Curating Gastronomy:

Restaurants and Social Media in the Cultural Economy

Vivian C. Wang

A Dissertation Presented to the

FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(POLICY, PLANNING, AND DEVELOPMENT)

December 2014
 UMI Number: 3680881

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 To Mom and Dad
And my husband, Andrew
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 Acknowledgements

This research could not have been completed without the support of Elizabeth Currid-

Halkett, my advisor and mentor, who helped me design, research and write this dissertation from

conception to completion. She was extremely inspiring and encouraging throughout my graduate

program and I will forever be grateful for having such a patient, dedicated and brilliant advisor

and friend.

I am also appreciative to the other members of my dissertation committee: Richard Green

and Sarah Banet-Weiser. Both have incredibly busy schedules and I am so thankful that they

found time to help me complete my dissertation.

Some of the data used in this project were not easily accessible and took time to obtain. I

thank Zara Matheson for providing census tract by neighborhoods for New York City and Los

Angeles and Andrew Wang for assisting with the data collection on social media.

This research could not have been done without all of the people in the restaurant world

who took the time (often multiple hours) to discuss their work with me. I thank them as well.

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 Abstract

Curating Gastronomy:
Restaurants and Social Media in the Cultural Economy

Vivian C. Wang

Urban areas are centers of consumption and amenities play a major role in urban life.

Cultural industries and the creative economy are thought to be important drivers of contemporary

urban development. The restaurant industry exhibits the consumption advantages and

agglomeration effects common to urban areas. Restaurants, like other localized cultural goods,

are thought to add to the liveliness and character of a place.

Through detailed interviews with people in the restaurant world, I study how restaurants

in New York City and Los Angeles play a role in the cultural economy as well as how they

interact and evolve with social media. Social media has played a pivotal role in shaping our

understanding of the cultural industries such as film and fashion and restaurants are no different.

Social media can contribute to our understanding of cities and implications for economic

development and urban planning.

In addition, I conduct geographical analysis to study restaurant patterns in

neighborhoods. This analysis will allow for larger inferences to be drawn about the role of social

media, buzz and cultural industry development patterns in the 21st century city.

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 Table of Contents

Acknowledgements iii

Abstract iv

Table of Contents v

List of Figures viii

List of Tables ix

Chapter One: Introduction: Why are Restaurants Important to Urban Development? 1

The Complicated Role of Restaurants 2
Restaurants and Wider Economic Dynamism 3
Research Questions 3

Chapter Two: Methods, Data, and Analysis 12

Research Design 12
Reputational Effects in the Restaurant Business 16
Wisdom of the Crowd versus the Elites 17
Methodology 24
Qualitative Research: Interviews 24
Quantitative Research: Datasets 25
Master Dataset 25
Restaurant Typology and Reputation 26
Wisdom of Crowds 26
Socioeconomic and Neighborhood Characteristics 27

Chapter Three: The Rise of Industries and Cities: Theories of Economic Development 28
The Location of Industries 29
Export-Based Economy 29
The Knowledge Economy 31
Agglomeration, Uneven Development, and Path Dependency 35
Rise of the Cultural and Consumer City 40
Urban Economics, Theories of Cities 40
Human Capital and Proximity 42
Diversity 43
Culture and Consumption 44
Agglomeration Effects in Consumption 46
Consumption, Larger Markets, and Product Quality 49
Taste and Cultural Consumption Patterns 51
Cultural Industries and Urban Development 53

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 The Mechanics of Cultural Production 56
How Restaurants are Similar to the Cultural Industries? 60

Chapter Four: The Geography of Restaurants 62

Why are Restaurants Important to Urban Places? 62
Overview of the Restaurant Industry 64
Do Restaurants Cluster as Cultural Industries Do? 65
Restaurant and Social Media Dataset 67
Restaurant Mapping 68
Results 69
Brooklyn 70
Manhattan 74
Neighborhood Case Studies 77
Restaurants in Los Angeles County 85
Implications and Conclusion 96

Chapter Five: How Restaurants are Part of the Cultural Industries 103
How Dining has Evolved: From the Chef in the Spotlight to the Rise of the Consumer 105
How Traditional Media and Social Media Impacts the Food we Eat and Where we Dine: The
Story of Starry Kitchen 111
How Restaurants and Food are a Part of the Cultural Industries 113
“Art Worlds” 115
Collaboration in the Restaurant World 120
Dinner as Theater: Dining as Entertainment 123
The Chef is now King: Tasting Menus 124
The Evolution of Eleven Madison Park 125
Food as Entertainment: Open Kitchens 127
Food as Art, Music Fashion, Film 128
The Evolution of Restaurants 132

Chapter Six: The Evolution of Restaurant Reputation: Traditional Gatekeepers versus The
Wisdom of Crowds 134
The Role of Social Media and Food Critics in Restaurant Reputation 136
The Jonathan Gold Effect: The Impact of a Restaurant Critic’s Reviews 139
Impact of Elite Gatekeepers on Wisdom of Crowds 144
Diners and Restaurant Reviews 150
Social Media 152
Role of Yelp 156
Bloggers Impact on Restaurants 159

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 Professional Food Critics versus Wisdom of Crowds (Social Media) 163
The Evolution of Restaurant Reputation 166

Chapter Seven: Where Do Restaurants Locate and How Do They Impact Place? 169
Impact of Restaurants on Neighborhoods and Place 172
Where do Restaurants Locate? 178
High-end Fine Dining 180
Multi-Unit Restaurant 182
Independent Restaurants 186
A Neighborhood Restaurant Pioneer– Beacon in Culver City 188
Evolution of Neighborhoods through the Lens of Restaurants 191
Locating in a Less than Ideal Location 194
The Impact of Local Policies on Restaurants 198

Chapter Eight: The Role of Social Media on Restaurants and Policy Implications 202
The Role of the Cultural Industries in Economic Development 202
How Restaurants are Part of Urban Amenities 204
How Restaurants are Part of the Economic Development Story 205
The Role of Restaurants in Place Outcomes 208
The Role of Social Media on Place 212
Implications for Policy 215
Future Research 218
Restaurants in Urban Places – Implications and Considerations 219

References 222

Appendix 234
Qualitative Research – Interviews 234
List of People Interviewed 234

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 List of Figures

Figure 1. Annual Consumer Expenditures 65

Figure 2. Restaurant Clusters in Brooklyn 71
Figure 3. Clusters of Brooklyn Restaurants Listed on Yelp 72
Figure 4. “Hashtag Neighborhoods” Clusters of Restaurant Yelp Activity in Brooklyn 73
Figure 5. Clusters of Manhattan Restaurants 74
Figure 6. Clusters of Manhattan Restaurants Listed on Yelp 75
Figure 7. “Hashtag Neighborhoods” Clusters of Restaurant Yelp Activity in Manhattan 76
Figure 8. Restaurants in North Side South Side Williamsburg, Brooklyn 80
Figure 9. Restaurants in East Village, Manhattan 80
Figure 10. Restaurants in Battery Park-Lower Manhattan 81
Figure 11. Restaurants in Sunset Park East, Brooklyn 82
Figure 12. Restaurants in Carroll Gardens, Brooklyn 83
Figure 13. Restaurants in Lincoln Square, Manhattan 84
Figure 14. Restaurants in East Harlem South, Manhattan 84
Figure 15. Clusters of Restaurants in Los Angeles 87
Figure 16. “Hashtag Neighborhoods” Clusters of Restaurant Yelp Activity in Los Angeles 88
Figure 17. Restaurants in West Hollywood 91
Figure 18. Restaurants in Downtown Los Angeles 91
Figure 19. Restaurants in Culver City 92
Figure 20. Restaurants in Los Feliz 92
Figure 21. Restaurants in Silver Lake and Chinatown 93
Figure 22. Restaurants in Santa Monica 94
Figure 23. Restaurants in Westwood 94
Figure 24. Restaurants in Inglewood 95
Figure 25. Restaurants in Vermont Square 95
Figure 26. Restaurants as a Cultural Industry 117
Figure 27. Menu at Eleven Madison Park (2012) 126
Figure 28. GQ Magazine. America’s Next Great City Is Inside L.A. 210

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 List of Tables

Table 1. Restaurants and Social Media 70

Table 2. Selected Neighborhoods with Restaurant and Yelp Review Clusters 78
Table 3. Count for Types of Restaurants 79
Table 4. Percentage of Restaurants for Each Type 79
Table 5. Select Los Angeles Neighborhoods 85
Table 6. Selected Neighborhoods with Restaurant and Yelp Review Cluster 89
Table 7. Count for Types of Restaurants 89
Table 8. Percentage of Restaurants for Each Type 90
Table 9. Typology of Restaurant Geography 97
Table 10. Summary of Findings 137
Table 11. Los Angeles Times Restaurant Rating Definition 146
Table 12. Restaurants Reviewed by the Los Angeles Times (6/3/2010 – 11/25/2010) 147
Table 13. Number of Yelp Review Before and After the Los Angeles Times Review 148
Table 14. Mean and Standard Deviation of Number of Stars in Each Yelp Review Before and
After the Los Angeles Times Review 149

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 Chapter One: Introduction: Why are Restaurants Important to Urban Development?

Consumption oriented activities and organizations play a major role in urban life

(Glaeser, Kolko, and Saiz 2001; Lloyd and Clark 2001; Zukin 1995). Consumption is not merely

the act of consuming, but also the symbolic capital, aesthetics, and population associated with

this activity. These latter qualities influence the relationship between consumption and economic

growth (Clark 2004; Florida 2002). For example, cities with high levels of amenities grow faster

than ones with low amenities, largely because they are able to attract high human capital workers

or “talent” (Florida 2002; Glaeser, Kolko, and Saiz 2001; Shapiro 2005). Urban sociologists note

that consumer activities also inform a place’s identity and the way in which it is socially

constructed and economically branded (Molotch 2002; Zukin 1995). Through this lens,

restaurants are an example of a public form of consumption in which such socially constructed

identities and economic distinction take place (Neal 2006; Warde et al 1999; Whyte 1949).

Restaurants provide a context for the study of agglomeration effects in consumption and

cultural goods. For a variety of reasons, agglomeration effects are seen in the restaurant industry

through the availability of diverse and specialized goods and through an abundance of

consumers. Like with other consumer goods, urban places are more likely to have larger markets

where consumers have more options and can find products that are closely aligned with their

preferences (Berry and Waldfogel 2010; Glaeser et al 2001; Waldfogel 2006). Symbiotically,

firms tend to cluster in urban areas because of the larger consumer market for goods, thick labor

pools and information spillovers (Krugman 1991). Scholars observe such clustering in finance

(Sassen 1991) and the arts (Currid 2007; Molotch 2002), and this overconcentration can also be

clearly observed in the restaurant industry.

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The Complicated Role of Restaurants

The restaurant industry is the largest private employer sector in the economy (Carroll and

Torfason 2005). After housing and transportation, people spend a large proportion of their

income on food; nearly half of food expenditures are spent on food in restaurants (U.S. Bureau of

Labor 2014). Yet, restaurants do more than simply serve a necessary and functional purpose in

our lives; in addition to eating, socializing and conducting business in restaurants, there is also

symbolic meaning attached to these establishments.

Like fashion, restaurants operate in a hybrid state, simultaneously providing both utility

and symbolic capital. While restaurants offer tangible goods (i.e. people need to eat just like they

need to wear clothes), food is also a participant in the world of aesthetics and cultural capital.

Restaurants do more than serve food; rather, they are also participants in the wider cultural

economy as they are a taste driven industry where the evaluation of food and dining experience

is subjective and not wholly about the food at hand. More broadly speaking, cultural industries

emphasize the aesthetic value rather than pure utility of goods and services (Hirsch 2000).

Sectors within this larger industrial group extend from film (Scott 2002) and fashion (Currid

2007; Rantisi 2004) to more conventional consumer products such as gourmet foods (Hirsch

2000; Scott 2010). Or as Scott (2010) argues, the appeal of cultural industries lies in their ability

to transmit “non-utilitarian aesthetic and semiotic signals” to consumers (Scott 2010, 116). In the

post-industrial and post-scarcity society, restaurants appeal to consumers for similar reasons and

thus play an important role in the cultural economy. Additionally, the physical structures of

restaurants, like theater or music venues, operate as both consumption and production spaces.

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Restaurants and Wider Economic Dynamism

Restaurant establishments are often indicators of an area’s population, socioeconomic

range, and cultural preferences. They often signal and represent the changing composition of

neighborhoods, often particularly emblematic of gentrification as they are thought to attract new

desirable residents and visitors. Like other localized cultural goods they are also thought to add

to the liveliness and character of a place (examples include: food trucks in Venice, California or

sidewalk cafés in Paris); albeit in a more nebulous capacity. More generally, restaurants have

become a central character in the culture, diversity, and vitality of urban life. Yet, of course, not

all restaurants produce these developmental effects. While Mario Batali’s Babbo may be

emblematic of the transformation of New York’s Greenwich Village, from bohemian to

bourgeois the average pizzeria remains a place to grab a quick dinner. How do restaurants as a

consumption space fit into models of urban economic development? From this line of inquiry,

are there types of restaurants that are particularly impactful and how are they distinctive? How

does the study of restaurants further inform an understanding of the cultural economy and vice

versa? In short, restaurants exist because we need to eat; yet, this is only half the story of why

we go to them.

Research Questions

With this research I hope to answer the following three questions.

1. How do restaurants exhibit traits similar to the cultural industries? How do restaurants fit into

the structural model of the cultural industries as studied by Caves (2000) and Becker (1982)?

I will consider the economic and cultural transactions between groups within and outside of

the industry (Caves 2000; Becker 1982; Throsby 1994). Do restaurants operate under similar

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 evaluation processes as other cultural industries? Which actors within the restaurant industry

are similar to those in cultural industries (the chef as artist, the critic as cultural gatekeeper,

the diner as collector/consumer)? How has food evolved as a taste-driven industry and how

has it become a part of mainstream conspicuous consumption (Veblen 1899)?

2. The cultivation of reputation in the restaurant industry is subject to two competing models:

the elite versus wisdom of crowds gatekeepers. How do these gatekeepers influence each

other, consumers and the restaurant industry as a whole (i.e. through signaling processes

(Nelson 1970; Weigelt and Camerer 1988))? These interactions exist in other cultural

industries as well; therefore, how do we form networks to make decisions about what to

consume and how do networks facilitate information filtering for such processes and

decisions? I will discuss restaurant network characteristics including the “superstars” effect

(Rosen 1981), the winner-take-all model (Frank and Cook 1995), cumulative advantage, and

collective consumption and shared social experiences (Elberse 2008; Dimaggio 1987; Hirsch

1972; Simmel 1957).

3. What is the geography of restaurants? Do restaurants cluster? Do restaurants with high levels

of buzz (social media) cluster as well? I want to understand the patterns of restaurant

clustering and why they cluster in some neighborhoods, but not others. In addition, what are

the mechanisms that determine the locational patterns of restaurants? How do restaurants

interact with neighborhood development? How can policy be influenced to help

neighborhoods that are looking to be more attractive to restaurateurs?

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Why conduct a case study on food and restaurants in Los Angeles?

The multitude of cultural influences in Los Angeles makes the city a fascinating place to

study food. As Chef Neal Fraser puts it, “Los Angeles is probably one of the most culturally

diverse cities in the world.” He points out the many ethnicities with large populations in Los

Angeles and notes that there’s “elevated cuisine” in all of them. Los Angeles County has the

largest Korean population in the United States with 216,501 Koreans (Census, 2010). The next

largest is Queens County in New York with 64,107 Koreans. Even though the L.A. City Council

did not establish the official boundaries of Koreatown until 2010, Korean businesses and dining

establishments have thrived in the neighborhood for years. The Kogi Korean BBQ food truck is

an example of the fusion of Korean and Mexican influences in this city. As Chef Roy Choi says,

“we tried to marry two cultures, with this crazy idea of putting Korean barbecue meat inside a

tortilla” (Steinhauer 2009). As a cultural phenomenon, the Kogi truck succeeds for a number of

reasons. Initially, it targeted an audience that was most likely familiar with the concept of either

tacos or Korean BBQ and its timing with the crash of the economy made it affordable to many.

Add to that the power of social media, which led Internet savvy hungry diners checking Twitter

for the latest location of the truck, it soon overtook Los Angeles and spawned the food truck

craze. It is possibly one of the best-known food trucks in America and was honored with a Bon

Appetit award in 2009 and Chef Roy Choi was named “Best New Chef” in 2010 by Food &

Wine magazine.1

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
1
!Awards listed on the following websites:
http://www.bonappetit.com/magazine/baawards/2009/10/baa_2009;
http://www.foodandwine.com/best_new_chefs/year/2010

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 In addition, the food scene in Los Angeles has evolved greatly in the last few years. It is

highly unlike some of the other culinary destinations in the United States, such as Chicago, New

York City, and San Francisco, all cities with numerous Michelin starred restaurants. Los Angeles

does not seem to strive for that level of fine dining and restaurateurs note that Los Angeles has

less of a focus on Michelin star quality food. In fact, the Michelin Guide decided to “suspend”

their guides in 2009 for Los Angeles. Chef Neal Fraser, a native Californian, observes that

restaurants in LA moved to a more casual rather than fine dining experience. Before, most

business lunches were done in upscale hotels, like the Four Seasons, but now he thinks that more

casual restaurants attract people because it is much less corporate and therefore there is less of a

“stiff conversation”. He explains, “you can actually have a meal and a conversation...and it

doesn’t feel like you’re going to get fired.”

Neal Fraser also recalls that the dining scene in Los Angeles changed greatly around mid

to late 2000 when “some of the intimidation wore off.“ He describes how the whole demographic

of the ‘LA foodie’ changed and that it seemed to happen overnight when the ‘foodie’ went from

the “white collared west-sider” to this “melting pot of people that would just eat whatever.” It

completely changed from not being able to sell unfamiliar foods such as foie gras, pork belly or

sweetbreads to selling out of it. He found that people were really seeking out a new experience.

Food critic Jonathan Gold, also an avid home cook, complains that “oxtail is so expensive now,

even at Ranch Market [a Chinese supermarket known for its generally reasonable prices] it’s like

eight bucks a pound sometimes. It’s like one of those things that used to be almost free. It’s one

of those things, people ate it because it was cheap.” Even sweet breads, he says, cost more than

chicken now. From the perspective of one restaurant chef, who said it once felt like chefs had to

“teach our customers what to eat”, but now the customer is doing the telling. As Fraser puts it,

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“It’s changed. To me it’s like a renaissance.” He finds it to be exciting because now chefs can do

things they would not have been able to do before. He explains, “like LA used to be sauce on the

side, split, no sauce, and now it’s extra sauce, extra fat, extra fried…And it’s fun to think about

crazy things, put them on the menu and not only sell them but have them be well received. To

me that’s a big win.” The expansion of the diner’s palate has allowed chefs to have more

freedom and be experimental with their cooking, incorporating previously lesser known and

lesser used ingredients to create new and interesting dishes for consumers. Almost all of the

chefs interviewed mention some expansion of the diners’ palate and that customers are willing to

try new and unfamiliar dishes.

Diners also eat at places so we can talk about it with others. Restaurateur Nguyen Tran

explains, “food creates conversation” and people talk about food and restaurants at social settings

more now than before. One clear example of this is the widespread popularity of ethnic foods in

Los Angeles. When I asked Jonathan Gold about his writings on food and pushing the dialogue

he says that people are now realizing that those ethnic cultures are as important as everything

else and that if “you’re a person interested in food now, and you’re coming to Los Angeles, you

have to go to San Gabriel. You can’t experience Mexican food on the west side. You have to

either go to the east side or the specifically regional places.” Nguyen notes that in Los Angeles

places like the San Gabriel Valley that specializes in various types of ethnic foods were once

only popular with people of those ethnicities. Now, “every non-Asian I know tells me that they

go to SGV and they even use the cool terminology and take ownership of it and say they go to

SGV to go get really good dim sum.” Nguyen believes that this is partly because this information

is on the Internet and partly because people “tell them about it” and when they find it they are

like, “holy shit, now I know what the fucking fuss is about and why people trek the entire city for

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this food.” New discoveries and more adventurous palates are leading people to try new foods

more than ever before.

My research is laid out in eight chapters. This first chapter gives introduction to the

study. The second chapter explains the methodology, research approach, data sources used and

the reasoning behind the steps taken. The third chapter consists of a literature review of

economic geography, urban economics and the cultural industry. It explains how my research on

the topic of restaurants and economic development fits in with the larger themes of urban

development and cities.

The fourth chapter looks at the geography of restaurants in New York City and Los

Angeles County. It explores whether restaurants cluster the way cultural industries do. Using the

USC WebGIS Geocoder, I geocode the data and map restaurant clusters. I also map whether

restaurants with high levels of social media buzz cluster and how that compares to the restaurant

clusters. The results show that while restaurants cluster in both cities, those neighborhoods where

there are large clusters of restaurants does not necessarily translate to clusters of restaurant buzz

in the neighborhood.

Chapter five explains my argument that restaurants are part of the cultural industries. I

explore the evolution of dining and the trend of consumers becoming more knowledgeable about

food. I also study the idea of dining as entertainment. Rather than considering food as simply for

nourishment or as an excuse to sit down and connect with your dining companions, there are an

increasing number of restaurants focused on an entertainment aspect in meals. I then show how

the restaurant world is similar in many ways to Becker’s (1982) Art Worlds.

Chapter six focuses on the evolution of restaurant reputation and how traditional

gatekeepers and wisdom of crowds play a role in the status and popularity of restaurants. The

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impact of wisdom of crowds has increased due to the reach of social media websites such as

Yelp and Twitter. Food bloggers also play a role and are increasingly targeted by restaurant

publicists. I find the role of restaurant critics has shifted, although their impacts are still

respected within the restaurant industry, social media also contributes to an organic growth of a

new unknown restaurant. Social media assists in the discovery of restaurants by consumers,

while the professional food critic brings legitimacy to the industry.

Chapter seven looks at where restaurants locate and how they impact place. Through my

interviews with restaurateurs, I found how they chose their location. Fine dining establishments

have different approaches to location compared to other restaurants; they simply do not consider

their location as significant because they realize that people are willing to travel for special

occasion. Multi-unit restaurants are especially considered in catering to the local resident

population, they want to locate in a place where they were reasonably confident that the locals

would be interested in dining there. For most independent casual to mid range restaurants

(especially first time restaurateurs), the cost of lease and ease of the permitting process is

important. The most common answer to what they were looking for, however, is that they are

looking for a place where they believe there would be a population willing to support their

establishment. If they do not think they can rely on local residents many restaurants hope that the

use of word of mouth and social media will convince people to come visit the establishment from

other places. I find that some restaurateurs who were early restaurant pioneers in certain micro-

neighborhoods benefit from low rents, but also take pride in helping shape a neighborhood.

Often these once low-key restaurants or areas become destination spots – diners are willing to

drive from all over the city to visit the restaurant because they have heard good things, despite

not having been to that area before.

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 Chapter eight considers the research and concepts explained and how this can contribute

and impact urban places. Restaurants, in combination with social media, heighten interest in

food, and play an important role in the establishment of neighborhoods and the amenities aspect

in the economic development of cities. I also explore potential implications for policy and what

new restaurants and local city administration do to make places lively and interesting.

This research explores the restaurant industry through interviews with various people in

the restaurant world. I interview both people who work and oversee independent eating

establishments as well as chain or multi-unit restaurants. I speak to restaurant owners to

understand how they developed their concept and chose their location. I interview restaurant staff

whose job it is to keep the restaurant running. I talk to restaurant publicists who are responsible

for keeping eateries relevant and on people’s radar. I also speak to people who are on the

peripheral of the restaurant world such as the food critics, food bloggers, and startup

entrepreneurs aiming to help consumers better find their next restaurant. I interview a wide

variety of people in the restaurant world to understand how the industry is changing and how

consumers are expanding their palates and are interested trying new and unfamiliar foods.

People seem to be more and more interested in discussing food and restaurants and

curious to learn more about all aspects of dining. It is a fascinating topic for many and there

seems to be endless discussion about the best restaurants, diverse cuisines and the latest food

trend. In a race to taste a trendy food item (e.g. cronuts) or experience a new restaurant (e.g.

State Bird Provisions), people are willing to stand in line for hours for the opportunity. In

addition the abundance of tools we have to share our experiences, whether exclaiming your

excitement on Twitter, or posting a photo on Facebook, or writing a review on Yelp, social

media only helps produce more buzz. Open kitchens is now a popular trend as well, once people

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did not want to watch as their food is prepared but now the prep is part of the dining experience.

Chef collaborations are more widespread, giving chefs a chance to learn from each other as well

as create some buzz among diners who are looking for a special or rare experience. Restaurants

and chefs are also considering their brand, whether formally through hiring a publicist or having

someone on their staff or by taking care of it themselves.

My research seeks to further inform the understanding of restaurants in urban

development. In particular, I show how restaurants fit into the cultural industries framework. By

studying restaurants through this lens, I hope this will also lead to a broader understanding of

how cultural industries work. In addition to illustrating the way in which restaurants play an

important role in the cultural economy, I aim to provide context to show how they work, what

they do, and their relationship to place. My goal is to build upon the literature on urban

development and the cultural industries by examining the role of restaurants in an urban cultural

environment. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, I hope to provide a

comprehensive overview of the restaurant industry and show how it shares many characteristics

and properties with cultural industries.

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 Chapter Two: Methods, Data, and Analysis

Research Design

I use a mixed methods approach to analyze the research questions below. The mixed

methods approach utilizes the strengths of both qualitative and quantitative approaches and is

appropriate for addressing the complexity of many social science questions (Creswell 2009). For

my research purposes, the quantitative approach gives an overview of the restaurant industry by

categorizing the eating establishments by price, cuisine and location. This method gives a

standardized measure of the types of restaurants in a metropolitan area, which I use to compare

restaurant establishments in Los Angeles and New York City. I also incorporate new forms of

large datasets including social media and online reviews in my quantitative methodology.

The qualitative approach draws primarily from interviews and surveys and will offer a

richer, more comprehensive view of the industry. The qualitative interview has the potential to

develop detailed descriptions, integrate multiple perspectives, describe processes, and identify

variables for quantitative research. Qualitative research obtains information on attitudes and

observations that will explain many of the observations derived from my quantitative analysis.

The qualitative component consists of interviews with cultural gatekeepers (i.e. food critics of

major publications, food bloggers) and people in the restaurant industry (i.e. restaurateurs, chefs,

restaurant workers). My aim is for the qualitative research to illuminate the underpinning

mechanisms driving the location decisions of restaurants within my constructed typology.

Cultural gatekeepers assist in helping me understand their influence on the industry and

restaurant industry people will give me insight to their decision making processes and why

restaurants locate where they do. These interviews help shed light on aspects of the restaurant

study and complement the quantitative data. I interview over 50 people in the restaurant world

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and the interviews last from 45 minutes to over three hours. I have a series of questions I

prepared to guide the interview, but also allow the interview to follow natural progressions if I

believe it adds to my research.

This research methodology is not without limitations. First, the interviewees are obtained

through snow-ball sampling and not a random sample. I reach my interviewees through email

requests, cold-calling and in person requests. I find that once I interview a few well-known

people in the industry, it opens up further opportunities for me – there are individuals who seem

more open to speaking with me after I interview someone they know (e.g. initial interview

requests are ignored, but follow-ups noting other interviews I made resulted in interviews being

granted). This means that my interview data may contain bias, since similar to other cultural

industries, social networks influence access (Currid 2007). This allows me to have access to

those who are more established in their careers and provides a portrayal of how the restaurant

world works for a longer period of time.

The interview pool includes those with a few years of restaurant experience to those who

have a 40+ year career in the restaurant industry. They include chefs who are also owners or

partners of the restaurants to chefs who solely focus on the food rather than the business aspects

of dining establishments. The interview group consists of those who work at neighborhood spots

and those that work at destination restaurants. It includes people who run one restaurant to

people who oversee 30 locations. Other people in the interview pool consist of food bloggers that

write their blog as a hobby or side project and those who write their blogs full-time or generate

income through it (among other things). Restaurant publicists are also interviewed and they vary

from those who work for large PR firms and those who have a 30-year career running their own

firm.

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 I choose to ask open-ended questions because this allows interviewees to elaborate on

answers and speak more comprehensively on the role of social media and networks in the

restaurant world. The interviews are recorded if the interviewee consents; notes are taken for all

interviews. Most interviewees are comfortable being quoted; those that did not are identified in

the research only by their occupation. A few interviewees ask that specific statements not be

attributed to them. After the interviews are completed, the transcripts are organized and coded.

They are analyzed by themes and subtopics. During the time period when the interviews are

being conducted, there are opportunities in which I am a participant observer. Most interviews

with restaurateurs and chefs are conducted at their restaurant and sometimes there is opportunity

to observe the workings of the kitchen as they prepare for the evening’s (or next day’s) service.

In addition, I attend industry related events ranging from food festivals to organized food blogger

dinners and collaborated dining events by people in the food industry. These events allow me to

observe the communication between various roles in the restaurant industry, assess the

environment in which they work and have a more complete and comprehensive understanding of

how the restaurant world works.

I also find that I have to be aware to analyze what is being said during an interview, but

also what is not being said and the extent to which an interviewee is a reliable narrator. For

example, I find that some of the food bloggers said they are not influenced by food critics or

other food blogs, yet they read all their reviews of a restaurant and any other information

available online before they visit a restaurant for the first time. In addition, they often dine with

other food bloggers when reviewing a restaurant. Therefore, in my analysis, I have to consider

whether there are influences or biases based on their responses. Furthermore, attending industry

! 14!
related events and dining with bloggers and people in their community allows me to observe and

reflect on their influences based on conversations between them and their peers.

In the first section, of my research design, I discuss my research questions and briefly

mention the datasets I use. In the second section, I discuss the datasets in detail.

Below I outline my research questions and methodological approaches to answering

them:

1. How do restaurants exhibit traits similar to the cultural industries? How do restaurants fit into

the structural model of the cultural industries as studied by Caves (2000) and Becker (1982)?

I will consider the economic and cultural transactions between groups within and outside of

the industry (Becker 1982; Caves 2000; Throsby 1994). Do restaurants operate under similar

evaluation processes as other cultural industries? Which actors within the restaurant industry

are similar to those in the cultural industries (the chef as artist, the critic as cultural

gatekeeper, the diner as collector/consumer)? How has food evolved as a taste-driven

industry and how has it become a part of mainstream conspicuous consumption (Veblen

1899)?

I conduct interviews with restaurateurs, chefs, managers, and others in the restaurant

industry. I use Caves’s (2000) principles that characterize the creative industries and consider

how they may apply to the restaurant industry. Similarly, I study whether Becker’s (1982)

characteristics of “art worlds” apply to restaurant establishments.

My interview questions to restaurateurs, chefs and restaurant staff include the following:

• How would you describe or characterize your restaurant (i.e. what do you specialize in)?

• What is your priority as a restaurant establishment? (i.e. making customers happy,

quality of food/cuisine, etc.)

! 15!
 • How would you describe the way in which you portray your restaurant to consumers and

the public?

• What methods do you use to establish your restaurant reputation? (i.e. twitter,

interviews with food blogs, comments on Yelp.com, etc.)

• Do you think consumers have higher expectations when dining out than they have had in

the past?

2. The cultivation of reputation in the restaurant industry is subject to two competing models:

the elite versus wisdom of crowds gatekeepers. How do these gatekeepers influence each

other, consumers and the restaurant industry as a whole (i.e. through signaling processes

(Nelson, 1970; Weigelt and Camerer, 1988))? These interactions exist in other cultural

industries as well. How do we form networks to make decisions about what to consume and

how do networks facilitate information filtering for such processes and decisions? I look at

restaurant network characteristics including the “superstars” effect (Rosen 1981), the

winner-take-all model (Frank and Cook 1995), cumulative advantage, and collective

consumption and shared social experiences (Dimaggio 1987; Elberse 2008; Hirsch 1972;

Simmel 1957).

Reputational Effects in the Restaurant Business

My approach to studying reputational effects and the cultivation of reputation is through

conducting interviews with people in the restaurant world as well as observing how restaurateurs

interact and communicate on social media. On Yelp, the restaurateur is given the opportunity to

respond to a reviewer’s review of their restaurant. To analyze the effects of a critic’s restaurant

review on the reputation of restaurants, I look at the impact of elite reviews (e.g. restaurant

! 16!
reviews published in the LA Times) on the more democratic review mediums (e.g. the number of

Yelp reviews). For example, I consider how the “elite” reviews influence the content of the Yelp

reviews (i.e. positive/negative reviews, references to elite reviews, etc.) by analyzing the Yelp

reviews for a three-month period before and after the “elite” review was published. I look at

whether the number of Yelp reviews increased and whether it affects the Yelp reviews in terms

of content.

To study how networks facilitate information and how diners form decisions about what

to consume, I interview restaurateurs whose restaurant has some form of an online presence (e.g.

a restaurant Yelp listing, blogs that post a review the restaurant) as well as those that have been

reviewed by professional food critics at major publications. I conduct semi-structured interviews

with them to understand what incentivizes diners to frequent a restaurant (e.g. a critic’s

restaurant review, Yelp ratings or reviews, food blogs). I also examine food blogs such as

Eater.com and social media, such as Twitter, to understand their impact on the reputation of

restaurants. I also interview food bloggers as their blogs provide information on the latest

restaurant openings and their dining experience to understand how they fit into the restaurant

network and contribute to the contemporary restaurant world.

Wisdom of the Crowd versus the Elites

The development of Web 2.0 and various social media websites allows for the democracy

of reviews and for consumer opinions to be distributed to a wider public. Web 2.0 relies on user-

generated content and social media websites are used for social interaction and the sharing of

information. In this state of virtual democracy, anyone can use the Internet and be empowered.

Similarly, to some extent, anyone can be a “critic” with these tools in the digital world. I

! 17!
interview both elite and “wisdom of crowds” gatekeepers and ask who and what influences them

and how they choose which restaurants to visit and review. I focus on questions that aim to

understand how gatekeepers reinforce each other’s legitimacy and how reputation matters.

Additionally, to study the presence of restaurants on the Internet, I survey the way in which

restaurants use websites such as, Yelp.com, Facebook.com and Twitter.com. To understand

whether restaurants reach out to their consumers on the Internet, I ask and observe whether the

restaurant has set up a Facebook and Twitter account for their restaurant.

To restaurateurs, chefs and restaurant staff I ask the following questions:

• How does reputation matter to a restaurant’s success?

• What is the difference between attention and reputation?

• What type of attention/reputation matters to you and what doesn’t?

• How do other gatekeepers (restaurant reviewers, food bloggers) influence your restaurant

considerations?

• How have you used social media and social networking services to assist in running your

restaurant?

• Do you read the comments your consumers write on Yelp.com?

• What methods do you use to establish your restaurant reputation? (i.e. twitter, interviews

with food blogs, comments on Yelp.com, etc.)

• Do you invite critics/bloggers to dine at your restaurant?

• What changes if any do you observe at your restaurant after a critic writes a restaurant

review (i.e. clientele, wait staff, reservations, increase in Yelp reviews, blog posts)?

• Do consumers dine at your restaurant because of a restaurant review they read?

! 18!
 • Are there signs might indicate a major restaurant critic will be reviewing your restaurant?

Are you able to anticipate visits by restaurant critics? (i.e. increase in Yelp reviews, lots

of publicity for your restaurant opening in blogs)

To restaurant publicists I ask the following:

• What is a PR firm responsible for when they work with restaurants? What do you do for

restaurants? How do you work for them?

• Are you privy to their revenue/profit numbers? Or number of diners? How do you

measure your impact?

• What percentage of restaurants hire a public relations firm?

• How has restaurant PR changed over the years?

• Does your approach to restaurant PR depend on the type of restaurant- for example- a

chef with an empire (e.g. Wolfgang Puck) vs a restaurateur that has one or two

restaurants?

• Does a success of one restaurant tend to breed success of subsequent restaurants? What

matters in order to make them successful?

• How do you work with other groups of media from traditional (food critics) to

newspapers/magazines to bloggers/new media? Do you know if your restaurant client

will be reviewed by a food critic in advance?

• Do you invite celebrities, bloggers or people in media to the restaurant?

• What type of PR is effective?

