Spatial and Envi Planning Challenges

11/26/2019 EBSCOhost
Record: 1
Title: Spatial and Environmental Planning Challenges in Amman, Jordan.
Authors: Meaton, Julia (AUTHOR) j.meaton@hud.ac.uk
Alnsour, Jamal (AUTHOR)
Source: Planning Practice & Research. Jun2012, Vol. 27 Issue 3, p367-386.
20p. 1 Color Photograph, 1 Chart, 1 Map.
Document Type: Article
Subject Terms: *REGIONAL planning
*HOUSING & the environment
*WATER shortages
*WASTE management
ENVIRONMENTAL protection planning
Geographic Terms: AMMAN (Jordan)
JORDAN
NAICS/Industry Codes: 562212 Solid Waste Landfill
562210 Waste treatment and disposal
562110 Waste collection
562119 Other Waste Collection
925120 Administration of Urban Planning and Community and Rural
Development
624229 Other Community Housing Services
Abstract: The objective of this paper is to identify the key spatial and
environmental housing related challenges facing Amman and to
consider them in the context of past, present and future planning
policies. The paper reports on face-to-face, in-depth interviews
conducted with planning professionals based in Amman, designed to
explore their concerns regarding current planning issues and their
proposals for addressing them. Information from local and international
literature has been used to contextualize the findings. The study
revealed that current planning legislation, poorly implemented, has
resulted in uncontrolled land use, water shortages, increased energy
consumption, road congestion, air pollution, and ineffective waste
management. The research identified a range of policies proposed by
planning professionals for ameliorating past errors and providing a more
sustainable and healthy environment. These proposals include: an
enforceable legal framework, updated planning and design regulations,
private/public partnerships, the enhancement of public participation and
greater professionalization of the planning sector. The paper concludes
by benchmarking these against the aims of the latest planning policy
document, Amman 2025. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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ISSN: 0269-7459
DOI: 10.1080/02697459.2012.673321
Accession Number: 75162566
Database: Academic Search Premier
Spatial and Environmental Planning Challenges in Amman, Jordan.
Introduction
The objective of this paper is to identify the key spatial and environmental housing related challenges facing
Amman and to consider them in the context of past, present and future planning policies. The paper reports on
face-to-face, in-depth interviews conducted with planning professionals based in Amman, designed to explore
their concerns regarding current planning issues and their proposals for addressing them. Information from
local and international literature has been used to contextualize the findings. The study revealed that current
planning legislation, poorly implemented, has resulted in uncontrolled land use, water shortages, increased
energy consumption, road congestion, air pollution, and ineffective waste management. The research identified
a range of policies proposed by planning professionals for ameliorating past errors and providing a more
sustainable and healthy environment. These proposals include: an enforceable legal framework, updated
planning and design regulations, private/public partnerships, the enhancement of public participation and
greater professionalization of the planning sector. The paper concludes by benchmarking these against the
aims of the latest planning policy document, Amman 2025.
Many cities in developing countries across the world have experienced rapid urban growth. Much of this urban
growth has resulted from high levels of rural to urban migration and high natural increases in their domestic
populations. In some cases, such as Jordan, this is exacerbated by immigration from neighboring countries
with a consequent increase in demand for housing. Such high levels of demand with a back-drop of poverty,
low incomes, poor economic capabilities and weak planning and management have contributed to widespread
environmental degradation over time. Jegasothy ([24]) argues that serious environmental challenges are now
threatening the sustainability of the major cities in the third world, particularly those with low-income
settlements.
The link between housing development and environmental deterioration is a critical issue in many developing
countries and most commentators support the need for a clear role for good co-ordinated urban planning and
environment policies. This is particularly true for Jordan where inappropriate planning and rapid urban
development combine to undermine the quality of life for many of the poorest residents. This paper will outline
these issues with regard to Amman, and through discussions with planners and managers will seek to explore
some key issues of planning, design, and environmental quality. It will consider these issues in light of the
publication of Amman 2025 which was produced by the Amman Institute for Urban Development in 2008.
The Study Area – Jordan

