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What is Television?

Challenging Media Landscapes Conference: Mediacity UK (November, 2014)

What is Television?
Paper for - Challenging Media Landscapes Confernce: Mediacity UK (November, 2014)

Presented by: Marc C-Scott - marc.c-scott@vu.edu.au


Victoria University, Victoria, Australia
Marc C-Scott, a lecturer in digital media and coordinator of the Bachelor of Interactive Media at
Victoria University. His PhD “Invention to Institution: A Comparative Historical Analysis of
Television Across Three National Sites”, is currently under examination. The research investigates
the historical changes of the television industries within Australia, United Kingdom and United
States.

Abstract
This paper will discuss the difficulties that have and will continue in defining the
medium of television. Despite the terms purest definition, to see at a distance, the term
has for many years been used to describe an entertainment medium which is part of
the mass media landscape. No longer does the medium or associated devices have
differing names; rather the single term, television, is used to define all associated
activities and devices. The term was first discussed in the context of the medium of
television, in a paper presented by Constantin Perskyi, at the International
Electricity Congress during 1900. Almost thirty years later, as television broadcast
tests commenced in Britain and the United States, there was still confusion and
debate as to whether television was the correct term to use for the new medium. It
was described as a novel concept in the Encyclopaedia Britannica. The New York Times
asked its readers opinion on names for the new medium.

The contemporary misconception of defining television is made evident when


its definition is reviewed within dictionaries. The Dictionary of Media Studies (2006)
has four definitions listed for television and the Australian Concise Oxford Dictionary
(2008) has three. This multipurpose approach in defining television has created
confusion, which will arguably increase as television broadcasters attempt to
expand distribution through the Internet, and the line between mass media
institutions continues to blur. The evolution of television as a platform, institution
and popular cultural has historically created difficulties in defining television. The
increase of media convergence is exacerbating the difficulty in defining, what is
television?

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What is Television? Challenging Media Landscapes Conference: Mediacity UK (November, 2014)

What is Television?
Television has become interwoven into our daily lives. In its simplest form,
television is defined as to see at a distance. The word has evolved since its
introduction in 1900, to be used as a singular term to describe not only the
set, but also the programs and the institution. The subsequent words used
after television, for example, set, receiver or program, have been subsumed
within the single term of television. This broad definition and multi-purpose
approach to the use of the term has created confusion as to what is television?

Over the past few years, there has been a significant shift in the way
audiences both source and view televisual media. This is the result of a
multiplicity of technological changes: digital technology replacing analogue,
the introduction of various portable media devices, increases in Internet
speed and access; in addition to the onset of media convergence. These
changes have sparked debate as to whether television is a dying medium; also
perpetuating confusion as to how to define television. To determine whether
the medium is nearing its death, the definition of television must first be
clearly understood.

This paper will argue that changes in defining television are not simply a
present issue. When analysed historically, it is evident that television has
continually faced challenges that have questioned its definition: politically,
institutionally and publicly. This paper will analyse television from a
historical perspective, to evaluate the varying terms and definitions used to
describe the medium. The focus will include the following areas: before
television was television; the emergence of television; social influence upon
television; the impact of convergence in defining television; challenges for
contemporary television; and difficulties in defining television.

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Before television was television


Television has a complex history, which has been impacted by a number of
factors across the areas of society, politics and technology. It began as part of
the human desire to see at a distance. Through the work of many inventors, it
became a reality through the television set. A device with a screen, that could
allow one to see events a considerable distance away, and later across the
other side of the world. A major factor in the evolution of television was the
rate of development and impact of other technologies, which included
electricity, telegraphy, photography, radio and motion pictures. Many of the
early developments of television were referred to by other terms, reflective of
other influential and parallel discoveries. The various discoveries that came
before television’s introduction are evident in the table shown in Burns (1998,
p. 4), which lists distant vision proposals during 1878-1924.

Prior to the distant vision proposals, there were simultaneous


developments in both the areas of visual and aural communication
technologies. During 1837 to 1876, work was undertaken in the field of
picture telegraphy, which Burns argues was ‘an influence on early distant
vision schemes’ (1998, p. 4). In 1837, Samuel F.B Morse developed the
electrical telegraph, which was subsequently improved during 1843 by
Alexander Bain’s invention, the automatic copying telegraph. Fredrick
Bakewell’s advance telegraph five years later added further to its capabilities
and was able to send copies of visual material (written and print). Each of
these developments added to the potential of visual communication through
the telegraph. The aural element of Morse’s telegraph was added in 1876,
when Alexander Bell’s talking telegraph or telephone was discovered
(Abramson 2008, pp. 5-6). These discoveries were influential on television’s
early developments, in so far as they allowed for the viewing of visual and
aural media to be presented to a large, dispersed mass audience.

