Ciglenečki 

1987a, 112: strong defence, modest living architecture:

Description of a site with such features, ZIdani gaber nad Mihovim

Sarantis, 2013a, 2-5, 17,48: Civil or military settlements

2: Warfare had a profound cultural impact on the later empire:

prominent examples of its influence over religious culture include imagery
of the warrior saint Michael fighting demons, and the reliance upon
patron saints to defend besieged cities. (For Christianity and the Late Roman army, see Whitby (2004) 175–
80 and (1998); Lee (2007) 176–211. On St. Demetrius, see Lemerle (1979). On St. Michael the Archangel,
see Johnson (2005) 33–34. For St. Michael at Sagalassos, Asia Minor in Late Antiquity, see
Talloen (2011) 589–90)

2-3: On the economic front, the fiscal system of the empire was increasingly geared
towards provisioning and paying armies via the empire-wide Annona system. Ad hoc provisioning of
campaigning armies could also be required of interior provinces.9 (9 See = section below on ‘Supply’. Also
see the ‘Logistics’ section of Whately’s ‘Organisation
and Life in the Military: A Bibliographic Essay’ (in this collection).)
3: However, research to date has not identified the key military innovation which influenced the
course and outcome of wars in Late Antiquity compared to other periods (followed by discussion on
lack of research in a more holistic manner: add this to intro discussion in Ch. 6 and intro chapter 1).
4-5: the defining element in late antique warfare, giving the Romans an advantage in all of these ‘generic’
areas, was the network of monumental fortifications which were erected across the Roman Empire in Late
Antiquity.19 (more detailed discussion. Also see the paper by Elton (in this collection), which acknowledges
the Romans’ logistical advantages in 4th to early 5th c. military campaigning. Modern syntheses on war in
Late Antiquity have also recognised the importance of infrastructure: Le Bohec (2006) 148–50; Nicasie
(1998) 170–71; Elton (1996) 220, but they tend to confine discussions of this to separate chapters on
fortifications or strategy. Le Bohec (2006) 150 highlights roads as the key factor in logistics. Elton (1996)
157–60; Nicasie (1998) 129–43 focus on frontier zones and not the defence of interior regions, which partly
stems from their 4th c. focus, a period in which the full fortification of entire regions such as the Balkans
had not yet taken place. Elton (1996) 172 examines more minor fortifications in interior regions, but does
not think that these might have also been used by the military. Other works that recognise the the Romans’
logistical advantage include Whitby (2007a) 315–16 and 320; and Shaw (1999) 134.
5: The enormous size and sophisticated architecture of these urban fortifications, fortresses, watchtowers
and cross walls, and the huge areas over which they were
erected, undoubtedly make them the major military innovation of the period. It must be stressed that these
structures set late antique warfare apart from other periods of ancient and early medieval history. Only in the
Classical Greek and Medieval periods did fortifications come close to playing an equivalent role, although
Late Antiquity is the only period in a large polity (the Roman Empire). Other elements of the fortified
infrastructure, particularly communications, were also vital, but, unlike heavy
fortifications, they had existed in earlier periods of Roman history which as many enormous military
defences were constructed within such a large polity (the Roman Empire). Other elements of the fortified
infrastructure, particularly communications, were also vital, but, unlike heavy fortifications, they had existed
in earlier periods of Roman history.

Sarantis, 2013b (same volume as Sarants 2013a): 786

During peacetime, the Thracian and Illyrian field armies will have been dispersed over the fortifications of
the Balkans, frequently away from the frontier.136 (Dunn (2004) on the militarisation of interior regions.
Cod. Theod. 7 on the blurring of military and civilian life in the Late Roman period.) The failure of the
Roman army to oppose certain barbarian attacks may be down to the failure of local commanders to muster
thesetroops, rather than their absence from the area.137 (As suggested by Whitby (2007) 143. Two of the
principal bases of the generals of Thrace and Illyricum are believed to be Odessus and Naissus,
respectively.138 (Whitby (2007) 144.)
Evidence for an organised military within fortresses is less transparent in 6th c. than in 4th c. phases of
fortresses. However, this may simply owe something to the blurring of civilian and military life by this
period. It is also likely that, in many cases, soldiers lived in regions surrounding a fortress or minor fort,
unsurprising given the small size of many of these installations. Further, evidence does exist for buildings
used as barracks at settlements throughout the region, from fortresses in the Timok valley, to the Markova
Mehana site in the vicinity of the Trajan Gates, to Nicopolis ad Istrum, and cities such as Tropaium Traiani
in Scythia Minor. Inscriptions attesting field units have been discovered at Ulmetum and Tomis in Scythia
Minor.139 Weaponry has been found at a number of sites, including Caričin Grad/Justiniana Prima,
testifying to infantry and cavalry units.140 (Ivanišević (2010) 770–71.) This correlates the literary evidence,
which shows that many of the major engagements between Roman armies and barbarian raiders took place
in the interior, as well as frontier, areas of Thrace and Illyricum—as against the Sklaveni in Europa in 551
and Epirus Nova in 548.

