Professional Documents
Culture Documents
5.1 Introduction
Geographers, sociologists and planners have made serious attempts to
develope techniques for describing systematically the measurable spatial
patterns of urban population, as well as their underlying social dimensions.
The techniques used are concerned with the ecological and demographic
structure of the urban population as a whole, as well as with the meaningful
characterization of different types of area in precise quantitative forms. The
beginning of this approach was seen in the works of plant ecologists at the
University of Chicago. These projects inspired a large number of studies by
sociologists and urban geographers.
98
Initial observations, on informal basis of Chicago revealed that the process
of upward and social mobility involved geographic migration: the
population group which resided in the city for the longest time would move
from their original homes to newer homes in the city's periphery as their
economic status improved; they would be replaced at the centre of the city
by new arrivals. Thus, a distinctive spatial pattern of activity and residence
zones emerged due to the process of radial expansion of the city which was
further expressed in terms of idealized 'concentric zone' model as
formulated by Burgess (1960). The model though crude and unrefined, has
nonetheless provided a set of ideas about urban spatial structure and
provided a general frame-work for the more detailed studies in 'natural
areas' within the city.
The limitations of time and space inherent in the applicability of Burgess'
concentric zone model have inspired several cross cultural studies and
alternative models for example, Hoyt's (1939), sector model, Harris and
Ullman's (1957), "multi-nuclei" model and Mann's (1965),model for the
British city. Non-western cities were not extensively studied except by
Mc.Gee (1967), who suggested a model for the south-east Asian cities.
However, best known contribution on urban ecology based on 'social area
analysis' is by Shevky and Bell (1949) and 'cluster analysis' by Tryon
(1955). An overall view of the development of social area analysis and its
typology is given in 5:1 and 5:2.
99
Diagram 5:1 Social area analysis (strictly defined)
Shevky and Williams Shevky and Bell
criticism /
Hawley and Duncan; Duncan
/
Continuing applications Tests of social area Cluster Analysis
of Social Area Analysis construct using of socio-economic
strictly defined e.g. Factor analysis data for census
Herbert; Mc Elarth Bell;Val Arsdol tracts
Camilleri and Tryon
Schmid
Factor analysis of
Socio-economic
data of census tracts
deriving basic dimensions
which are compared with
available theory.
Schmid and Tagashira
Sweetser, Goheen,
Murdie, Pederson, Berry,
Abu Lughod
Source: Philip H Rees, The Factorial Ecology of Metropolitan Chicago, Master's thesis,
University of Chicago, 1968.
100
Study of urban phenomenon in the Indian subcontinent has suffered from
unreality by forcing descriptions into frames that do not apply and by
carrying out exercises quite inappropriate to Indian urbanism. The first
ecological commentary on an Indian city in which the classical models are
questioned, is that of Gist (1957), "The ecology of Banglore, India: an East-
West comparison".
The term 'social area analysis' applies to only that mode of analysis
outlined by Eshref Shevky, Mariaane Williams and Wendell Bell in their
studies of Los Angeles and San Fransisco (1949). From a number of
postulates concerning industrial society they derived three basic constructs:
Social Rank by Shevky (and economic status by Bell), Urbanization (family
status) and Segregation (Ethnic status). With the help of these three
constructs, they classified the census tracts into social areas based upon
their scores on the indices.
Amos Hawley and Otis D. Duncan (1957), in their Review of Social Area
Analysis by Shevky and Bell criticized the theory underlying the constructs
on theoretical grounds and for empirical reasons i.e., the method of
dimensioning the constructs. In an effort to meet the empirical objectives
that the measures employed assumed the constructs to be correct but failed
to provide a test of their validity. Bell used factor analysis to show that in
both, Los Angeles and San Francisco, the census measures used, formed a
structure consistent with Shevky's formulations.
Van Arsdol, Camilleri and Schmid (1958), extended Bell's test of Shevky's
model to ten cities, six of which confirmed Shevky's indices while the other
four cities did not confirm their validity. This suggested that many more
101
variables dealing with the soico-economic characteristics of population
should be included in the study and factor analysis, should be used to
isolate the fundamental patterns of variations in the data.
Mc Elarth and Barkey (1960), performed a social area analysis of the
Chicago Metropolitan area in which the spatial patterns were displayed by
composite social area indices with respect to the classic ecological models
and were examined through an analysis of variance.