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Predictions of future developments of the telegraph and telephone were


illustrated in the British magazine, Punch, during 1879. The illustration
depicted an apparatus capable of transmitting visual and aural
communication across a distance, entitled Edison’s Telephonoscope. Pictured was
a gentleman sitting with a woman in front of a large wide-screen, holding
cone devices which produce the sound associated with the projected visuals.
This was only three years after Alexander Bell’s discovery of the telephone.
Whilst fictional for the era in which it was printed, it depicts a modern social
reality, a proposition of converging devices and an early visual representation
of future television (Abramson 2008, p. 8). Albert Robida (1884) also
described the telephonoscope, as ‘the supreme and final development of the
telephone’ that would allow the user to both ‘see and hear’ the person at the
same time (Burns 1998, pp. 78-80).

In addition to the developments of visual and aural media technologies,


there was also research conducted in the area of moving images. Peter Mark
Roget during 1824 argued that the retina had the ability to ‘retain an image of
an object for 1/20 to 1/5 of a second after its removal from the field of vision’
(Parkinson 2002, p. 7). Subsequent research conducted by Max Wertheimer
and Hugo Münsterberg contradicted Roget’s research, arguing that image
retention was not due to the retina, but due to the film frame rate of twenty-
four frames per second being lower than the brain’s perception threshold
(Parkinson 2002, p. 7). These discoveries would later impact on both motion
pictures and television.

During the first half of the nineteenth century there were a range of
discoveries and apparatuses developed to create the illusion of motion.
Faraday presented his rotating wheel to the Fellows of the Royal Society
during 1831. Faraday was unaware that Belgian philosopher and scientist,

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Joseph Antoine Ferdinand Plateau, had made the same discovery three years
before (Cook 1963, pp. 125-6). Plateau later developed the Phenakistiscope
during 1849-1852, an apparatus capable of projecting continuous imagery,
which gave the illusion of movement. The first version consisted of drawings
depicting a dragon blowing fire; the apparatus created euphoria among the
populace who saw it. Plateau was encouraged to create another version using
still photography. Plateau modified the apparatus to display posed
photographs of a workman using a pestle and mortar. Unfortunately, the
success of the photographs was limited and revealed the difficulties in
portraying natural movement through the use of still imagery. This was
evident when the workman was shown the moving images, he stated, ‘But
that’s not how I work!’ (Cook 1963, p. 126).

Motion pictures became the first art form to solely rely of the theory of
psycho-perceptual illusion generated by machine (Parkinson 2002, p. 7).
Further discoveries were made in addition to Plateau’s work over twenty-five
years later by English photographer, Eadweard Muybridge. He began to
experiment in the area of live motion capture using multiple cameras, as
opposed to Plateau’s posed photographs. Muybridge’s initial experiments
used twelve cameras, later increased to twenty-four cameras, and a wet-plate
process, which resulted in images comprising merely of a detailed silhouette.

Muybridge continued his experiments after meeting with Etienne Jules


Marey during 1881 to observe his Photographic Gun. This device allowed for
the capture of twelve photographs per second, which when played back on a
serial disc gave the illusion of movement. Whilst the number of photos
captured was less than Muybridge’s previous techniques, the advantage was
that the Photographic Gun was a single device. Its limitation was that it was
not appropriate for longer forms of recording, which inspired Marey to

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continue experimenting until, in 1888 (Abramson 2008, p. 16; Burns, R 1998,


pp. 69-70), he revealed a device that used moving film, ‘deemed the first
successful cine camera’ (Burns, R 1998, p. 71). The next development for
motion pictures was Edison’s Kinetoscope peep show viewing machines, first
manufactured in 1894. Two years after the first manufacturing of Edison’s
Kinetoscope peep show viewing machines, the Lumière brothers created the
first commercial projection at Koster and Bial’s Music Hall in New York
(Ellis & Wexman 2002, pp. 2-3).

