THE DESIGNATION MLECCHA FOR FOREIGNERS IN EARLY INDIA

Author(s): Aloka Parasher

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 1979, Vol. 40 (1979), pp. 109-120
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44141948

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 THE DESIGNATION MLECCHA FOR FOREIGNERS
IN EARLY INDIA

Aloka Parasher

The term mleccha is in no way synonymous with the word

'foreigner' in the sense of one belonging to areas outside the Indian
subcontinent, as it had the connotation of barbarism attached
to it.

Mlecchas as a reference group in early India included all out-

siders who did not conform to the values and ideas and, conse-
quently, to the norms of the society accepted by the elite groups.1
The ideological background against which they .were viewed and
distinguished from the establishment was sustained by the acceptance
of the idea of Dharma, without which it would undoubtedly have
collapsed. The permanence of this idea gave significance to the
perpetual existence of mlecchas during various phases of Indian
history, despite the fact that the early rules concerning them in the
sastric texts had outgrown their need and circumstance. With its
predominantly theoretical features, the acceptance of the varna-
sramadharma became a crucial factor in determining whether or not
groups of the population were mlecchas 2.

It is our contention that attitudes towards mlecchas and out-

siders in general, evolved as a consequence of the reaction of
ancient Indians, predominantly the brahmanas, to safeguard their
social system and values which, in its very nature, meant the main-
tenance of their ascendancy.

The occurrence of the word mleccha is first attested in the

Satapatha Brahmano. It appears in a linguistic context and denotes
unintelligible speech.3 However, in both Buddhist and Brahmanical
literature language, or ethnic origins, or religious beliefs and rites,
or the area of habitation, were never considered as mutually exclu-

109

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 110

sive criteria for distinguishing, and then discriminating against,

those who persisted not to accept the superiority of the dominant
culture. We can, however, delineate broad areas of discrimination
and distinction which the ancient Brahmanical texts emphasized
with regard to the mlecchas . In the beginning, it was a linguistic
disparity that called for a basis of distinction between the aryas
and the mlecchas .4 The early Buddhists writings distinguished
between milakka and 'other' areas of habitation.5 In the Dharma -
sastras and Smritis, we have the gradual but definite evolution
of the notion that aryas must make conscious efforts to avoid
contact with all aspects of the mlecchas because of the latter's non-
acceptance of the varnasramadharma and the non-peformauce of
certain brahmanic rituals.6 Finally, from the early centuries A.D.
the undermining of the spiritual authority of the brahmanas largely
determined the discriminating statements about mlecchas. This is
apparent in both* Dharmasastra and non -Dharmasastra material.7

The emphatic rejection of the mlecchas as a reference group

was always made in relation to the rules of exclusion for the aryas .
The keynote of all brahmanical writing was to further and streng-
then the social codes and rules of conduct of all its members.8 This
was necessary if only to maintain the position of the most exclusive
group in society : the brahmanas . Aryavarta was the land of the
sistas ,9 the brahmanas , and upon their strength rested the cultural
exclusiveneßs of the aryas as a whole. Passive avoidance of mlecchas ,
their ways and their territories seemed to be the theoretical principle
which guided the stereotyped attitudes towards them. But stereo-
types are often distorted, and were in this case as well.

II

There is a significant lack of material on the social and beha-

vioural discrimination of the mlecchas during the centuries B.C.
Almost all references to them in this period are in a linguistic
context - the firm injunction, particularly to brahmanas to avoid
mleccha-vac10. There is no mention of mleccha customs or beha-
viour by the authors of the Vedas , Samhitas and Dharmasutras
because, in all probability, the socio-economic, political, threat from
mleccha groups, both indigenous and foreign, was absent during

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 Ill

this period. It simultaneously meant that there was no disturbance

to the supremacy of the Brahmana-Ksatriya11 control within the
social system. In early Buddhist and Jaina writings, the milakkhas
were simply known for their unintelligence, ignorance and a way of
life that was unconducive to the attainment of nibbana12. The
reforming efforts of Buddhism and Jainism did not bring about any
fundamental change in attitudes towards them.