Southern, Dixon 1996, 127–132 (I don’t have a copy)

Dunn: 2004, 551-553: An analysis of 15 fort sites around Philippi:

We cannot be certain of the primary functions and therefore institutional associations of these sites.
However, each site’s particular combination of a range of possible characteristics (discussed below) suggests
that it was either military or communal in origin. On this basis, 8 sites were probably military and 6
communal. Both types represent a considerable investment of resources.63 (Kardulias (1995) 33–59.) Both
types are also a historically and archaeologically documented phenomenon in Illyricum and Thrace from the
4th c. onwards.64 (Mikulcic (1986b) 254, 256; Velkov (1980) 266–71.) The ‘communal’ ones represent a
localised response to insecurity, which corresponds to the defensive measures taken by those civitates
that survived the 3rd–4th c. ‘cull’. They could therefore be the work of ex-municipia, vici, or
‘dispersed civitates’.
554-556: The army and the economic basis for rural settlement around the plain of Philippi

556: Northern Macedonian Civitates: Rural Churches (Mapped and Unmapped)

Fig. 5 (A Map, unreadable): Fig. 5 Cartographic and archaeological sources: “Carte historique et topographique”, Tabula Imperii Romani K34
(1976) in fine; “Verbreitungskarte der frühchristlichen Kirchen in S. R. Makedonien”, Mikul‘iA (1986a) 226; “Karta na ranokhristijanskite crkvi
vo Republika Makedonija”, Aleksova and Lilcic (1997) 10.

Aleksova B. and Lilcic V. (1997) “Ranokhristijanski crkvi vo Makedonija”, Makedonsko Nasledstvo 5

(1997) 10–38.
Dintchev V. (1997) “Household substructure of the Early-Byzantine fortified settlements in the present
Bulgarian territory”, Archaeologia Bulgarica 1 (1997/1) 47–63.
Dunn A. (1990) “The Byzantine topography of southeastern Macedonia: a contribution”, in MnÆmh D.
Lazar¤dh. Poliw kai x≈ra sthn arxaia Makedon¤a kaix≈ra sthu Yrakh (Thessalonica 1990) 307–32

Archie Dunn 2002: I don’t have a copy because I am an idiot who didn’t scan what they read.
Perzhita, Hoxha 2003: PERZHITA, L., G. HOXHA 2003, Fortifikime te shekujve IV-VIne Dardanine
perendimore (Late antiquity castles in Western Dardania). – Tirane.
Dintchev 2007: Fortresses in Thrace: TTLA, Danube and beyond.
Rašković 2002; RAŠKOVIĆ, D. 2002, Ranovizantijski arheološki lokaliteti
i komunikacije u širem kruševačkom okružju. – V / In: Treča jugoslovenska konferencija
vizantologa, Kruševac -Beograd, 29–74.
Milinković 2008: Same as later book, congested in a article published in German
Milinković 2015: Ranozinatiska naselja
; Dunn 2002, 706–707; Dunn 2004, 552

Mikulčić 1982: Staro Skopje so okolnite tvrdini; Mikulčić 1986b: Kasnoantička utvrđenja u SR Makedoniji
– pokušaj klasifikacije. – Materijali 22, 101–123., Mikulčić 2002: monograph in German
Gunjača 1986).
Besler 1972: Bosnian edition of l.a. forts in Bosnia and Hercegovina, 1993 the same book is published in
German.
Ciglenecki 1979: CIGLENEČKI, S. 1979, Kastel, utrjeno naselje ali refugij? / Kastell, befestigte Siedlung
oder Refugium? – Arheološki vestnik 30, 459–472. Typology on how to distinguish these sites.