Berry and Tennant (1965), in order to provide a socio-economic framework
within the commercial structure of the north-eastern Illinois Metropolitan
Area, used 50 variables and 147 municipalities with populations exceeding
2,500.
Pederson's study of Copenhagen (1967), is one of the most comprehensive
urban ecological analysis. He used 14 socio-economic variables related to
age distribution, employment status, industry in which employed,
household size, sex ratio and female employment From these, three basic
factors emerged, which were: urbanization or family status, socio-economic
status, population growth and mobility-
Frank L Sweetser (1968), considered the influence of the boundaries of the
study area on the factorial ecologies that emerged in his studies of Boston
and Helsinki. He divided his study area into concentric rings and sectors
and performed separate factor analysis for each ring and sector.
Unfortunately, he failed to relate the similarities and differences of the
factor structures in various zones of the metropolis.
Schmid and Tagashira (1964), suggested that a smaller set of variables,
carefully selected will essentially reproduce the principal factors extracted
102
from a much larger set, which is a labour saving device. Tryon (1955),
proposed 'cluster analysis' as an alternative to factor analysis. However,
both 'social area analysis' as well as 'cluster analysis' as techniques, have
been subjected to criticism with reference to their theory, methodology and
utility.
A principal conclusion of Abu Lughod's study of Cairo was that "no
factorial separations between indicators of social rank and the indicators of
family cycle stage could be obtained". This contrasts with normal two sets
of indicators in factor analysis of American city data matrix. As a result,
Abu Lughod had to outline in an extremely effective way, the conditions
that were necessary and sufficient to produce the dimensions of socio-
economic status and family status that have been found to have an
independent existence in almost all American cities, conditions that were
not fulfilled in case of Cairo.
After having reviewed the works of Western scholars, the study of urban
phenomena in the Indian subcontinent needs to be reviewed. Most studies
on Indian cities, particularly by Indian scientists have suffered from
unreality by forcing descriptions into frames that do not apply and by
carrying out exercises which are quite irrelevant to Indian urbanism [Rao
and Tiwari, (1979)]
The first ecological commentary on an Indian city in which the classical
models are questioned is that of Gist (1957). In his study he has compared
the ecological patterning of business, industry, public institutions,
103
residential segregation, decentralization and slums in Bangalore city to the
generalized patterns of these variables in the cities in Latin America carried
out by Caplow&Hayner(1949).
The urban development in India has evolved under the impact of both the
indigenous as well as colonial traditions and has given rise to a dualism in
the city structure. This is evident from highly mixed land use, sharp
density ratios between the older areas and the periphery and the differences
in life styles and social organization of the population [ Breese (1966)
Smailes (1969), Mc.Gee (1971).]
A preliminary analysis of the structure of Indian cities carried out by
examining its constituent elements as they occur in distinctive association
was done by Arthur E Smailes (1969). He has drawn attention to the
special significance of towns as expressions of imperial expansion and
intrusion of conquerors, who seek security in urban concentration and their
urban character also reflects their role as administrators, traders or military
pensioners in contradiction to indigenous peasantry. [Smailes (1953).]
When discussing structural patterns within an Indian city, it has become a
ritual to echo the Western models, even though Hoyt's sector model and
Harris and Ullman's multiple nuclei model- are misfits. Assumptions and
theories about the city structure tend to be centre bound. Unfortunately the
generalizations derivedfromthe study of western cities have been treated as
being universally valid. To counteract these false notions attention has
been drawn by Sjoberg (1960), to the basic differences between the pre-
industrial cities all over the world and modern Western civilization.
104
Wheatley (1967), has emphasized the importance of 'ethno-centre' as the
genesis of urban settlement.
Berry and Rees (1969), made an attempt to extend cross-cultural research in
urban ecology using the case study of Calcutta city. The purpose of this
study was to examine the extent to which the archetypal 'premature
metropolis' was modernizing in socio-geographic sense. The social
structure, the geographical distribution of landuse and the population of
Calcutta was compared to the classic models with the implicit
understanding that the degree of fit between the models and reality is an
indicator of modernity.
Berry and Spodek (1971), in their paper on co-operative ecologies of large
Indian cities like Ahmedabad, Bombay, Kanpur, Madras, Poona and
Sholapur opine that the socio-economic dimension is the most dominant
factor responsible for residential segregation . According to them the
prevailing spatial patterns are that of high status neighborhoods in the core
and low-status neighborhood at the periphery - substantiating Sjoberg's
generalization about the pre-industrial city.