The question of mleccha behaviour began to disturb brahmano,

writers to a considerable degree in the early centuries A.D., when
it becomes apparent in their writings. This is also the period when
there is a notable increase in^ passages advocating a high eulogy of
brahmanas 13 and obedience to them14. The fortunes of Brahmanism
oscillated particularly during the period that foreign invasions
actually set in, and the close and convenient alliance between the
Ksatriyas and brahmanas was disrupted and replaced by other ruling
classes. As resistance against foreign influence the rules of exclusion
for the aryas were'strengthened.15

Among the brahmanical writers KautiJya is an exception.

Though he warns the King that border areas of the Kingdom, where
mleccha forest tribe (term used is mlecchatavi) and bands of robbers
abound, is that of enemies16, he recommends at some length, how
mleccha groups were to be exploited for the purposes of the State.
Kautilya, like most political theorists, realised the political advan-
tage to be gained in keeping tribes in general contented.17 While
it is admitted that a whole army of forest tribes could pose a threat
at times, the king is openly advised to secure the help of certain
mlecchas for his own personal needs. Their services were to be
deployed in inflicting harm upon the enemy.18 In another context
leaders of mleccha forest troops are to be used to assasinate a weak
King.19 As spies, men and women of mleccha communities are used
to destroy enemies by poisoning them and thereby protecting the
four varnas against the unrighteous.20 They are even trusted as
enemies inside the king's palace.21

The use of such groups, as recommended by Kautilya , went

totally against Dharmasastra injunctions to avoid mlecchas their,
speech, area of habitation and above all, mixing with them. It

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 iii

SÔCÂS that for political expediency these rules were ignored which
gives us a different perspective to the problem of the mleccha and
attitudes towards them.22

Ill

In the Arthasastra the term mleccha alludes mainly to forest

tribesģ There is, however, reference to mlecchajatis (communities)23
of various kinds who reside around frontier areas. But, the Artha-
sastra, like most ancient Indian texts, is vague on the designation
of particular groups as mlecchas .

Prior to the christian era we have no reference to mleccha as a

designation for any group of peoples. Also, when during the cen-
turies A.D., it is used in such a manner, both tribal and foreign
groups are at the same time known by their respective names and
sometimes without the designation mleccha . Needless to add, the
rules for the designation of particular groups of outsiders as mleccha
were absent in all types of ancient Indian writing. This gives rise
to a certain degree of flexibility in its use as a designation.
We shall examine how mleccha was used as a designation for
foreigners in early India.23a

There is evidence that the Indians of the Vedic and Brahmanic

period had contact with people of foreign countries.24 Furthermore,
during the reign of Darius (522-486 B.C.) the Persians ruled over
the Indus Valley and adjoining areas.25 Similarly, Alexander's
invasion of the north-west in the third century B.C. is well-known
in ancient Indian history.*6 However, neither the early Persians,
nor Alexander and his Greek or Macedonian soldiers were desig-
nated as mlecchas in the literary texts, though, as we have discussed
above, its use is attested during that period. Therefore, the creation
of the image of foreigners as mlecchas i e. barbarians, cannot be
attributed to the early authors of the brahmanical texts. Patanjali,
who is generally considered a contemporary of Pusyamitra Sunga
(c. 185-250 B.C.), mentions a Yavana invasion which presumably
took place in his lifetime.27 But this again, is not referred to as a
mleccha invasion.

Political events in northern India, particularly after the close

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 113

of the Matiryã period, become confused involving the rule of various

foreign rulers. The Indo-Greek invasions were the beginning,
followed by those of the Sakas and the Kusanas. These events
undoubtedly changed the political scene as the indigenous kings
were replaced by foreign ones, but their effects on the brahmanical
system were also gradually felt. The fact that certain powerful
foreign groups existed outside the official social system controlled
by the brahmanas could not be ignored for long by its upholders;
later attempts were made to account for their existence.

Sanskrit literary sources rarely give accounts of the actual

invasions of the Yavanas, Sakas, Pahlavas or Hunas. The Yuga
Purana is unique in this respect. It describes the Yavana and Saka
invasions at some length.28 Except for Amlata, who is called
mleccha ,s9 none of the other Yavana or Saka kings are thus desig-
nated. However, physical disaster and destruction, together with
constant references to the demoralisation of the people and the
mixture of castes, is vividly brought out in this text.

We notice a change in attitudes towards foreigners during the

early centures A.D. when justifications for their origin are sought.
The formulation of a number of mythical stories, narrated in the
Mahabharata and the Puranas begin to attribute them with an
Indian origin and in the process called them mleccha .