Jordan is a small country in the Middle East, covering an area of about 90.000 km[ 2] (Figure 1), most of which
(80%) is desert. Jordan consists of 13 governorates, with a total population size of 5.700.000 inhabitants with
the vast majority (more than 80%) living in urban areas (Department of Statistics, Jordan, 2007). Such a highly
urbanized population places immense pressures on housing provision.
Graph: Figure 1. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Source: Department of Statistics, Jordan (2005).
Amman is the capital of Jordan and lies in the north part of the country roughly 40 km east of the Jordan valley
and approximately 80 km south of the Syrian border. The hilly topography of Amman has determined the
pattern of the city's growth. The valleys and mountains create a complex terrain, with many steep slopes of
over 50% found in the center of the city (Abu Helwa, 1990). Other slopes have gradients of between 15% and
30%, with the majority of the lands to the north and south of Amman having slopes that typically have gradients
of less than 8% (Abu Helwa, 1990). Most development in the city has occurred in the valleys between these
steep slopes, which have acted as barriers to development and which have also restricted road development in
specific directions.
Jordan is a young country and has extremely limited natural and economic resources yet it has had to absorb
large waves of Palestinian refugees over the past five decades, largely as a result of the wars in 1948 and
1967. The number of Palestinian refugees in Jordan now exceeds 1.5 million (Jaber and Probert, [20]). With
increasing population growth of over 2.5% annually, the combined impacts of forced immigration of Palestinian
people and rural urban immigration have created dramatic spatial and environmental challenges. More recent
refugees from Iraq have consolidated these problems. From a spatial standpoint, the land-take of new
developments is significant, and the unplanned element is overwhelming. Jaber and Probert writing in 2001
found that,
At present, the 'informal' houses, which were built without planning permits in urban areas, comprise more than
half the urban building stock, i.e. where the poorest are located (p. 121).
Amman is the main city that has had to absorb the growing population and exemplifies these problems. Since
the establishment of the Palestinian refugee camps within east Amman during the 1940s and 1960s, rapid
population growth has occurred, and it now covers an area of 520 km2 and has a population of about 2.2
million, which is approximately half the population of Jordan (Department of Statistics, Jordan, 2007).
According to the 2004 Census, 41% of the total housing units in the kingdom exist in Amman and this places
enormous pressure on the capital.
Because residential developments have such high environmental impacts it is important to reassess how
current practices can be modified so that future residential developments have less significant environmental
repercussions. This paper therefore investigates the potential for addressing some of theses environmental
challenges from an urban planning and urban design perspective using the capital city of Amman as a study
area. The following section provides a brief overview of the development of planning legislation in Jordan,
which will help to contextualize the current situation.
Planning in Jordan
Land use planning in Jordan is largely based on the British planning system. The adoption of the British model
as a basis for city planning in Jordan dates back to the British colonization of Jordan and is strongly linked to
financial grants provided by Britain in the 1950s designed to support the development of infrastructure and
services. However, the use of British consultants started even earlier in the 1930s when a British military
official was appointed by the Mayor of Amman to draw up a roadway plan (Malawki, 1996; Abu-Dayyeh, [ 2];
Abu-Ghazalah, [ 3]). The initial master plan for Amman was written in the 1950s by consultants Mack, Lock
and Partners, but had little impact on the city's development (Beauregard & Marpillero-Colomina, 2011).
Between the 1950s and the 1960s Jordan focused on supporting national and local urban planning capacity
(Alnsour, 2006). In 1955, the law of municipalities was published to determine the role of municipal councils in
managing Jordanian cities. It was based mostly on the principles of centralization (Alnsour, 2006).
In 1966, Jordan passed the Town and Country Planning Act, No. 79. The contents of the Act were based on
the opinions of British consultants and Jordanian experts in urban planning who had trained in the UK and the
US and it contained elements of both planning systems. The broad objective of this act was to ensure the
sustainable environment of urban and rural areas. The Act divided the urban planning process into three
levels, namely: national,[ 1] regional2 and local.[ 3] The aim was to enable national, regional and master plans
to create more effective and flexible urban planning.
The Act led to the development of a master plan for Amman. Such plans dominated planning in cities across
the world during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, and were particularly popular in the US. They were supposed to
create a vision of the future (normally with a timescale of 25 years) for the cities they covered. Their aim was to
develop planning policies that would address the particular problems of communities. Thus a city master plan
would govern the urbanization process in terms of land use, landscape, construction, social and physical
infrastructure, roads, green spaces, etc (Bobylev, [10]). Theoretically master plans were the means by which
these competing demands could be managed so that sustainable development could be achieved.
Because master plans need lots of information on population, land use, economic growth, regulations, laws,
(both current and projected), they tend to take a long time to produce and in Jordan the 1987 Amman
Comprehensive Plan took four years to be completed (Abu-Dayyeh, [ 2], p. 98). This could be considered time
well spent had the intended outcomes been achieved, but, like the Mack, Lock and Partners plan predating it,
the 1987 Amman plan was pretty much ignored. This experience was shared by many other developing
countries (see Lakshmanan & Rotner, 1985, p. 85; Richardson, [35], p. 61; Mosha, 1996; McGill, [27]), and
latterly planners from around the world have fallen out of favor with master plans. Experience suggests that
master plans can become quickly outdated, and their inflexibility renders them susceptible to irrelevance. Many
of the master plans created in the mid-twentieth century were limited in their engagement with all stakeholders
and that often created a divide between the plan and the actual circumstances on the ground (Alnsour, 2006).
In Jordan, and other developing countries, master plans failed to translate regional development objectives into
more specific objectives. They lacked feasible means of implementation and were unable to anticipate market
reactions. The cost implications for various government agencies and the economic impact on various income
groups were also not considered by such plans.
In Jordan, these problems were further exacerbated by the very "Britishness" of rest of the planning system
(Alnsour, 2006). The adoption of the British model without taking into account different political, cultural, social,
economic, and environmental conditions, has contributed to the failure of the planning process in Jordan
(Alnsour & Meaton, [ 5]). For example, Sivam ([36]) and Post ([33]) stress the importance of culture in planning.
Administrative practices in Jordan and other Arab countries are strongly influenced by habits and traditions,
with corruption and favoritism characterizing much decision making. As a result the planning framework
becomes less robust and consequently, less respected (Alnsour, 2006).
Furthermore, the planning acts in the UK have been reviewed and revised, but the laws in Jordan have tended
to be more static and unresponsive to urban changes (Alnsour, 2006). The application of the British model in
Jordan was further compromised because of the over-centralization system in Jordan together with the
prevailing conditions of poverty.
Another important aspect of Jordanian planning is the down zoning[ 4] approach which Jordan adopted in the
1970s in response to the limitations of the urban planning system. Down zoning was developed in the US in
the 1920s as an approach to protecting open space. Rather than concentrating development on small plots,
down zoning in rural areas requires minimum plot sizes large enough to discourage residential development
(Bengston et al., [ 9]). The main function of this approach is to maintain agricultural land, with the idea that
large plots will lead to increased prices and thus reduced housing development in rural and agricultural land.
Unfortunately, in Jordan the application of this technique has increased land prices in urban areas and
decreased those in rural areas. This can be seen by Zagha's work (2003) on Jordan, in which land prices in
urban areas continued to go up, while, in rural areas, the pattern of prices is largely characterized by being
constant. The main challenge with down zoning is that it does not provide small plots for low income people,
and as a result many people build their dwellings on plots without regard to the limits specified by down zoning.
Clearly, Jordan has attempted to combine the British model in terms of city planning and the American model
in terms of master plans and down zoning. These models were based on the free market, democracy, high
economic growth, and participation. The combination of these models being applied under the local Jordanian
conditions of a poor economy, centralization and a lack of participation, has resulted in deviations and gaps in
the whole planning system.
Building Standards and Regulations