• What type of attention is effective? (e.g. Celebrity visits, media, bloggers/blog posts,

magazines, food critics, celebrity chefs, restaurant rankings and awards (i.e. James Beard

! 19!
 Foundation Restaurant Awards, the Michelin Guide and S. Pellegrino World’s Best

Restaurants List), food festivals, food blogs (eater/grubstreet), deals?)

• What is the difference between attention and reputation? What type of

attention/reputation matters and what doesn’t?

• How important is a food critic’s opinion to a restaurant’s success?

• What methods do you use to establish your restaurant reputation? (i.e. Twitter,

interviews with food blogs, comments on Yelp.com, etc.) How do you build a

restaurant’s reputation?

• How do you incorporate social media in your work? What types of social media do you

use?

• How important are the ratings and review on Yelp?

To food bloggers I ask:

• Why did you decide to start writing a food blog?

• How long have you been writing your food blog?

• What is your occupation (i.e. do you write this blog as your full-time profession)?

• Have you ever worked in the restaurant industry?

• How many unique visitors do you have per month?

• Do you know if your readers are mostly local (in Los Angeles) or from places outside of

LA? What percentage?

• What do you think your role is in the restaurant world?

• How does your blog differ from other forms of food review: Yelp, or a food critic at a

major publication?

! 20!
 • Any other sources/website influence your food blog?

• How do you choose which restaurants to review? How do other gatekeepers (food critics,

Yelp, other blogs influence your restaurant choice decision?)

• Do restaurant reviews by restaurant critics influence your choice in reviewing a

restaurant?

• Have you ever been invited to dine at a restaurant? Have restaurateurs ever asked for

your advice/critic/feedback?

• What forms of social media do you use where you talk about food? (e.g. Twitter,

Facebook, etc.) How do you share your food experience with others?

• Do you dine with other bloggers? How often? Do you collaborate with them in any way?

I got the opportunity to interview the Pulitzer Prize winning restaurant critic Jonathan Gold

after introducing myself at the Los Angeles Times food festival and again at a dinner at

Night+Market featuring a collaboration with Lou Amdur. He sat down with me for an

uninterrupted three-hour interview at a bakery in Pasadena. Since his experience in the restaurant

world is vast and unique, and I have no other interviewee who has comparable experience, I ask

him a series of questions that are specific to his knowledge and expertise. I also allow the

interview to progress organically and use the following questions as a guide.

• Have you found similarities between being a critic in the music industry and the

restaurant industry?

• With the rise of web 2.0 and social media, the ways in which we have conversations

about food have changed. How do social media sites like Yelp and food blogs (Eater)

play a role in your work or approaches to food and restaurants?

• Do other gatekeepers (i.e. restaurant critics) influence your restaurant considerations?

! 21!
 • Is there anything in particular that influences you when you choose which restaurant to

visit? How do you choose which ones to review or write about?

• How do you think you contribute to the reputation of a restaurant?

• You once visited restaurants anonymously because you weren’t recognizable, but now

you are. Has that changed or impacted the way you work?

• Your reviews get people out of their own familiar neighborhoods and to places they

would never otherwise go to. You have turned neighborhood restaurants into destination

restaurants. What do you see as your role in getting people in LA to explore their own

city?

• Many chefs have mentioned that they feel that people like being told where to dine.

People seem to want to be told about a restaurant before they experience it and people

don’t want to go out somewhere not knowing if the food will be good. Have you found

this to be true?

• Is it difficult to find a good restaurant just by wandering around in LA (do you sort of

have to know where to go?) Does social media help with this?

• How do you think secret and underground restaurants will ultimately impact food and

dining in Los Angeles?

• Do you think diners are more knowledgeable about food than they have been in the past?

Do you find that your readership continues to grow, as more and more diners are

interested in food? How have the questions from your readers changed over the years?

• You have hosted many successful food festivals- do you find them to be more popular

each year? How have they evolved?

! 22!
 • Does your role as a food critic change at all from being at the Los Angeles Weekly to Los

Angeles times?

When I began my research my hypothesis is that the networks diners form to make

decisions about what to consume are multi-directional. While it may be obvious that the elites

influence the masses, I argue that due to the rise of the Web 2.0, the wisdom of crowds influence

elites as well (e.g. both Jonathan Gold and Sam Sifton reference blogs and Yelp in their

writings). I am interested in how these networks inform each other as well as the function of

different networks. For example, one difference between elite and wisdom of crowds reviewers

is that elite reviewers are only able to publicly review a restaurant at one point in time, while

Yelp aggregates its consumer reviews and has both current reviews as well as past reviews of a

restaurant over a period of time.

3. What is the geography of restaurants? Do restaurants cluster? Do restaurants with high levels

of buzz (social media) cluster as well? I want to understand the patterns of restaurant clustering

and why they cluster in some neighborhoods, but not others. In addition, what are the

mechanisms that determine the locational patterns of restaurants? How do restaurants interact

with neighborhood development? How can we influence policy to help neighborhoods that are

looking to be more attractive to restaurateurs?

Restaurants tend to agglomerate based on a combination of locational needs, including

population constraints and socioeconomic and cultural factors (Berry and Waldfogel 2006;

Zelinsky 1985). On a metropolitan level, I look at the geographic patterns of restaurant by

various categories (i.e. cuisine, price) in New York City and in Los Angeles using GIS

! 23!
techniques and mapping. On a neighborhood level, I use GIS to map restaurants and

neighborhood characteristics. In order to understand potential links between neighborhood

identity and restaurants, I establish a typology of restaurants looking at both types of restaurant

and associated neighborhood characteristics. I consider places that are currently attracting an

influx of restaurants (i.e. Culver City, Downtown LA) and study whether there are unifying

qualities of neighborhoods and the types of restaurants they attract. I hope to get at this question

through both interviews and quantitative analysis on demographics and other socio-economic

characteristics by neighborhood in New York and Los Angeles.

I conduct interviews with restaurateurs to understand why they chose to locate where they do.

Sample questions include:

• Why did you choose to this location for your restaurant (i.e. practicality or pay premium to

locate in a certain neighborhood)?

• What type of restaurants do people travel distance for?

• Are most of your diners locals?

• What type of diners are you aiming to attract?

Methodology

Qualitative Research: Interviews

I conduct interviews with three groups of people in the restaurant world such as: cultural

gatekeepers (restaurant critics, bloggers) to study how restaurant reviews impact the restaurant

industry, restaurant owners who are the decision makers for each restaurant establishment to

understand the choices they make in running restaurants (i.e. location decisions) and how they

! 24!
deal with “elite” critics and wisdom of crowds reviewers, and various people who run a

restaurant (i.e. restaurant managers, chefs, staff) to understand how restaurants are similar to

other cultural industries. For location choices I aim to understand why restaurateurs chose to

locate where they do and whether there are any socio-economic constraints or other motivations.

The questions I ask are organized around the larger research questions I am interested in.

Quantitative Research: Datasets

I chose to focus my study on Los Angeles and New York City because they are the most

populated cities in the U.S. and have arguably the most diverse and specialized foods options.

They are also acutely emblematic of the larger trend in conspicuous, post-scarcity restaurant

consumption. I create a typology of restaurants by categorizing restaurant establishments by

price, location, cuisine, high-end, etc. to study restaurants on both a city and neighborhood level.

Below, I discuss in more detail each dataset used in my analysis.

Master Dataset

My master restaurant dataset is derived from the New York City Department of Health

and Mental Hygiene restaurant list (Restaurant inspection information). The New York City

restaurant information lists restaurant name, address, telephone, cuisine, most recent inception

date and violation points. The “cuisine” data allows me to assess the diversity of food options.

The NYC data has 23,075 entities for all five boroughs. This dataset gives the most

comprehensive listing of restaurants in the area because all restaurants are required by law to be

inspected by the Dept. of Health. Los Angeles County of Public Health’s (Food facility rating)

website for the Los Angeles dataset offers a master dataset for the city providing facility name,

! 25!
address, inspection date, score and type (but not cuisine) for 23,813 restaurant establishments.

The address information allows me to geocode, map and conduct spatial analysis on the

economic geography of restaurants in each metropolitan area.

Restaurant Typology and Reputation

I gather information on restaurant type (e.g. cuisine, high-end, chain fast food) from the

following websites: Yelp.com, Citysearch, Zagat, etc. These websites and sources contain

information on the restaurants that is necessary for the categorization of restaurants, which the

Los Angeles health inspection dataset lacks. They also provide some context for certain

restaurant types (i.e. authentic ethnic foods, ethnic fusion, etc). I also consult weekly restaurant

reviews written by S. Irene Virbila published in the Los Angeles Times.

Wisdom of Crowds

The rise of Web 2.0 and social media is playing a major role in allowing for a more

collective and democratic public to interact and share restaurant experiences. Yelp.com is a

user-generated review website that aims to combine local reviews and social networking to

create a local community that informs the user with reviews of local restaurants, among other

establishments. I use Yelp to analyze wisdom of crowds effects in the restaurant industry. To

collect data from Yelp, a webcrawler is used to collect the data from the site. At the start of this

research, Yelp listed 14,236 restaurants in Los Angeles and 25,000 in New York (though this

includes restaurants that have closed and restaurants with no consumer reviews). I also examine

various Web 2.0 and social media websites that review restaurants and highlight new local

restaurant establishments: Eater.com and Twitter.com, and well-known food bloggers including

! 26!
Kevin Hsu of KevinEats and Cathy Chaplin of Gastronomy. These websites and blogs often

feature newsworthy buzz on the restaurant industry, from restaurant closings to the introduction

of new chefs.

Socioeconomic and Neighborhood Characteristics

I use census data to examine neighborhood population and ethnic background. Using

2000 and 2010 U.S. Census data, I study differences in population, neighborhoods in order to

examine similarities and differences in changing neighborhoods. Population variables such as

age, ethnicity, income, type of household are considered to help identify neighborhood

characteristics associated with different types of restaurants. For various demographic data I

refer to sources such as the American Community Survey and U.S. Census. These sources help

identify neighborhood characteristics as they include population variables such as age, ethnicity,

income, type of household, etc.

! 27!
 Chapter Three: The Rise of Industries and Cities: Theories of Economic Development

The field of economic geography has long focused on questions concerning the rise of

industries and cities. Why do some cities grow and others do not? What encourages certain

firms to locate in one place and not another? What are the factors that help explain growth and

prosperity?

Scholars attempt to explain growth and development through several approaches:

economic integration, geographical advantages, human capital and institutions. Fundamental

theories and historical analyses of regional economic growth depict a sequence of stages that

lead to regional development. These patterns of economic development begin with a self-

sufficient subsistence economy, and then develop inter-regional trade by specializing in

production. With increases in population, the region must eventually industrialize and improve

transport. When economic development reaches an advanced stage, the region specializes in

certain tertiary industries producing for export (Hoover and Fisher 1949; Jacobs 1969). This

sequence of growth stages is, at times, disputed as it often does not resemble many empirical

instances of regional development and fails to offer insight on the multitude of factors that

produce growth and change. North (1955) observes the impact of technological developments

and the significance of an export base and argues that regions do not need to industrialize in

order to continue to grow. Secondary and tertiary industries will consequentially develop from

locational advantages. There is no clearer example of this trajectory than the post-industrial

economy, where growth is determined by knowledge and innovation and the geographically-

embedded nature of social and economic transactions perpetuates long running growth and

development. Long waves and cycles exist and occur in economic history when several true

! 28!
innovations gather together to produce rapid economic expansion. What is still debated is their

cause, whether they are “generated by some kind of automatic internal regulating machinery

inside the capitalist economic system itself” (Hall and Markusen 1985) or some other factor.

Within the post-industrial economy, heavy emphasis is put on highly skilled workers and the

knowledge exchange between them (Glaeser 2000; Piore and Sable 1987; Storper 1997) and it is

the places that have high levels of human capital that are able to maintain a competitive

advantage.

While the way in which growth is explained has evolved over time, the issue of uneven

development is a persistent question. Growth in income and regional demand is seen as

important and results in uneven growth. The subject of uneven growth leads to questions of why

manufacturing occurs in certain regions and not others. Krugman’s (1991) model on

manufacturing is based on interactions of economies of scale with transportation costs and

suggests that initial conditions are significant to regional outcomes. Small changes in economic

parameters may influence population and productivity, and result in regional formation. This

chapter traces the evolution of thought on economic geography from Fordist to the post-

industrial economy and considers the competing debates in the field and the variables used to

explain economic development.

The Location of Industries

Export-Based Economy

Economic integration may be viewed through the success of exportable commodities and

its contribution to higher regional income (North 1955). The export-base concept derives from

the notion that regional economic activities split into production for the export market and

! 29!
production for the local market (Tiebout 1956). This significance of an export base implies that a

large amount of secondary industry develops from the success of its exportable commodities

(North 1955). Tiebout (1956) challenges North’s emphasis on the significance of the export base

and argues that the export base is a short run concept and is not the only approach in the

determination of the economic development of regions. The nature of the residentiary activities

is an important explanatory factor to consider in possible regional growth, since it determines

factor costs and possible regional exports.

The geographical structure and industrial organization also contributes to the

understanding of social, political and ideological relations in economic phenomena. Industrial,

trade and agglomeration economies rely on having various geographically related resources and

structures to sustain their growth. Spatial patterns represent sets of interactions between social

organizations including the relations of “dominance and dependence”, where their development

is a conflictual process and the geography of industry is an object of struggle (Massey 1995).

Processes take place in space and variations in distance and geographical areas give meaning to

the region and are central to the way in which social processes function.

As we moved on from the Fordist economy, the economy transformed from being

manufacturing to knowledge based. The way in which industries organize themselves in the post-

industrial economy was partly a reaction to the limits on the model for industrial development

due to its foundation on mass production, the use of machines and semi-skilled workers to

produce standardized goods (Piore and Sabel 1984). Mass production requires dedicated

resources: large investments in highly specialized equipment and narrowly trained workers

suited to make specific products. However, when the demand for that specific product declines,

the resources are unable to be efficiently used. Therefore, mass production is only profitable

! 30!
when the market demands large production of a specific standardized commodity. As mass-

production technology develops, it becomes more and more difficult to manage supply and

demand in the individual market (Piore and Sabel 1984). In addition, mass production becomes

gradually more concentrated in consumer goods such as automobiles, resulting in the economic

system being vulnerable to impacts on consumer income and spending power.

Historical circumstances involving shocks in institutions, the state of the national

economy, and political responses, result in the halt of further growth within the system. The

reaction to such disorder has been twofold: the extension of mass production (automobiles) and

flexible specialization. Piore and Sabel (1984) argue for technologies and regulatory institutions

to make flexible specialization an important part of manufacturing in advanced industrial

countries. Flexible specialization, a strategy of permanent innovation, seeks to accommodate

ceaseless change, rather than an effort to control it (Piore and Sabel 1984). Small flexible firms

are often more capable in reacting and responding to current market conditions and can

specialize in production of custom outputs, whether in terms of specific products or quantities.

This leads to flexible production as a whole because each project can be specialized as opposed

to the more rigid mass production outputs of large quantities (Storper and Christopherson 1987).

Such production requires skilled workers and specialized knowledge to drive innovation.

The Knowledge Economy

The post-capitalist society is increasingly being driven by knowledge and information.

This primary resource is the key to generating wealth and is transforming every aspect of the

social order. Drucker (1994) argues that there are three kinds of knowledge, the “continuing

improvement of process, product, service; exploitation: the continuous exploitation of existing

! 31!
knowledge to develop new and different products, processes and services; and then genuine

innovation”. This is continually seen in the technology industry from small startups to

established high-tech firms.

Current high-tech economic development policies are created assuming that there are

links between high tech industries and economic performance. There is the expectation that the

industry will: create a large number of new jobs, be composed of highly innovated firms, and

that policies designed to assist and promote the sector will result in the generation said new jobs

and income that the region or nation will accrue which in turn will provide incentive. Studies

have confirmed that the high tech industry provides significant job growth (Hall and Markusen

1985). Scott (1993) studied the geography of the high-tech industry in Southern California using

case studies of local firms and notes its locational advantages, including dense labor pools, many

local producers and subcontractor, and a culture of fostering innovation and cooperation. He also

emphasizes the importance of the complex interaction of the production system and local labor-

market activities. Dense communication networks are critical to technological innovation.

Silicon Valley is known for its laid back corporate culture, rapid change in jobs and collaboration

in formal and informal ways, which all contributed in some way to the success of the region.

Additionally, the area was able to recover after the mid-1980s crises, due to new startups and its

flexible network based organization and nature. It has a regional culture based upon trust,

collaboration and open communication and support is effective in such industries where

innovation is necessary (Saxenian 1996).

The rise of smaller, less specialized and locally networked firms is due to flexible

specialization and agglomeration replacing Fordism (Markusen 2003). Industrial agglomeration

presents patterns of industry specific clustering characteristics. Currid and Connolly (2008)

! 32!
argue that the social and economic nature of art and culture leads to such patterns of clustering.

These characteristics include cultural production’s diverse network of labor, the social and

subjective nature of creative production, highly sophisticated media networks, and the nature of

“place in product” (Molotch 2002). Yet similar types of concentration are observed in other post-

industrial industries, particularly highly specialized service and financial sectors as global city

literature documents. These services are part of a network that makes up a significant part of the

knowledge economy.

The role of advanced services can be seen most vividly in urban centers, defined as

“global cities” and the “world city network” (Knox and Taylor 1995) by scholars. The global city

phenomenon is a process that connects services, centers and markets in a network in various

intensity and scale depending on each of their significance to the global network. Such a system

is based on information flows and spatial proximity encourages and facilitates innovation.

Castells (2000) argues that “space organizes time in the network society.” Our society is based

around flows, an element of social organization and practice. Experience and meaning are often

separate from knowledge, and as places become segments, they become increasingly unrelated to

each other and more able to share cultural codes (Castells 2000). Advanced developments in

communication allows for spatial concentration and decentralization, resulting in a new

geography of networks. There exists a growing tension between the space of flows and the space

of places. While the space of flows links up people and activities in distinct locations, the space

of place centers around a specific locality. Since cities are transformed by the interaction

between networks and places, the role of city in the global economy depends much on the

connectivity at various levels (Castells 2000). Those in the post-industrial information society

! 33!
who are connected and able to possess and share information and advanced services are better

off than those who do not.

Thus, the emergence of specialized services and finance is now the leading growth sector

in advanced economies and a leading theme in contemporary economic geography. This

territorial distribution of economic activities contributes to the growth of centralized functions

and operations, resulting in a “new geography of centrality and marginality”. In addition, the

agglomeration of certain specialized activities has increased in relatively few sites, these places

which are known as the global cities (Sassen 1991). As the economy becomes more globalized,

cities are strategic centers for innovation. Global cities are “specific places whose spaces,

internal dynamics and social structure matter” as well as production sites for specialized services

and innovation (Sassen 1991).

In this model of economic development and in the post-industrial knowledge economy,

the role of institutions and human capital is critical. These variables are important in facilitating

knowledge exchange, tacit information and social capital (Gertler 2003; Glaeser et al. 2001;

Putnam 1995; Storper 1997; Storper and Scott 2009). While debate continues among the

interplay of these variables, there is a general consensus that they are all significant post-

industrial place development. Additionally, the location of human capital and its ensuing

knowledge becomes strategic sites in the global economy. Knowledge is an input in a

“production that has increasing marginal productivity” where growth rates can increase over time

(Romer 1986). Human capital determines the rate of growth and that integration into global

markets will increase economic development. A large population in of itself is not sufficient to

generate growth, rather an economy with a “larger total stock of human capital will experience

! 34!
faster growth” (Romer 1990). Glaeser et al. (2004) argue that human capital is better at

explaining difference in economic development than geographical advantages.

Institutions are an integral part of economic development and inform our understanding of the

process in which our economic landscape evolves and how space and place matters (Rafiqui

2009; Rodrik et al. 2004). Bosker and Garretsen (2009) find that institutional change matters,

especially as it relates to spillover effects on neighboring areas. Institutions create incentives,

help serve as constraints that structure interaction in society, and may be regulative, normative,

or cultural-cognitive (Maskell and Malmberg 2007). Granovetter (1985) argues that economic

action and rationality is “embedded” in structures of social relations, whereby institutions play a

critical nexus for these interactions to occur and normalize. Effective social capital and norms

require the facilitation of building and maintaining networks to achieve social connectedness

(Putnam 1995).

Agglomeration, Uneven Development, and Path Dependency

Whether industry and manufacturing or advanced services and information, it is largely

agreed that there are great advantages to having people who are in the same trade be located

close to each other, which is why when an industry has chosen a location it is likely that it will

continue to occupy that area for a while (Hall and Markusen 1985). Historically, Marshall (1922)

depicts the development of industrial districts as the “concentration of specialized industries in

particular localities” (Book IV, Chapter X, Section 1) where locally owned firms make

production decisions. Such environments support a community type atmosphere where social

relationships are of significant importance for these districts. This industrial model that Marshall

presents involves a local labor market that is both highly flexible and internal to the district,

where workers benefit from a certain industrial atmosphere or something “in the air” (Marshall

! 35!
1922, Book IV, Chapter X, Section 3). This perspective is aligned with more contemporary

concepts of agglomeration where firms benefit from locating in close proximity to other firms

and suppliers.

Both trade costs and increasing returns to scale encourages firms to produce in regions

where there are many other firms, therefore resulting in the agglomeration of economic

activities. Economic agglomeration stimulates growth due to a lower cost of innovation and

transaction costs. Growth encourages agglomeration because new firms tend to locate in the core

region, near or at the origin of innovation. Growth and geographic agglomeration are mutually

self-reinforcing processes; these economic forces at work result in this mechanism of circular

causation (Martin and Ottaviano 2001).

Other than simply physical and material resources, there are important intangible

qualities and benefits to agglomeration. Economic geography is seen through relations of

“specificity and difference, divergence and convergence, mobility and immobility” (Storper

1997). In a spatial economy, geographical imbalances may be explained by the uneven

distribution of natural resources, or first nature. However, this fails to explain clusters of

activities that are less dependent on natural advantage, also known as second nature. Ottaviano

and Thisse (2004) argue that that market equilibrium is the outcome of the interplay between a

market-crowding force and a market-access force. The significance of “relational assets” or

“untraded interdependencies” cannot be overlooked and perhaps are most crucial in

agglomeration economies (Storper 1997). There are benefits to being in a geographically

proximate context and these include tacit knowledge, codified knowledge, social habits and

communication norms (Storper 1997; Amin 1999). Tacit knowledge is recognized as the “prime

determinant of the geography of innovative activity” as it is central to the process of “learning-

! 36!
through-interacting” (Gertler 2003). Relationships between collaborating parties involve a

“closeness” such that it allows for unplanned interaction, modes of communication, customs and

norms (Gertler 1995). This has been observed in various industries that cluster including

technology in Silicon Valley and film in Los Angeles.

Agglomeration has always been important and in the post-Fordist economy,

agglomeration manifests itself through vertical disintegration and flexible specialization.

Vertical disintegration is often a result of concentration of industry, where inputs and services

are obtained from outside suppliers rather than from within the firm (Holmes 1999; Stigler

1951). Vertical disintegration of the garment district and film production was due to the post-

Fordist, flexible and knowledge based production system. Rather than integration bringing

similarity, there was a tendency to specialize (Storper 1997). Flexible specialization results in

regional conglomerations, such as the New York City garment district and the specialized

industrial districts of northern and central Italy. The individual enterprises in these districts are

not permanently dominant; instead they function based on a sense of community, involving both

informal and formal contracts. These businesses are part of a complex network that participates

in both aspects of competition and cooperation (Piore and Sabel 1984).

The mechanisms by which place enables social and economic exchange to occur help

explain the spatial concentration of development. Audretsch and Feldman (1996) link clusters of

industrial activity to existence of knowledge externalities where innovative activities cluster due

to the spatial concentration of the location of production. Proximity and location matter more in

industries where knowledge spillovers play a critical and influential role, for example, the tech

startups in the San Francisco Bay Area. Clusters promote both competition and cooperation as

the competitive advantages in a global economy lie in knowledge, relationships and motivation.

! 37!
Clusters influence competition by increasing firm productivity, propelling and setting the pace of

innovation, and stimulating the creation of new businesses. Access to specialized information,

complementaries and institutions all enhance productivity (Porter 1998). Locations have unique

advantages that are not easily replicated and decisive to firms’ innovative success. This

jurisdictional advantage emphasizes that the success of a firm and the success of region are

interrelated, where skilled workers are essential to geographical clustering and human capital are

more productive in cities (Feldman and Martin 2005). Spatial arrangement of industrial clusters

is a market that becomes structured to carry out economic activities in an efficient manner

(Maskell and Lorenzen 2004).

Since constant returns to scale and perfect competition result in evenly distributed

economic activity, explanations for uneven economic growth often include increasing returns to

scale (Ottaviano and Puga 1998). People concentrate in urban areas because of higher incomes

and a diversity of goods (Glaeser et al. 2001; Krugman 1991). There is more diversity of goods

and at lower prices (in aggregate) in larger cities (Handbury and Weinstein 2011). Firms tend to

cluster in cities because of a larger market for their goods, a pooled market for workers and

information spillovers for better production. Sassen (2002) further indicates that the reasons the

new urban economy towards the consolidation of a few centers rather than dispersal is social

connectivity and the need for resources.

These positive externalities associated with agglomeration produce an inevitable

cumulative advantage as a result. Thus places with agglomerations often reaffirm their

concentration through the process of path dependency resulting in cumulative uneven

development. Path dependency is a function of agglomeration: initial endowments and historical

moments set the stage for cumulative advantage that reinforces initial clustering patterns (Martin

! 38!
and Sunley 2006). Goldstone (1998) argues that general laws are limiting because they do not

identify why particular outcomes happen. The actions of particular actors in actual historical

conditions are important in determining the outcome. Path dependence is not determined by any

specified set of initial conditions but rather by the intermediate events between initial conditions

and the outcome (Goldstone 1998). One example, the adaptation of the QWERTY keyboard

(David 1985), shows the importance of timing in the development and standardization process.

Despite it being an inferior layout, it dominated as a result of network externalities. When

increasing returns arise naturally, seemingly random insignificant circumstances may result in

inferior technologies being selected and dominating the market outcome. This monopoly of a

less superior technology might become “locked-in” by historical events or circumstances. Once

the economy has locked itself into a non-superior outcome, it may not be easily altered or

predicted. Under constant and diminishing returns, small events cannot sway the outcome, and

superior technologies tend to dominate (Arthur 1989). Martin and Sunley (2006) argue that path

dependency and ‘lock-in’ are place dependent processes, as some regions become locked into

sluggish paths of development while others possess the ability to “re-invent” themselves through

new means of growth. Since mechanisms of development and growth are in part geographically

established and influenced by various local social, cultural and institutional conditions, it is not

enough to simply recognize that these mechanisms operate unevenly across space (Martin 1999).

Rather, such clustering is essential to staying competitive. But ‘lock-in’ can also imply a place’s

ability to retain monopoly over particular types of production processes and industrial growth.

For example, this process can be empirically observed in Hollywood’s film industry (Storper and

Christopherson 1987), creative industries in New York (Rantisi 2004; Currid 2007) and Silicon

! 39!
Valley (Saxenian 1996). Other places are unable to overcome the dominance already established

by these locales.

Rise of the Cultural and Consumer City

The rise of the post-industrial urban economy has generated a culture of consumption and

an emphasis on amenities as a part of economic development. Rather than viewing consumption

as a final state, it often viewed as an “arena of rivalry and competition” where it is representative

of symbolic rewards, and is an essential part of the cultural industry (Robinson 1961). This new

emphasis creates a space for cultural production, and more broadly speaking what scholars call

the cultural economy (Hesmondhalgh and Pratt 2005; Scott 2004).2 The cultural economy plays a

role in urban development in a number of ways: tourism, amenities for talent retention and sheer

number of jobs and tax revenue (Currid 2009). These purposes play out physically in urban

space. Urban space is where interactions between consumption and production take place,

particularly in the cultural economy where social contagion dynamics (Kretschmer et al. 1999)

and the role of social network markets are critical to understanding the specificities of the

cultural industries (Lloyd 2002; Lloyd and Clark 2001; Potts et al. 2008).

Urban Economics, Theories of Cities

Cities are acute and fractal versions of these larger patterns of economic development and

underdevelopment. In exploring and understanding economic geography, the study of cities

sheds a concrete light on the inner workings principles of growth and productivity. The city can

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
2
!Terms!such!as!cultural!economy,!creative!economy,!and!cultural!industries!will!be!used!interchangeably!in!this!
context.!

! 40!
be viewed as the “undersigned product of the labors of successive generations” and is rooted in

“habits and customs of the people who inhabit it (Park et al. 1925). It is a complex structure that

is influenced by human nature, as well as the physical geography, natural advantages and means

of transportation (Park et al. 1925).

Cities are drivers of economic development where their main strength is the ability to

generate economic growth based on their local economy. Urban areas may be viewed as a single

local labor market, as the primary unit of employment and income generation where performance

is measured by affluence, equity, and stability (Thompson 1965). Cities grow based on exporting

products to other places that do not produce the products themselves (Jacobs 1969). The export-

based theory relates the income characteristics of the local economy with the income

characteristics of those local industries that sell outside of the local labor market (Thompson

1965). This is similar to the economic theory of import substitution, whereas cities grow as they

are able to substitute local production for the imports of these goods. As a result, large cities are

more self reliant than smaller cities (Mills and Hamilton 1994).

Great cities are creative in their ways to sustain and produce economic growth (Jacobs

1969). It is not due to agriculture that cities develop, but rather cities allow for agriculture

productivity to thrive through the creation of tools and methods (Jacobs 1969). Economic

development arises from the expansion of economies by developing new kinds of work. Each

kind of new work is an addition to a piece of old work. This is how innovations are made and

how work is diversified and expanded. Cities are prime areas in which such labor division and

process takes place (Jacobs 1961). It is also rational to view the city as an information city, since

cities exist to facilitate the flows of ideas; cities are oriented around the skilled because they

specialize in ideas. This also aligns with Alfred Marshall’s idea that large number of employers

! 41!
within an urban area will allow workers to change jobs more easily. Theory of technological

innovation is rooted in the study of human creativity.

The social and economic dynamics of cities are significant to the understanding of urban

areas and can provide insights into uneven development more broadly. Among these include the

importance of human capital, proximity to other people, social capital, and diversity. I discuss

each in turn.

Human Capital and Proximity

Cities thrive and benefit from human capital. Human capital is the force of the central

role of cities in economic life. Human creativity is the ultimate source of economic growth

(Florida 2004). The clustering of human capital as it is associated with gains in productivity are

part of the driving force in the growth and development of cities. (Lucas 1988). Ciccone and Peri

(2006) identify human capital externalities and show evidence that skills induce economic

growth. Cities with more educated people and higher levels of human capital grow more quickly

than cities with less human capital (Glaeser et al. 2003). This is due to skilled cities becoming

more economically productive and not necessarily because these places are more attractive

places to live. Studies also show that skills-city growth connection occurs largely because skilled

cities are better at adapting to economic shocks (Glaeser et al. 2003). Human capital is non-rival

and non-excludable and produces spillover effects (Mathur 1999).

Proximity to others is a major reason people choose to live in cities. This is shown

through the willingness of city dwellers to pay high rents to live in urban areas (Lucas 1988).

Firms also benefit from locating close to other firms for the production of key inputs and joint

production of service offerings (Sassen 1991). Social capital involves group interactions that

influence individual productivity since we often learn from others (Lucas 1988). The cohesive

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power of weak ties shows the strength in interpersonal networks where one’s strong ties may

provide a dense network, while weak ties can be bridges to many other networks (Granovetter

1973). Norms, values and customs of these networks facilitate collaboration for mutual benefit

and aid the innovation process (Rutten and Boekema 2007). Real economic growth and

development is people oriented, organic and community based (Florida 2004).

Diversity

Diversity is necessary and considered a strength in cities. There are many types of

diversity that are significant in urban areas. Economic development relies on sustained growth

and diversity in income levels (Lucas 1988). Increased size of cities and their diversity are

associated with increased productivity and urban growth. Large urban areas encourage

specialization and are able to support a larger variety of final products resulting in the increase of

firm returns as well as resident’s well-being (Quigley 1998). Some scholars argue that local

diversity is more “conducive to economic development through interindustry “dynamic

knowledge externalities” (Feldman and Audretch 1999, Glaeser et al. 1992) while others argue

that while localized diversity may be important in some instances, local specialization allow a

better “allocation of resource and /or increased competition and is therefore more conducive to

innovation and growth” (Bostic et al. 1997; Desrochers 2001). A diversified city is more likely to

facilitate the transfer of industry know how which are unrelated to its final products. With a wide

and diverse pool of expertise and resources, a diversified city will only increase the chances that

new problems will be solved (Descrochers 2001).

Cultural diversity is important to cities. The city concentrates in diversity as it comprised

of a multiplicity of cultures and identities and can be seen in immigrant communities and the

informal economy (Sassen 1989). Areas open to diversity is associated with economic growth

! 43!
(Florida 2002, 2004), though empirical support on this finding is mixed (Thomas and Darnton

2006). Areas known for diversity of thought and with high degrees of tolerance are linked to

places of high technology concentration and growth (Florida 2002). A more diverse and

multicultural urban environment results in higher productivity in the U.S. (Ottaviano and Peri

2006). Evidence shows that wages and employment density were higher in cities with richer

linguistic diversity (Ottaviano, and Peri 2005), therefore suggesting that a culturally diverse

society is more productive and affluent, especially when they are integrated and assimilated into

society.

Indications of success from diversity and urban growth is observed through a rise in

population, rise in commerce, increase in land development, higher population density and

increase in financial activity (Molotch 1976). Low density cities generally grow faster than high

density ones (Glaeser et al. 2003). However, there are liabilities of the city as a growth machine

as well, such as pollution, traffic congestion, and overuse of natural amenities. Damage to the

physical environment and the increase in costs of utilities and public services are problems too.

Nevertheless, the economies of cities do not all fall into one pattern of growth (Lucas 1988); and

therefore effective and valuable urban theory requires the ability to capture patterns as well as

the forces that result in changes in these patterns (Lucas 1988).

Culture and Consumption

Cities are prime sites for consumption. Places become “commodified” where rendered as

“attractive, advertised and marketed” (Miles and Miles 2004). Urban areas are the primary venue

in which consumption takes place. Commodification represents an “inversion of exchange value

over use value” (Thorns 2002). Current dramatic transformation of urban life is the result of

commodification. Within the urban context there has been an increasing range of commodities

! 44!
with an emphasis on shopping, restaurants, theatres and cafes. Such naming and branding and

interest in niche markets all aim to create specialized tastes and preferences. Thorns (2002)

suggests that consumption is not so much driven by the local as it is by the global producers who

“influence our taste and control our access”. These spaces are sites of cultural capital because

they offer products and places for people to contribute and build an urban culture with diverse

and unique tastes (Zukin and Kosta 2004).

Cities in this “new cultural economy of capitalism” are often made up of an “organic

interwoven continuity of place specific settings, cultural infrastructures, and industrial vocations”

(Scott 2000). The city is a place of both work and leisure and often they merge (Scott 2000).

Cultural activities are essential to urban economic vitality. Cities are both a site for production

and a space of consumption. Workers in the post-industrial city have quality of life demands and

therefore amenities are important in contemporary cities (Clark 2004). Amenities in cities are

essential to urban development. The role of urban density in facilitating consumption is crucial in

understanding how high amenity cities grow faster than low amenity cities. Glaeser et al. (2001)

note four critical urban amenities: the presence of a rich selection of services and consumer

goods, aesthetics and physical settings, good public services and speed and low transport costs.

Rappaport’s (2009) model suggests that technological progress encourages people to migrate

towards areas with high amenities or quality of life. A city with high consumption amenities

grows slightly faster than another place with similar attributes.

What can we expect when we consider the future of cities? The trend is towards

consolidation rather than dispersal. Increasingly cities are places of consumption due to its

density and diversity in both people and products. People are attracted to cities because they seek

social connectivity and the need for enormous resources (Sassen 1991, 2002). Cities trend

! 45!
towards consolidation at a few core centers rather than dispersal because of need for social

connectivity. Technology also assists in maximizing the benefits of social connectivity rather

than resulting in decentralization. The demand for interaction is rising and technology has not

replaced face-to-face interactions, in fact, it has increased the role of clustering (Glaeser 1998).

