history. It is
important to note that Nepal is the only other country, after Bhutan, with which
India shares an open international border that runs for 1690 kilometers over the
Himalayan territories and the Indo-Gangetic plains. India also provides Nepal with
access to the sea as the latter is a landlocked country.

Given the close bond between the South Asian neighbors, one wonders how things
came to a boil. Let us rewind to the Indo-China War in 1962. The Chinese
aggression on the eastern front awakened India from a defenseless slumber and
approached its neighbour for help. Although India had a defense post on the
Lipulekh Pass since early 1950s, the looming Chinese threat pressed for more
troops and military presence in the Himalayan border region to which Nepal
readily agreed. On Nepal’s insistence, India withdrew from 16 out of 17 border
military posts but held the one at Kalapani to which the erstwhile King Mahendra
of Nepal did not object. To understand the importance of the Kalapani post, it is
imperative to mention that the region is located at the tri-junction of India, Nepal
and China and the elevation at the Lipulekh Pass provides for a geopolitical
strategic advantage which India is not willing to relent. Furthermore, the recent
bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir into two union territories by the Indian
Parliament called for the release of a new political map of India which showed the
disputed region as Indian Territory. The release of the new political map of India in
November 2019 was met with large scale demonstrations and protests in Nepal,
which the Indian media conveniently brushed aside. By releasing its own political
map in May 2020, Nepal lodged an official complaint against India’s ‘unilateral’
act of flagging off the new road to Lipulekh Pass.

Many in India have questioned the intentions and rationale behind such a move on
the part of the Government of Nepal. By far, the Chinese angle to the story
bypasses other speculations by a mile. In India, it is widely believed that
Kathmandu is acting at the bidding of Beijing as the new map of Nepal, that claims
the above-mentioned territories, was released days after news of clashes between
the Indian and Chinese defense personnel’s in Ladakh came to light. Few seem to
acknowledge the dissatisfaction of the ordinary Nepali citizen against the Indian
ambition, the citizen who stands in solidarity with his Prime Minister in calling out
the infringement of their lands by the Indian forces. Anti-India sentiment has been
on the rise in Nepal, especially, after the 2015 Indian blockade against the Oli
Government. The blockade is considered one of the biggest economic and
humanitarian crises faced by Nepal as the country was already suffering from the
after-effects of a devastating earthquake. It is not the first time a country has tried
to meddle with the domestic politics of Nepal; maybe it is the curse of a nation that
is stuck between two regional powers. After the advent of democracy in Nepal,
both India and China have tried to sway the internal politics of the Himalayan state
in their favour, which has only fanned the fire of civil unrest in the country. In fact,
the Nepali public is equally resentful of China for tacitly supporting India in
building a road on a traditional tri-junction to increase the volume of bilateral
economic activity while leaving Nepal out of negotiations. Clearly, it is public
pressure that has shaped Kathmandu’s stance on the Lipulekh issue against New
Delhi.

In lieu of all these, can we acquit China of foul play in the latest cartographic
stand-off between India and Nepal? The answer is No. In this month alone, the
Indian and Chinese armed forces have clashed at a number of sectors in two States,
namely, Pangong Tso, Galwan Valley and Demchok in Ladakh and Nathu La
sector in Sikkim over 4036 kilometers-long Sino-India border. Although no bullets
have been fired, soldiers on both sides have been injured, according to media
reports. Such skirmishes have led to an increased military presence on the Indo-
China border where around 10,000 PLA soldiers are believed to be camping on the
Indian soil. In retaliation, India has also sent troops to safeguard its eastern front
from trespassing. Both the governments have been downplaying the incident;
however, it is the biggest military stand-off between the two regional heavy
weights since Doklam in 2017. The two nations have a history of unresolved
border disputes with competing claims over regions of Arunachal Pradesh and
Aksai Chin and the current tensions can quickly take an ugly turn if left
unaddressed. At this juncture, one can only speculate China’s motive behind such
belligerence. With problems mounting on many fronts, such as protests in Hong
Kong, deteriorating relations with the United States and salvaging a COVID-hit
economy, Beijing is too full to instigate or deal with minor border skirmishes with
New Delhi. Experts have cited two possible explanations for the ongoing
confrontations; first, the recent hostilities are triggered by infrastructural activities
by India along the border, and second, China is trying to divert international
attention from its lack of transparency in handling of the coronavirus pandemic.
Keeping in mind the aforementioned motives, the popular Indian claim of Nepal
acting out of China’s bidding amidst COVID crisis cannot be overlooked.

The ongoing neighbourhood squabble has shed light on various inadequacies of

each country involved, which must be dealt with for the benefit of the entire South
Asian region. India has traditionally considered Nepal its strategic backyard, but
the times have changed and India too needs to change its approach with respect to
Nepal and treat it as an equal partner. Nepal, on the other hand, must learn to
carefully balance between India and China as it can get easily sandwiched between
the two nuclear armed superpowers. It is a precarious time for China when all the
eyes are on the dragon, especially, after the COVID pandemic and any
miscalculation on its part could wreak havoc in the region.

In conclusion we can say that Nepal can’t survive without India, India provides
helps Nepal in every aspect. Nepal do more anti India work on behalf China then
India should again imposed blocked. Both the countries have strong mutual
historical friendshipness and shared cultured. But Nepal present regime Oli
government is pro China that’s the problem for India because China is India’s
enemy state and their making good relations with Nepal to create passer on India.
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