From this point, motion pictures evolved rapidly in comparison to


television, indeed almost overnight ‘from a laboratory experiment to a full-
grown commercial venture’ (Abramson 2008, p. 1). By the time that
television became commercially viable, motion pictures had already
established its own form of language (Abramson 2008, p. 2). Despite being
established media, both the motion pictures and radio industries feared the
impact that the introduction of television would have on their industries. Both
attempted to employ extra features as a result. For instance, motion pictures
introduced sound and presented some films as three-dimensional. Despite
their fears, both survived the introduction of television. Furthermore, both
media influenced television in its early technological advances and in its
programming.

In addition to the technological developments that influenced the


development of television, public interest was also significant as a
‘determinant in the advancement’ of television (Burns 1998, p. 7). During the
nineteenth century, the public showed great intrigue and curiosity, for
instance, attending exhibitions and spectacles that displayed human
deformities, were informative and educative or that stimulated the viewing
audience. Whilst an important factor, it is also in human disposition to

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compare television with other current media, including print media and
motion pictures, which led to criticisms of early television associated with its
poor image quality and unnatural replication of movement. It was argued that
the concerns were raised by individuals who ‘examined the matter entirely
from a theoretical standpoint’ (Moseley & Barton Chapple 1930, p. 37).
Being a new medium, television in its introduction did not appear to conform
to existing perceptions when compared to motion pictures, radio and print
media. This comparison is also reflective of the terms used to describe the
new medium.

The emergence of television


The term television, in the context of the technology proper, was first
discussed in a paper presented by Constantin Perskyi at the 1900
International Electricity Congress (Abramson 2008, p. 23). This was many
years after some of the key elements had already been discovered and that
would allow for the development of what would later be referred to as
television. During its initial development, there were two schools of thought:
mechanical television and electronic television. In Britain, early television used the
mechanical approach, which was associated with Baird; the sole inventor in
the field in Britain.

In the United States, there were three key inventors involved in the early
developments of television: Jenkins, Farnsworth and Zworykin. Jenkins
involvement was initially only theoretical, but began before Baird. His first
paper, ‘Transmitting Pictures by Electricity’, was published in The Electrical
Engineer, during 1894 (Burns 1998, p. 196). Almost twenty years after this
publication, Jenkins published a second article in Motion Picture News, entitled
‘Transmitting Pictures by Wireless’, which is argued to have influenced

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Baird’s interest in television. When Jenkins commenced practical


experimentation, it was based on mechanical practices, although it differed
from Baird’s. There was also experimentation in the electronic method of
television in the United States, which was later the approach applied globally.
Electronic television in the United States was commonly associated with the
inventors Farnsworth and Zworykin, who both became entangled in a
protracted patent lawsuit.

The first public demonstrations of television commenced during the 1920s


in Britain and the United States. The way in which public demonstrations
were presented fluctuated the public opinion and perception of television. In
Britain, Baird used his demonstrations in an attempt to assure the British
government and the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), the only
broadcaster in Britain, that television broadcasts should commence in Britain.
Baird struggled to convince the BBC to initiate television test broadcasts.
Arguably, a key rationale for this, was due to the fact that during 1928, the
BBC was experimenting with the broadcasting of images, although this did
not eventuate. The technology, was known as Fultograph; it is best described
as a photo slideshow with music. It would have allowed the BBC to add
additional attributes to radio and to continue its media monopoly in Britain
(Burns 1998, pp. 177-8).

Whilst there was limited public awareness of Baird’s work, it received


immense publicity during 1925, when Baird’s television system was
demonstrated as part of London’s famous Oxford Street department store
Selfridges’ sixtieth birthday celebration. Burns argued that it was during
these demonstrations that the general public first became aware of television.
During the demonstrations, leaflets were handed out to the public stating,
‘television is to light what telephoning is to sound’ (Burns 2000, p. 75). It is

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interesting to note that the pamphlets did not discuss radio, a major seller for
Selfridges at the time.