Agglomeration Effects in Consumption

Long established in the economics and geographical literature, urban areas possess

consumption advantages due to their density and concentration of products and services (Glaeser

et al. 2001). Lots of diverse groups of people live in cities thus enabling businesses to offer

variety in products and services that enhance consumption (Jacobs 1969). Additionally, certain

consumption-based activities are located mostly in urban areas due to substantial economies of

scale necessary for their production such as stadiums, museums and opera houses.

Agglomeration economies historically apply to manufacturing (e.g. Detroit) and also to post-

industrial professional services (Sassen 1991). Increasingly, scholars have pinpointed the

importance of clustering to cultural industries, namely fashion (Currid 2007; Rantisi 2004), film

(Scott 2005) and more bohemian forms of cultural production (Lloyd 2005). The same

mechanisms identified above, diverse consumer base and economies of scale, allow for an

abundance of restaurant options. For example, a large population also allows restaurants to

specialize in a particular cuisine knowing that it will appeal to certain consumers (Berry and

Waldfogel 2010; Glaeser et al. 2001). This also means that consumers can have specific

preferences for food and know reasonably well that they will be able to find a restaurant that

satisfies their cravings.

Urban areas are generally expensive places to live. However, many consumers are willing

to pay higher prices for housing and rent to be in a city where they have access to more

! 46!
amenities. People live in cities because there are more people in dense areas that have similar

preferences which allow them to satisfy their distinctive wants and needs. Where there are

consumers, there are firms. Businesses are willing to pay higher rents for access to a large

number of consumers in a relatively small area. If there were no potential gains in revenue or

cost savings, firms would not locate in dense areas and pay expensive rents. This shows the

significance of the city as centers of consumption (Glaeser et al. 2001).

Urban areas have consumption advantages due to density and concentration of products

and services. Diverse groups of people in cities allow for the ability to offer a variety in products

and services that enhance consumption. Certain consumption-based activities are located mostly

in urban areas due to the substantial minimum economies of scale for production that is required

for them to exist. A significant number of consumers are required to cover the fixed costs of

activities that involve professional sports, philharmonic orchestras and specialized restaurants

(Glaeser et al. 2001).

Leisure activities such as sports games, music concerts, and comprehensive art museums

all require large audiences to be successful. A large population also allows restaurants to

specialize in a particular cuisine knowing that it will appeal to certain consumers. This also

means that consumers can have specific preferences for food and know reasonably well that they

will be able to find a restaurant that satisfies their cravings. These service sectors and their

products that rely on economies of scale to function are greatly benefited by urban density

(Glaeser et al. 2001).

Urban areas are centers of consumption (Glaeser 2001; Miles and Miles 2004). The

consumer city model argues that one of the critical urban amenities is a rich variety of services

and consumer goods. Restaurants are a significant example of local goods that contribute to the

! 47!
quality of life and the desirability of a place to live. It has been shown in empirical research that

cities in both U.S. and France with more restaurants and live theaters have developed more

quickly over the past 20 years (Glaeser et al. 2001). Rents have increased more than wages since

1970 in cities with more educated populations, suggesting that quality of life has risen more than

productivity (Glaeser et al. 2001).

The rise in consumer income and education leads to increases in discretionary spending.

This explains the spread of individualization and the expansion of diverse tastes resulting in

more numerous niche markets (Lloyd and Clark 2001). The emergence of these dynamics has

played out in urban centers as well, where cities seek out “distinction” (Markusen 2004) and

means to distinguish themselves from other locales. In the economic development race, cities

cater to the diversity of preferences of its residents and visitors. These efforts have important

developmental effects of which I discuss below.

Urban areas now focus on attracting and retaining human capital through various quality

of life factors such as openness to diversity and a variety of entertainment and cultural offerings

(Currid 2009; Florida, 2002). Places play a role in attracting talent and firms want to locate near

skilled workers (Glaeser et al. 2003). The ability to rapidly mobilize this talent is a source of

competitive advantage for firms. As Florida (2002) argues, people consider both economic and

lifestyle factors in their decision making when choosing places to live. Florida also believes

diversity and creativity are basic drivers of innovation and economic growth, cultivating “quality

of place” is an important part of economic development. Creative people, he argues, prefer

places that are innovative, diverse and tolerant. For the “creative class,” these perks may include

cafes, galleries, and music venues (Florida 2002). Florida’s argument is broadly linked to a

series of changes that have contributed to “urban growth dynamics” including an increase in

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consumer power as a result from income and education and the rise of leisure activities relative

to work (Clark et al. 2002). These changes have played a role in the new importance of

occupations such as tour guides or restaurant critics. There is a demand for these professions to

cater to the diverse and ever evolving tastes of visitors and residents of cities. Quality of life is

“not a mere byproduct of production,” rather it “defines and drives new processes of production”

(Clark et al. 2002). Urban places develop as they adapt to cater to the needs of its residents and

this often results in new offerings of retail and services. This is largely also a part of the process

of gentrification, as new economic opportunity impact and alters the identity and tastes of the

community (Zukin 2009).

Consumption, Larger Markets, and Product Quality

In addressing the consumption advantages of cities, the question arises whether larger

markets result in higher product quality. Individuals may benefit from living in communities of

people sharing similar preferences in goods, since products that entail some amount of fixed

costs can only be made available if enough people want the product (Waldfogel 2006). There

may be a role in which markets for products incentivize the agglomeration of people with similar

consumption preferences (Waldfogel 2008). Handbury and Weinstein (2011) find that people in

larger cities have more diverse grocery products to choose from as well as lower aggregate

prices. Product quality and a diversity of offerings can have an impact on consumption patterns

and quality of life. Higher skilled cities may also be associated with greater amenities (Diamond,

2013).

Berry and Waldfogel (2010) examine the differences in the nature of products in local

industries such as newspapers and restaurants in urban areas. In the restaurant industry, where

! 49!
quality is largely based on variable cost, the range of offerings increases with market size. With

newspapers, where quality is more affected by fixed costs, the quality of the products increase

with market size, though the range of products or variety does not increase by much. Consumers

in larger markets have more options and are more likely to find products that are closely aligned

with their preferences. Such benefits of larger markets are not only produced by the quantity of

products available, but also the types of products that are offered (Waldfogel 2006). Benefits of

agglomeration can be seen through the lens of consumption when more quality goods are

available (Berry and Waldfogel 2010).

With certain types of goods, such as restaurants, it’s not only necessarily that there is a

population that prefers a product, but that there are a large number of people nearby. Therefore,

this suggests that the geography of the restaurant consumption is important as the restaurant

market seems quite local. In a study on restaurants, Waldfogel (2008) considers how restaurants

respond to the local population preferences. He finds that education and race matter when it

comes to restaurant preferences; there is a strong association between the population and

restaurants at the zip code level.

Local consumption can drive urban economic growth when locally produced products are

consumed by local residents. This may be a result of local consumers having special tastes and

preferences for these local products. Markusen and Schrock (2006) argue that the presence of

industries such as arts, culture and health care over a variety of products must account for the

diversity and preferences in consumption spending patterns by local residents. They argue that

the local consumption base comprises of three types: those that distinctly target local consumers,

those that seem to serve the local population with mixed operations (managerial and business),

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and “distinctive activities” that have “unique local patronage patterns.” (Markusen and Schrock

2009).

New products and services that are established locally often receive local support and

feedback and may result in attracting consumers and producers in other places and thus

expanding the consumption of its product to other places. Such innovations would lead to job

growth and diversification of the community economic base. In addition, areas with quality

consumption offerings may entice skilled workers to choose these places to live and work.

When these people choose to spend on these goods, they help drive the local economy (Glaeser

et al. 2001; Markusen and Schrock 2009).

Taste and Cultural Consumption Patterns

Consumption in sociology is defined as a “social, cultural and economic process of

choosing goods” (Zukin and Maguire 2004). This literature focuses on the role of consumption

choice in constructing identity and Bourdieu’s (1984) notion of “cultural capital” relates to the

“differentiated use of consumer goods to establish social status” (Zukin and Maguire 2004).

Cities should be seen as “landscapes of consumption” rather than “landscapes of production

(Zukin 1998). Concepts such as ‘taste’ and ‘lifestyle’ arise from identity and consumption

practices, in which consumers use goods to classify themselves. Bourdieu (1984) shows how

knowledge or rules of legitimacy allow for consumers to choose product to establish their

distinction. The notion of taste is rooted in class position and access to cultural and economic

capital (Zukin and Maguire 2004). Bourdieu’s analysis assumes that social and economic status

are people’s sole incentive, but in contemporary society, the relations of class and culture are

complex (Zukin and Maguire 2004). In addition, research on mass consumption deals with the

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notion of power, the use of advertising, and the use of product placement to manipulate the

desire of consumers and motivate them to purchase goods.

Studies in consumer culture focus on demographic and social structure, marketing

interventions, and the identity of the consuming subject. Zukin and Maguire (2004) argue that

consumption is at the “junction of changing social structures and cultural practices”. The way in

which people consume products has changed over time. Ferguson (1998) studies the

development of gastronomy in France by examining the social and cultural changes in culinary

preparation, how restaurants are dedicated to the production and consumption of food, and how

cookbooks and restaurant reviews legitimized and standardized the consumption of culinary

experiences. In addition, the network of people involved in the production and consumption of

food creates a certain prestige for this new type of consumption. Similar approaches explore the

development of the shopping experience and the role of mass consumption as it is linked to

changes in social structure and consumer culture (Zukin 2004; Zukin and Maguire 2004). As

retail institutions change over time and access to consumer goods transform the way people

shop, Zukin (2004) shows, how consumption sites maintain and adopt culture.

Other studies focus on consumption spaces, which are defined as places that are develop

especially for the purpose of the purchase or consumption of locational goods and services

(Mullins et al. 1999). These studies consider the socio-spatial relationship between where

residents live and areas that develop to attract tourists to consume their products and services.

These places tend to target consuming for leisure and enjoyment rather than necessity.

Ambiance is considered significant to consumption spaces because it is a method to attract

people. Often these areas have nontraditional households, high socioeconomic status, and a

! 52!
significant ethnic presence. In addition, clusters of consumption spaces seem to be associated

with gentrification (Mullins et al. 1999; Zukin 1995).

New emphasis on urban consumption and the rise of new patterns of leisure and culture

result in competition between cultural capitals. The cultural capitals view the “urban lifestyle”

associated with cultural vitality and economic development. These new cultural industries bring

new employment due to the comparative advantage of urban areas. Consumption also plays a

role in social relationships and between people and their environments (Miles and Miles 2004).

Cultural Industries and Urban Development

The cultural industries play a pivotal role in the aforementioned dynamics of

contemporary urban development. The emphasis once put on high technology industries as a

development catalyst is shifting to the cultural economy. Local development policies recognize

the importance of cultural products in society and the economy through their obvious effects in

jobs and payroll and their more intangible influence in human capital retention and tourism

(Scott 2004).

The cultural industries operate in many ways similar to other innovation driven

industries. In the post industrial society, value is now focused on knowledge, information and

talent rather than physical inputs, production centers, manufacturing based economy (Bell 1973).

Such shift towards a knowledge based economy also result in a great recognition of cultural

attributes. Cultural capital becomes as important as “economic capital in determining status and

differentiation and thus in shaping social relations” (Thorns 2002). Cultural industries depend on

key social mechanism structures and rely on social interaction to thrive. Cultural producers are

drawn to places in which there is access to skilled labor pools, financial resources, diversity,

opportunities for collaboration, culture of innovation, quality of life amenities that draw human

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capital (Currid 2007). In return, cultural producers are dynamic contributors to the urban

economies in which they live. The presence of art and culture has some impact on the quality of

life. The arts as an industry also generate jobs and revenue for the city (Currid 2009).

From an economic geography approach, the cultural industry is an important part of

urban economic development. Urban areas are ideal places for creative people. The city exhibits

a certain creative energy that is conducive to many industries and encourages both cooperation

and competition (Scott 2000; Scott 2010). The labor market and social network in which cultural

producers operate contribute to the advantages of the cultural economy in urban places. Urban

areas where people live and work also facilitate random face-to-face interactions of people

involved in creative endeavors (Scott 2010). The importance of initial events for outcomes and

the clustering of artistic producers demonstrate that the cultural economy has path dependent

characteristics. The vitality in urban places and the tendency for artistic workers to thrive results

in some spillover effects in the industry (Scott 2010).

The cultural products industries are on the rise and often visible drivers of local economic

development. The emphasis that was once put on the high technology industries as an urban

economic development initiative is now also being considered with the cultural economy. Local

development policies recognize the importance of cultural products in society and the economy

(Scott 2004). The arts are often used as a “redevelopment and development tool” in urban areas

(Currid 2009). The Wicker Park neighborhood in Chicago is an example of art and cultural

innovation influencing urban development (Lloyd 2002). The neighborhood was once successful

during the days of industrial production; however the area deteriorated when there was a loss in

manufacturing work and suburbanization occurred. The neo-bohemian scene was central to its

production of culture contributed to the redevelopment of Wicker Park (Lloyd 2005). Artists

! 54!
choose a place to work based on a “nurturing artistic and patron community, amenities and

affordable cost of living” (Markusen and Schrock 2006). Evidence shows that the way in which

artists distribute themselves is not related to size or growth rates. In addition, the distribution of

creative artists does not assume that artists follow firms and art organizations, but rather the

choice that artists make to live in certain places stimulates new art firm formulation and may

attract other firms that work with the art industry to the region as well (Markusen et al. 2004).

Many aspects of the cultural economy are most vivid in urban life. The cultural economy

can be defined as sectors in the economy that specialize in the production of goods or services

whose “consumer appeal is derived pre-eminently from the fact that they transmit non-utilitarian

aesthetic and semiotic signals” (Scott 2010). Others use the term to refer to the idea that “the

economy is increasingly culturally inflected and…culture is more and more economically

inflected” (Lash and Urry 1994, 64) and argue that more goods and services across industries can

be considered “cultural” goods (Gay and Pryke 2002). Another definition relates to the economic

activities of industries that are creative in nature and an emergence of a new social group: the

‘creative class’ (Florida 2002). Regardless, the economic development of cities relies on the

cultural economy in various ways and it plays a role in attracting and retaining firms as well as

people. Cities are disproportionately concentrated in cultural content whether through economic

or semiotic capital and thus cultural capital materializes in a number of distinct ways. Cultural

industries play a role in branding urban areas (Currid 2009; Molotch 1976, 2002; Scott, 2005)

along with their more conventional contribution to employment and tax revenue. Urban places

show that cultural distinctiveness works in many ways: both by preserving authentic native

characteristics of a place as well as supporting and engaging in changes that influence a new

place identity (Zukin 2009, 2011). The more semiotic qualities of cultural production contribute

! 55!
to neighborhood branding and assist in the development of “distinctive cultural identities”,

whether Soho, the Lower East Side or Hollywood (Zukin 2009, 3). Urban districts with

distinctive consumption spaces produce both economic and cultural impacts. Such places

produce neighborhoods that are marketable and thus attract consumers to the area (Zukin and

Kosta 2004).

The creation of vibrant cities with distinctive spaces stems from cultural consumption

practices that are associated with symbolic and cultural capital. In other words, cultural

consumption offers particular status signifiers. There are two types of capital that Bourdieu

(1984) identifies as important to cultural production. Symbolic capital is the level of prestige and

loyalty that is associated with knowledge and recognition while cultural capital involves the form

of “cultural knowledge, competences or disposition” (Bourdieu 1984). Cultural consumption and

practices also fulfill a “social function of legitimating social differences” as preferences in

cultural things establish distinctions amongst people across various socioeconomic lines

(Bourdieu 1984). Throsby (1994) argues that the “role of tastes” is a “fundamental driving force

in the demand for and supply of art.” Cultural consumption for these reasons is a significant part

of cities and in many ways drives people to live and work in urban places.

The Mechanics of Cultural Production

Cultural industries, like other knowledge-driven industries, rely on diversity,

opportunities for collaboration, and perpetual innovation (Girard and Stark 2002). As in other

agglomerations, cultural industry firms benefit from the co-localization of competing firms, both

from a shared production culture as well as the ability to track and monitor competitors (Rantisi

2002). The presence of many related and interrelated firms in one place result in mutual learning,

! 56!
cultural synergies, and creativity (Scott 2000). Becker’s (1984) conception of “art worlds”

demonstrates the means by which networks of people in various fields collectively organize

themselves to produce works of art. However, unlike other types of industrial agglomeration, the

taste-driven nature of cultural production relies on the various levels of promotion and validation

by gatekeepers before the product reaches the consumption stage (Hirsch 1972). The aesthetic

quality of cultural goods rather than pure utility characterizes a number of consumer products

such as gourmet food and professional orchestra (Hirsch 2000; Scott, 2010).

As a result of their taste-driven nature, cultural industry products have certain economic

properties that are different from products in other industries. Demand for creative work is often

unpredictable, as there is some uncertainty as to how the audience will react to a product,

resulting in what Caves (2000) describes as the “nobody knows” quality that is inherent to

creative industries. For many “experience” products (Kretschmeretal 1999; Nelson 1970), the

quality is often not known until the point of consumption. The marketing of such high quality

goods and services often involve the signaling of product quality to the consumer before

purchase. This is especially relevant for experience products where certain attributes and quality

can only be known after it is consumed. Such attention and spending on building and

maintaining reputation may make sense due to the processes of signaling quality (Nelson 1970;

Weigelt and Camerer 1988).

The attitudes towards work within the creative industry are also unique compared to other

industries; for example, an artist may gain utility from his work and have specific preferences in

how he executes his work (Caves 2003). This is unlike other industries where work assumes a

disutility; in creative industries artists may gain utility from working on their art and hence be

willing to work at a price that is lower than their opportunity cost of employment. In addition,

! 57!
cultural goods demonstrate some mixture of both horizontal and vertical differentiation. Goods

that can be ordered objectively in terms of quality, as in one good is deemed to be distinctly

better than another, reflects vertical differentiation. Products that are differentiated based on

preferences or taste (i.e. color) are horizontally differentiated (Caves 2000). Cultural products

can differ in many dimensions due to preferences, but people might agree that a musician’s first

album is better than a subsequent album.

Cultural industries are subject to network effects in a number of ways due to their

reliance on social and economic networks, consumers’ disposition towards shared social

experiences, and the role of cultural gatekeepers. The structure of socio-economic networks

within cultural industries exposes the industry to “social contagion and the increasing returns

effects” (Kretschmeretal 1999). This is identified in industries such as book publishing where

publishers have learned to invest in the marketing of books by authors that have already written

multiple best-sellers, as well as in the movie industry where producing a sequel to a blockbuster

film is likely to generate another big opening weekend (Frank and Cook 1995).

In many ways we are social creatures that live off of shared social experiences. There is

benefit from these shared social experiences because we want to be able to communicate with

others and identify ourselves based on what we like and do not like. We are often influenced by

how others think and what they do. This behavior may be due to our perception that others are

doing things based on information that they have and that we do not. This is known as

“bandwagons” or “herd behavior” (Banerjee 1992; Leibenstein 1950). The results of this may be

inefficiency, where a few decision makers may prevent others from observing the choices made

by others. Much of this is discussed in sociological literature on fashion and other cultural

! 58!
products, where it is a product of class distinction both emphasizing the inclusion within certain

circles and the exclusion of others (Hirsch 1972; Simmel 1957).

Another network effect central to the cultural industries is the role of gatekeepers in

influencing cultural products. The production process of creative work not only involves a series

of creative inputs, but also various gatekeepers who vet, evaluate and review, before the final

product is offered to consumers. These interactions are seen both formally and informally

through the structure of the deals and the contracts involved in these projects that are often

unique to the field, whether agents, studio executives or book editors who make decisions about

material and people they will work with (Caves 2000). In addition, mass media often plays a role

in blocking or facilitating the linking of artists’ cultural products to the consumer. Cultural

gatekeepers participate in generating buzz and are influential in the distribution of cultural

product information between various actors and resources (Currid 2007; Currid and Williams

2010).

Cities are where these cultural industries dynamics play out, since it is where such

concentrated activity occurs. New York City is known for its creative industries such as fashion

and art, but a key reason why products that are created there have such global influence is due to

the presence of cultural gatekeepers embedded in these worlds. In addition, the media industry

(e.g. fashion magazines, global newspapers) has a significant presence in the city and also helps

facilitate the distribution of such information. These formal and informal organizations and

relationships all contribute to the reputation of New York City as a global creative hub (Currid

2007).

! 59!
How Restaurants are Similar to the Cultural Industries?

Restaurants appear to share certain properties with the cultural industries. Most

obviously, they are part of a taste driven industry, but they also endure an uncertain environment,

develop and cultivate reputation and success through semiotic and cultural processes, and are

subject to network effects (Kretschmer et al. 1999; Weigelt and Camerer 1988). The quality of a

restaurant is subjective and like other experience products, not known until the point of

consumption. As with other cultural products, building reputation and spending resources on

marketing may signal quality (Nelson 1970). The identified roles within the cultural industries

(e.g. gatekeeper, artist and so forth) are also found in the restaurant industry. For example, there

are many similarities between chefs and artists, particularly in the way in which they view their

“work” and how they gain utility from their “art.” In the restaurant industry, the restaurant critic

has the role of a cultural gatekeeper, where a review in a major publication can greatly influence

the reputation and success of an eating establishment (Becker 1982). Restaurants operate under

similar evaluation processes and are subject to reputation effects as the cultural industries (Caves

2000).

Similar to cultural industries, restaurants also exhibit network characteristics. The role of

spatially embedded networks is important, both in the physical spatial world and increasingly in

the virtual (internet) world as well. Consumers of food have formed networks that focus on the

discussion and debate of restaurants. We dine at restaurants that are popular because we want to

be able to discuss our experiences with others (not so different from viewing a film that is

reviewed well on Rotten Tomatoes) and to acquire cultural and symbolic capital. Reputational

effects matter in the restaurant industry as much as they do in film or fashion. When a new

restaurant is established we are not only curious about the cuisine, but also who the chef is and

! 60!
where she has previously worked. Many restaurateurs make a point to hire a well-known and

respected chef because it signals to guests the restaurant’s quality and reputation. This may also

explain the interest and draw that consumers have towards celebrity chefs and their restaurant

empires, just as in fashion (e.g. Marc Jacobs) or music (e.g. Jay-Z).

Restaurants also fit with the more contemporary arguments around cultural industries and

their impact on local economic dynamism. Restaurants are important signals in economic

development because they contribute to the distinction and uniqueness of a place (Zukin 2009).

Eating establishments reflect the lifestyle of urban places and provide an impression to visitors

and tourists. They play an important role in urban amenities and contribute to the urban

economy. Restaurants along with other retail establishments economically and culturally

contribute to economic development in urban places. On a more prosaic level, restaurants

participate in the creation of liveliness in urban areas during daytime and evening hours (Jacobs

1961). Restaurants as amenities in urban development can contribute to the desirability of urban

living and the economic viability of cities. The questions are how, why and where these

processes occur and their impact on local urban development. These are the issues I will now

turn to in my research.

! 61!
 Chapter Four: The Geography of Restaurants

Why are Restaurants Important to Urban Places?

Urban places are some of the most expensive places in the world to live. Many people,

however, are willing to pay a premium to live in places with dense amenities and access to goods

and services. In addition to these observable amenities, there are hidden amenities that can

contribute to a person’s standard of living (Diamond 2013). Such concentration of products and

services is the basis of consumption advantages in urban areas. The more people there are the

more likely that someone will have distinctive preferences. Businesses are often willing to pay

higher rents to locate in places where they have access to the consumers they are targeting and

these places are often some of the more densely populated areas. This is significant as cities are

centers of consumption. Activities such as professional sports, opera productions and specialized

restaurants, require a minimum number of interested people and are required to cover the fixed

costs to sustain such specialized amenities (Glaeser et al. 2001). Urban places can support such

niche sectors of the economy.

Urban places attract both skilled and unskilled workers with diverse social, economic and

cultural capital. Many residents of cities have worked in a restaurant in some position at some

time or another. Restaurateurs are typically open to people who are looking for both short-term

and long-term employment. People who have goals in other industries and are looking for a

temporary source of income often find work in the restaurant industry (Zukin 1995). Actors, for

example, support themselves in cities such as Los Angeles and New York by working at eating

establishments while they audition for parts and look for their next big break. Others seek

opportunities to build a career in the restaurant industry and are passionate about the food

industry and the culinary world.

! 62!
 Restaurants are part of the liveliness of cities and an important part of the list of amenities

that urban places offer. Restaurants have long been places where people gather to eat, conduct

business meetings, host social events or simply meet with friends. They are where much of our

social and cultural life takes place, whether through meaningful exchanges or the symbolic value

behind consumption and production (Berris and Sutton 2007). In addition, food and eating

establishments can define urban places through the reflection and shaping of the character of

neighborhoods (Berris and Sutton 2007). People explore neighborhoods through food, and places

become associated with and sometimes defined by the type of food that they are known for,

whether soondubu jjigae in Los Angeles’s Koreatown or ramen noodles in Little Tokyo.

In this chapter, I show how the economic geography of restaurants exhibits similar

tendencies to the cultural industries. As I have pointed out in previous scholarly works that

discuss creative industries such as film, music, and art, comparatively restaurant establishments

also display patterns of clustering in certain places. Restaurants with buzz from social media tend

to cluster, similar to cultural events with significant buzz. Furthermore, the branding of

neighborhoods is shaped by restaurant culture. I examine why there are differences in clustering

patterns among various neighborhoods and why eateries with buzz tend to locate in certain

places rather than others. This chapter looks at the impact of social media and why certain

restaurants attract more social media activity. While the geography of Los Angeles and New

York City are very different, both cities are greatly affected by social media restaurant buzz.

I draw on similarities between restaurants in neighborhoods in Los Angeles and New

York City. In both cities, I find that there is very little restaurant related social media activity in

poor areas. Many, also, do not have restaurant clusters. Wealthy neighborhoods tend to have

clusters of restaurants, but they do not necessarily have a lot of buzz. The hip neighborhoods are

! 63!
where the restaurant buzz lies. This may be indicative of the population characteristics of the

residents and visitors to these areas, many of whom are young, affluent, and social media

enthusiasts. Social media may have a real impact on the branding and reputation of not only

restaurants, but urban places as well.

Overview of the Restaurant Industry

The restaurant industry is the largest private employer sector in the economy (Carroll and

Torfason 2011). After housing and transportation, people spend the next largest proportion of

their income on food, and nearly half, 48%, of those food expenditures are spent in restaurants

(Bureau of Labor Statistics 2010). Eating establishments are a large part of the economy. The

restaurant industry is one of the largest private sector employers, employing 12.9 million.

Restaurant sales are expected to total $652 billion in 2012 with 970,000 locations in the United

States (National Restaurant Association).

! 64!
 All!other!
expenditures! Consumer)Expenditures))
7%!

Personal!Insurance!
and!pensions!
!Food!
11%!
13%!

Cash!contribuHons!
3%!
!Entertainment!
5%!
!Health!care! !Housing!
7%! 34%!

!TransportaHon!
16%!

!Apparel!and!
Bureau!of!Labor!StaHsHcs,!!
Consumer!Expenditure!Survey!2010! services!
4%!
!

Figure 1. Annual Consumer Expenditures

Do Restaurants Cluster as Cultural Industries Do?

Scholars rate the importance of the clustering of cultural industries in areas such as

fashion (Currid 2007; Rantisi 2004) and film (Scott 2005). In addition to their economic

function, these industries help brand urban places. Goods are often associated with the places of

their origin, or what Molotch calls “place in product” (Molotch 2002). Empirical research finds

social events associated with cultural industries are not spatially random. Social milieus cluster

and are in the form of spatial patterns across cultural industries. Iconic places such as Times

Square in New York City and Hollywood in Los Angeles are buzzworthy, suggesting that

cultural events in these areas are closely associated with the distinction of these places (Currid

and Williams 2010). I argue that food and restaurants are no different. In this chapter I am

! 65!
exploring the way in which restaurants cluster in two of the largest cities in the United States,

New York and Los Angeles. Do restaurants cluster in these cities? What sort of patterns emerges

in their clustering? What is the impact of social media (Yelp) on restaurants in terms of their

spatial patterns? Do we see spatial clustering of social media driven restaurants? Do those

restaurants that generate and attract social media locate in particular places? These tools can also

help in understanding how cities are viewed and the relationship to place. There may also be

implications for economic development and geography.

The Use of Social Media

Social media is changing the way many cultural industries work. Social media used for

interactive communication is in the form of both web-based and mobile technologies. With smart

phones, there is access to social media at one’s fingertips in any location at all times. Such web-

based and mobile technologies are used for instant communication to friends (e.g. Path),

acquaintances (e.g. Facebook), and sometimes the world (e.g. Twitter). The rise of social media

has also impacted the way product decisions are made and which businesses to frequent. These

websites give access to information from other customers about their past experiences with

various products and services. Whether or not the reviews of strangers are trusted and deemed

worthy is up for debate. However their opinions exist on the Internet for all to read. When

options are overwhelming the decisions made may be at the review of recommendations made by

others.

Yelp.com is a user review and social networking site that reviews businesses, including

restaurants. It provides data on individual establishments, unlike the Census, which only has

industry level data. Establishment level data includes addresses, cuisine, and other details. In

addition to the restaurant information, Yelp also provides restaurants reviews. These reviews are

! 66!
written by restaurant goers and are an alternative form of restaurant reputation. Traditional

restaurant reviews published in magazines and newspapers are only useful around the time in

which the reviews were written, rarely do restaurant critics revisit the restaurant and update the

information. When restaurants undergo changes (such as changes in chef or management) diners

have no idea how those changes affect the establishments based on critic’s reviews.

Social media, however, provides such updated information. Social media sites, such as

Yelp are a measurement of buzz because they allow for quantification of word of mouth. Even

though a limited number of people write reviews on Yelp, many people use it to find out

information about restaurants. In the fourth quarter of 2013, Yelp had a monthly average of 120

million unique visitors3. Online consumer reviews may contribute to reputation and possibly

compete with reviews made by more traditional sources. One study found that an extra half-star

rating causes restaurants to sell out 49% more frequently in San Francisco (Anderson and

Magruder 2012). In a study comparing Yelp review data with the earnings of independent and

chain restaurants in Washington state, a one-star increase in an independent restaurant’s Yelp

rating led to a “a 5-to-9 percent increase in revenue” (Luca 2010). Notably, this impact did not

exist for chain restaurants.

Restaurant and Social Media Dataset

For a complete listing of eating establishments for Los Angeles and New York City, I use

the restaurant Inspection Records from the Department of Public Health and the Department of

Health and Mental Hygiene, respectively. The New York City dataset has a comprehensive

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
3
Information was accessed using this website, which is likely updated each quarter.
http://www.yelp-press.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=250809&p=irol-press. Accessed February 19, 2014

! 67!
listing of 23,075 restaurants and the Los Angeles dataset has 23,813 restaurant establishments.

Both datasets have the restaurant name, address, phone number. The New York City dataset has

cuisine, but Los Angeles does not. Restaurant data is pulled from the health inspection websites

on 12/3/2010 for both Los Angeles and New York City.

To determine which restaurant information source provides the best representation of

buzz I look at websites Yelp, Citysearch and Zagat. I use all three sources to assess and

categorize the restaurants. However, I chose to use Yelp to represent restaurant buzz. Yelp has

the most reviews among the three website by a significant amount. It also has the most users

among the websites. Yelp is used to gather details on each individual establishment including the

number of reviews, date of first review, average review score (1-5 stars), price and cuisine.4 I use

Yelp to obtain details on each individual establishment and used the number of reviews to

represent the level of Yelp activity for the restaurants. I conduct hot spots analysis for all

restaurants and the level of Yelp activity (which is the number of reviews/the number of

restaurants on Yelp).

Restaurant Mapping

I geocode5 the data using USC WebGIS Geocoder6 in order to see where they cluster

geographically. These maps indicate areas that restaurants are located relative to the rest of the

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
4
Andrew Wang’s assistance was invaluable in gathering the social media data from Yelp.com
5
Geocoding converts “non-spatial locational data into its corresponding spatial representation”
(Texas A&M Geoservices Geocoder). It was used in this research to convert street addresses to
geographic coordinates (latitude and longitude).
6
At the time of the study the tool was the USC WebGIS Geocoder. It has since become Texas
A&M Geocoder.

! 68!
city. Using GIS I conduct hot spots analysis that identifies places where a spatially significant

restaurant clustering pattern occurs more or less often than what would be normally be expected.

I conduct hot spots analysis for three sets of data: all restaurants, restaurants that have Yelp

reviews and the level of Yelp activity (which is the number of reviews/the number of restaurants

on Yelp). I use the level of Yelp activity as a measure of buzz for the restaurant. Using ArcGIS I

calculate the Getis-Ord Gi* statistics which results in z-scores that indicate where restaurants

cluster spatially. For Z-scores that are statistically significant (p-values of .05 or less) and

positive the larger the value the more intense clustering of restaurants (or hot spot) exists. Z-

scores that are small indicate a cold spot (or the clustering of low values).

Results

Citysearch and Yelp have more restaurants on their sites compared to Zagat. Citysearch

has 46% of all of New York City’s restaurants listed on their website. This means that 46% of

restaurants in New York City have a Citysearch profile though not all of them have customer

reviews. Yelp has 49% of New York City restaurants listed on their website. In general, there are

more restaurants with a large number of reviews on Yelp than Citysearch. Therefore to consider

restaurant buzz, I use the number of Yelp reviews as the indicator, as it is the most robust and

comprehensive source of data.

40% of the restaurants in New York City are in the borough of Manhattan. Manhattan has

the highest percentage of restaurants on social media websites with 55% of restaurants listed on

Citysearch, 63% restaurants are listed on Yelp, and 16% on Zagat. The next borough with the

largest number of restaurants on social media is Brooklyn. The Bronx has the lowest, with 43%

! 69!
restaurants on Citysearch, 30% on Yelp and 10% on Zagat. Only 21% of restaurants in the Bronx

have Yelp reviews. This chapter examines the restaurants in Manhattan and Brooklyn in detail.

' Yelp' Zagat'

Borough Restaurants' Citysearch Yelp Reviews Zagat Reviews
Manhattan ))))))))))))9,099 55% 63% 61% 16% 8%
Brooklyn ))))))))))))5,282 44% 46% 40% 12% 2%
Queens ))))))))))))4,950 35% 39% 33% 11% 1%
Bronx ))))))))))))2,243 43% 30% 21% 10% 1%
Staten)Island )))))))))))))))927 44% 37% 34% 13% 2% !

Table 1. Restaurants and Social Media

Brooklyn

There are multiple clusters of restaurants in Brooklyn. This means that there are a large

number of restaurants relative to their neighboring areas. The legend shows the z-scores. These

include clusters in neighborhoods such as Greenpoint, Williamsburg, Brooklyn Heights, Boerum

Hill, Prospect Heights, Park Slope, Sunset Park East, Bay Ridge, Midwood and Flatlands.

! 70!
 !

Figure 2. Restaurant Clusters in Brooklyn

The map in Figure 3 depicts clusters of restaurants with Yelp reviews (at least one review

on the restaurant profile). These clusters are located in the neighborhoods of Williamsburg

(North Side, South Side), Boerum Hill, Brooklyn Heights, Park Slope, and Clinton Hill.7

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
7
Zara Matheson of Martin Prosperity Institute provided census tract neighborhood boundaries
for both New York City and Los Angeles.

! 71!
 !

Figure 3. Clusters of Brooklyn Restaurants Listed on Yelp

To show whether restaurants have buzz, I use the number of Yelp reviews as an indicator

of high Yelp activity. Yelp pages are ranked highly in search engines. If you are located in the

same city as a restaurant you are searching, often the restaurant’s Yelp page is second on the list

of Google search results, the first link being the restaurant’s own website. Figure 4 shows the

! 72!
level of Yelp activity in Brooklyn. There are clusters of high number of Yelp reviews in

DUMBO, Brooklyn Heights, Williamsburg and Carroll Gardens. There are far fewer hotspots of

restaurant clusters with a high level of Yelp activity compared to hotspots of restaurant clusters

in general.

Figure 4. “Hashtag Neighborhoods” Clusters of Restaurant Yelp Activity in Brooklyn

! 73!
Manhattan

Restaurants in Manhattan cluster in Midtown, Chelsea, West Village, East Village, Soho, Little

Italy, and Chinatown.