British influence was also important in the development of Jordanian building standards and regulations.
These[ 5] were developed in the 1970s based on the opinions of foreign consultants from the UK and local
experts (Zagha, 2003). Building standards specified the maximum or minimum limits of urban and rural
construction, such as building heights, plot coverage, ventilation spaces, occupancy ratio to the plots and the
number of storeys.
The dominance of foreign expert opinion on the development of Jordanian building standards has resulted
insome negative consequences. The foreign consultants were heavily influenced by their engineering
perspectives in producing these standards and did not take into account the social context, economic
problems, and environmental challenges (Alnsour, 2006). For example, a number of issues relating to urban
housing design such as, windows and tiling, were not considered. Thus, people have been able to build in
almost any design they want and this has resulted in increased energy consumption and consequent
environment problems, such as air pollution (Alnsour & Meaton, [ 5]). The lack of knowledge of culture and
local needs and conditions exacerbated the disconnect between the regulations and the reality of life in Jordan
(Zagha, [37]).
As a result, urban planning in Jordan has thus far, failed to achieve a healthy urban environment with planned
and authorized development. In terms of housing, this has resulted in development of severely overcrowded
settlements characterized by unplanned and unauthorized development with many resulting environmental
impacts (Alnsour & Meaton, [ 5]).
Future Plans for Amman

In 2006, the Greater Amman Municipality started to develop a new planning framework for the city. This was
largely driven by the need to protect the fabric and culture of the commercial district of Amman. Since the late
1990s the city centre of Amman had benefitted from investment from the wealthy Gulf States. Much of this
investment was in real estate, and as a result the cityscape of Amman was being transformed from traditional
low rise, indigenous architecture to a high rise modernist landscape (Beauregard & Marpillero-Colomina, [ 8]),
with the ill-fated Jordan Gate being the epitome of such large scale developments. Concern for the erosion of
the very fabric of the city was felt throughout Amman society. King Abdullah II responded to these concerns by
calling on the Mayor 'to embark on a serious and comprehensive project of city planning in Amman' ('His
Majesty King Abdullah II's letter'), 2006 cited by Beauregard and Marpillero-Colomina ([ 8]). The result was
Amman 25 –
an ever-evolving document and multi-purpose tool that would do more than guide the physical development of
the city. Its avowed goals were to use the planning process to enhance the capacity of local government to
create new forms of civic engagement, drastically reduce the distance between planning and implementation,
launch innovative initiatives, and meet national development objectives while addressing traditional 'planning
issues' Beauregard and Marpillero-Colomina ([ 8], p. 62).
Amman 25 will drive planning decisions in Amman for the next 15–20 years and could potentially address
some of the past failures in the planning system in Jordan. The aims of the plan are ambitious and although
forward looking are focussed on ameliorating past mistakes. The plan therefore could herald a new era of
planning in Jordan which may be able to deliver more sustainable residential communities. Amman 25 will be
considered in more detail later in this paper with regard to its potential for addressing the problems and
delivering the proposed policy solutions put forward by planning professionals in Amman.
Methodology
This paper reports on a survey of Jordanian planning professionals and managers. They were asked for their
analysis of current problems and for suggestions regarding possible solutions to these problems. In deciding
the most appropriate methodology, authors (e.g. Creswell, [11]; Punch, [34]) recommend that several
considerations should be taken into account such as the nature of research questions and objectives, the
research topic and the availability of literature. This study required a qualitative approach since it is the most
appropriate method to meet the research objectives. It concentrates on words and observations to express
reality and attempts to describe people in natural settings (Creswell, [11]).
Information on the environmental challenges facing Amman and recommendations about how these problems
may be tackled, was obtained through the administration of formal face-to-face semi-structured interviews.
Senior managers and professionals working in the areas of environment, housing, and urban planning and
design were targeted. Table 1 presents the profile of interviewees.
Table 1. The profile of interviewees
Groups Targeted no.Actual no.