The pamphlets also noted that the television apparatus being demonstrated
was ‘in the rough’ (Burns 2000, p. 76), and that Selfridges’ store was in no
way financially involved with Baird’s work. Selfridges later opened a
television department in 1939, with a marketing campaign that stated,
‘Television is here - You can’t shut your eyes to it!’ (Woodhead 2012, p. 350).
During March 1929, after another demonstration to members of Parliament,
Baird’s system was described as a ‘noteworthy scientific achievement’
(Moseley & Barton Chapple 1930, p. 13). It was declared that facilities at the
BBC needed to be made available to the Baird Company. During September
of that year, television was inaugurated in Britain, although Baird believed
that less than thirty people had seen the inauguration (Burns 1998, pp. 303-
4).

The year after the inauguration, Moseley and Barton attempted to define
television in their publication, Television: to-day & to-morrow (1930). They
defined television in two ways, first, as an aid for the public to ‘witness what
is happening at some distant place, just as if we were eye-witnesses’ (1930, p.
19). The second component, defined as true television, was ‘the ability to see,
with the aid of electrical methods of transmission, a reproduction on a screen
of the image of moving or stationary objects situated at any distance from the
observer’ (1930, p. 19). Whilst still broad, these definitions were more closely
aligned with the television that had been introduced in Britain at the time.

The United States differed considerably from Britain; it had several


corporations associated in the development of television. Each attempted to
keep the details and demonstrations in house to prevent any intellectual

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property theft. Early demonstrations were presented to management in


house, usually in an effort to obtain further funding for the associated
departments. Demonstrations were also given to government officials to gain
approval for test television broadcasting licenses. Many of the corporations
built their own broadcasting facilities, which were then used to complete test
broadcasts, which on occasions were received by other corporations. This
was a significant difference from the British model, by which Baird relied on
public awareness. His demonstrations were presented to government officials
to gain support to commence test television broadcasts, which required the
cooperation of the BBC for broadcasting facilities.

One of the first demonstrations in the United States was during 1925,
when Jenkins exhibited his television apparatus to a group of government
officials in the United States; the same year as Baird’s Selfridges
demonstration. Unlike Baird, Jenkins noted that his demonstration was a
scientific test and not a show. It was considered by the Sunday Star to be a
historic event, ‘man has literally seen far away objects in motion through the
agency of wireless’ (Burns 1998, p. 197). Two years after his demonstration,
regular television broadcasts began when Jenkins was granted the first
television license by the Federal Radio Commission – for Washington DC
station W3XK.

During the same period as Jenkins, Zworykin also presented his all-
electronic television apparatus, in 1925. This was an internal presentation to
Westinghouse management in an attempt to secure further funding. The
presentation showed the projection of a faint X image onto the face of the
receiving tube. This was a first in television history – the transmission of ‘a
picture from an electric camera tube to a receiver tube in this manner’
(Abramson 1995b, p. 51). Despite the perceived success of the

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demonstration, the vice-president of Westinghouse was not impressed and


requested Zworykin be transferred to another project. Zworykin’s later work
in the field of television was associated with the Radio Corporation of
America (RCA), who became the leader of television in the United States, as
well as influential abroad.

Farnsworth, who was also involved in electronic television, first gained


significant funding for his television concept after he presented it to Roy
Bishop, a successful capitalist and engineer in 1926 (Schatzkin 2002, loc.
643). Farnsworth was not supported by a corporation, so his early
demonstrations were an attempt to gain funding for his television concept,
thus having many similarities with Baird. After two years of developing a
prototype of his television concept, Farnsworth was forced to open his
laboratory when investors decided it best to sell the concept (Schatzkin 2002,
loc. 891-938). This occurred during the same period that Zworykin moved
from Westinghouse to RCA.

Social influence upon television


Whilst advances in technology were a key factor in television’s introduction,
there were also critical social and political factors that need to be discussed in
association with the technological developments. In chapter one of his
seminal work, Williams (2005) rehearses a series of arguments about the
invention and influence of television. He distinguishes two types of arguments
put forward in relation to television’s influence on the social world. The first
of these is technologically deterministic, in so far as television is credited with
determining social reality; the second, while less so, also considers television
‘an element or a medium in a process of change that is in any case occurring
or about to occur’ (2005, p. 5). The importance of social factors in association

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with technological factors is supported by Winston, who disputes the


relevance of the word revolution in describing electronic communication
systems. He argues for the primacy of the social sphere in determining
‘patterns of innovation and diffusion’ rather than for a simple technological
model (1998, p. 2).