Figure 5. Clusters of Manhattan Restaurants

! 74!
 In the map below (Figure 6) of Manhattan restaurants listed on Yelp, there is less

clustering patterns in midtown for restaurants that are listed on Yelp. There is no clustering of

restaurants in Chelsea and the cluster of restaurants in the Lower Manhattan area has diminished.

Figure 6. Clusters of Manhattan Restaurants Listed on Yelp

! 75!
The East Village, SoHo and the West Village are all “Hashtag Neighborhoods” (i.e.

neighborhood with Restaurant Yelp Activity clusters). The cluster of restaurants in Midtown

Manhattan does not exist on this map. The hip neighborhoods of West Village and the Lower

East Side are places which are associated with trendy, popular restaurants whereas Midtown is

not and that is reflected here.

Figure 7. “Hashtag Neighborhoods” Clusters of Restaurant Yelp Activity in Manhattan

! 76!
 This analysis suggests that just having a large number of restaurants is not enough to

keep neighborhoods lively, but certain types of restaurants might, namely ones that obtain a high

number of Yelp reviews. Neighborhoods such as Midtown have a lot of restaurants, though it is

not a particularly lively place at night after business hours. The hip neighborhoods of the West

Village and East Village have many restaurants with a high number of Yelp reviews (and

therefore more buzz) and this seems to reflect a more dynamic neighborhood.

Neighborhood Case Studies

To examine in detail the types of restaurants that make up a neighborhood, I code the

restaurants as chain, ethnic, private cafeteria or other. Chain restaurants are restaurants with the

same name either under corporate ownership or franchise agreements in various locations. Often

these restaurants are fast food and offer a standardized menu. Ethnic restaurants are those that are

categorized under an ethnic food type as labeled by either the New York City Restaurant

Inspections or the owner of the establishment. Private cafeterias are dining spaces owned either

by private corporations or universities. One cannot dine at these establishments unless he or she

is part of the organization and they are generally located inside the organization’s complex or

building. Many large offices or universities will have these private dining options for their

employees or students.

I highlight these three types of restaurants because I argue that there is a role for

restaurants in terms of utility and as a symbolic part of the cultural industries. Chain restaurants

often have some standard format in terms of its name, menu, and brand. Innovation and

creativity at these establishments are rare and change is often slow. Therefore, chain restaurants

serve more functional purposes rather than as cultural signals of the symbolic economy. Private

! 77!
cafeterias offer a similar perspective on dining since its purpose is to feed the people of an

organization. Ethnic restaurants are a bit more complicated. On one hand, they are often started

out of necessity for economic survival- new immigrants may not be familiar with the language or

culture and cooking and serving food from their homeland is one way to survive in new

unfamiliar surroundings. On another hand, people are more intrigued with the food from various

cultures and ethnicities and this has led to a heightened interest in unfamiliar and exotic foods.

Often ethnic restaurants are located in clusters and in places where there is a high rate of people

from that ethnic community.

The maps above highlight where restaurants cluster and whether there are clusters of

Yelp reviews, but they do not show details on the types of restaurants that are located in the

neighborhood. To further consider the role of restaurants, I chose 2 neighborhoods in each of the

categories: Restaurant cluster and Yelp review cluster, Restaurant cluster and no Yelp Review

cluster, and no restaurant cluster and no Yelp review cluster. Only one neighborhood (Carroll

Gardens) was chosen for no restaurant cluster and Yelp review cluster, because these types of

neighborhoods are rare.

Yelp%Reviews
Cluster%"Hashtag%Neighborhoods" No%Cluster
North&Side,&South&Side& Sunset&Park&East,&Battery&
Restaurants Cluster (Williamsburg),&East&Village Park&City>Lower&Manhattan
Lincoln&Square,&East&Harlem&
No%Cluster Carroll&Gardens South !

Table 2. Selected Neighborhoods with Restaurant and Yelp Review Clusters

! 78!
 Private3 Total3
Neighborhoods Chain Ethnic Cafeteria Restaurants
North&Side&South&Side&(Williamsburg) 3 87 2 253
East&Village 21 182 4 564
Sunset&Park&East 5 107 1 193
Battery&Park 46 71 36 338
Carroll&Gardens& 3 44 3 145
Lincoln&Square 22 44 7 174
East&Harlem 20 50 1 128 !

Table 3. Count for Types of Restaurants

!
Restaurant0 Yelp0 Private0
Neighborhoods Cluster Cluster Chain Ethnic Cafeteria Other
North&Side&South&Side&(Williamsburg) Yes Yes 1% 34% 1% 64%
East&Village Yes Yes 4% 32% 1% 63%
Sunset&Park&East Yes No 3% 55% 1% 41%
Battery&Park Yes No 14% 21% 11% 55%
Carroll&Gardens& No Yes 2% 30% 2% 66%
Lincoln&Square No No 13% 25% 4% 58%
East&Harlem No No 16% 39% 1% 45% !

Table 4. Percentage of Restaurants for Each Type

Both North Side, South Side (Williamsburg) in Brooklyn and East Village in Manhattan

are “Hasthtag Neighborhoods”, they have clusters of restaurants and clusters of Yelp restaurant

reviews. Both have very few chain restaurants, 1% and 4% respectively, and for both

neighborhoods, about a third of the restaurants serve ethnic foods. Both have very few private

cafeterias.

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 !

Figure 8. Restaurants in North Side South Side Williamsburg, Brooklyn

Figure 9. Restaurants in East Village, Manhattan

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 Battery Park- Lower Manhattan and Sunset Park East in Brooklyn have restaurant

clusters but no Yelp review clusters. There seems to be different reasons for this for each

neighborhood. Battery Park-Lower Manhattan is the center of the financial district in New York

with many businesses and corporations. While in recent years it has become a more attractive

place to live, it is largely still a center for the finance industry with a large number of people

commuting to the neighborhood for work each day. 14% of the restaurants in Battery Park-

Lower Manhattan are chain restaurants and 11% are private cafeterias. The clustering of

restaurants, but not Yelp reviews may be due to the fact that a quarter of the eating

establishments located in this area are purely places to eat rather than part of the cultural

economy. Therefore, these establishments are not heavily reviewed, nor do they generate special

interest.

Figure 10. Restaurants in Battery Park-Lower Manhattan

! 81!
 Sunset Park East in Brooklyn has few chains restaurants (3%) and private cafeterias

(1%), but it has a large number of ethnic restaurants (55%). This neighborhood has a large ethnic

population, which likely contributes to the density of ethnic eating establishments. While there is

a clustering of restaurants here, it is possible that many of the people who frequent these ethnic

restaurants do not review restaurants on Yelp.

Figure 11. Restaurants in Sunset Park East, Brooklyn

One of the rare examples is a neighborhood with no restaurant cluster but did have a Yelp

Review cluster. Carroll Gardens in Brooklyn has few Chain Restaurants (2%) or Private

Cafeterias (2%), and 30% ethnic restaurants. The neighborhood may not have very many

restaurants, but it shares similar profiles as Williamsburg and the East Village, where all these

neighborhoods have few chains and private cafeterias. There is a clustering of Yelp reviews for

these three neighborhoods.

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 !

Figure 12. Restaurants in Carroll Gardens, Brooklyn

Neighborhoods such as Lincoln Square and East Harlem South have no restaurant

clustering patterns and no Yelp review clustering patterns. Both of these neighborhoods have a

high percentage of chain restaurants (13% and 16% respectively).

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 !

Figure 13. Restaurants in Lincoln Square, Manhattan

Figure 14. Restaurants in East Harlem South, Manhattan

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Restaurants in Los Angeles County

The county of Los Angeles has 27,812 eating establishments and I am looking at them

through 192 neighborhoods. 58% of the restaurants have some sort of social media presence

(defined in this study as listed on Citysearch, Yelp or Zagat). 44% of the restaurants in the

county on listed on Citysearch, 24% on Yelp, and 13% on Zagat. A chart of selected

neighborhoods in Los Angeles County is shown in Table 5.! The restaurants column refers to the

total number of restaurants in the neighborhood. The percent of social media indicates the

percentage of restaurants that are listed on Citysearch.com, Yelp.com or Zagat.com. There are

some restaurants that are listed on Yelp but do not have any reviews listed. This is the case for

Zagat as well.

%*of*
Social* %* %*Yelp* %*Zagat*
Neighborhood *Restaurants* Media Citysearch %*Yelp Review %*Zagat Review
Hollywood ,,,,,,,,,,,,1,078 69% 51% 34% 33% 11% 4%
Downtown ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,942 60% 45% 25% 25% 10% 3%
Torrance ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,546 55% 44% 22% 22% 11% 1%
Burbank ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,462 65% 47% 32% 32% 17% 3%
Westwood ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,396 71% 54% 33% 32% 20% 7%
Palmdale ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,296 45% 41% 9% 9% 9% 0%
West,Hollywood ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,292 74% 53% 37% 37% 16% 12%
Inglewood ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,291 47% 41% 18% 16% 9% 0%
Arcadia ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,261 52% 30% 27% 27% 12% 2%
Beverly,Hills ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,252 77% 50% 40% 40% 17% 10%
East,Los,Angeles ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,249 49% 41% 16% 15% 9% 0%
Venice ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,211 62% 44% 32% 32% 13% 6%
Culver,City ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,207 65% 46% 32% 32% 11% 1%
Los,Feliz ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,137 65% 48% 37% 37% 9% 3%
West,Carson ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,57 44% 35% 18% 16% 5% 0% !

Table 5. Select Los Angeles Neighborhoods

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 For my analysis after, I project my dataset using the Projected Coordinate System, I

aggregate the restaurant data by using the “Integrate” with the “Collect Events” tool to

group/snap features within a specific distance (I used 1400ft, since it is about two walking blocks

in Los Angeles) together to create a new feature class that contains a new unique point with an

associate count to indicate the number of restaurants. This is the ICOUNT field (Xj in the

equation).

To find out whether these points cluster together, I use the hot spot analysis (Getis-Ord

Gi*). I calculate distance using Manhattan distance since it models driving and walking

behavior, which is more relevant in an urban setting.

I generate spatial weights matrix file for the conceptualization of spatial relationships.

This is mainly to deal with the restaurants that are outliers (such as those caused by

mountains/forests in LA County). For this the fixed distance threshold was set at 5280ft and

includes at least 1 nearest neighbor (since the hot spot equation needs at least 1 neighbor to

calculate). I choose a mile since it is a reasonable distance within a neighborhood to include a

few neighbors (but not too big so that multiple features include all other features as neighbors).

This is Wi,j in the equation.

In Figure 15, neighborhoods such as Santa Monica, West LA, Westwood, Beverly Hills,

West Hollywood, Hollywood, Miracle Mile, Glendale, Westlake and Downtown have clusters of

restaurants. Neighborhoods that have Yelp review hotspots include Culver City, West

Hollywood, Hollywood, Los Feliz, Alhambra and Venice [Figure 16]. It is interesting that while

neighborhoods such as Hollywood, West Hollywood and Venice are a hotspot for restaurants as

well as restaurant reviews, places such as Culver City and Los Feliz are not a restaurant hotspot

but they are a Yelp review hotspot. Neighborhoods such as Westwood and Palmdale have

! 86!
clusters of restaurants, but do not have clusters of Yelp reviews. Some neighborhoods have

neither hotspots for restaurants or Yelp reviews and they include Inglewood and West Carson.

Figure 15. Clusters of Restaurants in Los Angeles

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 !

Figure 16. “Hashtag Neighborhoods” Clusters of Restaurant Yelp Activity in Los Angeles

Similar to New York City, for Los Angeles I also look into specific neighborhoods to examine

the places in more detail and learn about the types of restaurants in each neighborhood. Again, I

chose about two neighborhoods in each category.

! 88!
 Yelp%Reviews
Cluster%"Hashtag%Neighborhoods" No%Cluster
Hollywood,(W(Hollywood,( Santa(Monica,(Westwood
Restaurants Cluster Downtown
Culver(City,(Los(Feliz/Silverlake( Inglewood,(Vermont(Square
No%Cluster (parts) !

Table 6. Selected Neighborhoods with Restaurant and Yelp Review Cluster

Private. Total.
Neighborhoods Chain. Ethnic Cafeteria Restaurants
West%Hollywood 18 35 2 298
Downtown 102 171 44 940
Culver%City 42 21 2 291
Los%Feliz 18 20 1 134
SilverlakeBChinatown 29 120 0 349
Santa%Monica 138 41 23 585
Westwood 135 43 7 396
Inglewood 105 54 0 321
Vermont%Square 17 38 0 113
!

Table 7. Count for Types of Restaurants

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!

Restaurant0 Private0
Neighborhoods Cluster Yelp0Cluster Chain Ethnic Cafeteria Other
West%Hollywood Yes Yes 6% 12% 1% 69%
Downtown Yes Yes 11% 18% 5% 60%
Culver%City No Yes 14% 7% 1% 63%
Los%Feliz No Yes 13% 15% 1% 63%
SilverlakeFChinatown No Yes 8% 34% 0% 54%
Santa%Monica Yes No 24% 7% 4% 54%
Westwood Yes No 34% 11% 2% 48%
Inglewood No No 33% 17% 0% 39%
Vermont%Square No No 15% 34% 0% 49% !

Table 8. Percentage of Restaurants for Each Type

These “Hashtag Neighborhoods” tend to have fewer chain restaurants than those restaurants

without clusters of Yelp reviews. This is consistent with the patterns seen in New York City

neighborhoods as well.

Both West Hollywood and Downtown Los Angeles are “Hashtag Neighborhoods,” they have

clusters of restaurants and clusters of Yelp restaurant reviews. Compared to restaurants with no

Yelp clusters they have fewer chain restaurants.

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 !

Figure 17. Restaurants in West Hollywood

Figure 18. Restaurants in Downtown Los Angeles

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Culver City, Los Feliz and Silver Lake-Chinatown have Yelp review clusters but no restaurant

clusters. They also have few chain restaurant compared to those without Yelp review clusters.

They have a mix of ethnic restaurants ranging from 7% to 34%.

Figure 19. Restaurants in Culver City

Figure 20. Restaurants in Los Feliz

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 !

Figure 21. Restaurants in Silver Lake and Chinatown

Santa Monica and Westwood have restaurant clusters but no clusters of restaurants with Yelp

reviews. They both have a relatively high number of chain restaurants, 24% and 34%,

respectively.

! 93!
 !

Figure 22. Restaurants in Santa Monica

Figure 23. Restaurants in Westwood

! 94!
Inglewood and Vermont Square have no restaurant clusters and no Yelp restaurant review

clusters. Inglewood has a high percentage of chain restaurants while Vermont Square does not.

Vermont Square has a relatively high number of ethnic restaurants.

Figure 24. Restaurants in Inglewood

Figure 25. Restaurants in Vermont Square

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Implications and Conclusion

This analysis shows that restaurants in New York City and Los Angeles are everywhere,

but they do not exhibit clustering traits uniformly throughout the cities. In detail, when we look

at Manhattan and Brooklyn, they do seem to exhibit some clustering patterns in certain

neighborhoods. This suggests that restaurants do cluster in specific neighborhoods, especially

those that are buzz-worthy, or have been well-reviewed by users on Yelp. Similarly, Los Angeles

neighborhoods that have clusters of restaurants do not necessarily indicate restaurant buzz.

In Los Angeles, many areas are more spread out and less dense and therefore less

walkable. Unlike New York City, where it is easy to frequent multiple bars in one evening, in

Los Angeles you often need to drive from one location to another. It can be argued that the way

people use social media in these cities may be different. It might be hard to just find a new

restaurant by walking around in Los Angeles due to its sprawl and driving culture. One downside

to driving is that you can easily miss out on eating establishments that are you are not familiar

with. Therefore social media may be especially important in helping consumers locate dining

establishments especially those without prominent restaurant signs. It might also help restaurant

build a word a mouth more quickly than without social media. In Manhattan where it is dense

and pedestrian friendly, it can be quick to get from one location to another. It may also be easier

to spot a crowded eatery and quickly stop in to check it out. Both cities however have such a

large number of restaurants and may both benefit from social media to help people distinguish

and choose which businesses to frequent.

After analyzing the New York City and Los Angeles neighborhoods, I created a typology

of restaurant geography. While there are always outliers, in general, the neighborhoods with

restaurant clusters and Yelp review cluster tend to be considered “hip” (e.g. Downtown LA,

! 96!
West Village). The places with a Yelp review cluster but no restaurant cluster (e.g. Carroll

Gardens, Los Feliz) are “up & coming”, these places currently have a ton of buzz despite not

having many more restaurants than their neighbors. Due to the popularity of restaurants on Yelp

and other social media sites, I call the neighborhoods with clusters of Yelp reviews “Hashtag

Neighborhoods”. The areas with a restaurant cluster and no Yelp review cluster are “established”

(e.g. Santa Monica, Battery Park City), meaning that the neighborhood itself has already a strong

sense of identity (e.g. wealthy, family-friendly, etc.). The neighborhoods with no Yelp review

cluster and no restaurants are often food “deserts” (e.g. Inglewood, East Harlem).

Yelp Review Cluster No Yelp Review Cluster

“Hashtag Neighborhood”

Restaurant Cluster Hip Established

No Restaurant Cluster Up & Coming Desert

Table 9. Typology of Restaurant Geography

While the physical layout is different, the economic geography of restaurants in Los

Angeles and New York City are remarkably similar in a number of ways. Some of the

neighborhoods themselves have similar characteristics despite differences in density and

geography. For example, West Village and West Hollywood, both with restaurant and Yelp

review clusters, have relatively affluent residents and historically a large gay community. These

places have characteristics that mimic each other. They are lively neighborhoods with local

features that are distinctive to the place. Fifteen years ago, these neighborhoods were considered

up and coming, but now, with a large young professional population, they have become some of

the most hip and desirable places to live and visit.

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 In addition, these neighborhoods, like many other popular neighborhoods, are amenities

rich. They have plenty of cafes and restaurants, clothing boutiques and lots of live music venues.

Yet the reason both of these places are still popular, is due to the fact they have somehow

managed to preserve (or construct a credible impression of) their authenticity (Zukin 2008,

2009). Despite fashion designer Marc Jacob’s impact on the West Village (or perhaps because

of), the place still exudes authenticity to many people who live and visit (Levy 2008; Tokatli

2011). People tend to visit these places because they believe there is nowhere else in the world

just like it. These neighborhoods are viewed as true to their character, perhaps from how

television and media has portrayed them (e.g. Sex and the City, The Hills, Entourage).

My research study suggests that social media can play an important role in the study of

economic geography. Social media websites such as Yelp.com may help shed light on defining

neighborhood types. From the study of mapping restaurants in Los Angeles and New York City,

a few patterns and results emerge. First, there is very little social media and Yelp activity in the

poor, disadvantaged neighborhoods. These places are consistent with some of the disadvantaged

neighborhoods highlighted by the research on food deserts (Walker et al. 2010); for example,

some of the lowest food availability is noted in areas such as East and Central Harlem and North

and Central Brooklyn (Gordon et al. 2011). These places have long been known for a lack of

amenities such as grocery stores with fresh produce. My research is consistent with those on food

deserts, in these places there is also an absence of buzzed about restaurants in social media. This

is often due to the reality that there are few restaurants to begin with or an overwhelming number

of fast food and chain restaurants.

Second, in both New York City and Los Angeles, there tends to be clusters of restaurants

in the expensive neighborhoods. In New York, there are clusters of restaurants in West Village,

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Battery Park, Midtown, and Chelsea, while much less wealthy areas such as East Harlem, Crown

Heights, East Flatbush, do not have restaurant clusters. The areas with many restaurants is

associated with the wealth of the residents in the neighborhood, as indicated by the wealth

analysis by New York City’s Independent Budget Office in 2011 (Turestsky 2013). In Los

Angeles, the wealthy neighborhoods of Santa Monica, Westwood, West LA and Beverly Hills

have clusters of restaurants, while the poorer neighborhoods such as Inglewood, South Vermont

and Compton do not.

The third finding is that the neighborhoods that tend to have the most Yelp reviews are

the areas that are currently considered hip neighborhoods. These “Hashtag Neighborhoods” may

be associated with the wealthier neighborhoods (e.g. West Village, Silver Lake), but not

necessarily (e.g. Santa Monica, Midtown Manhattan). While the cause and effect of this is

unclear, my study of social media show that this may be due to an array of reasons. These places

tend to have art galleries, lively music scene, and a plethora of coffee shops and cafes. The media

has taken notice of the buzz around these neighborhoods, in September 2012, Forbes magazine

named Silver Lake “America’s Hippest Hipster Neighborhood” followed by the Mission District

in San Francisco and Williamsburg in Brooklyn (Brennan 2012). The causes related may be

statistically hard to prove, but based on my interviews and my study of these areas, the residents

and visitors of these neighborhoods tend to be young (under 40), have disposable income, and

are social media savvy.

From my research examining the dining patterns of these food trendsetters, they tend to

be open to new restaurants as well as unfamiliar food and cuisines. They often follow social

media and food blogs and are informed when new eateries open. They also tend to be what many

consider to be the face of the creative class and an integral part of creative neighborhoods. Of

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course there is some self-selection present here; people who are in these neighborhoods may also

be good at social media. But the reach that these young trendsetters have through social media

means that what is considered hip and cool reaches mainstream media and results in the hip

reputation of these places. My interviews with people in the food world suggest that social media

plays a large role in the reputation of restaurants. Social media is also part of a certain group of

people’s medium, namely the hip people who live and frequent these neighborhoods. The

validation of the latest urban amenity is through social media. This medium can act like word of

mouth on steroids and reach many more people than traditional word of mouth.

These hip neighborhoods have not only attracted residents but can also be considered

destination neighborhoods. For both city residents (those residing in other neighborhoods in the

same city) and for visitors elsewhere, these places have become must see areas. Los Angelenos

make trips on weekends to explore hip destinations such as Silver Lake and Venice or drive there

for dinner date. The restaurateurs I interviewed often mention that the locals are weekday

regulars while weekend diners are often from other neighborhoods. Visitors who are interested in

skipping the usual tourist meccas instead make it a priority to visit communities where the locals

hang out and get a real sense of what it is like to live in major metropolitan cities such as Los

Angeles and New York.

In contrast, restaurant deserts, those that have neither clusters of restaurants or Yelp

reviews, are essentially closed off and isolated. They are yet another symptom of the larger urban

problems that plague these neighborhoods. On the other hand, it is another lens through which to

view these areas, one that suggests a possible avenue of attack to approach the issues. Local

policies that encourage restaurateurs to open quality eateries that are also affordable and

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appealing to residents may break this pattern of food and restaurant deserts, which in turn can

attract more visitors and perhaps kick start the economy of the region.

Through my interviews and anecdotal evidence I find that being a chef is a culturally

important occupation and often these chefs who are restaurateurs tend to be interested in opening

restaurants either in the neighborhood that they live in or neighborhood they want to spend time

in because they see the area as a hip community. For example, Josef Centeno, chef and

restaurateur of Bar Amá, Bäco Mercat, and Orsa & Winston, lives in a loft within a one-block

radius of all three of his restaurants in downtown Los Angeles (Harris 2014). When Kris

Yenbamroong was looking for a second location for his restaurant Night+Market, he was hoping

to find something on the east side before deciding on Silver Lake because he wanted to open an

eatery in a location where his friends would want to hang out. These chefs and restaurateurs are

also tastemakers and can very much influence the place in which they choose to locate their

restaurant. More analysis of the locational decisions of restaurateurs is discussed in detail in

Chapter 7.

There are data limitations to the research in this section. While this chapter gives an

initial look at where restaurants locate, more data would help with further analysis on the

categorization of restaurants. I speculate that further categorization of the restaurants in this

dataset may shed more light on the story of where they cluster. Perhaps certain types of

restaurants cluster more than others. Certain locations may have a clustering of specific

restaurant types as well. Restaurants do not all have the same purpose nor do they play the same

role in neighborhoods. A more differentiated categorization would be useful for further

expanding this study. In assessing these neighborhoods, it may be significant to understand the

context of the local population, since many of a restaurant’s clientele are local. Considering

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eating establishments as both a necessity and as a cultural product allows for a better

understanding of place and development. In addition, there are limitations to the social media

dataset. Yelp reviews are added every day and there have been complaints of fake yelp reviews

that are added to restaurant profiles. While Yelp has been fighting fake reviews, some studies

note that fraudulent reviews still exist among consumer review websites (Luca and Zervas 2013).

It is likely that as long as consumer reviews impact businesses, there is a market for people to

create fraudulent reviews.

My research suggests that social media data such as Yelp are informative in studying

neighborhoods and urban development. Because Yelp is a user-generated website, it contains

useful information to help us examine cities and the role that restaurant play in urban places.

Places with restaurants with a large number of Yelp reviews may draw people from other places

to dine at these restaurants. The impact of social media on place may depend on various

variables such as the use social media and the physical layout of the place. This may have a very

real influence on the economic geography of amenities in cities.

! 102!
 Chapter Five: How Restaurants are Part of the Cultural Industries

Mélisse is a high-end French restaurant with a two star Michelin rating located in Santa

Monica. I arrive at Mélisse around noon on a Monday after Thanksgiving, through the back door

of the restaurant from a parking lot on 11th street straight into the kitchen. I encounter half a

dozen chefs working at various stations in the kitchen and another half dozen coming in and out

of the kitchen. Josiah Citrin, chef and owner of Mélisse, is typically off on Mondays, but this

week he is in the kitchen busy preparing a special menu jointly designed with Japanese Chef

Shinichi Sato of Passage 53, a two star Michelin restaurant in Paris. Chef Sato and his team flew

from Paris for this special collaboration between the two star chefs. The team of Japanese cooks

from Passage 53 prepares ingredients alongside members of the Mélisse team. At various

stations there are chefs cutting mushrooms, removing heads and feet of chicken, and preparing

fillets of fish. Meanwhile, a member of Mélisse’s front of the house oversees preparations to

inform the rest of the staff of the ingredients for the week’s meal.

I find the three chefs, Chef Sinichi Sato, Mélisse’s Chef de Cuisine Ken Takayama and

Josiah Citrin sitting in the dining room. They are just finishing up a staff lunch and discussing

the special menu. The collaboration effort is seen in the communication among the three

esteemed chefs, which involves no less than three languages. Takayama is speaking to Sato in

Japanese while Sato speaks in both Japanese and French and Citrin replies to Sato in French

while conversing with Takayama in English. This is carried on in an impressive manner with

seemingly no pauses or miscommunication. The three chefs are discussing the preparation of

various dishes and ingredients. As the meeting draws to an end, Citrin informs Takayama that

the menu needs to be finalized by 4pm that afternoon in order for it to be ready to be printed in

time for the meal. The chefs retreat back into the kitchen to continue their preparations for they

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have just a few more hours of experimenting before they have to make final decisions for the

menu. Such collaboration through cooperative activity organized through joint knowledge, is

similar to the way art, music, fashion and film is created. It seems the restaurant world is no

different.

Cultural producers in cities influence taste and preferences due to their role in satisfying

global and local demands of urban activities (Thorn 2002). With the ability to thrive in niche

markets due to the diversity of consumers, the role of the cultural producer “drives the demand

and supply for art” (Throsby 1994). In the current restaurant world, the players include more

than diners and chefs. It is a much more complex, intertwined industry that involves food critics,

restaurant publicists, food bloggers and social networking websites. These tastemakers, of

varying degrees, help navigate the food world that exists today, from approving the food on the

table to spreading the information through channels of social media. The impact of food critics

can be critical in putting an unknown dining establishment on the map. As Chef Ari Taymor

says about his restaurant Alma in downtown Los Angeles, “We weren’t able to draw any kind of

audience until we got reviewed, like we were dead.” These tastemakers, along with the reach of

social media, bring attention to establishments and impact their success.

How is food part of the cultural industries? Various insiders throughout the restaurant

world express in interviews that food can be art, and that it is often relatable because it is an

extension of our identity. It represents something to us. Chef Ari Taymor says, “I think a lot has

to do with perception and the way people want to be perceived [based on] the places they want to

go.” As restaurateur Nguyen Tran puts it, “I think restaurants are incredibly cultural. Take Trader

Joe’s [for example], people don’t go because of cheap prices, they go because of the culture that

comes with it. When you go it means something.”

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 In this chapter, I argue that food and restaurants are part of the cultural industries and

have many similar traits to music, film, fashion and art. Many aspects of food and the dining

experience are subjective. Food and dining, similar to fashion, not only provide utility, but also

appeal to consumers due to their aesthetic nature (Bourdieu 1984; Currid 2007). Similarly,

restaurants are part functional and part cultural. Dining has evolved from a practical and social

purpose to a focus on entertaining the diner. The chef, with his vision and focus on creating new

dishes, has an artist’s mentality (and sometimes seeks the fame as well). The collaboration

between chefs is not unlike musicians and songwriters collaborating on an album. There is a

narrative around food that is comparable to art and music. Food and restaurants have evolved in

such a way that there are now more options than ever and a growing population of diners that are

knowledgeable, open, and interested in trying new foods and sustaining niche markets.

How Dining has Evolved: From the Chef in the Spotlight to the Rise of the Consumer

Restaurants tend to evolve through ingredients, culture, consumer taste and America is no

exception. While our culinary history may not be as extensive as other cultures, it is developing

because chefs are willing to experiment and diners are open to trying new things. Almost all of

the people I interview talk about a trend of “chef driven restaurants.” As Michael Cardenas

explains, this “passion driven dining” is the wave of the future. Chef Niki Nakayama of n/naka, a

Japanese kaiseki restaurant says, “the longer the culture the more life is surrounded by food.”

She explains that America is still “developing its taste and culture” when it comes to food. One

way restaurants have evolved in recent years is seen in the increased number of eateries that have

been pushing boundaries by cooking and serving more innovative dishes. This is especially the

case in cities where larger populations are able to support the variety of cuisines available (Schiff

! 105!
2012). Along the same vein, diners are more willing to try new and unfamiliar foods as well.

Nguyen Tran, the owner of Starry Kitchen that serves pan-Asian food, explains “America has

some of the pickiest eaters in the world”. He finds himself portraying his restaurant as interesting

yet approachable to make it as inviting as possible. On the menu they serve familiar items such

as roast pork belly fried rice, but off the menu they serve braised chicken feet that one would

only know of by following their blog. Their most famous dish, the Singaporean Chili Crab,

requires pre-ordering and is requested by most diners, but few have tried or even heard of the

dish before. His use of social media, including his blog, Facebook, Twitter and Yelp, helps

introduce people to unfamiliar dishes. In addition, he enjoys inspiring people to try new dishes

because food seems to create conversations and facilitates social interactions. He suggests that

people at parties speak about food more often when they have a great experience or meal. This is

a result of a heighted interest in food and as well as a culture of dining more than simply for

utility purposes. The variety of consumer dining experiences may also have social and symbolic

significance. Consumer-dining experiences are a component of certain social groups that

expresses social distinction (Warde et al. 1999). This type of cultured exchange is not so

different than that around film, music or new books.

How has this access to new and different foods affected dining? When interviewees were

asked whether diners have higher expectations when dining out now than in the past, 95% say

yes. Restaurateur and Chef Andre Guerrero remembers the restaurant Scandia. It was located on

Sunset Boulevard in West Hollywood and it was a high-end restaurant with famous clientele.

I remember my dad taking me there when I was in high school, and you walk in

and you have these ducks roasting on a rotisserie and you have these huge

strawberries dipped in chocolate. And then all the smells and, you know, dusty

! 106!
 bottles in the wine cellar, and I thought ‘Oh my God, this is how the rich people

live, you know? They come to restaurants like this.’ And you know, tuxedoed

captains carving stuff tableside. And then, places like Spago opened. And then

one day I was talking to a friend and he says, ‘You know, I went to Scandia’s and

the place just wasn’t as good as it used to be. The place has really gone down.’

And then somebody else says, ‘You know, that’s not true. Scandia’s has never

changed. The problem is everybody around them all came up.’ So that’s what’s

been happening. The food standards have gone up. And if you read the trade

magazines, places like McDonald’s, they’re investing billions of dollars

renovating their restaurants. Because you know, the customer’s expectation is

higher. They don’t want to sit on some ugly bright yellow plastic chair in a very

sterile-looking environment.

Bob Spivak, who oversees restaurants such as The Daily Grill and the Public School,

believes that people dine out now a lot more than they used to. In his view, restaurants replace

“going to a movie, going to a play, going to people’s houses for dinner.” Restaurants were once

purely part of the service economy, but now they are a part of the experience economy (Pine and

Gilmore 1999). Many people are also more knowledgeable about restaurants because they tend

to entertain in them. Other interviewees have other ideas of what has driven this; many of the

restaurateurs I interview mention that this is due to the food network channel showcasing

competitions between chefs while others believe this is due to morning “cooking shows”

featuring television personalities. Both restaurateurs of fine dining restaurants as well as casual

dining establishments find that customers are more informed and are more likely to want to

know what they are consuming. David Houston, the CEO of Barney’s Beanery, a sports

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restaurant and bar, notes that diners now have higher expectations and claims that “food has been

elevated. It is a bigger deal than it once was. There are a lot of people that are amateur foodies

that go out and write reviews.” In addition, he says that they have since found themselves

“constantly trying to upgrade food, we have consultants and we hire chefs to pimp up the menu.

It’s a more competitive marketplace now.” Exactly what these diners are looking for is not

always known. Chef Ari Taymor of Alma says, “I think that their expectations are higher, but I

truly don’t know what the average diner comes in here expecting.”

Some restaurateurs believe that the higher expectations are due to increased knowledge in

food. Chef Niki Nakayama of n/naka believes, “people have higher expectation when they have

read good things about restaurants.” Restaurateur Claudio Blotta who owns Barbrix and Cooks

County in Los Angeles believes that the expectation and knowledge is “because of magazines,

because of TV shows, people have really gotten into cooking.” Chef Adam Horton agrees and

attributes the knowledge to the presence and the “wave of the celebrity chef” on television, such

as the shows often featured on the food network. Mario Del Pero, founder of Mendocino Farms

believes that people want better food due to the “advent of the Food Channel.” People are getting

more knowledgeable and there’s a “point of interest” and a “unifying thing that everyone can

talk about.” Others think it’s due to perceived knowledge. Bradford Kent of Olio Pizzeria says,

“People all think they know something about food now because they have been exposed to the

food network. Rachel Ray doesn’t necessarily know…how to make things. She probably doesn’t

claim to be an expert in making half the dishes that she makes... But when she says something is

so, people think it is so. So yes, people think they are experts.” There is more information that

exists regarding food on both television and the Internet and there is increased interest on the

topic as well.

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 Many restaurateurs note the general evolution in dining as the customer becomes more

knowledgeable. Kevin Boylan, founder of Veggie Grill, refers to the “growth of organic foods,

the local food movement and artisanal offerings” as evidence. He believes that “people are

thinking more about what they eat and they want to know where it comes from and how it’s

prepared.” Restaurateur Claudio Blotta explains that the customer is “really well informed.” He

says that when there is great demand and people are more knowledgeable, “you have to make

sure you know what you’re talking about and what you’re doing.” He believes that the industry

has evolved, giving the example of how the wine industry is now not just about the wine, but

food and wine. There are “many more choices now than they were before” in terms of

restaurants and concepts and “even getting a burger now it’s gourmet.” Jeffery Stivers, who has

been a sommelier and general manager of countless fine dining establishments including

Melisse, Patina and n/naka, says, “people are more knowledgeable about food and service than

they have been in the past due to the food network and television shows. There is an increasing

amount of books on food, so in that aspect society has become more knowledgeable about that

kind of thing.” Diners are introduced to new ingredients and cuisines from reading restaurants

reviews as well. Stivers explains that one is exposed to ethnic style types of food from “listening

to Jonathan Gold.” It is not surprising that diners speak more about food as they hear more about

food.

Where do diners hear about food and how has the conversation changed? Mario Del Pero

notes that people “talk more about food than they talk about sports now. [People] talk more

about food than world events. People are fascinated by food.” Jonathan Gold, the Pulitzer Prize

winning food critic, who has been writing about food since 1985, explains that at the time it was

expected that the lead critic of the paper wrote the “important food criticism.” As Gold puts it,

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“there was a small pool of what were considered important restaurants that were remarked on.”

And the vast pool of restaurants especially those not from the dominant culture were “pretty

much ignored.” Now he notes, “the gigantic and vibrant sort of immigrant food cultures is now

consider as important.” The baseline knowledge to become a food critic has since risen as well.