Top managers25 19
Experts 25 22
Total 50 41
The aim was to target 50 interviews, but some of interviewees had not taken part in this study due to their busy
schedules. The interviews took place in 2009.
Secondary data were used to further explore the issues raised. This data was collected from the Greater
Amman Municipality, Amman Institute for Urban Development, Department of Statistics, the Ministry of
Environment, the Ministry of Municipalities, the Corporation of Housing and Urban Development, and the
University of Jordan. These sources offered essential information in relation to the study area and were
instrumental in contextualizing and substantiating the key spatial and environmental problems identified by the
professionals. The next section discusses these problems.
Problems Identified by Planning Professionals

The survey found a consensus amongst the participants that there were six core, inter-related
spatial/environmental problems directly relevant to residential communities: uncontrolled land use, water
shortages, energy use, air pollution, road congestion, and waste management. These will now be discussed.
Uncontrolled Land Use

Amman has grown massively in a very short space of time. In 1930, the population was thought to be 10,500,
and this had grown to 45,000 in the 1940s. This initial growth was largely due to Amman being the
governmental heart of Jordan. Since then much of the growth has been due to refugees, initially from
Palestine, and more recently from Iraq. After WW2 and the establishment of Israel, the city of Amman
witnessed the arrival of thousands of Palestinian refugees. A further wave arrived after the 'six day war' in 1967
leading to an increase in population from 330, 000 to 500, 000 (Potter et al., [32]). Amman responded by
providing 'temporary' refugee camps. Some of these, originally some distance from the city are now an integral
part of the city. The 1960s and 1970s witnessed further development fuelled by economic growth, particularly
through oil wealth, with many Jordanians finding work in oil rich states and sending home unprecedented
amounts of money. The wars that have regularly flared up in the region since the 1970s ensured that Amman
continued to accommodate refugees from the region (e.g. the Iraq wars of 1991 and 2003. As many as 1.4
million Iraqis are thought to be living in the city along with thousands of migrant workers but there are no official
statistics to prove this.
Such massive and swift population growth has resulted in changes to the very fabric of the city. Of course it
has grown and expanded to accommodate the new residents, but it has done so in a polarized way. There is a
very clear east/west divide with much of the housing in the east being refugee camps, slums and dwelling units
built without any adherence to planning requirements or building regulations (Figure 2). This contrasts with the
developments that typify the west of Amman where most dwelling units have been built in complete
compliance with building regulations.
Graph: Figure 2. Part of Eastern Amman (Al-Wihdat Camp). Source: Department of Palestinian Affairs (2000).
Many of the illegal dwellings were constructed before any town and country planning laws were introduced, for
example, the Wihdat camp, the largest housing development in the city, which was established in 1955.
Although planning laws (Town and Country Planning No. 79) were introduced in 1966 these have not
prevented the continuing growth of unplanned development that still goes on today. These illegal settlements
are typically characterized by a variety of styles and disorganized methods of construction. The size of the
houses differs hugely, and they do not follow the line of the roads, so that streets, paths and steps are all of
dramatically varying width and length. The houses typically lack privacy and the buildings are often so tightly
packed together that the amount of light received by each house is insufficient.
The houses themselves are constructed from various materials, and it is not uncommon to find well-built solidly
constructed houses juxtaposed with very poor housing constructed out of inferior building materials, often
unfinished.
This higgledy piggledy pattern of development clearly demonstrates that urban planning has yet to find its role
in Amman. The authorities are also compounding this problem by zoning these areas so that they can be used
to accommodate more housing developments. This might be a pragmatic response but it has knock on
problems in that it results in further reductions in agricultural land and areas of open space in the city and it
encourages unplanned development. The built up area of Amman has already increased by 100% between
1984 and 2004 and all this development then puts further strains on infrastructural and service provision.
Water Shortages
Scarcity of water is one of the most important challenges facing Amman and its housing expansion. Current
per capita consumption, estimated at 155 cubic meters per annum (Department of Statistics, Jordan, 2003;
www.dos.gov.jo), is one of the lowest in the world. Projections point out this could fall to 91 cubic meters per
annum by the year 2025 (FAO, 1997), because of falling resources and increased population.
Urbanization adds to the pressure on water resources as the more houses that are built, the greater the
population and the greater demand for water. The situation is made even worse by the fact that rising living
standards almost always result in higher demand for water. Amman is already suffering from severe water
shortages in the summertime.
Domestic water consumption for residential uses increased by 9.5% between 2000 and 2003 (Department of
Statistics, Jordan, 2003), and this represents a big challenge for government. Thus, the re-use and recycling of
waste water is increasingly used to meet demand, and this now accounts for 75% of domestic supply
(Department of Statistics, Jordan, 2004a,b; www.dos.gov.jo). However, there are real problems related to the
performance of wastewater (Al-Kharabsheh and Ta'any, 2003). Even with the technological progress that has
occurred during the last two decades, housing development has continued to outpace the supply of water (Al-
Kharabsheh and Ta'any, [ 4]). Therefore, the government has started to encourage people to save water.
However this is unlikely to be a real solution as the water resources will still not meet the increasing demands
from people living in the new housing developments in Amman.
Efforts need to be made to address the relationship between a growth in housing and a growth in demand for
water. Currently building regulations do not include any guidelines or rules for saving water, except on a very
small scale. For example, each new house is supposed to have a well so that groundwater and rainfall can be
utilized. This has little impact since the amount of water collected or made available through wells is minimal,
and most of the water is used for watering green spaces in the summer. Most existing houses have been built
without wells. Thus, the only real solution is to conserve water and improve the waste water treatment systems
so that water can be recycled and used efficiently.
Energy Consumption
In 2003, the total energy consumed by housing accounted for about 23.1% of the total energy consumption in
Jordan (Jaber, [21]). In addition to electricity, the main fuels that are used in housing are diesel, kerosene and
natural gas. These sources of energy are primarily used for lighting, heating, and air-conditioning, water
heating, cooking and running various types of appliances. Diesel is the most popular fuel for space heating,
while gas is mainly used for cooking stoves.
The high levels of energy consumption in the housing sector are a direct result of the design and size of the
