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SOPHIE GILBERT
A young woman gets is hosed by firemen as an anti-segregation march is broken up in Birmingham, Ala.
on May 8, 1963. (AP)
Every person who writes online or otherwise about public officials, every hack or
poet who criticizes the work of government, every distinguished journalist or
pajama-ed blogger who speaks truth to power, ought to bow his or her head
today in a silent moment of gratitude for a single United States Supreme Court
In Focus
decision issued 50 years ago today. It means simply that you can make an honest
mistake when writing about a public figure and won't likely get sued.*
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Today Is the 50th Anniversary of the (Re-)Birth of the First Amendment - The Atlantic 10/30/14, 2:30 PM
precedent it has generated since (despite the efforts of Justice Antonin Scalia),
investigative and opinion journalism as we know it today would not exist.
Much of the coverage of the 50th anniversary of the ruling, such as there has
been, has focused logically upon its impact upon modern First Amendment law.
But it is important to remember today that the case arose in the heat of the civil
rights movement and that state libel laws, like the Alabama statute that the
Protesters Storm, Burn Burkina Faso
Court struck down, were routinely used as weapons by local officials to scare Parliament
journalists away from covering the worst government excesses of that period.
It's also important to remember that until Sullivan, the First Amendment had
traditionally been interpreted very narrowly. So narrowly, in fact, that the
JUST IN
concept of libel was widely thought to be beyond constitutional purview. Let me
put it this way (and I'm not the first to suggest this): If there were no Sullivan,
there likely would not have been a release of the Pentagon Papers or a rigorous
investigation into Watergate or much of any withering criticism of government The Shrimp is a Lie
MEGAN GARBER
that appears today in any medium.
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The state trial judge in the case was an unreconstructed Confederate and a
Southern jury quickly came back with a $500,000 judgment against the
defendants—a significant amount today that was even more significant then. The
paper appealed the ruling to the Alabama Supreme Court, which in affirming the
trial court ruling made the state's libel law, and thus the media's potential
exposure, even broader still.
The trial judge had told jurors that the advertisement was libelous per se—that it
was presumed to be libelous in other words. And both the trial judge and the
state supreme court justices expanded the definition of the "malice" required in
libel law to include, for example, "irresponsibility." The Alabama courts even
implied that most any government official could sue for libel even if the public
criticism was only directed at his or her office: "libel on government," it is called.
The Decision
The Supreme Court grabbed the case. The Alabama courts had quickly
dispatched with the First Amendment defense The Times had asserted by
declaring that it did not apply to libel cases. The justices in turn quickly
dispatched with that position, which they declared would unlawfully "shackle
the First Amendment in its attempt to secure 'the widest possible dissemination
of information from diverse and antagonistic sources.'"
Justice Brennan wrote the ruling on behalf of a unanimous Court (there were
two concurrences but no dissents). First he cited Judge Learned Hand, probably
the most influential judge in American history never to have served on the
Court. The First Amendment, Judge Hand had written decades earlier:
Then Justice Brennan cited the language of Justice Louis Brandeis, another
colossal figure in the history of the Court, in Whitney v. California. Justice
Brandeis had written:
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Applying this analysis, the Court in Sullivan then framed the conflict this way:
Applying this standard, the Court declared that Alabama's libel law created a
form of "self-censorship" by reporters (and also, notably, the "citizen-critic")
that was inconsistent with First Amendment principles. A public official alleging
libel would have to show "actual malice" on the part of the publishing defendant
with "convincing clarity." To establish this, Justice Brennan wrote, a plaintiff
would have to show either that the person publishing the material knew it to be
false or published it after exercising a "reckless disregard" for its truth.
And as to the sweeping notion that Sullivan had been injured and was entitled to
money damages because of the general criticism of "the police" in Montgomery,
the justices held that: "no court of last resort in this country has ever held, or
even suggested, that prosecutions for libel on government have any place in the
American system of jurisprudence." This is why all of us can blast the Obama
Administration, or the Bush Administration, without fear that some bureaucrat
within those administrations will consider himself aggrieved enough to sue.
Even though the ruling was unanimous, there was drama behind the scenes at
the Supreme Court—the last-minute decision by Justice John Marshal Harlan,
for example, to join the majority decision, Justice Hugo Black, meanwhile, a
First Amendment absolutist, wrote: "I vote to reverse [the Alabama judgment]
exclusively on the ground that the Times and the individual defendants had an
absolute, unconditional constitutional right to publish in the Times
advertisement their criticisms of Montgomery agencies and officials."