Gold recalls,

I think [diners] are more knowledgeable and when I first started writing

about food, it’s like you could be a food writer and really not know anything

except for French. You could totally get away with it. If you were writing about

like an American dish like – even like a time-honored one like country ham or

gumbo or something, it was considered this sort of like, ooh, aren’t we exotic?

And you can’t do that anymore. I mean, I think the ticket for admission now

requires being probably familiar with at least ten Asian cuisines and half a dozen

Latin American cuisines and all the European cuisines …the amount that you’re

supposed to know just to have like a basic working literacy is just so much more

than it used to be.

His readers follow suit as well. He says that his readers are “keeping up” and that he’s

just starting to come to terms with the fact that, “there are always going to be readers who know

more about something than I do.” With increasing standards and expectations our knowledge for

food is provided by many mediums, from the newspaper to television and our conversations

about food happen both in person and on the Internet. In addition it is clear those conversations

have evolved to contain more information on a greater variety of foods from many ethnicities

and cultures than ever before. Similar to other cultural industries, such talk and gossip produces

buzz, especially where there are many cultural producers in one place (Currid 2007; Pratt 2004).

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The two dominating trends that explain current food culture are due to a rise in interest in food.

Consumers have more knowledge and more avenues to attain knowledge about food and

tastemakers and critics are expected to cover more cuisines and have more familiarity and

understanding of various foods than ever before.

How Traditional Media and Social Media Impacts the Food we Eat and Where we Dine: The

Story of Starry Kitchen

While conversations are often had over food, the topic of food and restaurants often

creates conversation as well. Cooking shows such as Top Chef not only provide more

information about food, but also create conversation and cultural capital in the same way reading

particular books, newspaper columnists or particular films might do. Social media increasingly

plays a large role as well. On the Internet, websites such as Yelp and Chowhound are places for

people to discuss food, restaurant recommendations, cooking techniques and the latest news in

the food world. Many people like to be one of the first to try a new restaurant or find a “hidden

place” such as pop-up or underground restaurants (also known as secret dinners or supper club).

This forum provides a space for people to discuss their experiences and to seek recommendations

for places to dine. With these social media websites, communities are formed with common

interests pertaining to food.

Starry Kitchen started as an illegal underground dining establishment that Ngygen and

Thi Tran ran out of their North Hollywood apartment. Through the word of mouth of friends and

neighbors, it soon developed a following. There were days they served 130 people in three hours.

People began to post reviews online and soon they managed to become the number one Asian

fusion “restaurant” in Los Angeles on Yelp.com. Number two at the time was the once Michelin

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rated restaurant Urasawa.8 When the health inspector was notified of their business, Nguyen

Tran emailed his entire mailing list telling them to not show up one evening. The health

inspectors arrived to an empty apartment. After that close call, they decided that it was time to

open a legal establishment and took over a struggling restaurant in California Plaza in downtown

Los Angeles where they opened a restaurant that focused on serving lunch. When asked how all

this came about owner Nguyen says that they have a really passionate fan base that he calls

“food groupies” who followed them from their apartment to the lunch space and all other illegal

dinners, including one dinner event that used marijuana as an ingredient in the dishes. He says

that the fans know their story because he “document[s] and blog[s] all of it” through Facebook,

Tumblr and Twitter. Now in its third location, at “Tiara Café”, Starry Kitchen serves pan-Asian

cuisine during dinner hours. In addition, their fan base has grown, in large part due to the media

attention on Starry Kitchen. Many publications (LA Weekly, LA Magazine, LA Times), edited

food blogs (Eater, Grubstreet) and countless other food blogs have written extensively on the

restaurant. This is all a part of the heightened interest in food, finding new places to dine and

being a part of the culture. However, even with all the media and attention that Starry Kitchen

received through social media, it wasn’t until the restaurant critic Jonathan Gold wrote a review

of Starry Kitchen in the Los Angeles Times about the Singaporean Chili Crab that the attention

really exploded. Nguyen notes that, “he’s not the first person to write about it, but he’s pushed it

to a different stratosphere.” Soon after the review, 95 percent of the reservations for the next two

weeks were requesting the specialty crab dish (they ask that you reserve the dish at the time the

reservation is made). Since this is such a rare dish to find in Los Angeles, Nguyen is convinced

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
8
Michelin awarded Urasawa two stars in 2009 and stopped publishing the guide for Los Angeles
in 2010.

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that few people are actually familiar with the dish or the flavor of the crab, “I’d say 70% of these

people don’t know what a Singaporean chili crab is, but they want it.” The combination of new

media such as Yelp and traditional gatekeepers such as food critics manufactured a demand and

led to the ultimate success of the restaurant. These gatekeepers and the masses on social media

convinced the public that even if they did not know what a Singaporean Chili Crab was; they had

to try it and that it was worth going out of their way for on the trip downtown. In the fashion

industry, often imitation results in acceptance into a given circle (Simmel, 1957). In the

restaurant world, having dined at an exclusive restaurant or having tasted particular dishes can

provide a similar acceptance into certain circles.

How Restaurants and Food are a Part of the Cultural Industries

The cultural world is moving to food. Films about food and restaurants have become

more popular and widespread. A new documentary about food critic Jonathan Gold is currently

in production using food as a lens to explore Los Angeles. Another documentary film, Jiro

Dreams of Sushi, follows a sushi master’s quest for perfection at his 10 seat, three-star Michelin

restaurant in the basement of a Tokyo office building next to a subway exit. There is a film about

El Bulli, about Chef Ferran Adria and his famed three-star Spanish restaurant that pioneered

molecular gastronomy. The exploration of food and dining in the film industry is seen behind the

scenes as well. One restaurateur says, “when I used to work in film, there were these guys who

would mostly talk about what premieres they are going to this week.” When they talked at all

about food it was where they were going to eat after the premieres, to trendy industry popular

places such as Spago and Table 8. He explains, “now we get a lot of industry people in here and

now they’re like we love San Gabriel, downtown, we’re all about that. But when I started ten

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years ago they had no idea because these are the guys that think they are the proprietors of cool,

and they ultimately are and you know in film business they are part of that echelon that define

the taste and tastemakers, because they work with the publishers and the television producers and

tell America what is cool. But they didn’t know what was cool til now. And now it has gone

outside the food elitists, now it’s gone to everyone.” Similar to cultural items such as music and

film, the filtering of new products flow through the approval of key tastemakers before it reaches

the mass audience (Hirsch 1972).

Of course not all restaurants are the same. Certain types of food serve a more utilitarian

purpose than others. Similar to the fashion industry, clothing can provide both an aesthetic and

utility function. Some clothing is considered high-end fashion while others are not. Many fast

food establishments, for example, are generally more casual eateries with “high-rent, high-

volume outlets that sell highly standardized food” and the customers of fast-food outlets view

restaurants as a “market for eating” rather than a place (Zukin 1993). Both the lack of formality

and novelty breeds a familiarity that emphasis the consumption rather than the “cultural activity

of consumption” (Zukin 1993). Zukin (1993) believes that is a result of an “institutional context

rather than social interaction.” Other types of restaurants do seem to be more a part of the

cultural industries, with traits that are intrinsic to other more long established cultural places such

as the theater or a concert hall. These types of establishments place an emphasis on the dining as

entertainment where not only do you experience the food with the sense of taste and smell, but

through visual and auditory senses as well. Many restaurants now have open kitchens where

diners can watch chefs cook and plate their food. In addition, these restaurants pay particular

attention to the presentation of the food, making it visually appealing to the diner. Some

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restaurants are so similar to attending the theater such that diners must purchase tickets ahead of

time in order to make a reservation.

“Art Worlds”

Restaurants are also similar to other cultural industries due to the parallel in the creation,

vetting and the reception of the work. In addition, artistic works involve a number of people

working on a joint activity. According to Becker (1984) a series of steps need to be taken to

constitute a work of art. First an idea needs to be conceived, and then it needs to be executed in

some physical form. Often for every minute that it takes to create a piece of art, some time is

being allotted to the “support” activities whether it involves cleaning or gathering materials for

the art. Then someone must react or respond to the art after it is finished and have an “emotional

or intellectual reaction” to it (Becker 1984, 4). This type of work requires some training and

learning certain techniques in all steps of the path from coming up with ideas to execute to

appreciation and criticism. The accumulation of these symbiotic parts and cultural production

makes up what Becker calls “art worlds,” a concept that is useful in studying a wide array of

cultural studies (Currid 2007; Scott 2005). Similarly, many restaurants start as nothing more than

a concept. Someone has a vision of what the restaurant represents, what kind of food it will

serve, what it will look like. Everything from the big picture, including the restaurant type, to the

specific details, such as the menu design has to be decided. While the vision may come from just

one or two people, an entire team is necessary to make it a reality, from the kitchen line cooks to

the informed servers who interact with the diners to the staff who cleans up when everyone else

has gone home for the night. Many chefs and restaurateurs I interviewed speak about watching

diners’ reaction to the food at the restaurants. Professional food critics and amateur food

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bloggers describe, react, and critique not only the food but also the restaurants they visit. Like

Becker’s “art world,” the restaurant world consists of a series of steps that result in the

presentation of “edible art.”

The art worlds framework is useful in understanding the basic ways in which a restaurant

is run. The idea of the “art world” as Becker (1984) describes, refers to the network of people

who cooperate and work together to commission, create, critique and promote the sale of art. The

restaurant world runs in a similar fashion here. Many restaurants are now set up in such a way

that the owner or a restaurant manager manages the business aspects and the chef can focus

solely on his craft. In Los Angeles, many star chefs such as Ricardo Zarate and Walter Manske

work with established and experienced business partners who negotiate all the business contracts

and manage the financials. Chef Manske explains, “in any deal having someone to negotiate for

you is much more successful than doing it on your own. It’s hard for an artist to sell the artist.

It’s better to have someone that’s negotiating for you.” Similar to Becker’s art worlds, the

managing partner or owner may have similar roles to an art dealer, where the chef (artist) is the

star.

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 !

Figure 26. Restaurants as a Cultural Industry

Chef as Artist

Kris Ferraro, who oversees public relations at Wagner Junker Agency in Los Angeles,

came to work in marketing specializing in hospitality and lifestyle PR after working in PR in the

music industry- she was previously Head of PR for Walt Disney Music Group’s Hollywood

Records as well as Director of PR for Columbia Records. She was asked to join Wagner Junker

by Jeff Wagner, who was also in the music industry overseeing marketing and public relations

for recording artists. Having worked with musicians in the past, she notes the similarities

between musicians she worked with and the chefs she now works with. She observes that “a

musician putting out music is similar to a chef putting out food” explaining that in working with

them you are “taking someone with extraordinary talents and sharing it with the world.” Music is

“glamorous and glitzy” and the restaurants have become glitzy over the last 15 years. Los

Angeles has become a “real foodie town”.

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 As Chef Neal Fraser puts it, “I think it’s a good time to be a chef. When I first started

cooking I was on the same level as plumbers and in the last 20 years that has really

changed…It’s like now chefs are rock stars…John Besh (a well known New Orleans chef) was

paired with a musician (Wynton Marsalis) on an episode of Iconoclast on the Sundance Channel.

It’s like all of a sudden chefs went from back of the page to the front of the page.” Restaurateur

Claudio Blotta notes, “when I first started this business the maître d’ was the star of the

restaurant.” The maître d’ never cooked, his job was to greet people and seat them. Then in the

90s it switched and the chef became the “focal point of the restaurant.” Fraser explains, “I think

it’s, you know, it’s just in vogue. It’s fashionable and I think that Tony Bourdain probably

started the trend more than anybody would like to admit; that there’s a lot of character in these

people that work in kitchens. There’s a lot more than just the food on the plate. There’s a story to

be told. And it’s a very tangible story, you know; it’s not a fairy tale, but something that you can

go and kind of experience.” Blotta reasons, “If you come eat somebody’s food, he should be

recognized for that. There are a few chefs that have “a lot of pull in this business.” Blotta points

out, “Look at Mario Batali, I think what he does is great. He has these markets that are

amazing…have you been to Eataly in New York?”

Some restaurants have policies where they only prepare foods based on the vision of the

chef and as a result do not allow any substitutions or alternations to the menu offered. Father’s

Office, a gastropub owned by head Chef Sang Yoon in Los Angeles and Santa Monica,

California, has long been known for its firm “no substitutions, modifications, alterations or

deletions” policy. It is just as famous for the Office Burger as it is for its “no ketchup” policy.

Gjelina, in Venice, California was featured in the news when famed Chef Gordon Ramsey

relayed that while dining with fashion designer Victoria Beckham, who was pregnant at the time,

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she requested a modification to one of their menu items and was denied (Lynch 2011). Another

well-known chef Jon Shook of Animal and Son of a Gun in Los Angeles, responds to questions

about their no substitution policy with, “Would you ask Picasso to change his painting?” He

explains that, “we spend countless hours developing a dish, and we don’t want somebody to

come in and wreck it,” he added. “We’re putting a lot of our personal beliefs, heart and soul out

there” (Fears 2012). This is a similar model to Warhol’s Factory or Jeff Koon’s studio, where the

“artist” has a vision that is executed by other workers.

The no alteration policy on menus has become one that is much more prevalent in

restaurants. Where in the past these policies arose from practical and efficiency concern, now

more commonly they spring from the desire to preserve the integrity and authenticity of the dish.

Chefs are more drawing references from cultural products and referring to their work as “art”,

leading to less following of the long standing rule in the service industry that the “customer is

always right.” and try to accommodate people as much as possible. At Beacon in Los Angeles

restaurateur Vicki Fan notes that they tried to make their customers happy, but there were times

they had to say “no.” One time in particular was a customer who wanted sashimi “cooked well-

done”, and the staff suggested that the customer order something else because “it’s such a shame

to do that to sashimi grade tuna”. When the customer reiterated that that is what they wanted to

order the staff informed the diner that “the chef really does not want to do that” and told them

they would have to choose another dish. Vicki explains that sometimes it takes a bit of

compromising with the guests, but other times there are some people that will never be satisfied.

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Collaboration in the Restaurant World

In the cultural industries there is often an emphasis on collaborations. Screenwriters often

cowrite with writing partners, musicians work together on music and lyrics and fashion designers

work in teams to produce collections (Caves 2000; Rantisi 2002). The restaurant world also does

this with an emphasis on collaboration between chefs from difference restaurants. Chef Neal

Fraser describes his experience in the culinary world,

I try to immerse myself in the culture of, you know, culinary as much as I can. I

try to meet as many chefs and get as much experience as I can from them. And

you really, you know, I think I learned more through an idea, not necessarily a

roadmap but maybe finding a road and then venturing down that road and then

maybe going back home and figuring out what I’ve learned from that road,

whether it’s a dish…or ingredients I’ve never used before.

All of the interviews I conduct with chefs show that chefs also participate in some sort of

collective activity. From staging at restaurants to learning new techniques and cuisines to official

collaborations between chefs, it is clear that food and cooking is a way to encourage new ideas

and inspire new partnerships. For example, the 5x5 collaborative chef dinners are organized

every year in Los Angeles. The most recent dinners featured chefs from some of the most highly

respected restaurants such as Melisse, Providence, Angelini Osteria, Bouchon, and Ink. Each

restaurant takes turns hosting a tasting menu for the evening and each of the executive chefs

from the various restaurants are responsible for a course. They often invite a guest chef to

contribute as well.

These collaborative dinners are often organized around a specific theme and they not

only involve chefs and restaurateurs, but also others from the food world such as bloggers. One

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dinner series organized by Chef Ricardo Zarate of Mo-Chica and Joshua Lurie of blog Food GPS

involved the theme “Ceviche Nights” featuring chefs, Josiah Citrin of Melisse, Bryant Ng of

Spice Table, Kris Yenbamroong of Night + Market and Hourie Sahakian of Short Cake to create

dishes where each chef takes their own personal spin on ceviche. The result was a seven-course

menu that pushed the boundaries of ceviche, using both familiar ceviche ingredients like raw

scallops and oysters but also hot ceviche items using duck. Housed at Mo-Chica in downtown

Los Angeles for two consecutive Sunday evenings, the dinners allow diners to spend some time

feasting on the food by their favorite chefs while introducing possible new dishes of Chef

Zarate’s new restaurant Paiche. Not only was the collaboration among chefs, but also others in

the food world such as restaurateurs and food bloggers who were involved in the collaboration as

well.

Another dinner featured a theme that highlighted an idea that inspired the collaborators.

Kris Yenbamroong a film school graduate turned chef of the Thai casual eatery Night + Market

teamed with Lou Amdur, a wine connoisseur, who owned Lou on Vine, a highly acclaimed wine

bar. The theme for the dinner was “lost”, where the existence of some foods and wines that had

once been popular but were close to becoming extinct. Kris introduced kao kan chin, a jasmine

rice with pig blood and jowl steamed in a banana leaf pouch. He describes how he only learned

about this dish recently from his mother who ate the dish growing up, but found it so ordinary,

that she didn’t think of mentioning it. On a recent trip to Thailand, the only man he found who

sold the dish at his shop now also sells iced vanilla lattes because they are more profitable and

helps pay the bills. On a similar vein, the marginal wines that Lou introduced at the dinner are

nearly extinct due to old wine making methods that have since become unpopular or grapes that

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are difficult to cultivate. Often, like kao kan chin, these nearly extinct wines are also no longer

profitable to make, thus the more likely to fall into obscurity.

Attendees at these collaborative dinners included many insiders in the food world,

including chefs, critics and bloggers. It becomes a learning experience for the diners. With the

“lost” dinner, the collaborators acknowledge that there was no real framework to discuss Thai

food and wine, since wine is not part of the Thai food tradition. The focus instead was on the

flavors in the foods and what paired well with the spiciness and the bold flavors. For the kao kan

chin dish Lou chose the Spätrot Gebeshuber’s “Klassik”, made from two grapes that are now

much harder to find to fit into the “lost” theme. Both felt this exercise was a collaboration in the

exploration of food and wine.

Collaborations among chefs and others in the restaurant world introduce new ideas and

push the boundaries of food and dining. As one food blogger put it, in Los Angeles where there

are “thousands of dining options,” chefs have to “keep reminding people” that they are around

“just to stay relevant.” Therefore chefs and restaurateurs need to “do events, work with other

people, [and] can’t really just exist in a bubble.” He notes that chefs who are not simply focused

on the day-to-day workings of their kitchen and push themselves to do collaborations are able to

stay relevant in the ever-evolving dining scene. Collaboration in the restaurant world is important

and similar to the way artists collaborate in the cultural industries (Caves 2000; Scott 2000).

Partnerships not only provide a learning experience and future inspiration, but it is also a way to

stay current and innovative. In addition, it allows chefs to be introduced to new diners and

contributes to the business of restaurants as well.

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Dinner as Theater: Dining as Entertainment

All the people I interviewed talk about how dining is not simply about eating, but as Bob

Spivak, CEO and owner the Daily Grill tells me, “it’s all entertainment now.” Some of the food

bloggers claim they “don’t like the entertainment [aspect of their meals]” but then say they like

being surprised and the “fleeting-ness” of things, which may be considered as another form of

entertainment. For some people, food that simply tastes good may not be enough to satisfy a

great dining experience. Many restaurants now focus not only on delicious food, but a matching

dining experience as well. The widespread trend of this can be seen in the growing amount of

interest in food as it has been featured in publications and the amount of attention and focus that

is written about the non-food experience in restaurants, such as décor and service. Mimi

Sheraton, the famed New York Times food critic in the late 70s and early 80s, comments on the

more recent New York Times food critic Sam Sifton:

It's food writing for an audience less interested in food and more interested in the

experience and the theater of it. I don't like it at all. I always told people what the

place was like, but these long, long introductions about the scene--I usually skip

the first column and a half and get to the food, because that's what I think it's

about.9

Similarly in my interviews with chefs in Los Angeles, I find that there is increasing

discussion about dining being an experience and heightened awareness and purpose. Niki

Nakayama of n/naka describes it as “there is intention, there is planning, there is a complete

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
9
Interview accessed from:
http://www.capitalnewyork.com/article/culture/2011/01/1078267/chow-time-mimi-sheraton-and-
andre-soltner-whats-changed-lutece

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picture.” No longer is the main goal of fine dining restaurants to give the customer exactly what

she wants, but now it is the responsibility of the chef to create an experience for the diner, solely

through his own vision.

Some restaurants create an experience even closer to theater by requiring tickets be

purchased prior to the meal. Ludo Lefebvre is now known for his role on the television show

“The Taste.” He once ran a pop-up concept called LudoBites that had such a large fan base that

when reservations were available online it crashed the reservation website OpenTable. His

current restaurant Trois Mec is completely prepaid through a ticket system. With only twenty-six

seats and two seatings per night, tickets are only available every other Friday at 8am on their

website. His partner Krissy Lefebvre explains, “people pay for tickets for entertainment. This

just happens to be entertainment in the form of dinner (Hallock 2013). Similarly, Chef Grant

Achatz of the highly acclaimed restaurant Alinea in Chicago sells tickets to Next Restaurant

(Wells 2010). If this trend spreads, restaurant could be viewed as an entertainment venue and

dining could be akin to watching a sporting event live or attending a concert.

The Chef is now King: Tasting Menus

The idea of a tasting menu is to give the chef the opportunity to showcase to the diner her

skill or specialties or seasonal offerings. It allows the chef to have full control over what she

would like to present to her customers. Often this freedom allows the chef to guide diners down a

path they would not otherwise know about or choose for themselves. As Chef Neal Fraser

explains, “with fine dining it’s definitely about taking them down a path they maybe wouldn’t go

on their own.” The idea of diners committing to a tasting menu allows the chef to push the

boundaries of food that might not otherwise appear on diners’ plates. Some chefs find that these

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tasting menus get their “juices flowing” and one chef describes it as their “biggest sword.” A

chef explains that the goal is “getting somebody to commit to doing a tasting menu and having

the menu take a right turn to the point they go into a place that’s uncomfortable, that they

somehow try and enjoy. Because at a certain point I think it has to be about well, a little more

experience.” The emphasis towards experience is a common theme among chefs when they

discuss why they cook and what they hope to achieve when cooking. Not all diners appreciate

this approach however. Corby Kummer, a James Beard winning food journalist, writes in an

article in Vanity Fair describing the trend of tasting menus as, “the diner is essentially strapped

into a chair and expected to be enraptured for a minimum of three and often four and five hours,

and to consume dozens of dishes. Choice, changes, selective omissions—control, really, over

any part of an inevitably very expensive experience—are not an option” (Krummer 2013). Some

argue that this trend of “the chef knows best” has hit an extreme and that the focus should be

more about the diner’s preferences.

The Evolution of Eleven Madison Park

One example of the tasting menu is at Eleven Madison Park. Opened in 1998, it has

gained recognition and was ranked #10 in the S. Pellegrino World’s 50 Best Restaurants in 2012,

the restaurant received the maximum of four stars by the New York Times in 2009 and the

highest honors of three stars by the Michelin Guide. They quote the abstract impressionist artist

Willem de Kooning on their website, “I have to change to the stay the same.” The restaurant has

gone through multiple changes in their vision of the diner’s experience. They received a flurry of

attention when Daniel Humm, the executive chef and Will Guidara, the general manager,

decided to change their menu drastically. No longer will a traditional menu be offered, where

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options of dishes for a four-course meal are listed. Instead, they chose to offer a tasting menu

expressed in a sixteen-word grid for both lunch and dinner.

Figure 27. Menu at Eleven Madison Park (2012)

The tasting menu focuses on presentation and drama with the theme of New York. Every

detail seems to be a tribute to New York from the black and white cookies served at the start to

the Pale Wheat Ale crafted by Ithaca Beer Company in upstate New York especially for Eleven

Madison Park. The menu was envisioned as a story about as well as a dedication to New York.

This focus on storytelling and showmanship is for the entertainment of guests, as much as it is to

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delight their palates. The sixteen courses consist of one course featuring a picnic basket, simply

left on the table for the diner to open and discover its contents. One dish features carrot tartar that

was grounded with a meat grinder clamped at the table. The dessert course includes a magic card

trick. Not only does the meal focus on food and storytelling, but an interactive theatrical

experience to entertain guests. Since then the menu has been changed and will likely change in

order to continue to surprise and delight the diner (Gordinier 2012). These tasting menus at such

innovative restaurants design and create memorable experiences for the diners. More than simply

providing a service, these restaurants are now part of the experience economy (Pine and Gilmore

1998). This is emblematic of restaurants not just providing sustenance and a place for social

interactions, but also entertainment. Other cultural industries such as music and theater also seek

to draw out an emotional experience from its audience members. The uniqueness of dining is

such that the experience involves all five senses and therefore can be much more interactive than

most cultural experiences.

Food as Entertainment: Open Kitchens

It used to be that the actual cooking and preparation of food in restaurants was done

behind the scenes, in a kitchen tucked in the back of the restaurant out of sight from the diners.

Only when the dishes were plated and ready were they presented to the diner in the dining room.

While Japanese sushi restaurants have long prepared food in the view of the customer, other

restaurants are now doing the same. Food is often cooked in open kitchens, where viewing the

preparation of the food is almost as much part of the experience as eating the food itself. 74% of

the restaurateurs and chefs I interviewed who work at an independent restaurant (non-chain)

have an open kitchen. Michael Cardenas explains that people are food savvy these days and food

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needs to be transparent so that the patron can see the chef behind the counter making the pasta

and cooking food for you. At Saison in San Francisco, Chef Joshua Skenes designed the

restaurant such that the guests feel as if they are dining in the kitchen. The diners are seated in

such proximity with the wide expansive kitchen that they can view the different stations in which

each course is being prepared. From the chef’s perspective, they feel as if they are being watched

as if they are on a stage. Chef Walter Manske puts it, “it’s like you’re up on stage…the

interaction is tremendous. He describes the first time he worked in an open kitchen at the

restaurant Church and State in downtown Los Angeles as challenging because “it’s harder to

communicate” and there were times he felt as if his “head was going to explode” when he was on

his “fourteenth hour standing in front of 100 people who are having a great time.” Not only are

the dishes and the food itself part of the appeal, but the visual cooking process contributes to

“dinner as theater” as well. Many of the restaurants that have opened in the recent years that are

chef-centered restaurants now feature open kitchens, including Alma, Olio Pizzeria,

Maximilliano. Open kitchens contribute to the element of entertainment in dining.

Food as Art, Music Fashion, Film

Food exhibits traits inherent in many of the cultural industries. Art, music, fashion and

film all create products that are subjective to some extent. A fashion line that appeals to one

tastemaker may not be appealing to another. A song that a musician creates seeks to stimulate

some kind of reaction to its audience member. This is no different with food and restaurants.

These products all become more in demand as people’s disposable income increases. These

cultural industries also tend to cluster or form districts, often because these artists seek to reside

and work with other creative people (Power and Scott 2004). These creative artists seek out like-

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minded collaborators as well as new opportunities (Currid 2007; Scott 2010). Chefs are

constantly creating new dishes, experimenting with new flavors, and plating new dishes in a

visually pleasing way. In some of the fine dining restaurants, food is plated so artistically that it

is clear that visual aesthetics is also part of the dining experience. The restaurant staff aims to

make the diner feel welcome and comfortable, but also give a memorable experience as well.

Chefs hope that the food and the dining experience will stimulate an emotion just as artists do

when they perform music or create a piece of art.

The question of whether food is art has been debated for years. Chef Walter Manzke

describes it as a “funny art form” where, “they cut themselves; burn themselves, to put their art

on a plate, where it becomes destroyed in a minute… it has a very short shelf life.“ This short life

of “art” however means instant gratification. As restaurateur Claudio Blotta puts it, “you serve a

plate of good and somebody says wow.” If you’re a painter, you have to “wait years for an

exhibit in a museum” for people to react. Similar to a filmmaker who creates film to make you

“feel something” to create an emotion and ultimately a memory. Niki Nakayama chef and owner

of n/naka in Los Angeles says, “Restaurants have evolved, food has become art…an expression

of art.” She attributes this to this to the “El Bulli movement,” because ever since people now

“recognize food as art.” When asked whether restaurants have always been a part of the cultural

industries she notes “I understand my food as art more artistically than I used to…there is

message behind the food.” Her restaurant n/naka is not by any means a casual or everyday

restaurant, but more of a special occasion “event-dining experience with a purpose” or

“destination dining”. Or as Jeffery Stivers, sommelier and service director at n/naka, describes it

as “dinner theater” where the “food is the show” and you eat with your eyes first. Reservations

are required at least a week in advance so that the chef can prepare the ingredients to

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accommodate the thirteen-course modern kaiseki menu or the chef’s tasting menu (in addition to

a vegetarian tasting menu).

Chef Nakayama may describe it best when she explains that food is similar to music in

that when you first you play scales, then you play for expression. She says, “it’s like when you

first learn to play piano you just play scales, and eventually you know how to use those scales to

create something that has emotion.” Another chef, David Feau, also draws similarities between

his cooking with the way musicians create a song. A new dish for him begins with a flavor and

with ingredients and the dish comes together and is named from there. With a song, a musician

tries various sounds before composing and naming the song. Some chefs describe how they used

food as a form of storytelling and that the narrative of the food was an important part of the

dining experience. Often the chef herself has a personal vision for the food that she creates.

Customers dine at these restaurants to experience the chef’s creations rather than seek food that

are familiar to the diner. At these restaurants the narrative of food can be the most powerful part

of the dining experience because it often tells a story. Perhaps the most well known example is

Noma in Copenhagen, Denmark, named the “world’s best restaurant” from 2010 to 2012 on San

Pellegrino’s list of the World’s 50 Best Restaurants. As the food critic Jonathan Gold says about

Noma, “I don’t think there was a single dish that you had there that was the best thing you’ve

ever had in your life…it wasn’t about deliciousness. It was about something else…it’s the

narrative. The narrative carried you through. It was persuasive. It was persuasive even if you

didn’t know the backstory.” Chef Niki of n/naka describes that some of the dinners she prepares

has a theme, in addition to the ingredients that she often locally sources. One dinner she created

the theme was “open”, where every dish was presented in a way that opened in some way, such

as a mason jar. Another dinner on Valentine’s Day the concept was to “interpret love through

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food”. For example the abalone she served came “out of a shell” explaining that love is

something that gets someone “out of his or her shell.” Niki explains, “I would like our diners to

experience our dinners as some form of art” where it is both artistic and nourishing. As Dewey

(2005) puts it, art indicates a “process of doing or making.” The way Chef Niki describes food is

similar to how people talk about art, where it “creates feeling” and has “some kind of meaning to

it”. The dining experience engages all the senses, whereas at a concert, you use your sense of

sight and hearing to experience the music. Often the experience of art has a satisfying emotional

component to it as well (Dewey 2005). With food, Niki argues that we use all our senses and that

the food experience “creates emotion too.” Chefs focus on the experience of eating because it is

a “powerful emotional experience.“ In art, emotional responses are often explained by the

qualities of art, which may include complexity, uncertainty and novelty (Silvia 2005).

It is more and more difficult these days to categorize restaurants by cuisine, because often

the food is inspired from a personal vision rather than an “authentic” cuisine. Half of the chefs I

interview describe the power of storytelling through food and how it drives their work. As Chef

Ari Taymor puts it, “you’re seeing more people feeling comfortable telling their own stories, as

opposed to reference directly different countries or different food regions.” There is more

“personal cooking” and people opening restaurants that cook “their food.” As Ari describes, “it’s

not like northern Italian food. It’s not French food. It’s not Vietnamese or Thai. So they’re able

to express or tell stories about where they came from, where they grew up, where they cooked

and things that inspire them, as so.” Chefs draw inspiration for their food through “sense

memory.” For example, Ari explains that a lot of his food comes from “remembering being a kid

in Santa Cruz because I would spend all my summers in the Santa Cruz mountains, so the smells

and the sounds and just the emotions that that kind of brought up for me.” Some of the

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interviewees discuss an interest in how the food that they cook makes a diner feel. Chef Manzke

is inspired by the idea of putting a smile on someone’s face. Other chefs describe that the food

created comes from emotion and memory and are inspired by the idea that people are drawn to

their foods because it resonates with them emotionally. Chefs often refer to the cooking of other

chefs and describe the way their food is presented through stories and narratives and the desire to

connect with people through food.

The Evolution of Restaurants

Restaurants have been in existence for a long time. Food and eating has always been

important in many cultures and societies both as a biological need and social medium. One

restaurateur puts it, “in this day and age, everything is automated. We call the bank; we never get

a live person. We can call to get a movie ticket, also automated. One place where you still go and

have a human take your order is the restaurant business, where other humans surround you. We

need that.” However, the attention and the way people are knowledgeable about food has

changed. While its original function stays intact, food has developed cultural and symbolic

capital akin to other cultural industries. In this process the mechanics of generating such capital

are very similar to those we see in film, music, fashion and art. Recently with the popularity of

gourmet food television shows and the rise of chefs to celebrity status, people in America have

had a heightened interest in food and dining. Similar to other cultural industries such as music

and film, dining is entertainment and a cultural activity as well. Both the restaurant world and

other cultural industries have gatekeepers who play a significant role in the reputation and the

reach of products. The industry has also embraced the use of social media such as Twitter and

Yelp to communicate with fans and promote their offerings. The restaurant industry is evolving

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and often alongside other more traditional cultural products. As food and dining are viewed more

as a cultural experience we may begin to see more restaurants require more than a reservation,

but a prepaid ticket to “attend” a meal. As food becomes more a part of the cultural economy,

and chefs are viewed as artists, we may see more collaboration among chefs to bring new

experiences to diners. Musicians go on tour to allow people to feel the effects of their music live

and there may be a trend for chefs to do the same. In addition to the informal “pop-up”

restaurants there may be more formal arrangements for restaurant “tours.” Noma, dubbed the

“best restaurant in the world,” is relocating to Japan for one month in January 2015, bringing the

entire staff in tow to explore and cook winter produce from all over Japan.10 The top restaurants

around the world may continue to evolve and push boundaries as a result of new and creative

collaborations, identical to the ways that the cultural industries in general innovate, collaborate

and generate their symbolic and cultural value.

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!
10
Information obtained from Noma Japan website: http://noma.dk/japan/ (accessed 3/31/2014)

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 Chapter Six: The Evolution of Restaurant Reputation:

Traditional Gatekeepers versus The Wisdom of Crowds

In the 1980s, every successful restaurateur in Los Angeles knew the prominent publicist

Joan Luther. In those days, journalists relied on press kits from publicists that would include a

restaurant’s history and the chef’s biography detailing where the chef had worked in the past. A

story would be built up about the chef, packaged, and sent out through a press release. Then

journalists would visit the establishment and write about the restaurant. The recipe for restaurant

publicity has changed. Now, journalists can learn about a restaurant on the Internet from blogs

such as Eater.com and from food forums such as Chowhound. They see the buzz on Twitter and

read customer reviews on Yelp. Only then would they call the publicist to schedule a meeting

with the chef or restaurateur. Or they may bypass the publicist altogether and reach out directly

to the restaurant themselves.

Andre Guerrero has over thirty years of experience in the industry and first noticed this

shift in public relations when he opened his restaurant, The Oinkster. When he opened The

Oinkster his team didn’t use a publicist. Yet, shortly after the opening, Nation’s Restaurant News

called to interview him and soon a full-page story about The Oinkster with the sensationalist

title, “The Next Steve Ells?” (Steve Ells is the founder and CEO of Chipotle Mexican Grill) was

featured in QSR Magazine (Odesser-Torpey 2007). After that review more consumer-oriented

magazines such as Los Angeles Magazine featured The Oinkster as well. Such articles generated

buzz for the restaurant and helped shape the restaurant’s reputation – even with just a memorable

tagline.

About a year and a half after The Oinkster started, their sales started to increase. Jonathan

Gold’s review of The Oinkster was published soon after he won the Pulitzer Prize in 2007. As

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Guerrero puts it, “that was major because everybody in the United States wanted to read a

Pulitzer Prize winning food writer, and the first thing they read about is The Oinkster.” While

they were “on the trajectory” Jonathan Gold’s review gave them a boost in sales. The next boost

in sales after that review was being featured on “Diners, Drive-ins and Dives.” Some of The

Oinkster’s customers had written to the show and Guy Fieri, the show’s host, ended up visiting

the restaurant, completely unsolicited by Guerrero and his team. Guerrero said that the show got

multiple letters and then checked the restaurant’s website and Yelp before contacting them. In

2010 they were listed top ten restaurants nationwide.11 All this contributed to the buzz that

surrounded The Oinkster, which rose in fame despite not hiring a publicist.