houses. Existing building regulations do not impose limits on the size of the houses constructed and most
houses in Amman are quite large, even among poor families. Despite, the lack of official information available
about the average of house area in Amman, it has been observed that the average house exceeds 150 m2
(Alnsour & Meaton, [ 5]). Thus, the amount of consumed energy is high and consequently, gas emissions to
the atmosphere are considerable. From a design aspect, in Jordan there is no set design for housing units, but
they are generally characterized by big windows, open balconies, glass frontages and gazeboes. Many houses
are also built without tiling. The lack of thermal insulation in most of the buildings has also increased energy
consumption. In this context, (Jaber et al., [22]) found that just 5% of houses have external walls thermally
insulated in Amman and 53%, of households suffer from dampness. In addition 65% of people have no
conception of formal energy preservation measures (Jaber et al., [22]). Moreover, the planning authorities do
not specify the kind of boilers, air-conditioning and ventilation systems, temperature controls, thermal insulation
or lighting that must be installed. Interestingly it seems that housing units are increasingly displaying the
characteristics that demand higher use of energy rather than less.
At present, the government is attempting to reduce energy consumption as Jordan cannot afford to pay for the
oil required to satisfy demand. The government has already increased fuel prices twice during 2004 and 2005,
but this does not seem to be reducing demand. It may be that consumers are unable to do so since there is
very little information available regarding energy conservation (Jaber et al., [22]). It is also unlikely that energy
efficiency alone would reduce the demand for energy if urbanization continues unabated.
Air Pollution
As a result of high energy consumption, there is a consequent high level of air pollution, both local and global.
Industry, transport and local sources including the domestic systems of heating and air conditioning are the
main sources of air pollution. The gas emissions from house warming in the wintertime and air conditioning in
summer produce dangerously high levels of pollutants. During wintertime suspended metals resulting from
chemical components of heating systems and sulfur dioxide (SO2) increase hugely due to the raised demand
for energy. Furthermore the heating systems inside houses depend on diesel fuel and kerosene, and the
present diesel fuel has a sulfur content of 1.2% compared with Europe and the USA which have an upper limit
of 0.05%. The kerosene also has a maximum sulfur content of 0.25% compared with Japan and the USA
where the upper-limit is 0.01% (Jaber et al., [23]).
Jordan has relatively modest levels of CO2 emissions compared to developed countries. In 2009 it was ranked
82 out of 216 countries, with a total of 20.02 million tonnes (3.9 per capita) (International Energy Statistics,
2011). However, these levels have risen steadily for the past two decades and the management of these
emissions will become more important in the future. Planning regulations have not, so far, addressed this issue
at all.
Road Congestion
Housing development in Amman started in the central business district (CBD) with three massive refugee
camps growing up around the eastern side of the CBD. As established earlier in this paper, much of the
housing in eastern Amman was established in unplanned way, without any adherence to building codes and
regulations. In contrast, the residential pattern in western Amman has taken place in a much more regulated
and planned way. The administrative and commercial activities of the CBD now occupy the centre of Amman,
and lie between the two types of housing, planned and unplanned. During the last three decades, the CBD has
become increasingly overcrowded and new housing development has been directed into suburban areas
beyond the original settlements in both western and eastern Amman. People are also wanting to live in these
areas because of the cleaner environment and the open space. As a result the distance between the housing
areas and the workplaces in the city has grown. A direct result of this is growth in car ownership. In 1995 there
were 270, 000 vehicles registered and operating in Jordan (Jaber et al., [23]), but by 2003 this number had
doubled to 566, 600 vehicles (Department of Statistics, Jordan, 2003). The vast majority (70%) of these
vehicles were registered in Amman (Jaber et al., [23]). Consequently, distances traveled have increased and
yet the average speed by car has reduced, with a resultant increase in pollution. This situation is exacerbated
by drivers' behavior. Drivers' familiarity with the urban network layout in Ammantends to be weak. It was
estimated that 48% of drivers are unfamiliar with the city road map and have difficulty navigating their way
through the urban areas (Hamed & Abdul-Hussain, [18]). This is largely because many housing units have
taken place without numbering. Traffic congestion is also aggravated because housing expansion has not been
supported by public transport provision and there are few regular transport services and currently bus services
are offered in an uncontrolled way with no proper timetables or set routes with fixed stopping locations.
Much of the housing development has taken place without any real planning for road infrastructure and as a
result the existing streets are unable to cope. Although planning authorities are now seeking to manage this
congestion with new bridges, ring roads and traffic lights, these are essentially palliative and will do little to
address the root of the problem.
Waste Management
Between 1994 and 2001 the composition of Jordan's municipal solid waste was organic 56%, paper 16%,
plastic 13% and others 15% (Mrayyan & Hamdi, [30], p. 4). An increase of 75% in the amount of solid waste is
anticipated as a result of new housing developments (Department of Statistics, Jordan, 2004a,b).
The collection of waste generated is the responsibility of the city council. Solid waste generated in residential
areas at Amman is collected in public or private storage containers, which are regularly collected by dumpsters
(Agenda-21 2000). In areas where dumpsters are unavailable, the waste is placed in plastic bags and stored in
steel containers situated near to the housing units (Mrayyan & Hamdi, [30]). The collection system of waste is
relatively well regularized and frequent in the areas well serviced by the Municipality of Greater Amman.
However, the allocation of service provision is fragmented and this results in some areas remaining poorly
serviced.
The actual waste treatment rate is poor and since the decomposition of solid waste generated by the housing
sector creates favorable conditions for the growth of microbial pathogens it is feared that ground and water
contamination could occur (Ministry of Environment, Jordan, 2000). This problem is exacerbated by the fact
that
'waste disposal is still largely uncontrolled and large quantities of waste go unmanaged' (Mrayyan & Hamdi,
[30], p. 1). Therefore, the creation of suitable solid waste management strategies needs to be linked directly to
urban planning and design criteria.
In Amman there is a consensus amongst the planning professionals that these problems pose serious
challenges for the future sustainability of the city. The interviewees were asked for their opinions on how the
planning system could be adapted so that these problems could be more readily addressed. The next section
presents their key suggestions.
Future Planning for a Sustainable and Healthy Environment in Amman