Weinstien (1978), in his study of Madras analysed its urban ecological
structure and made use of census data as well as the information gathered
from a large scale house-hold survey. He concludes that concentric zones
as well assume sectoral and multiple nuclei models describe the actual
structure of Madras no better than chance alone. At the same time the
analysis of this survey data provided strong support for the earlier
contentions that social - rank mixed however, with 'discrepant'
105
characteristics such as presence of houseless population - does dominate
ecological structure in the city.
Another of Weinstein's study on the Ahmedabad city (1979), deals with
the blend of modernism and conventionalism in the ecological structure of
this city. He has made use of historical, observational, census and survey
data to submit his proposition - that the ecological structure of Indian cities
is 'converging on the model of the industrial metropolis' to a relatively
exact test.
The analysis of the changes in the geographical pattern of growth in
Bombay and Delhi has been done by Brush (1970). He found that there
exist are inner zones of old upper class concentration and outer sectors of
recent upper-class expansion in both cities. According to him, the urban
population reflects traditional preference of the elite to central locations
while recent peripheral growth parallel to the pattern of Western cities is
also seen.
Rao and Tiwari (1979), in their analysis of the ecological structure of the
Bangalore city find that the city structure is not a stereotyped 'rich centre
and poor periphery model but a complex one with middle class centres and
both high status and low status periphery.'
The factorial ecology studies of Hyderabad (1966) revealed that the areas
of lowest social rank formed a periphery in the city's industrial zones,
whereas the areas of the high social rank were found in the economic core
of the city.
Meera Kosambi (1980), in her study on urban functions, spatial patterns
and ethnic composition of Bombay and Poona views both these cities from
106
the urban sociological perspective. According to her, Bombay and Poona
belong to two distinct and recognised city types namely the colonial port
city and the indigenous capital city. The focus of her study is of the urban
functions and locational factors responsible for the growth of these two
cities - one of foreign and other of indigenous origin and the influence of
these factors on their spatial patterns and ethnic composition
S. K. Mehta (1968), in his initial study on patterns of residence in Poona:
by income, education and occupation, analyses the residential pattern of
socio-economic groups in Poona, and shows that social patterns have
largely remained unchanged over a span of thirty years (1937-65).
According to him there is a graded hierarchy in the extent of residential
dissimilarity as one moves up the socio-economic ladder and segregation is
greatest for the highest and the lowest social groups. So also the extent of
low rent areas is negatively associated with status.
In his subsequent study (1969), on the patterns of residence in Pune by
caste and religion during the period 1822-1965, he analyses the residential
distribution of caste and religious groups in Poona over the past 150 years .
His study reveals that distinctive patterns of segregation and centralization
have largely remained constant, despite the city's growth and development.
Vrishali Deosthali, (1986), in her paper, "Regionalisation of an urban area-
an ecological approach : A case study of Pune city", attempts to assess the
relationship between various morphological parameters which represent the
housing conditions of Pune. Similarly the socio-economic and
demographic status of the households in Pune have also been incorporated
in the analysis. She opines that a city is not merely an assemblage of
107
buildings made up of bricks and mortar, but it is a human phenomenon and
feels that the planned housing development of a city should be based on its
regionalization which helps in identification of problems within an urban
area.
108
structure of the Cantonments the Electoral Role for 1996 published for the
seven wards proved beneficial. In all 79 variables derived from the
questionnaire schedule, for each of the 111 wards of Pune city plus 14
wards of Pune and Kirkee Cantonments were used. (The definitions of each
variable is given in Appendix 1). All these wards were organized under 12
major sets of variables : i) population, ii) sex, iii) age, iv) caste, v)
religion vi) migration vii) family size viii) education, ix) employment x)
socio-economic status xi) housing and xii) mobility.
The data generated through the administration of questionnaire schedule
(Appendix II) helped to derive a comprehensive picture of the social areas
of Pune City and the two Cantonments, thereby facilitating comparison. To
further test the authenticity of the factorial ecology approach, an empirical
method was employed based on actual field work in the seven wards of the
Pune Cantonment.