Reputation has always been important to the success of restaurants. In their first year,

26% of independent restaurants fail and close to 60% fail within the first three years (Parsa et al.

2005). The way in which reputation is formed, however, has evolved. Word of mouth has and

will probably always be important, but the restaurants talked about are often the ones diners read

about and visit. The weekly restaurant reviews are conversation starters, but now so are food

blogs and consumer review websites. People seem to be aware that with so many restaurants to

choose from the information available for these restaurants has only increased. How do diners

make decisions on which restaurants to visit?

The rise of social media means that people can find information about many more

restaurants. This can lead to information overload. Diners look for guidance on choosing places

to dine and often turn to the Internet. Food blogs and restaurant review websites can help people

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
11
See http://officialblog.yelp.com/2011/01/yelp-top-10-restaurants-of-2010.html. The rank of a
restaurant is determined by the number of Yelpers who have bookmarked the business in
combination with star rating, review count and total number of check ins.

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sort through this information. However, not all of these restaurant “curators” are the same. A few

websites and blogs dominate and reach a large audience and thus a winner-take-all phenomenon

appears. The impact of a well-known publicist is different from a professional critic and

distinctive from a popular food blogger. Their roles influence the restaurant world and the diners

in different ways, but their reach is indicative of how the current restaurant landscape has

changed.

The Role of Social Media and Food Critics in Restaurant Reputation

Social media has changed the way diners view and go to restaurants. It encourages

consumers to visit places outside their neighborhoods, try unfamiliar cuisines, and elevate chefs

to celebrity status, which in turn has transformed the restaurant industry. The interviews with

people in the restaurant world yield three main findings. First, both professional food critics and

social media (e.g. Yelp) websites are important in establishing the reputation of restaurants.

Second, restaurants with a relatively unfamiliar or new concept can take advantage of social

media to generate buzz. Third, although social media can bring attention to and prolong the buzz

of a restaurant, professional food critics are still important because of the legitimacy they carry

within the restaurant industry itself. In Table 10, I summarize my findings and expand on these

points.

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Table 10. Summary of Findings

Findings (N=50) Respondents

People in the restaurant world who believe that people want to be told 70%
about a restaurant before experiencing it

Restaurateurs who believe their establishment is impacted by the 47%

reviews of food critics
Restaurateurs who notice an increase in diners after a positive review 97%
in a major publication
Restaurateurs who mention how diners will point out a review that 60%
they read about the restaurant in a newspaper or magazine

Interviewees use social media to assist in running the restaurant 93%

Restaurateurs who respond to negative reviews on social media 57%

websites such as Yelp
Restaurateurs who keep updated on Yelp reviews and ratings 97%

Food bloggers who blog professionally 20%

Bloggers who create buzz for restaurant publicist clients 100%

Restaurateurs and chefs who mention bloggers when asked about 73%
using social media or social networking services for their restaurant

Food bloggers who, in addition, write for other publications 70%

Food bloggers who receive invitations to "PR dinners" at restaurants 100%

where their meals are compensated

Being Told Where to Dine

One of the main properties of experiencing goods is that you do not know whether you

like a product until you have experienced it in some way (Kretschmer 1999; Nelson 1970;

Weigelt and Camerer 1988). No one has the time or money to experience every restaurant.

Therefore people turn to gatekeepers for their information and insight. Gatekeepers can suggest

to us whether or not diners will like a certain type of food or enjoy dining at a specific restaurant

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(Hilger et al. 2010; Reinstein and Snyder 2005). Seventy percent of the people in the restaurant

world I interviewed remark on how people want to be told about a restaurant before they

experience it. Niki Nakayama, chef and owner of n/naka in the Palms says, “you are told what

the trend is before you experience it.” Ari Taymor of Alma Restaurant in downtown Los Angeles

puts it, “here people [in Los Angeles] are more hesitant to go somewhere.” For example, “we

would get a lot of people who walk by and look at the menu, but wouldn’t necessarily come

in…And I feel like they do need to be told by somebody that they trust on a larger scale to go

somewhere before they will…like specifically Jonathan Gold.” One restaurant publicist explains,

“people don’t want to go out and dine not knowing if the place is good…people don’t want a bad

meal.” Nguyen Tran says, “you read about these places in GQ magazine that dictate what’s cool

and now when it comes to your city you already knew about it because you read about it.”

People want to dine at places that have buzz because they want to be associated with that product

or scene. As Molotch (2002) argues, products contain the “places of their origin” and food is no

different. This is also relevant to what Dan Silver and his colleagues (2010) reference in their

theory of scenes and Zukin’s (2009) work, which shows how the new “mobile urban middle

class” seek the experience of authentic foods.

When I interviewed Jonathan Gold, he remarks that people are always coming up and

thanking him for some dinner they had, not because he had anything to do with how good their

meal was, but because he brought the restaurant to their attention. He notes, he can see how

sometimes people do want to be told where to dine “especially when it’s something that is

unfamiliar to them.” When diners are told there are good Asian noodles shops on Las Tunas in

San Gabriel and arrive to quickly find that there are two miles or so of solid noodle shops, the

value of a curator such as Mr. Gold becomes clear. Someone like Jonathan Gold, is able to tell

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diners which shop to go to, as he has likely already scouted it out and is a knowledgeable and

trusted source. However, whether that particular noodle shop is the “right” recommendation is

almost irrelevant, as the power behind someone telling you where to go is enough of an

incentive.

The Jonathan Gold Effect: The Impact of a Restaurant Critic’s Reviews

On August 26, 2012, I walk into Sycamore Kitchen at 3:30pm; well after the typical

lunch rush and yet the line is still out the door. They had run out of bread for the sandwiches and

were hurriedly trying to accommodate and serve all the customers who came in. In front of us in

line, is a Hollywood actor chatting with the server about the Jonathan Gold review in the Los

Angeles Times that was published the day before. The staff explains how it had been extremely

busy all day due to the review that came out. As I wait for my turn to order, I overhear other

eager diners waiting in line behind me also talking about how they decided to check out the

eatery after reading Mr. Gold’s review. Both from the establishment’s perspective and from a

diner’s perspective, it was evident the immediate effect of a positive restaurant review by a

distinguished critic on a restaurant.

There have been many reports of “The Jonathan Gold Effect” where people will jam into

restaurants the first few weeks after a review. There are many food blogs as well as Yelp reviews

that will reference Mr. Gold’s writing with the phrase “Jonathan Gold Approved.” Maps plot the

addresses of Jonathan Gold’s annual list of best restaurants. Unquestionably, his writing brings

buzz to the restaurant. Whether that buzz lasts for months or just a short amount of time before it

fizzles out depends on when the review is written (whether it written before or after social media

became popular), what type of restaurant it is, and the popularity of the restaurant before the

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review. It is interesting to note that his reviews do not clearly praise or criticize a restaurant, as

his writing is often descriptive. Mr. Gold points out that for a long time, “nobody ever had my

reviews on their wall because they didn’t know whether I was positive or negative.” But perhaps

that does not matter, as any review with Mr. Gold’s authorship seems to draw attention and

attract diners.

Food critics have long been viewed as the gatekeepers of restaurants. Restaurant reviews

in major publications are able to draw people to eateries in unfamiliar neighborhoods. In Los

Angeles, major publications that feature food critics include the Los Angeles Weekly, Los

Angeles Times, and Los Angeles Magazine. However, all restaurant reviews are not equal, some

critics are followed more than others. Restaurateur Claudio Blotta explains that the “Los Angeles

Times has a lot of pull, the Los Angeles Magazine when they review you, they also have a huge

customer sort of base that they tap on and follow their reviews. So those are the largest, I think

the biggest influence in business.” Certain food critics have more reach than others as seen from

the boost in diners that restaurant experience after one of Jonathan Gold’s reviews is published.

Even negative reviews can sometimes draw attention to restaurants and not necessary hurt

businesses. Pete Wells, the New York Times restaurant critic, wrote a scathing review of Guy

Fiori’s restaurant American Kitchen & Bar in 2012 and yet the restaurant was still packed for

weeks after the review. People seemed to want to see what the criticism was all about and visited

the restaurant despite the poor reviews (Wells 2012).

About half of the restaurateurs interviewed mention that their establishment is impacted

by the reviews of food critics (Reinstein and Snyder 2005). Nguyen Tran of Starry Kitchen in

downtown Los Angeles, says, “I am thankful for [Jonathan Gold], he has put us on the map.”

Similarly, Ari Taymor, chef and owner of Alma Restaurant, in downtown Los Angeles, describes

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the scene at his restaurant as “dead” when they opened, before they were reviewed, “we were

absolutely dead slow for the majority of the first four months we were open. We would have zero

cover nights. We would have two cover nights. We would have six cover nights. We would have

nights with 40 reservations where 30 people would cancel and we would do ten.” He remarks

that they weren’t able to get any kind of audience until they got reviewed and it wasn’t until the

LA Magazine review came out that “people felt comfortable coming in here.” He explain that it

wasn’t “until the Jonathan Gold review, and the LA Magazine Top Ten and the Jonathan Gold

Top Ten that we started to feel a little bit better about maybe being consistently busy into the

future.” A year later the restaurant was named by Bon Appétit magazine as the “Best New

Restaurant in America” (Knowlton 2013).

Almost all restaurateurs mention they noticed an increase in diners after a positive review

in a major publication. Adam Horton, the former executive chef at Raphael says, “like when we

got our LA Times review, we were packed- packed, like I mean, packed, packed, packed.” Vicki

Fan, former owner of the restaurant Beacon in Culver City, explains that after her restaurant was

reviewed in the Los Angeles Times, they were mobbed. The day after the review was published,

“people were swarming the restaurant like we were giving away free food.” Restaurant veteran,

Josiah Citrin of the fine dining restaurant Melisse agrees, “Always, when you get a review out

there, you get more reservations, yes.” A restaurant review in a major publication can be the

incentive for people to try a new restaurant. As David Feau, the former executive chef of The

Royce at the Langham hotel explains, “first it make [sic] the phone ring through the roof and

bring a lot more attention and attraction from the neighbors, the community, and the city around.

You see people who want to give it a try.” Curation is valued by consumers and translates into

business for restaurants. By confirming a restaurant’s quality gatekeepers can “make” a

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restaurant and impact its sales. The impact on restaurants is similar to those on the cultural

industries, as scholars show in through their studies of the role of critics (Debenedetti 2006; West

and Broniarczyk 1998), where they find that critics play a role in the success of cultural products

and are therefore key actors in the cultural industries.

Although it might seem obvious, many in the industry are surprised by the extent of the

impact and response. Vicki Fan Matsusaka says, “We had no idea that it could have that kind of

effect. We knew we might get busier but the response was just unbelievable. It was definitely an

impact.” Nguyen of Starry Kitchen notices more reservations as well and describes it as “mind

blowing”. Ari Taymor of Alma describes it as “instantaneous.” The day before Jonathan Gold’s

review of Alma was published the editorial board from the Los Angeles Times came in after they

put their issue to press and said, “we wanted to come in before it got crazy.” When I ask exactly

how much of an impact the review had Ari says that he and his team thought it might pick up but

the actual impact in the first week was significant. They began to take “150 reservations a day”,

a threefold increase over their previous busiest day. Similarly Nguyen adds that reservations for

Starry Kitchen have “gone up six-fold” since the review (my interview occurred a few days after

review was published) compared to the last two months (before the review). Their phones were

ringing every five minutes on Saturday until 11pm. He reveals they were booked a month out

and “90 percent” of the diners asked for the Singaporean Crab (which, as explained earlier,

needed to be reserved at the time of the reservation). For Alma restaurant, in the days after the

review, “the phone doesn’t stop ringing.” At the time of my interview their Saturdays were

booked a month and a half out. Few cultural critics have a similar impact. The winner-take-all

phenomenon exists in the restaurant world as well (Frank and Cook, 1995); if all of these diners

are going to the places that Mr. Gold reviews they aren’t going elsewhere that Saturday night.

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 Two weeks after Jonathan Gold’s review of Sycamore Kitchen I drop by the restaurant

for lunch on a Friday. The restaurant is still packed; every seat taken, however, unlike the day

after the L.A. Times review came out, we only have to wait a few minutes for a table. The

restaurant was clearly still buzzing, but there was no line out the door. When the interviewees are

asked how long they feel the impact of a critic’s review, depending on when the review was

written the responses range from “a month” to “more than a year.” Claudio Blotta, the

restaurateur of Barbrix and Cooks County, estimates that for a glowing review “you have a spike

for a month.” Josiah Citrin says, “A couple months, two or three months. But I hope it lasts

forever if you do a good job.” Andre of Oinkster and Maximiliano says, “I mean after a year and

a half we started, our sales started to go up. And you know, we were on the trajectory. And you

know, of course Jonathan Gold gave us a big boost.” Reviews by other critics and other

publications published afterwards seem to also continue to add to the buzz. As Vicki Fan of

Beacon describes it, “then with the other reviews, it came later, but it was all clumped in around

a six month period so for that year it was absolutely crazy.” These restaurants, reviewed by

influential critics, seem to attract other critics to their restaurants. This may contribute to the

winner-take-all effect in the industry (Frank and Cook 1995) as critics are also trying to sift

through which restaurants to review.

Those restaurants where food critics seem to have the most impact include those that

have “new” or unfamiliar concepts or those whose reputations have not yet been established. For

some the impact is immense and truly impactful and the reviews are the type to “make or break”

a restaurant. Kris of Night + Market explains that before Jonathan Gold visited the restaurant

some nights they were packed but way under staffed other nights they were “totally dead” and

for a while it was really a “rickety operation” because they were running a restaurant out of

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another restaurant’s kitchen. When Jonathan Gold reviewed the restaurant Kris found his support

after almost a year in to be “super encouraging.” Alma Restaurant, a small and seasonal produce

driven restaurant opened for four months before a few restaurant critics reviewed his restaurant.

Ari Taymor was a young chef in his twenties without established reputation outside the

restaurant industry. The number of diners who visit before and after the reviews are significant.

Ari Taymor states bluntly:

Without those food critics, we wouldn’t be open anymore. We would have closed

in December. We just would not have physically been able to make it without

Jonathan Gold, without Patrick Kuh and without Willy [all food critics]. We exist

primarily because Willy [first] wrote about us…we came from doing zero covers

on a Friday or a Saturday night, like literally nobody would come in here, not one

person. And so, we’d have all this food prepped and then we’d just like break it

down. And there is literally nothing more depressing than that.

Nguyen of Starry Kitchen, a pan-Asian restaurant that serves Asian food with flavors that are

unfamiliar to many, says, “[Jonathan Gold] was kind of a lifesaver because we weren’t sure if

this would continue on or not...it was going alright, but it was hard.” “[he gave] us the volume to

sustain a business. And the volume we need to see if we can continue growing it.”

Impact of Elite Gatekeepers on Wisdom of Crowds

The development of Web 2.0 and various social media websites allow for the democracy

of reviews and for consumer opinions to be made to the public. Web 2.0 relies on user-generated

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content and social media websites are used for social interaction and the sharing of information.

In this state of virtual democracy, anyone can use the Internet and be empowered. In the same

way, to some extent, anyone can be a “critic” with these tools in the digital world. An example of

this used in the restaurant industry is Yelp.com (“Yelp”). Yelp provides online local searches for

reviews of restaurants along with other businesses and services. It allows people to write a

review, find products and services, and participate in a community with people who have similar

interests.

To analyze the effects of restaurant reviews on restaurants, I consider the effects of

“elite” reviews (i.e. restaurant reviews published in major newspaper publication) on the number

of Yelp reviews after an “elite” review is made.12 I also analyze how “elite” reviews influence

the content of the Yelp reviews (i.e. references to elite reviews). Using the Los Angeles Times

restaurant reviews over a five month period from June 2010 through November 2010, I evaluate

20 restaurant reviews (one restaurant review is written per week). Each restaurant review

includes a description of the restaurant and food, the critic’s opinion of the restaurant, the

location, the price range, and overall star rating. The LA Times restaurant reviews are rated from

one to four stars. The ratings are as follows:

Rating Definition

Four Stars Outstanding on every level

Three Stars Excellent

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
12
On March 8th, 2012, the Los Angeles Times announced that it would no longer run star rating
with restaurant reviews. Instead it will publish a short summary of the review in addition to the
full restaurant review. http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/dailydish/2012/03/stars-are-out-at-least-
for-restaurant-reviews.html

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Two Stars Very good

One Star Good

No Star Poor to satisfactory

Table 11. Los Angeles Times Restaurant Rating Definition

I study Yelp reviews three months before each Los Angeles Times review and three

months after. I am interested in whether the LA Times review affects the Yelp reviews in any

way. Yelp reviews can be written by anyone. Each Yelp review includes a date, a star rating (1 to

5 stars) and comments. I am interested in whether the number of Yelp reviews increase after the

LA Times review is published. Does an LA Times review of a restaurant affect the Yelp review

in content? Do Yelpers visit and review a restaurant because the LA Times published a

restaurant review? Do reviewers give more polarized reviews after an LA Times review?

For the 20 restaurants I review, I collect data on the number of stars that the Los Angeles

Times restaurant critic, S. Irene Virbila gives to each restaurant she reviews. For the sample the

stars range from 1 to 4 stars. The restaurants are mostly located in the Los Angeles County,

though one is located further outside the area: Jocko’s Steakhouse in Nipomo, California. I look

at Yelp reviews three months before the Los Angeles Times review and three months after.

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Restaurant Date*of*LA*Times* LA*Times*Stars Yelp*Review* Yelp*Review*
Restaurant*Review From To
Root$246 6/3/2010 2.5 3/5/2010 9/1/2010
Patina 6/10/2010 4 3/12/2010 9/8/2010
Inn$of$the$Seventh$Ray 7/22/2010 2 4/23/2010 10/20/2010
Church$&$State 7/29/2010 2 4/30/2010 10/27/2010
Red$O 8/5/2010 3 5/7/2010 11/3/2010
South$Beverly$Grill 8/12/2010 1.5 5/14/2010 11/10/2010
Waterloo$&$City 8/19/2010 2.5 5/21/2010 11/17/2010
Jockos$steakhouse$in$Nipomo 8/26/2010 1.5 5/28/2010 11/24/2010
Saddle$Peak$Lodge 9/2/2010 2.5 6/4/2010 12/1/2010
Bann$Restaurant$&$Lounge 9/16/2010 1.5 6/18/2010 12/15/2010
La$Serenata$de$Garibadi 9/23/2010 1.5 6/25/2010 12/22/2010
Craft$Los$Angeles 9/30/2010 3.5 7/2/2010 12/29/2010
Savory$in$Malibu 10/7/2010 2.5 7/9/2010 1/5/2011
Hotel$Shangrila 10/14/2010 2 7/16/2010 1/12/2011
Amarone$Kitchen 10/21/2010 2 7/23/2010 1/19/2011
Providence 10/28/2010 3 7/30/2010 1/26/2011
Wolfgangs$Steakhouse 11/4/2010 1 8/6/2010 2/2/2011
The$Yard$in$Santa$Monica 11/11/2010 1.5 8/13/2010 2/9/2011
Cleo$at$the$Redbury 11/18/2010 2 8/20/2010 2/16/2011
Xiomara 11/25/2010 1.5 8/27/2010 2/23/2011 !

Table 12. Restaurants Reviewed by the Los Angeles Times (6/3/2010 – 11/25/2010)

I consider the number of Yelp reviews posted before the Los Angeles Times restaurant

review and after. The total number of Yelp reviews during this six-month period (three months

before the review and three months after) range from 6 to 227. Red O, which has 227 reviews

during this six month period, has a lot of attention from various blogs and publications due to its

relatively recent restaurant opening and its star chef, Rick Bayless, who starred on the PBS series

Mexico: One Plate at a Time. Hotel Shangri-la receives only 6 reviews, but it should be noted

that it is a restaurant in a hotel, which may be confusing for Yelp reviewers when they are

looking to write a review on the website. Nine of the twenty restaurants have more reviews

before the Los Angeles Times restaurant review than after. Ten of the twenty restaurants have

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more reviews after the Los Angeles Times restaurant review and one of the restaurants has the

same number of reviews before and after. This suggests that the Los Angeles Times restaurant

reviews for this time period for these restaurants have not seemed to impact the number of

reviews on Yelp for these restaurants.

Restaurant #*of*Yelp* #*of*Yelp*Reviews* #*of*Yelp*

Reviews* After*LA*Times Reviews*Total
Before*LA*
Root$246 Times*
20 14 34
Patina 10 7 17
Inn$of$the$Seventh$Ray 18 21 39
Church$&$State 57 88 145
Red$O 129 98 227
South$Beverly$Grill 17 17 34
Waterloo$&$City 72 56 128
Jockos$steakhouse$in$Nipomo 21 14 36
Saddle$Peak$Lodge 6 11 17
Bann$Restaurant$&$Lounge 31 14 45
La$Serenata$de$Garibadi 13 4 17
Craft$Los$Angeles 26 36 62
Savory$in$Malibu 8 5 13
Hotel$Shangrila 1 5 6
Amarone$Kitchen 6 3 9
Providence 77 82 159
Wolfgangs$Steakhouse 10 17 27
The$Yard$in$Santa$Monica 35 38 73
Cleo$at$the$Redbury 54 65 119
Xiomara 8 13 21 !

Table 13. Number of Yelp Review Before and After the Los Angeles Times Review

I calculate the mean number of stars in each Yelp review and the standard deviation before and

after the Los Angeles Times review as well as the t-value. There are 12 restaurants that have

mean higher after the Los Angeles Times restaurant review, 5 restaurants have the same mean

before and after and 3 restaurants that have the same mean before and after the Los Angeles

Times restaurant review. The standard deviation for this group of restaurants ranges from 0 to

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1.57. In addition none of the t-values for this set of restaurants are significant, and therefore we

cannot conclude that the Los Angeles Times reviews had any significant impact on the Yelp

reviews for this set of twenty restaurants in this time period.

Before&LA&Times&Review After&LA&Times&Review
Restaurant Mean SD Mean SD t&Value
Root$246 3.50 1.28 3.60 1.40 0.42
Patina 4.14 0.90 4.30 0.83 0.37
Inn$of$the$Seventh$Ray 3.76 1.24 3.89 1.15 0.37
Church$&$State 3.67 1.00 3.67 0.93 0.49
Red$O 3.28 1.26 3.35 1.24 0.33
South$Beverly$Grill 3.94 0.76 4.35 1.21 0.13
Waterloo$&$City 3.84 1.07 3.79 1.10 0.40
Jockos$Steakhouse$in$Nipomo 4.73 0.79 4.57 0.44 0.25
Saddle$Peak$Lodge 4.55 0.75 4.33 0.66 0.29
Bann$Restaurant$&$Lounge 3.71 1.57 2.68 0.96 0.02
La$Serenata$de$Garibadi 3.75 0.89 4.23 1.09 0.21
Craft$Los$Angeles 4.31 1.14 4.00 0.81 0.12
Savory$in$Malibu 3.40 0.70 4.63 1.62 0.06
Hotel$Shangrila 3.00 0.00 3.00 1.41 N/A
Amarone$Kitchen 3.00 1.55 3.78 1.41 0.17
Providence 4.43 0.80 4.51 0.84 0.27
Wolfgangs$Steakhouse 2.94 1.26 3.00 1.47 0.46
The$Yard$in$Santa$Monica 3.37 1.24 3.37 1.24 0.50
Cleo$at$the$Redbury 4.00 1.02 4.24 1.02 0.10
Xiomara 3.46 1.22 3.63 1.15 0.39 !

Table 14. Mean and Standard Deviation of Number of Stars in Each Yelp Review Before and
After the Los Angeles Times Review
It is interesting to note that while the number of diners who visit a restaurant may

increase after a critic publishes her review (as suggested in my interviews with restaurateurs),

diners know their own palate and are not influenced by how well a restaurant is reviewed, except

in awareness that the restaurant exists. This suggests that restaurant reviews just spread the word

rather than shape opinion. In the case of impacting a restaurant’s reputation on social media, they

are not tastemakers.

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 I also go through the Yelp reviews to note whether Yelp reviewers reference the Los

Angeles Times review. Four out of 1,228 reviews reference the Los Angeles Times review. A

Yelp reviewer for Savory in Malibu writes, “Tried this place after reading the RAVE in the LA

Times. Got a table for four that night…” (10/28/2010).

Another Yelp reviewer for Patina writes, “This place always intimidated me for some

reason. I'd always wanted to try it but it seemed either too expensive or too formal or

SOMETHING. But S. Irene Virbila's recent four star review in the Times made me reconsider.”

(8/23/2010). In an example of a negative Yelp review for Wolfgang’s Steakhouse, one Yelp

reviewer agrees with the review in the LA Times, writing, “Even Irene agrees with me on that

one! yea check out the latest LA times review on this place. Hire chefs! NOT COOKS! and a

little more research on your foh [sic] management wouldn't hurt either.” (12/21/2010). A Yelp

review for the Inn of the Seventh Ray disagrees with the LA Times review and the reviewer

writes, “We went back to the Inn this week after reading Irene Virbila's review in the LA Times,

hoping to find what she did. $200 for 2 later, we disagree. The food was okay, but nothing to

rave about.” (7/31/2010).

Diners and Restaurant Reviews

More than half of the restaurateurs say that diners will often mention a review that they

read while others take an extra step and bring the critic’s review from the newspaper or magazine

and point to the items in the article that they wish to order, often not realizing that the menu

items are regularly updated. Andre Guerrero who also owns the Oinkster in Eagle Rock and

Little Bear in Downtown Los Angeles says, “we’ve had people come out here from like Sherman

Oaks and they read the review and it’ll escalate. We had some people drive up here from Orange

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County, but they were on their way to see some show in Pasadena, but they stopped in here

because, you know, they saw the review.” At The Royce in Pasadena Chef David Feau says, “I

see many times people coming with the newspaper and the rating and just reading. They are

reading the reviews and they are reading the dish and they want to have that same experience

that they read on the paper. That's the truth.” Ari Taymor experiences are similar, “Often times,

people will bring the review in with them, like dog-eared, highlighted reviews.” Claudio Blotta

says, “yes, a lot of diners will being the review and will want to have the items that are reviewed.

Trust me. Or they’ll have the newspaper on the table, I swear to God.” Neal Fraser also

experiences similar situations where:

It was very common for a patron to come in with an article from the LA Times

and order the dishes and be like, ‘I’ll have the –‘ you know, right out of the

article. And order it and they would make their own judgment call with it, loved

it or hated it, but a lot of these critics were, they were the binoculars of these

people’s lives. They saw through the lens of Irene Virbila or before her it was

Ruth Reichl, and they lived and died by that.

Jason Quinn, chef and owner of Playground says, “people will show up with the article…they

would cut it out and bring it with them…like they had to bring it to make sure they were going to

the right place or something.” For diners who follow restaurant reviews they tend to note the

items that are mentioned and recommended, further suggesting the impact of critic’s reviews.

People not only want to be told “where” but also “what” to eat.

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Social Media

It is clear that social media now plays a role in dining choices. However, this has not

always been the case. Publicist Jannis Swerman, in the restaurant industry for over thirty years,

has worked with some of the most recognizable chefs in Los Angeles, including Wolfgang Puck,

Josiah Citrin, Piero Selvaggio, and Suzanne Goin. She believes that the landscape completely

changed in 2008. The financial crises put a strain on many businesses and many restaurants were

cutting their expenses. But they were still looking to attract customers and were looking for ways

to attract publicity. Ms. Swerman during this time would send out press releases to journalists

and find that many emails bounced back. Some were automatic responses when an email address

no longer existed or the journalist would write that they got laid off and were now freelancing.

Ms. Swerman needed to figure out a strategy for clients who couldn’t afford a publicist, yet still

needed publicity in a low cost manner. Social media allowed restaurants to slowly and

organically build a customer base without the high cost.

This change in traditional media and the rise of social media changed the way restaurants

looked at public relations. It also coincided with the rise of social media such as Twitter and

Yelp. In 2007, 5,000 tweets were sent each day and in 2008, 300,000 tweets were sent each day.

In 2009, that number grew to 35 million per day and has continued to grow ever since

(Beaumont 2010). Yelp had 12,000 reviewers in June 2005 and a year later the website had

100,000 reviews. By 2007 it had over one million user reviews and five million unique visitors

(Graham 2007). A year later in 2008, it had 4 million reviews and 10 million unique visitors. In

March 2009, Yelp had 20 million unique visitors for the month.13 The site continues to grow. In

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
13
See Yelp company announcements here: http://www.yelp-
press.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=250809&p=irol-presscompannounce

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this light, it is clear that restaurant public relations has evolved and that social media would be

part of a restaurant’s reputation, whether embraced by the restaurant or not.

Consumers often check social media to see what is being said about a particular

restaurant. Restaurateurs are well aware of this. These tools can help build (or destroy) a

restaurant’s reputation even before the diner steps into the restaurant. One restaurateur believes

that social media can tell people a lot about a restaurant before they dine there. He believes that

when people go into a place with more knowledge they have a better idea of whether they will

like the restaurant. People “used to walk into a random place and more often than not be

disappointed…if you have more information going in you have mentally invested a little bit and

I think the knowledge has helped people be more focused on what they’re trying to eat.”

Ninety-three percent of the interviewees either use social media themselves or have

someone on their team that uses social media to assist in running the restaurant. It is viewed as a

communication tool where even at the most basic level, social media is used as a medium to

share information with their clientele. Social media is defined as "a group of Internet-based

applications that build on the ideological and technological foundations of Web 2.0, and that

allow the creation and exchange of user-generated content” (Kaplan and Haenlein 2010). It

includes more general websites such as Facebook and Twitter as well as the more specialized

such as Foodspotting and Yelp. When interviewees are asked how they use social media the

main theme is that they utilize it to communicate and share information with their diners. Chris

Kufek, chef at Saddle Peak Lodge says, “we utilize Facebook and have people who like us and

people who follow us on Twitter and what not, but really that’s just a medium for us to share the

menu for the day or if there’s an event going on.” Similarly, restaurateur Andre Guerrero

explains, “if we have a special, they’ll take a picture of it and we’ll email it to Phil, then Phil will

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post it on Facebook.” People in the restaurant world generally seem to keep a close eye on social

media sites that pertain to their restaurant. Kevin Boylan, CEO of Veggie Grill notes that they

watch “very carefully” Yelp, Twitter and Facebook, as well as Instagram, Pinterest, Google Plus,

and Urbanspoon, but it is very “time consuming.” Some restaurateurs use social media as a way

to stay in touch with their diners. Nguyen Tran of Starry Kitchen explains, “it’s about keeping a

conversation with people that are already fans,” and Mario Del Pero, CEO of Mendocino Farms

adds, “great way to listen to our guests” and “actively live on our Facebook page.” Walter

Manzke of Republique finds that the “young generation is connected to social media, to the

network” and “communicate in massive amounts very rapidly.”

The landscape of social media has changed rapidly in the last few years. As one

restaurateur puts it, “I think one of the biggest components of people making decisions [about

where to dine] is based on the Internet.” He refers to the traditional media when he looks at the

Los Angeles Times and says, “look at what it used to be and now…it’s not really as important.”

A great review he argues helps businesses for about “a week or two” but then it “fizzles like a

wet firecracker at the end.” In his opinion, what is actually successful are the “young bloggers

and people who are really shrewdly into the viral marketing.” Sites like Twitter and Yelp help

users locate new eating establishments and explore place, especially in unfamiliar

neighborhoods. Michael Cardenas, in the industry for 30 years, also believes that social media in

the last three to five years has contributed to the “traffic flow” to restaurants and that social

media is a “big part of the success.” Kevin Boylan, dubbed by some in the industry as the “king

of social media”, emphasizes how social media is very important and that word of mouth is the

driver for their business. He considers social media as “word of mouth turbocharged” and “word

of mouth on steroids.” He offers an example, “Just last week one of the Jonas Brothers, who

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have 4,586,000 followers on Twitter tweeted ‘just ate at Veggie Grill for the first time, amazing,

loved it.’ Now how powerful is that? And it’s a testimonial.” All of the restaurant publicists that

I interview also support the value of social media. Publicist Jannis Swerman, advises, “if they

don't have a budget for it then I always recommend then have somebody help you or teach you

how to do social media. I mean it's the most inexpensive way to do public relations through

oneself is through social media, and it's absolutely essential. You’re completely missing the boat

if you are not using it.” Another restaurant publicist, Kris Ferrero points out, “obviously, social

media's extremely important for that whole other branch of PR. And that's a different part of PR,

subtle suggestion. It's relationship building and that is important.” Perhaps Kris Yenbamroong,

chef and owner of Night+Market explains it best, “social media is a blessing and a curse.” Since

he doesn’t have the money for PR he finds social media to be a tool that allows him to be “super

accessible” where there is no barrier between him and the restaurant. This allows him to have an

“authentic voice” and the ability to personally connect with his diners, something most

restaurants strive to do.

Websites such as Eater.com and Grubstreet.com began as blogs for food and restaurant

news but have since grown into small media empires. They report on the restaurant industry as a

whole from new openings, to chef changes, to restaurant closings. They are read by both industry

insiders and diners. Food critic Jonathan Gold says that those websites “will sometimes tell me if

there’s something that’s gotten under my radar or got past me that I should pay attention to.”

Similarly Twitter can bring buzz to a restaurant. Mr. Gold, who is an active user on Twitter,

notes that sometimes there are Twitter feeds that he follows and if multiple people link to some

place it might be an establishment that “you probably have to pay attention to.” Such buzz when

organic can bring otherwise unknown restaurants into the limelight. But can it also be subject to

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manipulation? Is it possible for savvy publicists to invite bloggers to restaurants where they host

dinners and create buzz for their readers? Or, even more impactful, could such “buzz” be

subsequently be tracked by someone who has legitimacy and reach someone like Mr. Gold? How

difficult is it to distinguish real buzz from manufactured buzz and is there a difference?

Role of Yelp

For many of the restaurateurs they are uncertain or confused about how much exactly

social media matters, but they are aware that it is important and put a lot of time and resources

into it. One restaurateur says, “we monitor it all the time” and while many Yelp reviews take the

form of angry rants, there’s “actually real, real truth in some things as long as you’re willing to

be humble and listen.” About half of the restaurateurs I interview say either they will personally

respond to negative reviews or someone on the restaurant team will respond back. As one CEO

of a restaurant group explains, “we do our best to make it right because we’re trying to build

relationships.” From monitoring it from a distance, “I don't read it, but I have someone else read

them all for me” to take action when needed. “I comment back when there is something

negative,” Yelp reviews play a significant role in the business of running a restaurant. Despite

the variability of reviews, one restaurateur notes, “there’s a lot of crap on Yelp,” many

restaurateurs believe there is enough value or at least impact of the website that they pay

attention. “If you filter out a lot of the BS on Yelp, you can kind of get a pretty good idea about a

place.” Bradford Kent, owner of Olio Pizzeria explains, “Yelp establishes reputation…you get a

lot of people who come in because they say they’ve read good things.”

When asked whether restaurants use or follow the website Yelp almost every interviewee

indicates that either they themselves use the website or someone on their team keeps updated on

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the reviews and ratings. Their views on the Yelp website range from “obligatory” to “fearful” to

“enthusiastic.” Those restaurateurs that view Yelp as an obligation say that they “take Yelp very

seriously.” For example, one restaurateur notes that he gets “all the Yelps for all 30 of our

restaurants every day and I respond to our managers on any Yelp that's under four [stars].”

Similarly, Kevin Boylan also pays “very close attention and we have since day one.” He reads

every single review and if anyone has had a “negative experience”, he responds to it personally,

having read “over 4,000 Yelp reviews.” The interviewees who have been more fearful of Yelp

describe it as a “tricky thing” because it’s “written by anybody” and not necessarily “anyone

who knows anything.” A few times they may reach out to the person who writes an especially

negative review and invites them to come to the restaurant and pay for their meal. Other

restaurateurs have stronger reactions to Yelp, describing it as “snarky and unfair” and dubs it the

“most hated website in the world for restaurateurs,” where users find it “cool to be hypercritical”

and wallow in the complaints of things.” One restaurateur laments, “I think most of the stuff on

Yelp is usually negative, very little of it’s positive and it’s hard to do damage control.” It is

difficult to control who writes the reviews as well. Another restaurateur says, “somebody on

Yelp gave us a one star rating…they hadn’t even been here.”