The current problems in Amman are clearly thought to have stemmed from an ill-designed, foreign influenced
planning system. However, there is also agreement that this has been exacerbated by the fact that very few
stakeholders have taken the planning system seriously. The legislation has been largely ignored, and the rules
irregularly implemented. The interviews with the planning professional revealed a strongly held view that in
order to create future sustainable communities in Amman (and the rest of Jordan), it is necessary to review
current legislation, building codes, design standards and regulations, but that this needs to be done within a
legal, enforceable framework, with teeth. Two key issues emerged form the interviews, (a) how should current
standards and legislation be changed and (b) how can these changes be enforced.
Proposed Changes to Building Standards and Planning Regulations

There was a consensus amongst all the respondents that current building codes and regulations and design
standards in Jordan need to be reviewed in order to address the key environmental challenges of energy and
water use, urban sprawl and transportation issues.
Under the Building Regulations Ordinance of 1979, No. 67, residential land was categorized into five zones, A,
B, C, D, and E, each having a minimum plot area for housing developments ranging from 1000 m2 (zone A) to
170 m2 (zone H). In all Jordanian urban centers more land was designated as 'A' and 'B' and supply was
nb9pe3zn5c.search.serialssolutions.com/?ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info%3Aofi%2Fenc%3AUTF-8&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fsummon.serialssol… 10/18
greater than demand. This resulted in urban sprawl and inefficient use of the land. In addition, the under
allocation of land in the smaller plot zones has meant that many poorer inhabitants cannot access authorized
housing and as a result build homes that do not comply with the planning or building regulations (Alnsour,
2006; Alnsour & Meaton, [ 5]). The majority of the respondents in the survey felt that this zoning system
needed to be revisited so that greater control of housing plots could be achieved.
Currently, there are no recommended design regulations in Jordan and houses are free to be built according to
builders' and owners' preferences. Respondents felt that urban design regulations have the potential to play a
significant role in addressing environment problems in Amman. For example, the use of roof tiles is essential to
reduce energy consumption during both the summer and the winter. The promotion of natural ventilation and
solar radiation to reduce heating and air-conditioning demand would also be desirable and effective.
Interviewees felt that housing design should be more appropriate to the local environment so, for example,
there should be a reduction in the size and number of windows and hence, glazing, and restricted use of
energy inefficientbalconies and gazeboes. Heating and air conditioning systems could also be controlled so
that greater efficiency can be achieved. Such initiatives could significantly reduce energy consumption in
homes, with a consequent reduction of gas emissions into the atmosphere, something the majority of those
surveyed felt was important if Jordan is to manage its growing CO2 emissions levels.
Respondents felt that design regulations can also contribute to water savings. Despite a typical household size
of six individuals, many houses, especially in the richer parts of Western Amman, often include two kitchens
and more than three bathrooms. Limiting such facilities to one kitchen and two bathrooms could reduce water
consumption. Greater awareness of water saving devices and technologies were also thought to have
significant potential.
The respondents felt that if controls were brought in that required all new build housing to conform to specific
locally applicable regulations, it would be possible for the municipality to have more control of both energy and
water consumption. Revisions on building size and location could also potentially increase residential density
and reduce the total cost of providing services, transport, and infrastructure. In addition, such controls would
help to ensure adequate provision of green space and other recreational areas.
Methods of Enforcing Compliance with Regulations

Creating new building and planning regulations will not make any difference if (like in the past) these
regulations are ignored and violated. It is therefore necessary to consider how these proposed changes could
be managed in order to maximize compliance. This requires a much broader viewpoint and many of the ideas
that were suggested are ambitious and point to large-scale changes in the philosophy and practice of the
planning profession. However, there appears to be a consensus amongst the respondents that this is
necessary and, more importantly, there appears to be widespread agreement on how this could be achieved.
The following key points are issues on which all the professionals agreed.
An Amelioration Strategy
An efficient environmental amelioration strategy was proposed, requiring an integrated management approach
dependent on high levels of cooperation between planning and environment authorities. The professionals
stressed that both horizontal and vertical coordination is inadequate at present. Horizontal coordination can be
achieved with multiple actors in urban authorities from a range of disciplines including land use planning,
engineering, architecture, geography, and economics working together to achieve a multi-disciplinary
approach. Many scholars proposed vertical coordination as a fundamental tool for housing management and
environment protection (Porter, 1997; Gillham, [17]). Vertical coordination can be achieved between employees
at all levels within planning departments so that housing and environmental management is transparent and
effective. The amelioration strategy could be the catalyst for the greater integration of planning which is worth
reiterating as a key point for the future.
Integrated Planning
Currently, there is poor coordination between the different stakeholders. The professionals emphasized the
necessity of open academic and practical channels between urban planners, housing designers, environment
specialists, transport experts, and infrastructure engineers. The amelioration strategy could serve as a pilot for
this new approach, using both vertical and horizontal integration. The planners felt that this was a pre-requisite
for addressing past failures in Jordan, but also considered this an approach that should be embraced by the
planning profession on a global level.
Public/Private Sector Partnerships