5.5 Methodology
In view of the complex structures existing in Indian cities, with such
immense diversity of language, caste, religion and ethnic groups, deriving
social areas of Pune Cantonment and Pune city was no simple task. But at
the same time it was also interesting to find out, whether cities whose
economic base was driven by industry followed the same spatial pattern as
those obtained in the West. It is with this intention that the factorial
ecology approach has been used in the present study. It is also important to
identify whether the factorial approach is sensitive enough to bring out the
basic duality in the social structure of the old city of indigenous origin and
109
the Pune Cantonment which is the product of Colonial Rule on the Indian
sub-continent. Therefore, in the present context, apart from testing the
validity of the factorial ecology model to cities in the Third World and the
peculiar deviations from its basic features, what is more relevant is whether
the two distinct socio-economic areas are revealed by using the factorial
ecology approach. The other important questions which may arise from
this centre round are: i) Is the model totally inadequate to explain the
ground reality, existing in the trajectory followed by Indian urbanization?
ii) What are the deviations from the general theory? iii) Can a suitable
model depicting Indian reality be formulated by modifying some of the
variables used in the factorial approach to suit the Indian situations?
In case of Pune city, the spatial unit for observation was the ward, an
electoral unit at the local self government derived on basis of population
size. Pune city, Kirkee Cantonment and Pune Cantonment together were
divided into 125 wards. A correlation matrix of 79 variables was used as a
first step. This correlation matrix was subjected to multiple-stage factor
analysis which helped to segregate 18 variables that loaded highly on 4
factors i.e., socio-economic factor, ethnic factor, slum factor and age-
structure factor. Those variables which loaded on factors which were not
interpretable were eliminated. Table 5:1
In order to be assured that reliable factors emerge from factor analysis, also
known as principal component analysis, the sample size for ward was
chosen to be 100. This helped the study to determine the factors which
underlie a group of variables.
110
As the primary concern of factor analysis was to describe the variation or
variance which is shared by scores of people on the set of variables, it is
assumed that the test used to examine the total variance also known as
communality variesfrom0 to 1.
In factor analysis, the first principal axis which is extracted, accounts for
the largest amount of variance shared by the tests. The second factor
consists of the largest amount of variance which is not related to or
explained by the first factor. Thus these two factors are orthogonal i.e.,
unrelated to first two factors. Thus, though there are as many factors as
variables, the degree of variance which is explained by successive factors
becomes smaller and smaller and as such only the first few factors are
important. Table 5:2, which is the SPSS output shows that the initial factor
analysis and the amount of variance they account for i.e., their eigen
values. Thus for example, the proportion of variance due to first factor is
about 6.07056 or 33.7 percent, second factor 3.23677 or 18.0 percent, on
similar lines 13.5 percent and 7.3 percent for the third factor and fourth
factor respectively. Having done this, the next step was to decide how
many factors were to be retained for final analysis and this was done
according to Kaiser's criterion i.e., only those factors which have an eigen
value of greater than 1 were selected.
As shown in Table 5:2, only first four factors are considered. The last
column of the table is of cumulative percentage, which indicates the
percentage of variance attributable to the factor. As the table indicates,
almost 72.5 percent is attributable to the first four factors and hence only
these have been considered for the factor analysis. With the help of these
111
four factors, factor transformation Matrix was prepared(Tab!e 5:3) and
finally the Factor Coefficient Matrix (Table 5:4)
Finally, ward-wise distribution of factor scores was done (Table 5:5) and
with the help of cluster analysis seven clusters were formed. (Table 5:6 and
(Table 5:7), inorder to identify the underlying latent groups. The cluster
analysis thus permitted us to allocate the wards to specific categories in the
seven cluster solution. (Table 5:8)
112
Factor 1
below -0.7
-0.7 to -0.3
Pune Municipal Corporation
"X ;| -0.3 to 0.3
125 Wards-1993
0.3 to 0.7 •
•»———. Cantonments
113
The east-west differentiation of the city is very clear in terms of social
composition of population in the two parts. The west has a very high
percentage of native Brahmins and the east has a high percentage of
Christians, Muslims, Scheduled castes and Depressed classes and other
trader classes like Parsi, Gujarati, Marwadi, etc. The upper-caste Hindu
seem to follow a centralized pattern in the old core of Pune city, while the
scheduled caste and depressed classes show a generalised pattern of
segregation. Religion-wise as well as the upper-caste Hindus are
concentrated in the older western parts of the city, while the Muslims are
concentrated in the east and in the core of the city and the Christians in the
east and in the intermediate zones. In Pune Cantonment, with its unique
social, economic and political structures, the segregation patterns of non-
Hindu religious groups are crystallized - for example, the Parsis and the
Christians are drawn in their choice of residential location to the
Cantonment or the adjoining areas of Pune city, near the Cantonment.