Those who are enthusiastic about Yelp appreciate it for feedback. One restaurateur says,

“I love Yelp, because it’s a real person, having a real experience at your restaurant…it’s also

really nice to get some feedback on the things that we’re doing.” Similarly, another restaurateur

remarks, “I know almost every restaurateur hates Yelp, but I love Yelp...I like Yelp because they

can give feedback very quickly and immediately.” Some restaurateurs believe that it is easier to

be honest in a relatively anonymous setting, “I love that it’s an uncensored version of what

people think that is so useful…you want to know what people actually think when no one is

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around…I’ll address it, it’s really useful for me to see that stuff.” One restaurateur explains that

sometimes you serve someone and they may tell you to your face that they love it, but they may

never come back. They figure out that the diner didn’t actually like it but not the real reason why

they feel that way. On Yelp there’s a certain level of anonymity, where they feel comfortable

being “incredibly honest, sometimes too honest or too emotional, but at least it’s feedback. You

can effect change immediately in the kitchen.”

Restaurateurs realize that consumer review websites such as Yelp will be around for the

foreseeable future and they focus on ways to use it to their benefit and minimize damage. One

restaurateur believes that for some diners “Yelp has become sort of like a Bible,” a website that

they will use to find out “which restaurants has better votes” and then visit that restaurant. From

a restaurateurs’ perspective they “go on Yelp to see what people are saying” since they might be

“doing something wrong that we don’t realize.” Sometimes diners don’t tell you what went

wrong on their way out and there may be mistakes in the kitchen or something on the menu that

doesn’t work. Since people “don’t like that,” restaurateurs may see something written on Yelp

and they try to fix it right away or “contact the person to see exactly what was wrong.” Despite

the confusion and potential negative publicity, the restaurateur finds that “Yelp helps,

definitely.”

At the very basic level, Yelp serves as a database of restaurants that exist. Jonathan Gold

finds that despite the bad quality of restaurant evaluation, there are a couple of features on the

website that it “almost becomes a useful resource.” Since there are incentives to be the first to

review (a Yelper receives “First to Review” star on their posted review), there are a wide variety

of eating establishments that are listed and reviewed on Yelp.

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Bloggers Impact on Restaurants

One evening in November, I receive an email from the blogger Kevin of KevinEats

inviting me to join a group of people to dine at the bar of the new sushi restaurant Q in

downtown Los Angeles. The restaurant recently opened, backed by three attorneys of a

prestigious law firm. One of them dined at Chef Hiroyuki Naruke’s restaurant in Tokyo a few

years back. The chef was interested in moving to Los Angeles and after the tsunami hit in Japan

and the resulting economic impact, they were able to make the restaurant a reality. I was not able

to make the invitation as I was out of the country, but with Kevin’s enthusiastic recommendation

after his meal, I made sure to dine at the restaurant the first weekend I return to Los Angeles.

As I settle in for an omakase meal, I soon learn I was not the only one who had heard

about the restaurant from Kevin. One of the chefs behind the sushi bar asks the two diners seated

next to me how they heard about the restaurant. One of them says that he had a friend in San

Francisco who heard about the restaurant from KevinEats’ food blog, and told him to visit the

restaurant. A member of the wait staff overhears this and remarks how at least ten diners had

mentioned that they heard about the restaurant from KevinEats blog in the past week, no small

feat considering that the restaurant was only open to the public for two weeks and no Yelp

reviews had been posted yet. The restaurant has a sushi bar that seats ten and tables that seat

sixteen guests. One wait staff member even enthuses that photos of the food on KevinEats blog

were so beautiful, that sometimes it they were even more beautiful than the food on the plate

itself.

This is not an isolated occurrence. When Alma first began (while it was still a pop up)

blogger Kevin and his dining companion were the only two people in the entire restaurant.

Almost three years later, the restaurant is named Best New Restaurant in America by Bon

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Appetit. Chef Ari Taymor comments that the editors noticed the restaurant on KevinEats’s blog.

I heard again and again from interviewees that when Kevin writes a blog post “people go by

that” because of his following. One restaurateur says that while there are other food blogs out

there, “the ones that restaurateurs actually tend to kind of be on their toes about is [a blog] like

KevinEats.”

Many of the restaurateurs I interview speak about KevinEats and reference the impact of

food bloggers on their restaurant. This may be because Kevin’s blog often shows up on the first

page of Google results when searching the name of a restaurant. The reach of bloggers vary from

one food blogger to another, but the common theme is that they were often the first to “discover”

a restaurant, often before a professional food critic gets to the restaurant. Most critics prefer to

not dine at a restaurant when it’s brand new; rather they wait a few months to give restaurants a

chance to run more smoothly. They are limited by their publication to review a restaurant once a

week, whereas bloggers have the freedom to blog on as many restaurants as they want on a given

week. In addition, critics often review the restaurant with prose, rather than detailed photos, there

may be a few photos of dishes and the restaurant atmosphere, but rarely a dish by dish photo

gallery. Some food bloggers record their meal dish by dish, resulting in blog posts that are more

of a literal record of their meal rather than conveying the sensory experience and connecting the

food with cultural context. Dining is an experience and photos of the dishes allow readers to be a

part of that experience even if they are not physically present.

Compared to professional critics, food bloggers’ impact on restaurant varies greatly. A

few, such as KevinEats, seem to have impact, while others are virtually unknown. Twenty

percent of the bloggers I interview blog as a profession (they do other food writing related

activities to support their income and their website also generates income), but most do it as a

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side hobby. Some food bloggers are well known enough that professional food critics refer to

their work. Many chefs seem to appreciate their blogs and mention that diners refer to it when

dining at their restaurants. Almost all of the restaurant publicists I speak with mention bloggers

when creating buzz for their clients. When asked whether they use social media or social

networking services in running their restaurant about two-thirds of restaurateurs and chefs

mention bloggers. “Bloggers have been the biggest part…by talking about it…[whereas] Yelp

might encourage [people] to come in, but some people don’t trust Yelp.” Another restaurateur

says, “we had a reputation before we opened from articles in the Los Angeles Times and

bloggers blogging about us before we opened.” While bloggers may be important they are not all

created equal, since not all bloggers actually put “time, effort and care into their blogs,” but the

ones that do “are very important.” Similar to social media, some restaurateurs view bloggers with

fear, “I’m afraid of those people because they admit they are not experts but they have

followers.” Furthermore, many food bloggers do not write solely for their own blog, 70% of the

food bloggers I interview also write for other online publications such as Los Angeles

Magazine’s blog, Eater, and Grubstreet.

Some restaurateurs will use social media to try to bring attention if a blogger writes a

positive blog post, similar to the way restaurateurs post favorite reviews from professional

restaurant critics. One interviewee says, “I have Google alerts for our restaurant, so if somebody

does blog about it we know about it if they tagged it the right way. If somebody writes

something really nice about us, I reciprocate by posting it on our Facebook page and tweeting

about it. So our followers see it and hopefully that blogger gets some traffic from that.” Another

restaurateur is also aware of the niche market of food blogs explaining that “it's a numbers

game” and there’s a relatively small number of people who will read about you in a blog, but

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suggests that they are probably “more interested in what you do than someone reading about you

in a magazine.” When asked about early media attention for Mendocino Farms, the CEO says

that early on the attention came from blogs. He mentions that Leslie Balla, a blogger (who has

since written for numerous publications in Los Angeles) recognized them for being “one of the

best sandwich places” when they were just one unit. “She actually kind of put us on the map

[saying] ‘hey this is one of the best sandwich shops in LA.” Also, Josh Lurie, another food

blogger, “found us early when we were one unit and actually shined a light on us.”

All the food bloggers I interview speak about receiving invitations to “PR dinners” where

restaurant publicists will invite bloggers to their restaurant and sometimes comp their meals.

These meals may be a “media” dinner where bloggers are dining with others in the media

industry, or they may be a blogger only meal. The food bloggers describe emails that they

receive regularly, “Hey, this is a new restaurant would you like to come try it out.” Another

blogger explains sometimes a restaurant knows about her blog and will “just ask me to come in.”

Almost all of the food bloggers speak about the dilemma of receiving a free meal. One blogger

says, “if you’re getting a free meal you don’t want to say something bad about them.” Other

bloggers will simply choose not to write about the meal if they did not like the food or

experience as one blogger puts it, “if it didn’t meet my expectations” or “I couldn’t write

anything positive about it.” While there is no formal agreement that the blogger will write or post

about a meal he has been invited to, the restaurant publicists are clearly seeking to create some

sort of buzz for the restaurant when extending these invitations to the bloggers. When restaurant

publicists are asked about this practice, one publicist says, “some of those blogs have some

legitimacy where they'll go in and dine, and people will actually listen to what they say.” What

most people in the restaurant world agree on is that blogs are an information source, where a lot

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of journalists and publicists are now gathering their information through food blogs. As one

food critic puts it, “Her blog is neither here nor there, but her tweets are invaluable, largely

because she serves as like a compiler.”

People are more informed about what they eat. One restaurateur believes that people have

higher expectations and also are conscientious of where their money goes. Food blogs are able to

provide detailed information on the food and draw attention to the restaurant. As one restaurateur

explains, “if [food bloggers] go to a place and they order a burger and that burger looks like it’s

been made frozen from a factory they’ll get on their blog and they’ll get on social media and say

this place sucks, they use frozen bread or frozen meat. And you know what it could make or

break a restaurant…People need to call it out if it’s not the real deal. People need to pay for what

they get and what they get these days has to be the best that they can put on that table – on that

plate.”

Professional Food Critics versus Wisdom of Crowds (Social Media)

The rise in value and impact of social media is a common theme throughout the

interviews, but has it overtaken reviews of professional food critics (Arora and Vermeylen 2013;

West and Broniarczyk 1998)? A few of the restaurateurs I interviewed have a strong following

on social media before any food critic writes a review of their restaurant. One example is the

restaurant Starry Kitchen, which began as an illegal underground dining establishment that was

run out of the restaurateur’s apartment in North Hollywood. During this time they garnered such

a strong following on social media that they became the number one Asian fusion “restaurant” in

Los Angeles on Yelp before they were legal. Nguyen Tran, the restaurateur says that he

documents and blogs about his restaurant on Facebook, Tumblr, and Twitter. Even with all the

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diner support on social media, he emphasizes that a critic’s review still makes an impact. After

Jonathan Gold writes a review in the Los Angeles Times, people are coming to the restaurant

because they saw the article. He notes that people that are old fans come in again because they

have seen the Jonathan Gold’s review “not because they didn’t like us but because they forgot

about us.” Since their North Hollywood apartment beginning they moved to two spaces in

downtown Los Angeles. With Nguyen’s social media use he helps introduce and promote the

food that they are serving which is food that not “everyone is initially familiar with.” The

addition of the Jonathan Gold review resulted in a boost in reservations and the review gave

them the “adrenaline that we need to see if we can keep this going.” Other interviewees also

comment that the dual social media and critic’s review can collectively make an impact. With a

positive review they find there is a bump in the business, but since there are restaurants being

reviewed every week, they have to “capture those guests to come back.” One restaurateur sums it

up, “whether it's social media or print, it's all equally as important” what matters is “how many

impressions” they make on the people who visit the restaurant. In a sense social media helps

spread the impact of a critic’s review, and keeps the buzz going long after the review is

published, in order to create a customer base that returns regularly to the restaurant. In some

cases, social media also alerts critics to restaurants; for example, if multiple people in a critic’s

network are tweeting about a particular restaurant then it gets the attention of that critic.

The question may not be whether the critic has more or less impact but how their role has

shifted. People who are veterans in the restaurant industry note that even ten years ago before the

rise of social media when a positive LA Times review came out, their restaurant was guaranteed

busy for four months. At the time, however, because the LA Times review was the only public

source talking about a restaurant, it would lead to a relatively slow rise in reputation. That local

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review would eventually lead to more press and open up avenues for national publications like

Bon Appétit and Gourmet. Now, with the rise of social media and countless food blogs, a

restaurateur points out that, “people are blogging about your restaurant like before it opens while

they’re standing outside” and they may have 10,000 Twitter followers. In the current landscape

with widespread use of social media, restaurants may be judged before they are even officially

open. Thus an established food critic’s importance has expanded in ways beyond simply

reaching their readers and potential restaurant diners. Professional critics are often entrenched in

the restaurant community with extensive industry networks. In April 2011, Jonathan Gold’s

Twitter account (@thejgold) was following 230 Twitter accounts. It had 18,900 followers and

produced 1650 tweets. At least 21% of the Twitter accounts that Mr. Gold follows are food

critics. Chef Kris Yenbamroong, then an unknown young chef just 30 years old, started the LA

restaurant Night+Market in late 2010. As he puts it, Jonathan Gold has a “different level of

legitimacy” and is held in high regards by the restaurant community. Jonathan Gold has brought

Anthony Bourdain, an internationally renowned chef and television host, as well as the famed

chef Rene Redzepi, owner of Noma, the current “best restaurant in the world” to

Night+Market.14 Mr. Gold also put Peter Meehan in touch with Kris. Peter Meehan is a former

critic for the New York Times and has since written a book with David Chang, the famed chef of

the Momofuku empire in New York. Mr. Meehan asked Kris if he would write an article for

Lucky Peach, a food magazine that he and Mr. Chang started. David Chang has also been to

Night+Market. Thus Kris Yenbamroong was put on the food map even though he might have

otherwise been overlooked through the ordinary circles. Bringing in internationally known chefs

and food personalities puts the small local restaurant Night+Market in the minds of people in the
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
14
!Best!restaurant!in!the!world!as voted by San Pellegrino in 2010, 2011 and 2012!

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restaurant industry who push the boundaries of food and have a significant impact on food

culture. If there is one thing Jonathan Gold does is to take restaurants and make them a part of

the dialogue. A stamp of approval from the professional restaurant critic brings legitimacy to the

establishment and signals to others within the industry. Similar to other cultural industries, such

as the fashion and art worlds, the role of the gatekeeper not only signals the value of a product or

experience to the consumer, but also to more established producers (Arora and Vermeylen, 2013;

Currid, 2007). This is also the case for the restaurant industry; food critics bring attention and

establish the reputation of restaurants to other chefs and restaurateurs.

The Evolution of Restaurant Reputation

There are over 25,000 eating establishments in Los Angeles County and new restaurants

opening every day. While food blogs report restaurant news, it is difficult to figure out which

eateries are worth going to. Word of mouth has always been the most authentic and arguably

effective way to establish a reputation of a restaurant. However, word of mouth is now more

complicated. Food critics write restaurant reviews and have the ability to initiate the conversation

about a restaurant, but social media may be what contributes to extending the buzz of a

restaurant’s reputation in the long term. Many food critics also use Twitter and may get

information on restaurants using social media. A single review can only reflect the state of a

restaurant at a single point in time. Websites such as Yelp on the other hand with its steady

stream of reviews keep diners updated on restaurant service, changes in menu, and overall

current quality of the restaurant. Websites such as Twitter and Facebook allow the restaurant to

reach out to their customers, to inform them of special events or items on their menus. The

interviews show that websites such as Yelp do make an important impact on the restaurant

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business and can influence a restaurant’s day-to-day operations. While some restaurant owners

think that the reviews are unfair or just plain wrong, everyone fears the impact. A bad review on

the site can bring negative publicity and they all do their best to mitigate the damage.

In this chapter I have provided some insight on how restaurants function in the wake of

social media and user-generated websites. It is clear that entrepreneurs and gatekeepers

unequivocally think social media is important and therefore is critical to the understanding of the

development and consumption literature. Although restaurant critics have always been an

important and significant part of the restaurant industry, with the rise of Web 2.0, anyone who

wants to become a “critic” can do so. In the virtual space, consumers along with conventional

gatekeepers and critics play an important role in legitimizing cultural industry products from film

to music (Debenedetti 2006; West and Broniarczyk 1998). This leads to the question of how

consumers seek and process information on experience-goods such as restaurants. Consumers

now do not rely solely on the opinions of professional restaurant critics, but also social media.

The restaurant industry has felt this impact most with social media websites such as Yelp in the

cultivation of reputation. With such restaurant review websites gaining in popularity, consumers

have begun to turn to other sources for information on where to dine. Restaurant publicists now

also include social media as part of their strategy when advising their clients. This can be

effective when restaurant buzz is shared virally through social media (Leskovec et al. 2007). I

suggest, here, that perhaps smaller and less established restaurants have more to gain from using

social media rather than more established restaurants. Social media is effective in

communicating information to diners, especially when the restaurant is a new or unfamiliar

concept.

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 The processes by which cultural goods attain value and reputation now not only involve

traditional gatekeepers, but consumer reviews as well, and especially in virtual space. Social

media assists diners in the discovery of restaurants, but it does not supplant the role of the food

critic. The impact of a food critic is seen in the initial boost when a restaurant review is

published, but more significantly the impact is that the critic can connect a chef or restaurant to

the elites in the national and international restaurant community. Professional food critics bring

legitimacy to the industry and signals to other established people within the restaurant industry.

This is something that social media has not been able to do. Food critics may put certain

producers “on the map” and help them gain exposure to a more exclusive sector of the restaurant

industry community. Both social media and traditional critics are significant in the cultivation of

reputation often in symbiotic ways. Future research should consider the influence of both in

studying and understanding the development and consumption within the cultural industries.

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 Chapter Seven: Where Do Restaurants Locate and How Do They Impact Place?

Ari Taymor’s restaurant Alma started as a pop-up in Venice, California. Ari decided to

begin his journey of opening his own restaurant in that neighborhood because of its community

that supports new and creative things. He believes there are similarities between support for the

arts and support for new foods, explaining, “Venice is really supportive of young people trying

to pursue whatever their art is, whether it’s painting, whether it’s music, [people] will come out

for it. So it’s easier to start there.” Ari wanted Alma to be “the kind of neighborhood restaurant

where people would feel comfortable coming once or twice, three times a week if they wanted

to, but also that our ambitions would be to be the kind of place that people would travel out of

the way for the food.” This was not an unambitious goal for a young chef, just 25 years old at the

time: opening his first restaurant and striving for it to be both a local neighborhood eatery as well

as evolving into a destination spot.

The pop-up was only temporary as the end goal was always to set up his own brick and

mortar restaurant, one where he did not have to rely on borrowed kitchens and dining spaces. He

ultimately decided to locate Alma in Downtown Los Angeles. When I ask why he chose the

downtown location for his restaurant, he informs that he looked for a bit on the east side of Los

Angeles in neighborhoods such as Silver Lake, Los Feliz and Echo Park, but ultimately chose

downtown because he came to Los Angeles [from San Francisco] in large part because of what

“downtown was trying to do, which was be the center for urban sustainability.” He was

interested in what a modern city would look like and referred to downtown Los Angeles as a

“big blank canvas.” When he first arrived, he was curious whether there would be gardens and

public transit and restaurants and work-live spaces and how people would interact with these

spaces. The specific micro-neighborhood was important to him and he felt strongly that his

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restaurant should not contribute to the gentrification of the neighborhood. When he chose the

location for Alma, he didn’t want to be the cause of 4th and 5th generation Angelinos who would

inevitably see their rents rise in large part due to the “accumulation of restaurants and the people

that then flock to first eat there and then live there.”

Ari, therefore, chose to locate in an abandoned storefront on Broadway near Olympic

Boulevard, an area part of Jose Huizar’s Bringing Back Broadway initiative. He was drawn to

the neighborhood because he saw a lot of abandoned buildings and warehouses and felt that

these spaces had been left to fester. So Ari and his team thought that they could comfortably

come to the neighborhood without feeling like they were pushing people away, but rather be

“part of building something.” In addition, he knew that he really liked being the “first in a part of

the neighborhood.” After speaking to local residents and finding support through the Bringing

Back Broadway initiative, he felt his restaurant would be part of the their mission to help grow

the neighborhood.

From a business perspective, Ari notes, this specific location in Downtown Los Angeles

allowed them to open their restaurant that year. It would have been nearly impossible to open

that quickly in any other location. This is due to the fact that this specific unit was already 95

percent permitted and had most of the necessary equipment to begin service. Using Kickstarter, a

crowd-based funding platform, Ari and his team raised $7,473 from 41 backers in a period of 30

days.15 After pulling together savings and some help from family, they were able to open Alma

for less than $25,000, an amount that is a fraction of what it typically costs to open a restaurant

in Los Angeles.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
15
Alma’s Kickstarter page can be accessed here:
http://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1413902565/alma-a-community-focused-restaurant

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 The city was instrumental in assisting Ari and his team to get the restaurant to meet all

the city’s necessary requirements. This included putting in bathrooms, making sure everything

was up to the city’s standards, starting the permitting process, working with an expeditor,

applying for a liquor license and attending neighborhood council meetings. City councilman Jose

Huizar, who leads Bringing Back Broadway, a civic public and private initiative, was

“instrumental and really helpful” throughout the process. Councilman Huizar explained to Ari

that they are a resource for them to advise on the process and planning. While they were helpful,

the process was still tedious. Huizar and his team helped Ari by pushing them through the

licensing process, but ultimately, Ari feels it was “a long process with thick bureaucracy” with

high costs. From Ari’s perspective, it “intentionally weeds out people, for good and bad, who

don’t have the resources to do it.”

The ease of opening a restaurant in one neighborhood varies from one neighborhood to

the next. Often in certain communities there are a lot of people pushing back against new

restaurants and bars from moving in. Many restaurateurs I interview express frustrations with

specific areas that are notorious for their difficulties associated with opening up eateries. Ari

strongly believes, “you cannot do what we did in Venice, you certainly cannot do it in

Hollywood or West Hollywood. It certainly required this kind of location where there aren’t

people that live here. There aren’t churches, there aren’t schools very close, so there’s no one

who is going to resist. There’s no one who’s going to come to our neighborhood council and say,

‘You know, the noise is gonna disrupt my lifestyle.’”

The process of opening the restaurant in their Downtown Los Angeles location was

incredibly fast and relatively smooth. Ari states that they were “unanimously approved” by the

neighborhood council and that their hearing with the city was about four minutes long before

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they were approved. Ari argues that people will “find a much more difficult time doing it

anywhere else in the city than downtown.” However he is quick to clarify and emphasize that he

is only making reference to certain parts of downtown, since some areas are rapidly revitalizing

in such a way that getting permits and approvals is no longer as easy or as seamless. Ari remarks,

“parts of downtown are becoming more and more difficult as more as more people move there.”

As neighborhoods become more desirable, there may be more people who may push back on

new and unfamiliar developments.

Eight months after the interview, Bon Appetit, a well respected national food and dining

magazine named Alma “Best New Restaurant in America”. This recognition raised not only the

restaurant’s profile, but also the neighborhood and the city of Los Angeles as a dining

destination. It put them on the map on a national scale. They suddenly rose from a buzzed about

neighborhood restaurant by local insiders to being declared the best restaurant in the country.

Not only are Los Angelenos now visiting the intersection of 9th Street and Broadway (the trendy

Ace Hotel also recently opened across the street), but also diners from around the country are

visiting a part of Los Angeles that they were probably not familiar with before. The 9th and

Broadway section of downtown is nowhere near as glitzy as Sunset Boulevard, nor is it as tourist

friendly as beachfront Santa Monica. With the area’s more affordable real estate prices, new

restaurateurs are able to take a risk to establish something creative and unique.

Impact of Restaurants on Neighborhoods and Place

How does a restaurant impact a neighborhood? There is no formula to tell whether a

restaurant will open and quietly close a few months later or will become the next best restaurant

in America. However, as a society we are becoming more knowledgeable in food, and are more

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interested in trying new and unfamiliar foods. Diners travel to various global destinations to

engage in culinary activities. Culinary tourism is considered a component of tourism and has

been linked to promoting economic development (Kivela and Crotts 2006; Molz 2007). On a

more local scale, diners may venture outside their neighborhood because they heard of a great

restaurant on the other side of town. Nguyen Tran, owner of Starry Kitchen explains that

restaurants can bring people to “pockets of the city that people have never discovered.”

Restaurants can introduce consumers to unfamiliar neighborhoods. In this chapter, I consider the

different types of restaurants and their various locational decisions. When deciding to open in a

new location, chain and multi-unit restaurants target a demographic area with people who are

likely to frequent their restaurant. Smaller, independent restaurants tend to choose their location

by catering to neighborhood locals, and often their location choices are constrained because they

cannot afford to pay high rents. High-end and fine dining restaurants are generally destination

restaurants and expect their dinners to commute or travel to dine at their establishment and are

therefore less particular about locating in a specific place. In addition, I discuss the impact of

successful independent restaurants on the neighborhoods in which they locate. Finally, I consider

the role of local policy and the permitting process on the restaurant industry.

Sometimes it doesn’t take a brand new restaurant to impact a neighborhood, but just a

heightened awareness of an existing restaurant. When Chef Walter Manzke, known for his

cooking at renowned restaurants such as Bastide and Patina, joined Church and State in 2009, the

downtown Arts District restaurant that opened less than a year ago was flailing. Their finances

were in trouble, the partners were fighting, and it was unlikely that the restaurant was going to be

a success. Chef Manzke recalls that back then “nobody cared about Church & State” and not

many people knew about the restaurant. The neighborhood was “kind of no man’s land,” no one

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went there and “nobody cared about the Arts District.” Restaurant critics were baffled why

Manzke would join such a floundering restaurant. The Los Angeles Times restaurant critic S.

Irene Virbila writes in her review, “How Arroyo and his partner general manager Yassmin

Sarmadi scored the highly qualified chef, I don’t know” (Virbila, 2009). When I ask Chef

Manzke why he decided to join Church & State given that it was not an upscale restaurant and

was in an unstable situation at the time, he recalls that he drove to the area and was “intrigued by

the neighborhood and the restaurant” and that it reminded him of San Francisco. He found

himself connecting with the old brick building (the restaurant is located in the loading dock of

the 1926 National Biscuit Company) and it reminded him of those old buildings that are found in

Europe. After Manzke joined the restaurant and changed the menu, the restaurant was packed

night after night. It was clear that Manzke helped turn the restaurant around, and that not only

did the restaurant change immensely, but also the neighborhood felt the impact as it drew people

from all over the city. In Virbila’s Los Angeles Times review she writes, “if you tried the

restaurant when it opened and were disappointed, let me just say this: After a rocky start that

ended in the original chef leaving, the restaurant is really humming. Manzke is throwing himself

into the bistro genre with gusto (Virbila 2009).

A restaurant with buzz that is located in a less desirable neighborhood seems to have

more of an impact than a restaurant in a neighborhood that already has many popular restaurants.

Chef Manzke explains, “I think you can have more success in a bad neighborhood, because you

become a destination.” A place becomes a destination when nonresidents visit a neighborhood.

Many cultural events bring people to neighborhoods they don’t reside in. Museums, concerts,

ballgames draw people from all over the city. A new and exciting restaurant can do the same. A

favorite restaurant can draw people to a place they would otherwise not visit, often repeatedly.

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Unfamiliar neighborhoods are often discovered through visiting off the beaten path eating

establishments.

With an increase use of social media and popularity of various food and restaurant blogs,

information travels faster and reaches farther than ever before. Rather than only hearing about a

restaurant’s quality from a restaurant critic’s review in the local newspaper, months after it

opens, there are now enough food blogs to review every restaurant opening in a week’s time. The

buzz around a restaurant travels especially fast in the food blogging world and restaurateurs are

not only taking notice but realizing that it is often part of getting the word out and can

increasingly impact a restaurant’s success. Similar to the more traditional cultural industries such

as film and music, buzz around food and restaurants also sends signals about particular places

(Currid and Williams 2010). When Walter Manzke talks about how restaurants in overlooked

neighborhoods become dining destinations, he credits social media and the younger clientele,

explaining, “the young generation is connected to social media, to the network, to communicate

in massive amounts very rapidly.” He describes how the younger generation who are connected

to social media are “willing to go to places that others didn’t go before, and that’s why all these

neighborhoods are becoming good places for restaurants.” This supports the idea that people are

interested in exploring new neighborhoods through food and restaurants and thus impacting the

way in which people perceive unfamiliar neighborhoods in which these restaurants locate.

When restaurateur Claudio Blotta opened Barbrix in Silver Lake in 2009, there were

about fifteen mechanic and auto body shops along the nearby strip. Since then the neighborhood

has evolved. The area itself is now more diverse with a boutique store, a clothing store, and a

few restaurants. Blotta argues, when you “drive by a restaurant and you see people it’s a lot

better than driving through [areas with] a mechanic auto shop that is dark.” The influx of new

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restaurants helps neighborhoods grow and expand to what Blotta calls “the littler places” and

affects the neighborhoods both in terms of more policing and tax revenue. Like Jane Jacobs and

her “eyes on the street” concept (Jacobs 1961) he believes that restaurants in combination with

other things will make certain neighborhoods safer and cleaner because “people walk in the east

side [of Los Angeles] sort of like in New York.” He explains that for Barbrix they have three

parking lots, the restaurant lot and they lease two other lots across the street (they had to have a

certain amount of parking spaces in order to open the restaurant), but interestingly enough, he

remarks, “it’s funny, people always walk [to his restaurant].” The way he sees it,

people walking to some place at 8 o’clock at night, it’s going to become a safer

place because it won’t be an intimidating place for other people to walk around. If

you’re going to do something bad to somebody, you don’t want anybody to

witness. So it brings out more policing…it’s a whole sort of chain reaction that

you create by having small businesses in a specific area, whether a restaurant, a

coffee house, all those things make a place a better place to live I think.

Since Barbrix moved into Silver Lake has become a more restaurant friendly neighborhood.

Blotta believes, “it has influenced a lot of other restaurateurs to feel safe about venturing into the

east side and it’s a great sort of feeling to be one of the first to do this. We started a trend…I

think we really started something great here.”

Another area in Los Angeles that has evolved is Highland Park. Maximiliano, a

restaurant by Andre Guerrero, opened in October of 2011. The neighborhood has had its share of

crime with gang activity and violence in the late 20th century. Then in the early 2000s, the city

attorney increased efforts to arrest gang members. Due to this heightened police activity, in

recent years Highland Park has gotten a lot safer. Guerrero grew up in Glassell Park nearby, and

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back then he never came to Highland Park due to its crime and lack of safety. As he puts it,

“when I was growing up it was like, are you kidding? [Highland Park] sucks.” He says, “how do

you change a neighborhood, you know? One, you’ve got to look at the criminal activity, and if

it’s really high you’ve got to change that because no businesses [or] new businesses will want to

come into the neighborhood. And the housing will become stagnant because no one’s gonna buy

a house regardless of how good a deal is if there are gang shootings.” Highland Park has since

changed quite a bit. Before renovating the building and opening Maximiliano there were graffiti

everywhere and the streets were dirty. Andre had friends who were concerned about him opening

a restaurant in the neighborhood telling him, “that place just scares the hell out of me.” Within

six months of opening the restaurant, Andre recouped the investment that was put in for

renovations. In the flyers for homes within walking distance to Maximiliano, one of the features

it lists is its proximity to the restaurant. Nearby residents have thanked Andre for opening the

restaurant, claiming that their property value has gone up because of it. While Andre saw the

potential of this location, he was still surprised by its success, “the amount of business we’re

enjoying here just totally blew me away. Way exceeded my expectations. I knew this was a good

neighborhood, but man, the way people came out here and embraced this place, I’m just stunned

by it.”

The clustering of restaurants can help create a feeling of community, one that is both of

positive competition and collaboration. One restaurateur says that it makes the place safer and

better, because people say, “All right, let’s move to that area, because it’s kind of a cute little

neighborhood.” He thinks that is due in part of “the businesses that go to those areas.” Almost all

of the restaurateurs I speak with support and welcome competition. Blotta explains, “I love

competition…I think that the more competition the better you are. Because you have to compete

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with somebody else and you have to reinvent yourself and innovate constantly.” Without

competition people would have the “same boring menu for three years.” Instead Blotta’s

restaurant, Cooks County, regularly changes their menu and introduces something new. For

example, the restaurant promotes its Thursday night pastas and a Sunday night special, where

one dish that they create on Sunday is always different and not in their regular menu. This

approach has really caught on with his regular diners and he believes this is because

“competition makes you be better or try to do something a little different. So I welcome

competition and think there should be more.” Creative restaurants tend to welcome competition

and creating a community of restaurateurs. With shared resources and clientele restaurateurs are

innovative entrepreneurs not unlike the tech entrepreneurs that make up the culture of Silicon

Valley (Saxenian 1996). Areas that have clusters of restaurants (especially those with common

resources) also benefit from access to employees and suppliers (Porter 1998).

Where do Restaurants Locate?

How do restaurateurs choose a neighborhood or a particular block for their restaurant?

Are there patterns in the way in which restaurateurs’ make location decisions? As discussed,

restaurants can play a role in the evolution of a neighborhood and impact how a place develops.

The recent heightened interest in food and restaurants and the increase in innovative and

experimental food has impacted place in a significant way. Ethnic restaurants tend to locate in

clusters in various ethnic communities. The East Los Angeles area is known for its Mexican

food. Koreatown in Los Angeles is known for its Korean restaurants, the Torrance area has

clusters of eateries serving Japanese food, and there are seemingly countless Chinese restaurants

in San Gabriel Valley. But other types of eating establishments are less obvious in their location

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patterns. Chain restaurants seem to be scattered throughout the city. In every neighborhood there

are independent restaurants that are popular with the locals and sometimes attract diners from far

way places.

Not all restaurants are the same. Depending on the location, financial resources, expertise

and the economic climate, the experience of opening of a restaurant can vary. A high profile

restaurant, one that is constantly talked about on social media and buzzed about by magazines

and newspapers brings more attention to a place than less buzzed about restaurants. If a few

other high profile restaurants open nearby in the same neighborhood, suddenly the area is viewed

as a foodie destination. In Los Angeles, people travel from all over the city to neighborhoods

such as Venice and Culver City to dine at highly acclaimed restaurants. Now Downtown Los

Angeles is experiencing an influx of restaurants with high approvals as well.

Through my interviews with restaurateurs, I find that the way in which restaurateurs

approach the location decision depends on restaurant type. Fine dining restaurants tend to be

destination restaurants so those restaurateurs put more thought into the space of the restaurant

itself by focusing on décor and ambiance rather than the physical location of the restaurant.

Chain restaurants and multi-unit restaurants tend to be more deliberate in their business strategy

when choosing their location. These restaurants are eating establishments with multiple units

with the same concept, for example, a pizza joint, or Texan BBQ restaurant. These eateries are

often located in neighborhoods that have a target demographic who are interested in these

restaurants and thus successful multi-unit restaurants have a large number of regular, frequent

diners. Independent concept restaurants are establishments that are owned by an individual,

family or a group of people. The proprietors and managers of these restaurants tend to have full

control over their menu, design, and location. If the owners operate multiple restaurants each of

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their restaurants have distinct menu concepts and approaches. The success of these restaurants

and their impact on neighborhoods can be highly dependent on the buzz they receive through

social media and influential gatekeepers.

High-end Fine Dining

The owners of high-end restaurants seem to be least focused on their location. Ultimately

they are aware that their establishment is a destination restaurant and market themselves as such.

As a special occasion dining establishment people will drive out of their way to celebrate at a

destination restaurant. Niki Nakayama, owner and chef of n/naka, a Japanese Kaiseki restaurant

in Palms, looked for a space where she envisioned she could cook seasonal and unique dishes,

one with a spacious kitchen for her and her sous chef. In terms of the actual location of the

restaurant, she simply wanted to purchase a property, rather than to lease a unit, a result of the

rent tripling at the last restaurant she worked at. The location of her restaurant did not concern

her as much; instead she wanted a space that she loved. She found her restaurant in a location

that might seem puzzling to her diners, as the area is mostly residential, and not in the center of

activity. Even her restaurant looks like it could be a residential home from the outside. Her diners

come from both locally and afar, with some diners coming from neighborhoods in the East Side

of Los Angeles and San Gabriel Valley to cities such as Chicago and New York and even

countries as far as Israel. The restaurant is reservation only. The staff asks that you make

reservations at least one week in advance, and there are only twenty-six seats available. Since

reservations are required so far in advance, locating in the center of a neighborhood with a lot of

foot traffic was not as important, since people are willing to plan ahead and travel to visit her

restaurant.