The partnership between public and private sectors is essential in order to meet current environmental
challenges. So far, there are no clear channels to encourage the private sector in implementing housing
projects in Jordan. This is largely because Jordan still depends on a centralized approach to planning. This is
generally regarded as unsuccessful and there is a consensus amongst experts that the private sector needs to
be fully engaged in order to transform the sector towards a much more decentralized approach.
Public Participation
A majority of those interviewed felt thatwider public participation in planning in Jordan is desirable. Most felt
that participatory approaches would be a useful tool in underpinning the proposed new legal framework. Public
understanding of the issues and the need for stronger regulations is essential for a workable, enforceable
system and this understanding could be enhanced by encouraging greater public engagement. Such
participation by citizens has often been defined as an important element for the success of housing
management and environment protection. 'The cornerstone of any effective growth management policymaking
process is citizen involvement' (Nelson & Duncan, [31], pp. 144–145). Research from around the world has
consistently concluded that if people understand problematic planning issues, they are more likely to work with
planning laws, even if they do not necessarily agree with them (Anderson et al., 1994).
Respondents felt that citizen participation could provide useful information and new ideas to develop model
programs and analytical tools for overcoming environmental challenges. They felt that participatory public
engagement events could help officials ( 1) frame the problems of housing expansion, ( 2) place the issues on
the public agenda, ( 3) develop building codes, ( 4) formulate environmental policies, ( 5) review current
planning regulations, and ( 6) negotiate different issues related to urban planning design and management.
There was a general feeling that barriers to public participation and the involvement of the people should be
removed in order to give them a stronger say in managing and preserving their own settlements. Proactive
engagement practices need to be developed that would allow an iterative relationship between the planners
and all residents.
Professionalization of the Sector

The interviewees identified a problem with the planning profession in Jordan. Professional Jordanian planners
are in short supply since once qualified many are attracted to other regions in the Gulf due to higher wages
and greater opportunities. Although none wanted to prevent individuals from maximizing their potential many
respondents felt that greater on-the-job training and a professionalization of the sector would help to retain
good staff. Greater engagement with planners from around the world and attendance at international training
courses and conferences would enhance continued professional development and could deliver wider benefits
with more planners having a long term investment in their communities. Additionally such dialogue channels
could contribute greatly to the transfer of the advantages of western ideology in housing management and
environment planning. However, it is important that this is not at the expense of local, bottom up, culturally
sensitive planning and that the problems of the past are not repeated.
The Role of Amman 2025

The paper so far has identified the environmental challenges of unplanned housing developments, the historic
causes of these problems and the various policies and practices professionals have identified that could deal
with them. This last section now considers the extent to which the new planning document Amman 2025, might
help to resolve some of these issues. The discussion will largely mirror the themes discussed in the previous
section.
Changing the Legislation

Although Amman 25 was not primarily designed to address residential planning legislation, it may do so
indirectly. The impetus behind Amman 2025 was the recognition by civic leaders that current legislation was
not strong enough to protect the city's traditional urban form and was developed to solve issues of heritage,
sustainability, mobility, and inward investment (Beauregard & Marpillero-Colomina, [ 8]).
Although the plan is not concerned with the minutiae of planning problems in Amman, there are some specific
areas where it is likely that it will effect change that will improve some of the problems discussed earlier in the
paper. For example, the plan appears to be taking the transportation issues in Amman very seriously. It is
addressing these through the concept of a "compact city" together with plans for a bus rapid transit system.
The plans for street numbering and clear signing throughout the city, will also aid the efficiency of the city.
However, in general, the plan does not, itself, go into detail and is really a strategic vision of the future, with the
detail to be discussed and decided by various stakeholders. It is within this process that areas of resonance
with the concerns of the planning professionals can be identified, and where legislative and regulatory
improvements can be identified and implemented.
Methods of Enforcing Compliance
Integrated Planning
Amman 25 is much more of a strategic plan than a masterplan, and its authors were concerned from the
beginning that it would try and circumvent many of the old problems of master plans, including the issue of the
gap between planning and implementation. They did this by conceiving the plan as simultaneously addressing
preparation, legislation, and implementation (Beauregard & Marpillero-Colomina, [ 8]). This was achieved by
working iteratively with all departments in the Greater Amman Municipality and with other important
stakeholders, treating the plan as a flexible document that evolved, rather than one that was prescribed. Such
engagement with professionals from the outset should enhance implementation.
The new plan is therefore much more flexible that previous masterplans and reflects a more strategic approach
to planning. This could allow a more holistic, responsive system of planning to emerge. For example, Amman
25 clearly makes the link between land use planning and transportation issues.
The methodology used to develop the plan may also help to deliver a more integrated approach. The process
was much more focused on participation than previous planning attempts, and involved a wide range of
stakeholders. A series of Mayor's roundtables were used to bring together planners, central government
representatives, architects, economists, and representatives from public utility services. Each roundtable would
typically be attended by over 40 people and could be seen as the first steps towards more vertically and
horizontally integrated planning. Interestingly, these forums did not include representatives from real estate,
mainly because of fears about how leaked information might influence land prices.
Private/Public Partnerships
Amman 25 is much more likely to encourage and nurture private-public partnerships, and evidence of this is
already appearing in developments in the CBD. However, there are potential difficulties in terms of control. It is
important for Amman city to encourage investment in real estate, but the planning laws must make sure that
theprivate money does not trump the municipality's focus on sustainable development. This leads to the major
problem with Amman 25 in terms of the problems identified in this paper. Amman 25 is largely focused on the
CBD, and essentially evolved because of concern for the type of development occurring in this area of the city.
It is no surprise then that the plan does not focus on housing issues. An optimist might see the new plan as a
way forward for planning throughout Amman, but if housing and refugee problems in the poorer sections of
society are overlooked, in favor of attracting investment in commercial properties, it may be that Amman 25
might actually result in an even more polarized society than exists at the moment.
Public Participation
Public participation in government policy is in its infancy in Jordan, and while Amman 25 aimed to engage with
the public, it still did not achieve the levels of participation achieved in countries like the UK and the USA.
Achieving good, unbiased public participation is not easy and even countries which have a long history of such
activities rarely achieve full, objective participation, so it is not a surprise that Amman 25 fell short of
expectations. However, the fact that participation was a prominent aim throughout the development of Amman
25 suggests that Jordan is prepared to make an effort with this key issue. It certainly needs to be addressed if
a sustainable housing environment is to be achieved. Much of the abuse of planning is a result of ignorance
and a lack of alternatives (Alnsour & Meaton, [ 5]). A good iterative dialogue between planners and the public
should help to identify solutions to these problems and could form the basis of a more respectful relationship
between these parties. The processes of planning are therefore becoming much more transparent in Amman
and this too, is a positive sign.
Professionalization of the Sector