In such accounts tribes and foreigners are listed together,

giving the impression that their existence in Indian society outside
the varna system posed similar threats. One of the popular accounts
describes their creation by Nandini, the magical cow of Vasistha.30
To combat the army of Visvamitra who was forcibly taking her
away from Vasistha, Nandini created a strong mleccha army. These
mlecchas in their manifold armours and brandishing arms comprised
among others, the Yavanas, Sakas, Pahlavas, Sabaras, Daradas,
Pundras, Kiratas, Dramidas, Simhalas, Barbaras and Mlecchas. The
gist of the legend is the fight between Viswamitra and Vasistha.-
the Ksatriya and the brahmana - and it was the brahmana who had
mlecchas to fight for him. Ignoring the miraculous origin of these
different peoples, the intention of this narrative was probably to
explain the presence of a large army consisting of peoples which
already formed different elements of the population and were in

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 114

particular noted for their military might.

In the Harivamsa, the Ramayana and some of the Pur anas it is

narrated that the achievements of the Iksavaku dynasty were tempo-
rarily halted when the kingdom of Bahu was vanquished among
others by the Sakas, Yavanas, Kambojas, Pahlavas and Paradas.31
Sagara, the son of Bahu, recovered his kingdom and would have
destroyed these people but they pleaded with Vasistha, the family
priest of Sagara, for protection. In obedience to his commands they
had to have certain distinguishing marks32 and, more importantly,
were absolved from the established duties of their castes and the
study of the Veda. The Visnu Purana adds that being unable to
carry out religious duties of, and abandoned by, the brahmanas they
became mlecchas.

Here, we see the ingenious solution of the bramanas to accept

foreigners as erstwhile Ksatriyas , who, because they did not live in
a manner expected of ksatriya kings, were called degraded and said
to behave like mleccha. Manu also declares that the Kambojas,
Yavanas, Sakas, Paradas and Khasas are to be regarded as degraded
ksatriyas , who, because of their neglect of sacred rites and disrespect
to bramanas , sank to the position of vrsalas (anybody against the
dharma established by the Gods).33 The Mahabharata repeats this
verse twice, though the list of people varies.84 These are followed
by passages written in glorification of brahmanas, as: '...the brahma-
nas cannot be conquered by anyone upon earth. The world cannot
be ruled in opposition to brahmanas .'3Ö

This may have been meant as a warning to foreign rulers to

abide by the caste rules. There is no evidence to the effect that
these princes deliberately tried to antagonize the brahmanas . On
the contrary, in the case of the Sakas, we have information that they
made conscious attempts to appease them.86 In fact, they fitted in
comfortably in the caste heirarchy, and, again, in the case of the
Sakas of Western India, the kings did their utmost to prevent the
mixing of castes and protect the law of varna.37

In the Purana list of the Kali Yuga kings it is stated that

those who shall be kings in the future will be ksatriyas , parasavas,

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 115

śudras , and others who will be foreigners, Andhras, Sakas and

Pulindas, Culikas and Yavanas, Kaivartas, Abhiras and Sabaras and
others who will be of mleccha origin.38 Detail about these kings
is limited and not very reliable. The term used for foreigners in this
passage is bahiscara i.e. outsiders and not mlecchas . The next line
names the Andhras, Pulindas, Culikas, Kaivaratas, Abhiras, Sabaras
and ends with the words 'and others of mleccha origin.540 The
mleccha origin and mleccha status of the following foreign groups :
the Yavanas, the Tusaras, the Sakas, or the Hunas, is not mentioned.
It is only the thirteen Murundas along with low-caste men whose
mhccha origin and status is indicated41.

The brahmanas were clearly aware of the rule of foreign

dynasties but ignored their mleccha origins as it suited them. Politi-
cal expediency may have been one of the reasons for this, as court
brahmanas could not have maintained their position without royal
support. And, when the foreign rulers adopted brahmanic ways the
question of dubbing them as mlecchas did not arise.