This is supported by work completed by De Fleur, in his paper Mass


Communication and Social Change, where he attempts to address the ‘ways in
which society has influenced the media’ (1966, p. 314). De Fleur provides a
comparative study of the diffusion of newspapers, motion pictures, radio and
television in the United States. He argues that cultural factors of diffusion
should also be considered, which includes ‘group values, social norms, [and]
level of technological accumulation’ (1966, p. 317). He also discusses the
work of Rogers in relation to the system of personality diffusion, which is ‘the
mental process through which an individual passes from the first learning
about an innovation to final adoption’ (Rogers as quoted in De Fleur 1966, p.
317).

The introduction of television in the United States occurred during a time


when mass manufacturing allowed receivers to be produced at a price that
was ‘within the means of the ordinary citizen’ (De Fleur 1966, p. 324). The
new medium was a fit for ‘the personality, social and cultural systems of the
society to which it was presented’ (De Fleur 1966, p. 325). This social
influence is also discussed by Winston, who postulates that there are three
subtypes of social necessities: the impact of other technological innovations,
the role of business corporations and the need for new products (1998, pp. 8-
9). The impact of corporations on the introduction of television in Britain and
the United States was considerably different; arguably, it was the United
States that enjoyed the largest impact factor from corporations during

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television’s introduction. As noted by De Fleur, television utilised the


institutionalised cultural practices of broadcasting from radio (1966, pp. 324-
5). In the United States, the most influential corporations involved in
television had already established radio broadcasting and manufacturing.
From a cultural perspective, moving images had already been in the social
sphere for two decades, i.e. with the established motion pictures industry.

By the 1930s, test television broadcasts had commenced in Britain and the
United States, but due to the approach in demonstrations, the public’s
perception of what television was differed in both countries. Television was
perceived as a novelty, as noted by the Encyclopaedia Britannica fourteenth
edition (1929), ‘many technical problems have yet to be solved before
television can claim to be more than an interesting novelty’ (as quoted in
Emmerson 2009, p. 5). In the United States, early social views of television
were demonstrated in The New York Times. Readers were asked what to call
the associated apparatus, the owner and the viewer of television. One reader
stated ‘we see with our eyes, we hear with ours ears. Why not combine the
two and make the word “eyear” or “earyer” which is more euphonic?’ (Burns
1998, p. 301). Other suggestions included tellser and sightener, for the viewer
of television. One reader argued that the operator be called the audivise, the
receiver audiviser, and audiovision be used to describe ‘the science of seeing
by radio’ (Burns 1998, pp. 301-2).

Not all opinions were positive toward early television, nor its future. One
reader stated: ‘I suggest noisivision because the vision will be noisy’ (as cited
in Burns 1998, p. 302). Other names that were suggested included ‘for the
owner of a set - teleciever, for viewers - radiospects (taken from the word
spectacles), for the apparatus - raduo, for the performer- raduolist’ (Burns
1998, p. 302). This is but one example of the variation in the initial

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understanding and uncertainty of what television was or would become,


particularly in the United States. This example also makes evident the public
perception of television and the merging of terms in an attempt to establish an
identity for television. This was influenced by the close association between
the development of television and other communication and media
technologies, which still continues today. When viewing media from a
historical perspective, it is evident that the media forms of today ‘are actually
the result of innumerable small-scale convergences that have occurred
frequently throughout time’ (Fidler 1997, p. 27). The recent introduction of
the Internet has raised further debate of media convergence and the impact
this could have upon television.

The impact of convergence in defining television


During the introduction of television, there are examples of the partnerships
between motion picture and television institutions. What is not evident is
why, and whether it was to prevent the impact of television or to stake a claim
in the new and upcoming media form. De Sola Pool argues that:
The first defensive tactic by the owners of an old medium against competition by a
new one is to have the new one prohibited. If this does not work, the next defensive
tactic is to buy into the attacker. (1983, p. 39)

A similar argument is raised by Gomery who notes that, in the United States
‘the recalcitrant movie moguls ignored it; only when it was too late did they
do anything about television’ (1994, p. 23). The executives initially saw
television as a new fad and believed that, once it had passed, the audience
would return to the movie theatres. The industry also believed that the
quality of television would not equal that of motion pictures (1994, p. 23).