Resources
The best work on the Sullivan decision is Make No Law, a book written in 1991
by the late, great Anthony Lewis, who was covering the Supreme Court in 1963
and 1964 for The Times. (Just think, for a moment, that those two terms alone
would allow Lewis to produce his book on Sullivan as well as "Gideon's
Trumpet," his masterpiece on Gideon v. Wainwright, the seminal right to
counsel case decided almost exactly one year before Sullivan).
If you don't have time to read Make No Law, then go ahead and spend an hour
now to listen and to watch Tony Lewis talk about it, and the Supreme Court, and
the First Amendment, with Brian Lamb on C-SPAN. This is a conversation that
tells us so much about each man, and about the case, and about the law and the
Court 50 years ago. Every professor who teaches the first amendment, either in
law school or to undergraduates, ought to play this video to students.
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And if after listening to Lewis and Lamb talk about the case you want to get a
true feel for the issues in play at the time—six weeks after the assassination of
President Kennedy, months before the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964—
go ahead and listen to the oral argument in the case from January 6-7, 1964, one
of the more intense or passionate arguments you ever will hear (or see).
Finally, if you want to take a broader look at the context of the Sullivan case take
the time to read The Race Beat, published, like Make No Law, in 1991. This
book, written by revered journalists Gene Robert and Hank Klibanoff, helps us
remember today all that was at stake in 1964 and how likely history would have
been different had journalists back then been chilled from reporting the truth
about the Southern response to the civil rights movement.
____________
* But that doesn't mean you still won't get in big trouble if you make a mistake
reporting about a public figure. On Friday, for example, a state trial judge in
New York permitted a libel lawsuit brought by Michael Skakel to proceed (at
least a little further) against television personalities Nancy Grace and Beth Karas
and show producers at Time Warner and the Turner Broadcasting System.
ANDREW COHEN is a contributing editor at The Atlantic. He is a legal analyst for 60 Minutes and
CBS Radio News, a fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice, and Commentary Editor at The
Marshall Project
MORE VIDEO
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MORE ARTICLES
I sorely needed this splendid reaffirmation of the value of free speech, especially
after reading the many stultifying comments on Natalie Dicou's excellent article on
polygamy. Thank you, Andrew; I feel better now.
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This rather cryptic quote somewhat distracted me, and detracted from the overall
article.
I understand that factual accuracy wouldn't (and probably shouldn't) have any
bearing on the legal principles involved in this particular case. Nevertheless,
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And I'm saying that as someone who, in this particular case, probably shares the
same ideological bias as the author regarding this topic.
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Whether it's a liberal climate change activist suing journalists for challenging him
or the Obama FCC looking for a way to place a monitor in newsrooms or a
ThinkProgress writer talking about how much pressure the white house puts on
even liberal journalists to give the approved slant on stories it's always the same.
Liberals like the idea of free speech in the abstract. However when it comes to
others actually speaking they're quick to try to shut them up.
Same with campaign finance reform. Liberals really like the idea because it tends
to shut others out of the process. Who needs other voices that could confuse the
populace?
Too bad that a movement with such a strong tradition of free speech has fallen to
a point where they're always the ones first condemn any speech that disagrees
with their preconceptions.
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party will collapse under the weight of its own guano - the recent primaries
showed a spark of evidence that this was happening now - and we can get
back to some sort of rational political debate.
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Since any university researcher's reputation is what keeps his job, calling
him a liar is damaging to his career and thus libelous.
But then those on the right love to complain when they are caught lying.
Just like your claim of putting a "monitor" in newsrooms. That was never a
policy and not even a plan. There was a suggestion for a study on news
gathering and reporting by the FCC. But you knew that, you just like to troll.
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campaign finance reform in arizona has allowed more grass roots, right-
wing folks to get elected. yet "Liberals really like the idea because it tends
to shut other out of the process." bizarre.
the f.c.c. was looking to survey media outlets as to how news judgements
were made. the purpose was to see if there were structural impediments to
all voices in a market having access to the available media. may be or may
not be a good idea. but there was no proposal or plan "to place a monitor
in newsrooms".
the media is still free and a often a good source of news. Buckland should
use more of it.
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He has often shown here that he has no use for actual facts.
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