It cannot, however, be overlooked that not all foreign kings

adopted brahmanic ways, and even if they did, this happened only
after a period of time. Further, in the case of foreigners in general,
particularly soldiers and merchants, who migrated during this
period, did not behave as brahmanas expected them to.42
IV

It is in a fifth century text, the Amarakosa 43 that we have a

definition for the term mleccha. The four names of tribes - the Bheda,
Kirata, Sabara and Pulinda- are understood as mlecchajatis in this
context. There are few references in Buddhist sources to the desig-
nation of peoples as mlecchas/milakkhas. An exception to this is the
fifth century commentator Buddhaghosa. In the Šamant apasadika
he explains that mhccha must be understood as a term for non-
Aryan peoples, the Andha, Damila and others.44 In total agreement
with, and probably influenced by the Brahmanic idea of designating
certain tiibal and foreign peoples as mlecchas/milakkhas , the Jaina
Angas and Upangas give long lists of these people.45

In the Brhatsamhita, another text of the fifth century A.D.48

the Sakas are called kings belonging to the mleccha jatis , who are

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 116

best known in astrological circles of that period for their establish-

ment of an eia.47 Elsewhere, in the same text, the Yavanas, Yavana
astrologers in particular, are described as mlecchas. This verse
is* interesting as at the same time it praises their system of astrology
and honours them as rsis ,48 This also indicates that the term
mieccha was not necessarily applied in an opprobrious manner.

The Brahmanic propaganda through literature and oral tradi-

tion o f mythical stories, perpetuated the idea of a foreigner as a
mieccha . Only they, the Brahmanas, could judge when the speech
and behaviour of these people would cease to be regarded as those
of a mieccha .

We examined that in the beginning the theoretical assertions

of the brahmanas excluded mlecchas and foreigners from society, and
treated all of them as one large reference and marginal group. The
most important phase, which brought about a distinct change in
the designation of foreigners as mlecchas, was the period between
c. 200 B.C. to c . A.D. 200. A vascillatiug and apparently contra-
dictory attitude reflected in brahmanical writing has to be explained
in a broader context.

During this period the brahmanical social order was under

pressure, accompanied as it was by the domination of foreign rulers.
Foreign incursions did not only upset the social heirarchy at the
top49, but in more ways than one disrupted the functioning of the
lower orders as envisaged by the brahmanas 50 . The exchange of
duties and occupations between the different varnas resulting in an
admixture of castes is aptly reflected in the Angavijja , a Prakrit text,
dated between the first and second centuries A.D.51 Further, the
zenith of India's trade with the Roman world was achieved during
the first two centuries of the christian era.52 This naturally led to
the rise and growth of the mercantile community as is borne out by
the inscriptions of the period.

These are some of the factors that brought about a positive

set back to the traditional social order. The Dharmasastra writers
urgently felt the necessity of codifying the Jaws governing the
mechanism of the socio-economic machinery. The social devices
that formulated attitudes towards mlecchas9 were conceived in terms

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 117

of a gradual evolution which was mostly concerned with conserving

the principles of their ultimate faith in the eternal Dharma that
gave it authority. In that process, new ideas or elements were
added, fundamentally safeguarding and perpetuating the position
and privileges of elite groups.

FOOT NOTES

1. The attitude of the Buddhists and Jainas towards milakkhas (Pali fo

mleccha ) was not essentially different from that of the Brahma nas but
its application for outs'de groups varied considerably, particularly in
the case of the Buddhists.

2. In drawing upon, mainly literary source material, both Brahmanica

and Buddhist, the original meaning of mleccha/ milakkha* emerges In
the sense of 'uncivilized', 'barbaric', or -uncultured'. This could refer
to vac (speech), bhasa (language), desa (country) or jati (community).
The designation of particular people as mlecchas changed over the
centuries. The meaning and etymology of the terms mleccha'milakkha
are discussed fully in : Aloka /'irasher, A Study of Attitudes toward
Mlecchas and Other Outsiders in Northern India (- c.A.D . 600), Ph. D
Thesis, Un versity of London, January, 1978, Chapter II, pp. 60-92.
3. Sat. Br.t III, 2, 1, 24. As milakkhuka it is first attested in the Pitak
literature of the Buddhists though not in the context of their speech.
Vinaya P , III, 28.