The majority of Christians and the Parsis have their employment places of
residence, places of business, education and worship in Pune Cantonment.
The scores of the various wards of Pune and both the Cantonments are
mapped in Fig. 5:2. The highest positive scores are to be found in the
areas which are in the western wards and in the core area of Pune city,
while the eastern wards have negative scores which are indicative of mixed
social composition in terms of caste, religion and language.
114
hi
Factor 2
.. 4 t.
i:v:-':;.,-i.^i;5i:'|-:i',a"-i"--. • •
lgp>
below -0.7
-0.7 to -0.3
-0.3 to 0.3
Pune Municipal Corporation
125 Wards-1993
0.3 to 0.7
Canionmenls *
0.7 and above •»——— Pune Municipal Corporation
115
Factor 3
below -0.7
m$ -0.7 to -0.3
Pune Municipal Corporation
-0.3 to 0.3
til 0.3 to 0.7
125 Wards-1993
Cantonments •
0.7 and above — — Pune Municipal Corporation
116
)r
Factor 4
below -0.7
-0.7 to -0.3
-0.3 to 0.3
Pune Municipal Corporation
125 Wards-1993
0.3 to 0.7
Cantonmenls
0.7 and above "•—•••" Pune Municipal Corporation
Cluster: 1
In this cluster the scores on Factor I and Factor II are moderately negative (-
.4237) and (-.3729) respectively and the score on Factor HI is very high
(2.0064). Thus, this cluster indicates the characteristics of shim areas
which are the result of successive waves of immigrants settled in the
congested areas near the outer periphery of the city. The wards which are
included in this cluster (Table 5:6) show distinct pockets in locations
which are low lying and generally negative areas for habitation. These
areas also reveal the successive expansion of the dry's limits.
117
Seven Cluster Solution *-T-""-f"'>v——-«.
— — < Cantonments
——» — Pune Municipal Corporation
Cluster: 3
In cluster 3, the score is average on Factor I (.2387), very high on Factor II
(1.0480) and very low on Factor m (-1.0289) and high on factor IV
(1.4119).
The uppercaste Hindu population dominates this area and the education
level of the population seems to be high. These are the wards which were
low density areas around the core, which are now seen in filling after large
scale industrial development took place. These areas still continue to grow,
merging with peripheral sections such as Aundh, Pashan etc. It is in these
areas that intra-urban movement has taken place, of old elite residents of
Pune, who earlier resided in the central part of the city. Many of the
managerial and technical elite who have recently shifted to Pune, also
reside here.
Cluster: 4
In this cluster the score on Factor 1 is very high (1.6610) moderately
negative on Factor II (-.6847) average on factor III (.1055) and moderately
118
negative on Factor IV (-.1230). This cluster forms part of an emerging high
middle class area where the professional class, generally new migrants to
Pune reside. Spatially this area is an extension of cluster three. These are
the peripheral wards which earlier had large empty spaces, but have now
experienced a building boom with spacious modern bungalows and luxury
apartments for the elite. There is a possibility that the wards which belong
to this cluster may have some slums which traditionally may belong to the
scheduled castes and depressed classes.
Cluster: 5
The scores on Factor I and Factor II are average i.e. .5009 and .7347
respectively . The wards of this cluster depict higher proportion of Hindu
upper castes with relatively moderate socio-economic status. As these
wards form part of the area in proximity to the core of city, these wards
have some traditional housing structures with moderately higher densities,
but marked with an absence of shim area. This is the area which is
undergoing rapid urban renewal. This cluster covers a significant part of
the outer parts of the old city and as such retains the traditional structure.
Cluster: 6
The wards which fall in this cluster form a compact area in the old core of
the city. Here the population forms a residual group of older inhabitants
belonging mainly to the lower middle class. The younger population in
these wards due to shortage of space has moved towards the urban fringe in
the newer housing colonies. With very high densities, this area has many
119
old dilapidated wadas, chawls and crumbling structures, presenting a
picture of urban blight. Many parts still retain their rural characteristics
with artisans following their traditional occupations.
Cluster: 7
The scores in this cluster, on factor I are low, but very high on ethnicity i.e.
factor II showing a fairly diverse migrant population with a dominant lower
income section. As such these wards have row houses and bungalow type
housing, no slums and fairly mixed population in terms of caste, class and
religion. From the spatial distribution pattern of wards it has been observed
that almost all wards of Pune Cantonment and Kirkee Cantonment fall in
this cluster.