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The perception by the motion picture executives of television becoming a


fad did not transpire, as the public continued to purchase television sets. In
the United States, Paramount, one of the Big Five studios was involved in a
number of companies associated with television, initially with a forty-nine per
cent share in Columbia Phonograph Broadcasting System (later CBS), as
early as 1929. Paramount was later associated with the television
manufacturer, DuMont, and had an interest in the first Chicago television
station, W9XBK (Stokes 1999, p. 24). Another example was the takeover
during 1932 of Baird Television Limited by Gaumont-British, which in 1940
was itself taken over by Rank. The involvement of the two companies altered
the focus for Baird, from home television to television broadcasts within
movie theatres throughout Britain.

When television became established as a commercially viable medium, it


did not replace the existing media. In fact, it ‘learned from the theatre, from
radio, and from pictures’ before it developed its own distinctive entertainment
structure (Hutchinson, T 1946, p. x). The interlinking of the various media
later stimulated discussions associated with the convergence, from both a
technological and content perspective. The use of the term convergence in
writing about television has created confusion socially, institutionally and
within academia. The term convergence, as argued by Brand (1987), Fidler
(1997), the Productivity Commission (2000) and Gordon (2003), was first
used in association with media and communication during the later part of the
1970s to early 1980s. During the 1980s, convergence was still seen as
futuristic by the general public. Despite public opinion, media companies
began to stake a claim, buying various media outlets, including newspapers,
radio and television stations, and outdoor advertising firms (Pavlik & Dennis
1993, p. 3).

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More recently there has been a significant shift towards digital media and
communication technologies, which has added to the debate of what is
television? Prior to digitisation, each media form had its own ‘distinct
capacities and constraints’ (Hodkinson 2010, p. 33). This distinction left them
separated due to the technology associated with that particular form of media
or communication; for example, viewers had to use a television set to watch a
television broadcast. A single device only allowed for the engagement of a
single media format. Digitisation has allowed for ‘text images, music speech
and video all to be converted into a universal system’ (Hodkinson 2010, p.
33). Almost twenty years earlier, De Sola Pool argued that electronic
technology would allow for all modes of communication to form ‘one grand
system’ (1983, p. 20); a proposition representative of the Internet.

Despite the shift toward digitised media, the debate on media convergence
from a technological perspective continues. In H. Jenkins’ article,
Convergence? I Diverge; he expresses his doubts regarding media convergence
and argued:
What’s all this talk about “media convergence,” this dumb industry idea that all
media will meld into one, and we’ll get all of our news and entertainment through
one box? Few contemporary terms generate more buzz—and less honey (2001, p.
93)

H. Jenkins’ statement was made more than twenty years after the first use of
the term convergence. Flew also adds to the convergence debate and
perceived the death of television. He argues that the claim made that new
media would eliminate television ‘was always dubious’ (2007, p. 22). Castells
adds further to the debate with his adaptation of de Sola Pool’s ‘grand system’
theory (1983 p. 20). He argues the theory that ‘computers, the Internet, and
the media’ (2003, p. 188) would converge into one box in the living room, was
a notion that had failed. This was not due to technological limitations, but due

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to the hypothesis from the media institutions. The institutional view was that
all consumers were concerned about was access to unlimited content (2003, p.
193). In recent decades, continuous development in media technology, along
with the public and broadcasters’ use of alternative distribution methods, has
again challenged the definition of television and its existence.

Challenges for contemporary television


Contemporary television faces many challenges, as the approach of television
institutions and audiences change. The use of the Internet and alternative
devices in viewing televisual material challenges defining television from an
institutional, technological and social perspective. Just as the old media of
motion pictures and radio had to adapt when television was introduced, now
television must adapt to the challenges of the availability and ‘expansion of
the format market’ (Moran 1998, p. 18). Television broadcasters have had to
adapt to new audience trends, not only changing the platform, but also the
method used for broadcast and distribution. In relation to the Internet and
contemporary alternative media platforms, some television broadcasters have
used a ‘transmedia storytelling’ approach, distributing media across
television, mobile phones and the Internet. H. Jenkins (2001), Bruns (2008)
and Perryman (2008) have written about this new storytelling method, and
argue that it could be the future of television. They argue that this approach
will allow both traditional television broadcasts and online media to co-exist.