4. Sat. Br. Ill, 2, 1, 23-24, brahmanas to avoid mleccha language. Gautam

Dhs , 1, 9, 17 Snatakas must avoid conversing with mlecchas.
5. Sam . N., V. 466; Ang. N., I, 35- The contrast between majjhima
janapada and paccantima janapada. The latter is iohabitated by
milakkhas . Monks aLd nuns and disciples are forbidden to visit such
areas- Ang. N., IV, 266; Digha N., 264.
6. Manu, X, 45. Mlecchas ars distinguished from members of the four
varnas. KautiJya recommends different laws for the[mlecchas and for
the four varnas with regard to them selling their offspring; it is n
offence if the mlecchas do so- A.S., III, 13, 3-4.
7. Visnusmrtiy LXXXI V, 1-4 - The various acts ary as are forbidden to
carry out amon st mlecchas or in mleccha country.
Yuga P; text lines 136; 138-140; Mbh.t III, 188, 29- The association of
the mlecchas with the disruption of the varna oriented society.
8. Vasistha Dhs . VI, 1-2; IV, 4.

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 118

9. Baudhayana Dhs. I, 1, 5-6.

0. Discussed fully in : Aí arasher Op. Cit., Chapter III, p. 93 ff. The
general emphas's on 'good speech* is apparent in all early brahma-
nical writing. D.D. Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian
History { rpt.) 1975, pp. 278-280 discussess the role of the Sanskrit
language and the brahmanas in extending the Aryan mode of produc-
tion into new areas.
11. U.N. Ghoshal, Hindu Public Life , Vol. I, 1966, pp. 73-80 gives a
number of examples to show their mutual antagonism and political
alliance.
12. Ang. N.. l3 35; Digha N., Ill, 264;
Uttaradhyayana S ,X 16; Sutrakrdanga, I, 1, 2, 15-16.
13. Visnu Smrti , XXX, 20-22; Manu , IV. 39; 52; 58; 135-136; 162 etc.
14. Visnu Smrti II, 16-17.
15. A. Parasher, Op. Cit., Chapter V, pp. 209-216- An account of the
dominance of mleccha dharma during the Kali Age.
16. A.S. , VII, )0K 16.
17. A.Sē, IX 2, 18-20.
18. A.S.% VII, 14, 27.
19. A.S., XII, 4, 23.
20. A.S. , XIV, 1, 1.
21. A.S. h 12, 2.

22. Soliciting help from or concluding alliance with Mleccha kings is also
a feature in the Mahabharata. In several instances in the text, it is
recognised that mleccha soldiers and kings fought under the banner of
both the Pandavas and Kauravas in the great war-Mbh. V, 22, 2; V,
158, 20 (allied with the Pandavas) IX, 1, 26; IX, 2, 18 (allied with the
Kauravas) In the Mudraraksasa , a play dealing with political conspi-
racy, the mleccha allies of Malayaketu are described as regional kings
within the geographical bounaries of the subcontinent- Mudrar., I, 11;
III, 25; I, 20- The countries mentioned are Kuluta, Malaya, Kashmir,
Saindhava and the Parasikas.

23. A.S. 1, 12, 21; III, 13, 3; XIII, 5, 15, All these passa.es refer to the
term mlecchajati instead of simply mleccha or mlecchatavi.
23a . The Aryans were^originally themselves foreign to the Indian subconti-
nent. Since their advent there were a lar e number of forei ¿n inva-
sions in northern India; those of the Achaemenids, the Greeks, the
Parthians, the Scythians, the Kusanas and the Huns. The Sanskrit
terms for foreigners such as Yavana, Saka, Pahlava, Huna occurs
with relation to, not only thDse foreigners that invaded the subconti-
nent, but also with reference to those that migrated in the wake of
these invasions and settled in certain areas within Bharatavarsa. In
most instances they were not used to indicate one particular ethnic