As referred to in Chapter HI on the functional areas of Cantonment, the
major part of the Cantonment lands are occupied by the military bungalows
barracks, parade grounds, rifle ranges etc. The military personnel who
occupy these areas are not permanent residents by virtue of their
transferable jobs. Thus the Cantonment area has a mixed population from
all over India, belonging to more or less similar category like military
officers and other commissioned and non-commissioned officers.
Also, Pune Cantonment has the characteristics which are totally in contrast
to the indigenous Pune city of medieval origin. Here, the greater diversity
has emerged due to the legacy of Colonial Rule during which more
foreigners, fewer Hindus and larger number of migrants including people
form all over India such as Gujaratis, Marwaris, Parsis, Christians, Jews,
local migrants and also the depressed classes from the adjoining rural areas
120
i
came and settled. In general, in the Cantonment the caste-base
neighbourhoods are found in the Sadar Bazaar area as a large number of
people residing here have migrated form the city proper and from the
adjoining areas. Hence they have tried to create a similar social
environment in a much scaled down version of their original habitat
But the strict laws of the Cantonment Act and Cantonment Code have been
instrumental in keeping strict control on slums and illegal occupation of the
vast 'empty' spaces lying within the jurisdiction of the Cantonment. This
has resulted in a total absence of slums which has been clearly brought out
by very low score on this factor i.e., factor III (-.8688). Though the
Bhimpura area of Sadar Bazaar, with its diverse ethnic population and
extreme congestion could be cited as a unique example of an authorised
'slum-like* settlement in the Cantonment.
121
pre-industrial notions of Sjoberg's model, where the basic difference was
that distinctions by caste were stronger than those by occupations and class.
In the later modern developments, greater complexity was visible as
influences of Colonial Rule disturbed the idealized pattern of the Hoyt's
sectoral model. The most recent suburban developments tend to follow both
class-based neighbourhood where both, high middle and low income
groups are mingled together in close proximity, with little regard to caste.
In contrast, the Cantonment has always displayed a more diversified
population structure with sharp class distinctions in Bungalow and Sadar
Bazaar area. The lanes and the bye-lanes of the Sadar bazaar which earlier
housed the lower and the depressed classes who renderd services to the
Army personnel are now slowly being modified into lower middle class
areas due to large scale development beyond the Cantonment limits.
Today, the Cantonment is no longer an appendage of the main city but it
exists as an island, engulfed by massive developments on all sides with a lot
of hustle and bustle of commuters passing through to the new suburbs
beyond.
122
A schematic diagram showing Pune city's social urban form according to
the role Pune city had to play.
As it is evident from the above diagram, Kasbe Pune was already in
existence as an appendage to earlier garrison town established by the
Muslims at the point where the river was easily boardable- a little to the
north - west of the Shaniwar wada -the fort palace of the Peshwa. The
original nucleus had a classical social structure. The city had a single
compact nucleus with more or less concentrically arranged social areas,
fanning outwards from the temple complexes which were exclusively
colonized by the Brahmins. Around this was a girdle of the Maratha
landlords, the traditional warrior class whose mansions formed the outer
core, while the peripheral lanes which lead to the old city's edge, marking
its outer limits, housed the artisans and the agriculturists.
123
By the time the Peshwas declared Pune as their capital in the seventeenth
century, it had already acquired a cellular urban form evolving into a city
of the Peths. The cellular neighbourhood of the 18 peths were meant to
have a full compliment of trade and shopping facilities and services of the
various communities for the people to fulfill the needs of the capital.
However, a coherent urban form never emerged for Pune despite several
physical interventions - first by the Peshawa (cellular structure of Peths),
later by the British (Kirkee and Pune Cantonments) and subsequntly after
the independence by the Indian Government (multi nuclei peripheral
suburbs of the post industrial period).
124
Table 5:1 Rotated Factor Matrix
125
Table 5:3 Factor Transformation Matrix
126
Table 5:5 Ward-wise distribution of Factor Scores
127
Table 5:5 Continued...
128
Table 5:5 Continued...
129
Table 5:6 Number of Case in each Cluster.
Missing 0 0
Valid 125,0 125,0
cases
130
Table 5:8 Continued...
131
Table 5:8 Continued...
132
Table 5:8 Continued...
133
Table 5:8 Continued...
134