The use of the Internet as a distribution method for televisual material has
also prompted debate about the death of television. Such works as Given
(2003), Spigel and Olsson (2004), Lotz (2007) and S. Ross (2008) all
question the future of television. These works build upon Glider’s book, Life
after television (1994). Glider argued that the concepts of high definition,

Marc C-Scott (marc.c-scott@vu.edu.au) 17


What is Television? Challenging Media Landscapes Conference: Mediacity UK (November, 2014)

interactivity and information superhighways are all ‘merely cosmetics for the
corpse of giant industries approaching the end of the road’ (1994, p. ii). The
debate within television studies is also addressed by Turner and Tay (2009)
in Television Studies After TV. In contrast to the works above, Cunningham
argues that, in fact television is ‘in rapid growth mode in major developing
regions like south and east Asia’ (2012, p. 1). This is supported by the recent
increase in the global penetration rate of television, which by the end of 2012,
was 79 per cent; a two per cent increase from 2008. This growth was due to
the increase in the developing world, from 69 per cent (2008) to 72 per cent
(2012); the developed world remained at 98 per cent (International
Telecommunication Union 2013, p.162).

These changes discussed above have resulted in a multi-purpose approach


in defining television, as evident by contemporary dictionary definitions. The
Australian Concise Oxford Dictionary describes television as, first ‘a system for
reproducing on a screen visual images transmitted (usu. with sound) by radio
signals’. Second, ‘(in full television set) a device with a screen for receiving
these signals’, and third, ‘television signals in general’ (2008, p. 1470).

The multi-purpose approach is also evident in the Dictionary of Media


Studies, a publication specifically focused on media. It lists four definitions for
television, first ‘an electronic device for receiving and reproducing the images
and sound of a combined audio and video signal. Also television set, tv, telly’;
second, as ‘a system of capturing images and sounds, broadcasting them via a
combined electronic audio and video signal, and reproducing them to be
viewed and listened to. Also called tv’; third, as ‘the image, sound or content
of combined audio and video broadcast’; and fourth, as ‘the industry
concerned with making and broadcasting programs combining images and
sound’ (2006, p. 235).

Marc C-Scott (marc.c-scott@vu.edu.au) 18


What is Television? Challenging Media Landscapes Conference: Mediacity UK (November, 2014)

The multi-purpose approach as evident in the Australian Concise Oxford


Dictionary and the Dictionary of Media Studies, further amplifies the difficulties
associated with defining what television is and establishing a singular
definition. The evolution of television as a platform, institution and popular
cultural medium will continue. As argued by De Fleur in 1966, television’s
golden era in many countries, ‘we need not assume that television is the final
medium’ (1966, p. 325). He further notes that:
A more sophisticated medium would be one which permitted an almost unlimited
range in program selection (in the form of tapes or records), an independent power
supply, natural colour, complete portability and high quality production. (1966, p.
325)

Arguably this more ‘sophisticated medium’ discussed by De Fleur could be


comparable to the Internet, a medium not yet realised when his paper was
published. It should also be noted that the Internet itself will not be the final
medium. Therefore, television, along with other media, will face future
challenges from new media.

Difficulties in defining television


It is clear from the areas discussed within this paper why it is difficult to
establish a singular definition for television. Since its introduction, television
has been interwoven within multiple areas, across technology, society and
politics. Technologically, the television set has evolved from a mechanical
system demonstrated by Baird, to large high definition smart televisions. The
institutions involved in the early development of television had varied
approaches, both from a technological and publicity perspective. This had an
impact on the way in which early television was defined and perceived by the
public.

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What is Television? Challenging Media Landscapes Conference: Mediacity UK (November, 2014)

During its early development, television was compared to the


established media forms, creating varied perspectives of television’s early
success. The comparison of new and old media still continues today,
although it is now television that is being used as the prime comparative
medium. Questions are being raised as to whether current Internet
bandwidth capabilities can create the same image quality as television. The
use of the Internet as a broadcast platform has further questioned
television’s definition.

Culturally, we have begun to move away from viewing television


socially as a group, to singular viewing on smaller devices. These changes
have forced television institutions to examine their role. Debate about
television continues across technological, social and political areas. The
multi-purpose approach will continue and expand as society continues to
expand the number of devices on which one can view television content.
How television will be defined in the future or what it will resemble is not
clear. While some may argue that television is dying, television, both as a
term and as an institution, will remain. History tells us that old media
never die.

Marc C-Scott (marc.c-scott@vu.edu.au) 20


What is Television? Challenging Media Landscapes Conference: Mediacity UK (November, 2014)

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