Amman 25 has resulted in a spin off organization, the Amman Institute (AI). This is a not-for-profit think tank
that has as part of its mission the aim of training up planners and professionalizing the sector. AI has been very
successful so far, and has become a consultation group that produces growth strategies for towns and cities
across Jordan, with the aim of being seen as a regional urban knowledge hub. The presence of such a high
profile and high achieving organization that is recognized as a leader in planning innovation, may well already
have lead to the retention of good quality planners in Jordan. It is also worth pointing out that AI have taken the
issue of public participation very seriously and have a reach out programme to university students and school
children. They have also organized public events focusing on transparency and have initiated public
engagement programs using animated books and maps, and city passport schemes.
Conclusion
This paper has demonstrated that many of Amman's spatial and environmental problems are deeply rooted in
historic planning laws, past and present population pressures, and problems of planning enforcement. The
paper has identified strong levels of awareness of the nature and the causes of these problems and has
identified a consensus amongst planning professionals on how to address these problems. There is also
evidence that many of these 'solutions' are encompassed by the latest planning document, Amman 2025 with
clear synergies between the philosophy of the new plan and the concerns of the planners. However, Amman
25 is not focussed on housing and has been developed primarily to manage the development of the city centre.
So although much of the philosophy of Amman 25 concurs with the views of the planners, it is questionable as
to whether this will lead to changes to planning policy in the housing areas where most of the problems
discussed above are found. However, if Amman 25 leads the way on awareness raising, public participation
and engagement, professional integration and training, and addresses just some of the concerns highlighted in
this paper, it may well herald a new approach to planning in Jordan that will trickle down so that the housing
areas most in need of planning reform will eventually benefit.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank all the interviewees in Amman for their time and their efforts in providing
information to contribute to this work.
Notes
Footnotes
1 1. At national level Jordan established the Higher Planning Council (HPC) to undertake public policies in
terms of urban planning and land use. It is also concerned with approving local and regional plans.
2 2. At regional level planning is concerned with achieving the recommendations of public policy, taking into
account the spatial dimensions of socio-economic development in the regions. At regional level Jordan was
divided into three regions, namely: middle region, north region and south region.
3 3. At local level the Town and Country Planning Act can be considered as a framework to empower the
authority to undertake a wide range of functions. The planning powers of local authorities were stipulated in the
act itself. To carry out this function, the local authority has to prepare a two-tier development plan for the
purpose of organising, controlling and planning in its area. Strategic or policy decisions are to be incorporated
into master plans while detailed decisions are to be laid out in the local plan. However, the responsibility of
local committee also includes granting or refusing any planning application in its area.
4 4. Down zoning in Jordan is based on dividing an area into different zones from up to down by its local
authority.This allows determining patterns of land use for each zone, in particular residential densities. The
broad objective of approach in Jordan is to ensure orderly development of urban areas, rather than
maintenance of agricultural land. It is still a key tool used by local planning authorities to manage land use and
development.
5 5. Building standards stipulate how the settlement should look like in terms of quality, while building
regulations are rules that allow or disallow activities on the plot or in an area; or prescribe the way the plot can
be developed or used. They include zoning controls.
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~~~~~~~~
By Julia Meaton and Jamal Alnsour
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This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy

The Study Area – Jordan

Building Standards and Regulations

Future Plans for Amman

Table 1. The profile of interviewees

Groups Targeted no.Actual no.

Problems Identified by Planning Professionals

Uncontrolled Land Use

Future Planning for a Sustainable and Healthy Environment in Amman

Proposed Changes to Building Standards and Planning Regulations

Methods of Enforcing Compliance with Regulations

Public/Private Sector Partnerships

Professionalization of the Sector

The Role of Amman 2025

Changing the Legislation

Methods of Enforcing Compliance

Professionalization of the Sector

International Energy Statistics. Available at http://tonto.eia.doe.gov/cfapps/ipdbproject (accessed 31 January

Jegasothy, K.1999. Population and rural–urban environmental interactions in developing countries.

McGill, R.1998. Urban management in developing countries. Cities, 15(6): 463–471.

Zagha, H.1998. Residential Land in Jordan, Amman: HUDC.

Reported by Author; Author

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