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 119

or racial group. Even if the original meaning of each of these terms

was confined to one particular group of foreigners, it is unlikely that
it retained its initial meaning for long.
24. E J. Rapson, CHI, Vol. I, 1922, pp. 319-342.
25. D.C. Sircar, Sel. Inser ., Chp. I, 'Inscriptions of the Akhaemenians',
Nos. 1, 2, 4 & 5.
26. E.J. Rapson, Op. Cit.. Chp. XV.
27. Mahabhasya. 111,2,111.
28. D.R. Mankad, The Yugapuranam, 1951.
29. Ibid., text line 136.
30. Mbh.% I, 165, 30-38; Ramayana , I, IV, 18-20.
31. The list of people in each of the texts vanes : Visnu P., IV, 3, 26ff ,
Brahmanda P., Ill, 48, 22ff., Vayu P , 88, 122, 128ff., M bh.y III, 106, S;
Harivamsa , X, 41-45.
32. Yavanas had to shave the upper half of their heads» Paradas had to
wear their hair long and the Pahlavas had to grow their beards.
33. Manu., X, 43-44.
34. A/6Ã., XIII, 33, 19-21 ; XIII, 35, 17- 18- Kambojas, Yavanas, Dravi-
das, Kalindas, Puliodas, Usinaras, Mahisakas, Mekalas, Latas, Paun-
dias, Daradas, Barbaras and Kiratas.
35. Mbh., XIII, 35.
36. E.I., VIII No. 10, 'Nasik Cave inscription', p. 78- large donations of
cows and villages are made to brahmanas.
37. E.I., Vol. VIII, No. 6, 'Junagadha Inscription of Rudradaman , pp.
36-49.
38. Matsya P., 50, 72-76; Vayu P., 99, 265-270.
39. Matsya P., 50, 76.
40. Matsya P., 50. 16-andhah sakah pulindas ca culika yavanas tatha
kaivartabhirasabara ye cany e mlecchasambhavah.
41. Matsya P.. 273, 22; Vayu P., 99, 363; Brahmanda P., Ill, 74, 177. F.E,
Pargiter, DKA, p. xxvi, chooses to regard all these as mleccha
dynasties.
42. F.E. Pargiter, DKA., p. 74.
43. Amarakosa , II, 10, 20.
44. Samantapasadika (on the Vinaya P.t I, 8, 4), Vol. I, p. 255 milak -
khakam nama yo koci anariyakoandhamiladi .
45. Prasnavyakarana, sutra 4; Prajnapana , I, 36 -3/.
46. Kern, Brhatsamtuta, Introduction, p. 3.
47. Brhat , VIII, 20- s aka nama mlecchajatiye rajanas te yasmin kale
vikramadityad'vena vyapaditah sa kalo loke saka iti prasiddah
48. Ibid., II, 15- mleccha hi yavanas tesu satnyak sastram lúan stnitam r sívat
te s pi pujyante kim punar daivavid dvijah.
49. R. Thapar, łSocial Mobility in Ancient India with special reference
to elite groups' in : Indian Society : Historical Probings, ICHR, 1974,

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 120

pp. 95-106, discusses the contradiction between 'ritual' and 'actual'

status as it confronted the Dharmasastra writers.
0. R S Sharma, Sudras in Ancient India , 1958, pp. '76-198; pp. 221-218
argues that a socio-economic crisis existed during the post-Mauryan
period which resulted in the weakening of the old order of the
established society. Bhaskar Chattopadhyay, Kushana State and
Indian Society y 1075, pp. 186-192, lists the activities of heretical reli-
gions, the rise of the Sudras and the mercantile community (vaisyas),
the degredation of the priestly class ( brahmanas ) as signs of the
disintegration of the brahmanic social fabric.
51. V.S. Agarwala, Introduction to the Angavijja , Prakrit Text Series,
Varanasi, Vol. I, p, 94.
52. R.E.M. Wheeler, Rome beyond the Imperial frontiers, p. 157 ff. Moti
Chandra, Trade and Trade Routes in Ancient India , 1977, Chapter VI,

ABBREVIATIONS

Ang. N. Anguthara Nikaya

A.S. Kautilya s Arthasastra
Baudhayana Dhs. Baudhayana Dharmasutra
Bhag. P. Bhagavata P urana
Brahma P. Brahma P urana
Brhat Brhatsamhita of Varahamihira
Brahman d a P. Brahmanda P urana
CHI Cambridge History of India
C.I.I. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum
OKA The P urana Text of the Dynasties of
Kali Age by F.E. Pargiter
Digba N. Digha Nikaya
E.I. Epigraphica Indica
Gautama Dhs. Gautama Dharmasutra
N Majjhima Nikaya
Manu Manava Dharmasastra {Manu Smrti)
Mark. P. Markandeya Purana
Matsya P . Matsya Purana
Mbh. Mahabharata (critical edition)
Mudrar. Mudraraksasa
Sam. N. Samy ut ta Nikaya
Sato Br. Satapatha Brahmano
Sel. Inscr. Select Inscriptions by D.C. Sircar
Uttaradhyayana S. Uttaradhyayana Sutra
visnu p- Visnu Purana
Vayu p- Vayu Purana
Yuga P. Yuga Purana

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