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 Melissé in Santa Monica opened in 1999 and is a contemporary American restaurant with

French influences. It is highly acclaimed and well known as a destination for high end, special

occasion dining. The Michelin Guide rated it two stars in 2008 and 2009 (the Michelin Guide has

since ceased producing guides for the Los Angeles area). When I ask Josiah Citrin, executive

chef and owner of Melissé, how he chose the location for his fine dining restaurant, he explains

that the specific location itself was not as important because it was a destination restaurant. He

states simply, “I like this side of town…the spot came up, thought it would make a good

location.” Another destination restaurant, Trois Mec, is owned by chefs Ludo Lefebrve, Vinny

Dotolo and Jon Shook. Chef Ludo is known for his LudoBites pop-up restaurants as well as his

television show, The Taste. Chef Dotolo and Shook are owners of the popular restaurants,

Animal and Son of a Gun. Trois Mec is located in a dark strip mall on the corner of Highland

and Melrose. In a sense it is the ultimate destination restaurant. Would be diners must purchase

tickets for the meal through their website prior to dining. The menu is completely set and a

surprise. Diners do not know what they will be served until they are seated to begin their meal.

As a destination restaurant, the physical location was not particularly important. In fact, the

restaurant is located in a dark strip mall with a large sign of the previous restaurant (Raffallo’s

Pizza) still affixed to the storefront. The name Trois Mec is absent from the restaurant exterior.

Unless you know exactly where the restaurant is, it is impossible to stumble upon it. When I ask

Chef Ludo how he chose the location of the restaurant, he casually says that they were driving

around; this spot was available, so they took it.

Los Angeles is well known for its high-end sushi restaurants, some of the best in the

country. Vicki Fan, owner of former restaurant Beacon in Culver City, notes that she has been to

those “five-star restaurants where chefs are doing beautiful elegant food, but in strip malls.” She

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points to quite a few Japanese chefs she knows who chose to open their restaurants in strip malls.

She explains that restaurateurs need to decide whether they are willing to be located next to a

“fast food” establishment, and if so, they need to come to terms with the fact that they may lose

some clients because of their location. However, she, along with many other chefs, believes

strongly that diners will come for the food, no matter where it is. This idea of patronizing

restaurants regardless of location, even if they are in a less established neighborhood or between

a McDonald’s and a Laundromat, is becoming increasingly popular. With the availability of

technology tools and services that help diners “find” foods in unfamiliar locations, restaurants

are able to have more flexibility in choosing their locations. The use of various social media

websites and strong recommendations from certain influential food critics can persuade diners to

travel to any neighborhood for good food.

However, the ways in which most restaurants find locations are very different.

Restaurants that are not destination restaurants tend to choose restaurant locations as a “business

decision,” even more so for restaurants that have multiple locations than those that are

independent with just one location. Owners of both multi-unit and independent restaurants

consider place to play an important part in how they choose their location.

Multi-Unit Restaurant

Chain or multi-unit restaurants on the other hand, tend to have more resources and can

afford to choose to locate in particular places. However, unlike many traditional chain

restaurants where the look and the feel of all the establishments are exactly the same, to

emphasize their brand, many of the newer multi-unit restaurants in Los Angeles seem to

emphasize the importance of the restaurant fitting into the neighborhood. While the menu and

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the approach of the restaurant is consistent throughout, each of their locations tries to focus on

the neighborhood and being able to complement the place. The founders of these multi-unit

restaurants make it a priority to incorporate their business into the neighborhood, to fit in with

the look and the feel of the block in which they are located.

Bob Spivak, the CEO and President of Grill Concept, opened a traditional American grill

serving steaks, chops and fresh seafood called The Grill on the Alley in 1984. Five years later, he

opened a second concept called The Daily Grill, similar in concept, but more approachable at a

more popular price point and with the intention to open a chain of restaurants. They have since

opened one restaurant a year and currently there are twenty Daily Grills in twelve different states

across the country. Recently, they found the Daily Grill to be a more “retro concept” with its

traditional dining values, and thus Bob and his team decided to open a more modern concept, a

gastropub called Public School. There are currently three locations of Public School. When

asked how they chose the location for Public School, he says, “There were just a couple of areas

that we identified as having the real demographic that we needed for Public School.” Their first

location was in Downtown Los Angeles and the space was a former Daily Grill location where

sales were impacted by the recession. By building Public School, they were simultaneously

testing the new concept and giving the location an additional boost in sales. When the concept

looked to be successful, his team opened a second location in Culver City. He comments, “In the

past 7 or 8 years [Culver City] has made a real effort to appeal to high level restaurants. They

have very good parking, two hour free parking lots throughout the area and that has made it

attractive for restaurants to move in.”

Pitfire Pizza partners Carlos Bernal and Paul Hibler like to say that the real estate

location of their eateries is driven by both art and science. Paul likes to go out and familiarize

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himself with the community. He studies the location by walking around the neighborhood and

talking to people to get an idea of where the neighborhood is heading. Specifically, they are

looking to be near a “community driven” neighborhood place, but not in the center of things to

have the opportunity for a “free standing identity.” They avoid centers on purpose and aim to

locate in neighborhoods with a community feel. They are interested in fitting in organically and

growing with the neighborhood. Carlos explains, Pitfire Pizza “affects the neighborhood and the

neighborhood affects us.” Another restaurateur, David Houston, owner of Barney’s Beanery,

also pursues each location with the goal of fitting into the neighborhood. The Santa Monica

location caters to both locals and tourists, while the Pasadena location is transformed from a pool

hall, where it is popular during sporting events at the Rose Bowl. The Burbank and Westwood

locations are much more popular with the locals, with the Westwood location near a major

university and a movie theater. Similarly Selwyn Yosslowitz, founder of Marmalade Café,

explains that in seeking locations for his nine cafes, he looked for areas where there was a

demographic that ate out two or three times a week. Each café is unique in its design and décor

and is a neighborhood café. All of these multi-unit restaurateurs choose their location based on

how to cater to their local demographic and then make an effort to fit into the area that they are

in.

Mario Del Pero, the CEO of Mendocino Farms, tells me they once had the opportunity to

locate at The Grove, an outdoor mall in Los Angeles. But he chose the location across the street,

rather than in the mall, even though the mall gets a lot of traffic, because he wanted to “be in the

neighborhood.” He explains that he wanted to be where “people live their lives.” To him, being

attached to a complex where there is a Trader Joe’s and Peet’s Coffee, feels “more like a

neighborhood than at the Grove.” His goal is not to attract the tourist crowds who may visit The

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Grove and the attached Farmer’s Market, but rather to catch local residents when they do their

daily or weekly shopping. Everyone asks him whether he gets business form the tourist crowd,

which he responds with “I wouldn’t know or care.” He instead looks for what he calls the

“quintessential Mario location,” one that is attached to other retail or cafes where locals tend to

frequent. He explains that they care about “building long term relationships”, and the last thing

he wants is “someone that’s not coming back.” The idea of a successful business model targeted

at getting the business of locals, rather than visitors, is a common theme from both chain and

independent neighborhood restaurants.

Restaurants are often open throughout the day and rely on a variety of different types of

customers coming in at various times. These restaurants try to accommodate the different

clientele. During lunch hours, Veggie Grill attracts those working at nearby local businesses and

during dinner they find many local residents visit. CEO Kevin Boylan is very active on social

media, especially on Twitter, and this probably contributed to their rise in popularity in Southern

California. Kevin noted that Veggie Grill has surveyed its customers and found that there are

people who drive to find them, which he describes as “extraordinary”, that a casual chain

restaurant may be more than just convenience to some. At Pitfire Pizza the mood of the

restaurant shifts throughout the day with nearby workers stopping in for quick midday lunches

around noon, to families with young children around 5pm, and an influx of young people

meeting for after work drinks and dinner around 8pm. Vintage Enoteca’s lunch hours are quiet,

often café like with guests working away on their laptops, but around late afternoon or early

evening curtains are drawn and candles are lit and the space turns into a cozy wine bar at night.

These establishments make deliberate efforts to make the feel of the restaurant match the various

points of the day. Bob Spivak notes, his Public School gastropub in his downtown location has a

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lot of office workers Monday through Friday from 5pm to 7pm for happy hour. After that,

around 8 or 9pm at night there’s a second wave of people, mostly from the residential

community of younger people living in Downtown. On the weekends, he observes, since

Downtown LA is such a central location for people coming from Pasadena, Silver Lake and East

Los Angeles, he views the neighborhood as sort of a meeting place for people from those

neighborhoods.

Independent Restaurants

It is difficult for independent restaurants to locate in expensive neighborhoods.

Neighborhoods with high real estate prices tend to be more attractive to businesses that have an

established reputation. Michael Cardenas is a partner at Innovative Dining Group (IDG), a

company that has opened some of the trendiest restaurants in Los Angeles, including Sushi Roku

and Boa Steakhouse, in some of the most expensive neighborhoods, such as Beverly Hills and

the Sunset Strip. IDG is well known for its upscale trendy hot spot dining, where people tend to

go to “be seen.” Separate from IDG, Cardenas opened a few restaurants he dubs his “passion

projects,” such as restaurants Lazy Ox Canteen and Aburiya Toranoko. These are independently

run restaurants where he has direct influence over every aspect of the business, from chef to

location. He opened Lazy Ox Canteen in downtown Los Angeles paying $2.50 a square foot,

which is nearly impossible to find in other restaurant dense neighborhoods such as Third Street

in West Hollywood or Santa Monica, the latter of which square footage rates are more than two

and a half times more than those in Downtown. The long stated adage of “location, location, and

location” may have its reasons, but it is also expensive for restaurants and as it turns out not

always applicable in the conventional sense. For Cardenas’s passion projects, he talks about

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finding locations that are “just out of the main drag and paying 20-50% cheaper.” For him, part

of the restaurant business is about keeping to a formula and “making sure that you get the right

rent rate.” Other restaurateurs have a similar philosophy, when Andre Guerrero was looking for a

location for his restaurant in 2011, he found a “beautiful space with huge storefront windows

right on the main street between [Avenue] 50 and 51 with a huge public parking lot behind it”

was leasing or $1 a square foot. On the West Side, a broker reached out to Andre and informed

him of a restaurant space on Olympic near Sawtelle, at $5 a square foot. Andre said, “why would

I spend $5 a foot when – that’s like $15,000- while my rent here is $6000. And I believe I would

actually do more business here than I would paying that crazy rent over there.” In referring to his

Highland Park location, he says, “I like my odds here, my chances, you know? In this

neighborhood, paying the kind of rents that we do.”

Independent restaurants seek to locate in a neighborhood where they can cater to local

residents but often times they cannot afford expensive leases. However, they often have specific

characteristics that they are looking for in a location. Jennifer Moore, owner of Vintage Enoteca

in Hollywood, said that in looking for a restaurant location they were seeking a neighborhood

that was “under development and had potential,” an area where there wasn’t currently a wine

bar, but had a demographic that would be interested in tapas or small plates. Among the

characteristics in their demographic include people open to trying new things, a higher than

average gay population, people with disposable income, and households with single or dual

income but no children. They were looking for a space that had an existing restaurant so that they

would not need to deal with an infrastructure overhaul. A unit with a beer and wine license

would be ideal. They wanted it to be a neighborhood establishment, one that was supported by

locals. The space they ultimately found in Hollywood had most of the characteristics they hoped

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for, but they had to apply for a beer and wine license, which they found to be an arduous and

expensive process.

Another restaurateur and chef, Bradford Kent, had specific ideas about his ideal

restaurant location. Olio Pizzeria is a wood-fire oven pizza restaurant aimed at being a

neighborhood establishment that offers a natural, local, and healthy food choice. With a

marketing degree, Kent knew that stores such as Trader Joe’s and Whole Foods do extensive

research in seeking locations for their stores. Since marketing data is expensive, he decided to

“ride on coattails of those who have marketing data” and look for a location that was within a

mile of a Whole Foods or Trader Joe’s since he was looking for a similar demographic in his

potential diners. He wanted to find a location that was within walking distance of either a

university or a hospital to sustain the lunch traffic. Finally he was looking for a storefront that

had good visibility, Olio Pizzeria is located at the intersection of 3rd Street and Crescent Heights

Boulevard, a densely populated area with a lot of car and foot traffic. Surprisingly, Olio Pizzeria

has turned into more than a neighborhood pizza joint. Chef Kent finds at least 50% of his

customers are locals, but many travel from areas such as Marina Del Ray, South Bay, Thousand

Oaks, and even Santa Barbara. Occasionally they have guests from out of state such as

Pennsylvania or Texas who heard about Olio from the Internet. Independent restaurants place a

heavy emphasis on location to help get traction and build their reputation. Some are more

successful than others, the eateries that gain enough buzz can help transform a neighborhood.

A Neighborhood Restaurant Pioneer– Beacon in Culver City

Culver City in Los Angeles is currently the home to many highly acclaimed restaurants.

However, it was not always a foodie destination. Beacon was one of the first restaurants in

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Culver City that helped the neighborhood become a buzzed about foodie destination. Los

Angeles Times considers Beacon a “pioneer in the restaurant rush to Culver City” and LA

Weekly writes, it is a place that “ushered in the new generation of Culver City restaurant culture”

(Ritz 2011). Vicki Fan Matsusaka and her husband Kazuto Matsusaka have since sold their

restaurant (the space currently houses Bucato, another highly regarded restaurant), but while it

existed it was consistently on Jonathan Gold’s list of best restaurants in Los Angeles. It was a

popular favorite among those within the restaurant industry and the restaurant was often praised

by food bloggers. When Beacon opened in Culver City in 2003, there were not very many

restaurants in the neighborhood. The Matsusakas wanted to open a restaurant on the west side

because they lived in Santa Monica. They found that neighborhoods near the beach had a relaxed

atmosphere, which they believe appealed to both tourists and residents. A friend of theirs who is

a realtor mentioned that there was a space opening in Culver City. At the time there were few

restaurants in Culver City, none of which were well known. There was the Helms Bakery

complex and in downtown Culver City there was a Starbucks, but Vicki explains that it “wasn’t

really known for dining.”

Looking back Vicki says she should have seen the signs of the neighborhood evolving,

but at the time they weren’t thinking about what these establishments were signaling. She had

been to the neighborhood before because a friend had a café in the area, and they thought, “oh

that’s interesting there’s a Starbucks there,” but not realizing at the time that “they do significant

research on foot traffic, and the fact that they were there should’ve sent a little bell to us back

then, but it took us a couple of years.” She found Santa Monica to be a bit sheltered and along

with many others “fell into that stereotype back then that Culver City was warehouses and Sony

and that’s it.” When the realtor showed them the space, which was in the Helms Bakery

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complex, they “kind of fell in love with it”, both with the space itself and they saw that [the city

was] really trying to develop the neighborhood. They soon found out that Culver City has a large

residential community that has “almost a small town feel.” In fact, Culver City has its own city

hall as well as a fire and police department. After learning more about the neighborhood they

decided to take the space. Over the next couple of years the neighborhood “started to boom”

which was attributed to the redevelopment agency. Vicki and her team found it encouraging that

the residents were really excited that a new restaurant was coming in.

Restaurateurs are often limited by real estate prices and rent in neighborhoods. This is

especially true for first time restaurateurs, who may not have the resources to sustain a restaurant

for a long period of time before the neighborhood becomes more desirable. Vicki Fan comments,

“people like us, the younger generation of restaurateurs, started to realize that places like Santa

Monica was out of our reach and that if we looked at neighborhoods that were starting to develop

that that was the way to go.” When I ask how she decided what type of neighborhood she wanted

her restaurant to locate in, she draws parallels between choosing the type of neighborhood and

choosing the space for a restaurant. She explains that when a restaurateur is considering a move

into a neighborhood he could either look for a place that has already been established or

neighborhoods that are still developing. Places such as Santa Monica or Beverly Hills are already

established neighborhoods as seen with the high rents in the area. Similarly a restaurateur could

move into a space that was already built for restaurant use, likely it was previously used as a

restaurant. The other option is to move into a restaurant that is essentially a shell, previously used

for any variety of purposes, and the restaurateur can build and develop the restaurant space in the

way that he wants. Likewise with choosing neighborhoods, if it is up and coming, the restaurant

can contribute to help make what the neighborhood will be.

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 The area of Culver City is now pretty developed, but Vicki points to the area between

Culver City and Marina Del Rey, as well as West Adams, as areas that have signs of people

taking interest. Hans Rockenwagner, for example, is a cafe with multiple locations in the Los

Angeles area, moved its bakery to West Adams largely because the owner needed a large space

and rent was also likely more affordable in that area. Moving into a less developed

neighborhood, Vicki argues, is more risky. Not only is it necessary to be financially able to

support the time it will take to establish the restaurant’s reputation, but also “emotionally you

have to be dedicated enough and confident enough to know that it will work.” When Beacon first

moved into Culver City, Vicki and her team knew they were taking a risk, but she says that they

knew “we could do it, even if people thought we were crazy.” But they saw the signs as well,

that the neighborhood was “decent” and had a strong residential community.

Evolution of Neighborhoods through the Lens of Restaurants

The choice of locating a restaurant in a neighborhood where leases are relatively low is a

deliberate decision. The benefits of low rents are a draw, but pioneering in an area where there

are few other comparable restaurants can be risky. Will diners in the neighborhood welcome the

new establishment and will they come visit from other communities? Claudio Blotta, who has

been in the restaurant industry for over 30 years, describes moving into a less developed

neighborhood as “scary at the beginning” because “you’re sort of like the new guy in a place

where you’re not sure has been tested yet.” But he relies on his decades of experience,

You know what almost never fails, if you open something that’s good, people will come.

And even if there’s not that much around there, if it’s good, people will really come and

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 support it. In the east [side of Los Angeles] there a sense of support, to all the local

restaurants, shops which is great, so it’s a community you know. That’s what happens.

In Downtown Los Angeles, Michael Cardenas remembers that initially when he opened his

restaurant Lazy Ox Canteen people thought he was crazy to open in that location – the apartment

complex had just opened up upstairs and they “couldn’t get any of those people to rent those

units.” When Lazy Ox Canteen opened, he says, they “brought life there.” Now, the area has

more pedestrians as well as nearby cafes and eateries. Maximiliano, Andre Guerrero’s Italian

restaurant located on the east side of Los Angeles in Highland Park, was a pioneer for restaurants

in a neighborhood that once had relatively high crime rates. They have since had enough buzz to

be able to recoup their initial investment in the restaurant in less than a year. Among their

patrons, 75 percent are locals and from nearby neighborhoods such as South Pasadena, Pasadena

Highland Park, Eagle Rock and Mount Washington and the other 25 percent come from places

like Sherman Oaks and Orange County who visit the establishment because they read a review

for the restaurant.

Neighborhoods evolve over time. When they do, they can shift both the perception of a

place and where people migrate. It is no longer the case that all the buzzed about trendy

restaurants in Los Angeles are in the west side, in West Hollywood and Beverly Hills. As Andre

puts it,

Back in the 70s, we were always driving to Beverly Hills to check out all the hot,

neat places. If you weren’t in Beverly Hills, nobody even paid attention to you.

All my foodie friends and people that I know who lived over here [on the east side]

made a regular pilgrimage at least once a week to the West Side to dine at some

hot new trendy restaurant.

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Times have changed and the east side neighborhoods now have established restaurants of their

own. Many neighborhoods have restaurants that garner attention and accolades including Silver

Lake, Echo Park, Atwater Village and Downtown Los Angeles. Restaurants in Downtown Los

Angeles once solely catered to expense account diners, but new, unique and independent

restaurants are now opening throughout the neighborhood to cater to local residents. Andre

remarks that he recently had a conversation with someone who said, “You know what? You’re

absolutely right. Fuck the West Side. I don’t want to drive over there anymore.” Restaurateur

Claudio Blotta in discussing the East Side of Los Angeles refers to the changing demographic of

the neighborhood in the last ten years. Everyone he knew who lived in that part of Los Angeles

back then used to “drive to this side of town [West Hollywood] to go have dinner, there were

very few restaurants [here].” Now, often, people who live in the Hollywood and West

Hollywood areas drive to the East Side for meals. The area around Barbrix continues to evolve

and grow. One restaurateur says since they opened there has “sort of been an explosion of

Westside chefs going to the East Side trying to open a restaurant there.” For example, Chef and

restaurateur Kris Yenbamroong is planning to open an east side location of Night + Market in

Silver Lake, a sister restaurant to the eatery located on West Sunset Blvd.

The success of these independent restaurants often rely both on local residential diners

and those who are willing to travel some distance to their restaurant. Sometimes restaurateurs

strive for their restaurant to be both a local neighborhood restaurant as well as a destination

restaurant. Chef Ari Taymor hoped that Alma would be a local neighborhood restaurant where

local downtown residents could simply drop in, but ultimately also be a place where people

would be willing to make a special trip. Five months after they opened, the restaurant was getting

mostly regulars who lived in the downtown area and from neighborhoods such as Los Feliz and

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Silver Lake. On the weekends they “get a lot of west siders.” As a small restaurant they were just

starting to get booked ahead. Diners have just started to come from all over, as Ari describes, “all

the way into the Palisades and Bakerfield” which at the time was “really humbling” and “inspires

us to do our best because if people are making that kind of effort to come here, then we want to

provide them with a better experience than they thought they could have.” A little over a year

after that interview, almost a year and a half after Alma opened, they were booked solid a month

or two in advance, by diners traveling in from all over the country. Their reputation at that point

was much beyond just a “local neighborhood restaurant,” but a restaurant that was doing some

innovative cooking by a young and talented chef.

Locating in a Less than Ideal Location

Not all restaurateurs are able to pick and choose their restaurant location. When Starry

Kitchen began at its first “legitimate” location in a small space on the lower level of the

California Plaza, on one hand, it stood out for serving Asian fusion cuisine, but on the other

hand, the location was such that it was nearly impossible to find. “We didn’t choose our first

location, it kind of chose us.” A friend of Nguyen Tran opened a sushi restaurant when they were

establishing their pop up restaurant in their apartment. When his friend’s sushi restaurant was no

longer viable, he offered Nguyen to take over the lease and opened Starry Kitchen. As Nguyen

puts it, it was the first “legitimate” Starry Kitchen since running the restaurant illegally out of his

North Hollywood apartment. He says, he “didn’t care where it was,” he took the space because it

was offered to him rather than having to find a place himself and build from the ground up. The

restaurant space, in Los Angeles Downtown’s California Plaza, was opened in 2010 and was a

lunch-focused establishment. He was nervous at first, given the location of the space in the

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business plaza made it difficult to find, but with some press and Tran’s aggressive use of social

media, they built a reputation for the restaurant.

Over time his restaurant became more of a destination restaurant rather than a local

neighborhood restaurant. Unlike other restaurants, in the beginning, he found that there were

more diners who came from all around Los Angeles County rather from the Downtown area.

His reasoning was that people who live Downtown don’t tend to wander into restaurants in office

complexes, they “have to hear about it more” before they give the restaurant a chance. Tran

found that those who live downtown are used to going to their usual spots, unless there’s a

special occasion such as a visitor in town. This is especially the case because of their location on

the corner of the fashion district, which is he sees as a “dead spot.” People don’t tend to walk

around the area much so it is hard for customers to stumble in. Most diners who do find Starry

Kitchen have read about it before visiting the restaurant. When they do come in, some diners are

visiting from other cities such as New York and San Francisco and even countries as far as

Venezuela and Australia. Then they talk about what they have read on the Internet and through

social media. One group of diners even explained how they tried to come in six months before

when they were in the country, but they didn’t have any of their “famous tofu balls.”

Tran states that he is a “firm believer of community” and that he would like his restaurant

to grow with the community. However, due to some financial issues two and a half years later,

they had to close the location. A few weeks after that, Starry Kitchen opened up in Tiara Café for

the dinner service. The owner of Tiara Café approached Nguyen about using the location, and

thus the third location of Starry Kitchen was born. Since then, it has moved for the fourth time,

to a space in Chinatown. With each location Tran used social media to notify his diners of their

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new location. With so many moves, perhaps part of the fun is “rediscovering” Starry Kitchen in

each new home.

Another restaurateur, Kris Yenbamroong, also did not choose his restaurant location.

Night + Market opened in December 2010 in some of the trendiest stretches of Sunset

Boulevard. A space had opened up next door to his parents’ restaurant Talesai and rather than

having another business move in, he took the opportunity to take over the space. While Sunset is

not devoid of restaurants, it is more known for its celebrity spotting, trendy and glamorous

restaurant décor rather than its quality of food. The location’s high rents can be difficult for

restaurateurs to open an eatery without large financial backers or an established reputation. The

idea for Night + Market came out of hosting dinner parties for friends in the empty gutted office

space next to his parent’s restaurant. Yenbamroong never thought to turn it into a restaurant

because if he were to open a restaurant, he wanted it to be in a “neighborhood rather than tourist

destination.” One night he hosted a dinner for a few people in the art world, including

contemporary artist Rirkrit Tiravanija who was visiting Los Angeles. Yenbamroong brought in

tables from Talesai and cooked traditional Thai food. It was such a success that Rirkirt told him

to consider opening a restaurant in that space since he had the space and didn’t have the money

to find a new space. Kris said looking back it seemed like an obvious idea, but at the time it was

only with his friends’ encouragement that he decided to try it. The location itself is difficult.

Most of the restaurants in that area of Sunset Boulevard hire professional designers to create

impressive interior designs and decor, whereas Night + Market had their minimalist space

painted by Kris himself.

The other difficulty for Night + Market was that it was serving food that was unfamiliar

to most people in Los Angeles. While there was a “Thai Town” in the nearby neighborhood of

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Hollywood, Night + Market’s food was much different. At first Kris hoped the space would be

as much a drinking space as it was a meeting place with food and only had ten items on the

menu, mostly sausage, chicken wings, pig tail. However, he soon realized that diners in Los

Angeles didn’t care much for the wines and he expanded the menu to include more food items

with about thirty items and a few specials. He decided that he wanted to serve Thai street food,

especially dishes from the north, where his mom and her family are from. When he first opened

he invited all his friends, but the restaurant was relatively quiet. He then eventually realized they

had built more of a presence and had to “get a neon sign because I’m up on Sunset with all these

clubs and this tiny little room...it’s impossible to exist there while being dwarfed by all these

people.” Night + Market had “everything going against it.” Not only did they not have any

resources, they were not in the right neighborhood for the demographic. Expectations for the

restaurant were difficult to manage, what Night + Market offered may not be what new diners

were expecting. There was also the issue of their location, since the restaurant was situated in

some of the most tourist filled areas of Los Angeles, people might assume that the restaurant

could not possibly be taking their food seriously. Other local chefs and restaurateurs who

frequent Night+Market mention how inspiring it is to watch him open in such a tough location

for an independent restaurant.

Three years later, with the success of Night + Market, Kris is now opening a second

location on the east side of Los Angeles in Silver Lake. In some ways this has always been his

ideal location. One of the reasons he never originally thought to open a restaurant in West

Hollywood was due to the fact that he always had this location in mind. He felt that the east side

is the sort of place and area in Los Angeles that is “more open to things like what I’m doing,

things that might be a little different.” He realizes that while his food is just “Thai stuff” to him,

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that to other people “it’s kind of new, and not everybody is [food] bloggers who think they’re

culinary adventurers or explorers.” At his West Hollywood location of Night + Market he polled

his diners asking what neighborhood they would recommend for a second location and the

overwhelming majority of people said either the east side or Venice. Kris says that he could not

“afford Venice” and so the east side was attractive because it’s still “kind of affordable and it’s

the sort of place where I can run a 1600 square foot spot with two other guys in the kitchen and a

couple of people up front.” He is hoping that the restaurant will be “a tiny, self-contained

neighborhood café.” As a restaurateur wants to “have a hand on everything” and likes to control

the way it looks, the music and the food. With a neighborhood like Venice, he says, “you got to

make a certain amount of money to be viable there.” While the business side of it is a significant

concern, a place is more than simply an economic decision. Kris says, “I can probably afford a

place in Ohio, but I don’t want to be in Ohio.” What draws Kris to the east side is because he

likes,

being around the people you want to be around in a way that’s sort of economically

viable and probably the most important thing is just loving the area because I’m going to

be there 90 percent of the time because I am at my restaurant every night so I want to be

in an area that I love. It’s as simple as that, I want to spend time in a place I care about.

The Impact of Local Policies on Restaurants

Local policies can either help or hinder a restaurateur’s efforts to open a restaurant. When

restaurants are supported both through the city’s permitting process and within the local

community, they have an easier time getting their business up and running. In Highland Park,

Andre Guerrero was able to benefit from the previous tenants of the location of his restaurant

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Maximiliano. The previous tenants had gotten a conditional use permit after fighting the

neighborhood for it and being turned down the first time around. In Culver City, Public School

310, the gastropub owned by Grill Concepts, benefited from locating in the space formerly

occupied by the restaurant Fraiche. The city and the Culver City’s redevelopment agency

assisted restaurants opening in the neighborhood. They helped streamline the process of going

through the building department and getting approvals. After Beacon moved into Culver City,

Vicki Matsusaka found that the area started to boom because of redevelopment agency’s efforts

to launch local businesses. However, redevelopment agencies can no longer be relied upon to

help revitalize neighborhoods. In 2012, community redevelopment agencies in California were

dissolved due to the elimination of property tax revenues to be distributed to community

redevelopment agencies.16

Another local policy that impacts restaurants is new laws impact the ability of new

restaurants to compete with old restaurants. Some restaurateurs feel that it is unfair for

restaurants to be held to different rules. The proprietors of one eating establishment that offered

wines complained of the “byzantine and often inequitable permitting process” of the city of Los

Angeles. For example, one of the new liquor licenses do not allow discounts of liquor of any

kind. This establishment fought for a midnight closure (originally the city wanted them to close

at 11pm), even though many restaurants and bars in Los Angeles are allowed to stay open until

2am. In fact, the bar closest to them, half a block away, has a 2am closing time because it is an

older restaurant with a grandfathered liquor license. Thus, some new establishments feel that

they have a more difficult time competing with the older businesses due to city regulations.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
16
See Supreme Court of California’s decision here: http://documents.latimes.com/california-
redevelopment-association/

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 Another example of discrepancies in restaurant policies is that new restaurants are bound

by a five year limit to their liquor license (they are allowed to resubmit for their license in five

years and the process costs 25K) while older restaurants have unlimited time frames for their

liquor license. Smaller, independent establishments tend to be on a tighter budget and have a

harder time competing with larger and more established businesses. One business owner argues

that this law allows chain establishments who have “less character and contribute less to

neighborhoods” but more resources to thrive while smaller independent places lose out. This

particular restaurateur believes that smaller independent establishments care more about the

neighborhood than large national chains and that in the long run, independent restaurants will

have a much more “positive impact on the community” than national chains. They feel their

neighborhood councils do not support independent local businesses. These proprietors note, “Our

whole experience with the city and the neighborhood council has been the least pleasant part of

the entire process.”

Other veteran restaurateurs such as Claudio Blotta agree and argue, “There should be a

lot more assistance from the city. They make it as hard as possible for us to open a restaurant in

any place in Los Angeles due to parking restrictions and all the required permits.” Also, he

argues that selling alcohol is very difficult, “They don’t make it easy for you [to get a beer and

wine license] and a full liquor license is even more difficult. It’s a costly proposition.” When

Blotta opens restaurants he makes a point to explain at city hearings that restaurants with liquor

licenses do not mean “people are going to come sit and get drunk.” He argues, “they are going to

come, enjoy a glass of wine, and make the property value go up. What would you rather have, an

auto mechanic shop or a restaurant? What is better for your neighborhood?” While there have

not yet been any studies proving that restaurants in general increase property values, these

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interviews with restaurateurs show the impact of certain restaurants on the perception of a place.

In addition, restaurants such as Alma were able to open in such a short amount of time due to

support by the Back to Broadway initiative. This shows just how helpful or hindering local

policy assistance can be in supporting the development of eating establishments. Successful

restaurants with buzz can bring attention to a place and assist with revitalization efforts.

There are many characteristics that make a neighborhood a desirable place. Lively

independent restaurants not only appeal to residents, but also encourage visitors to the area.

Diversity is an important part of what make cities interesting and varied restaurant offerings

contribute to that as well. Neighborhoods should encourage restaurant pioneers who introduce

new and exciting concepts. Both neighborhoods that are looking to revitalize and areas that have

long been established can benefit from new and interesting eating establishments. Policymakers

should recognize the impact of local policies on new restaurants. While local residents may have

legitimate reasons to be concerned about new establishments (e.g. noise concerns), policymakers

should consider implementing fair policies so that old and new establishments are subject to the

same laws. This would place restaurants on an even playing field and allow for an establishment

to compete based on its true merit. Regulation should be in place to protect people, but it would

also be of disservice to a neighborhood if it limits the opening of new independent restaurants. I

expand on these policy considerations in the final chapter.

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 Chapter Eight: The Role of Social Media on Restaurants and Policy Implications

The Role of the Cultural Industries in Economic Development

The cultural industry has long been recognized as an important part of economic

development. Cities such as Los Angeles and New York City exude creativity and industries

such as art, music, and film flourish in these cities. Cultural products are also associated with the

places in which they are produced (Scott 2000, 2005). Not only are products intrinsic to their

place of origin (Molotch 2002), but also the social nature of creation and collaboration of cultural

products is why creativity takes place in particular places. We need to be physically near one

another to do creative work and for that work to be validated (Currid 2007).

The cultural industries are inspired or encouraged by the nature of creativity and the

social fabric of cities. Both the labor market and social networks in urban places are

advantageous to creating cultural products. Much creative collaboration is done face to face and

people choose to live in places to be near other creative people that they know or hope to meet in

the future. Artistic workers tend to thrive in places where there are clusters of cultural producers

and this results in spillover effects for the industry (Scott 2010). Cultural producers are drawn to

places that offer quality of life amenities. They also produce art and culture and contribute to the

urban economy (Currid 2007). Restaurateurs and chefs are no different. The food they create

draws people in and the restaurants themselves help build a sense of community. In addition, as

local businesses they contribute to tax revenue for the city.

Cultural industries are known for their reliance on collaboration as well as inspiring new

innovative products and this is true for restaurants as well. People who are hoping to break into

the fashion industry move to New York because that is where the opportunities are. Chefs flock

to Paris and New York to train in their craft and stage at world-renowned restaurants because

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that where some of the highest regarded chefs are. The clusters of restaurants in cities create a

restaurant network similar to that of the “art worlds” (Becker 1984). As the restaurant industry

evolves, similarities are found between the food world and other cultural industries as well. In

the music industry, a musician in addition to selling albums, often tours the world to perform her

music to fans. Similarly in the restaurant world, chefs have started going on “tour”. In addition to

the food festivals popping up around the world, there are individual chefs who visit restaurants

and plan special menus for diners. AQ in San Francisco hosted Bradford McDonald of the

former Brooklyn restaurant Governor, and Manresa in Los Gatos hosted Basque chef Eneko

Atxa of Azurmendi. In Los Angeles, the entire concept of Fifty-Seven in the Arts District is a

rotating roster of chefs. The first chef was David Nayfeld, the former senior sous chef of Eleven

Madison Park in New York. While he was there Flynn McGarry, the famous 15 year old chef,

profiled in the New York Times, was busy prepping in the kitchen and doing photo ops with

eager diners. Perhaps this is only the start of the notion of touring chefs who travel to share their

cooking and learn about unfamiliar ingredients and techniques. The concept of buying a ticket

for a meal is also similar the setup of pre-purchasing an experience that one would have at the

theater or a concert. A few restaurants around the country have begun to embrace this concept,

more evidence of dining being viewed as a cultural experience. In my research, I find restaurants

operate like the cultural industries in these discrete ways: 1) dining is subjective and similar to

fashion. It provides not only utility but also aesthetic appeal; 2) chefs collaborate in similar ways

to artists; 3) the narrative around food is comparable to the cultural industries; 4) knowledge and

conversation around food and restaurants provide cultural capital the way books and film do.

Furthermore, I find that social media shapes restaurants in all facets suggesting it may be

transforming all cultural industries to some extent as well.

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How Restaurants are Part of Urban Amenities

People choose where to live based on a variety of factors, including job opportunities, but

also quality of life elements such as pleasant weather and specific consumer goods such as live

performance venues and restaurants (Florida 2003; Glaeser, Kolko, and Saiz, 2001). Firms look

to attract talent and are attracted to places where there are skilled workers (Glaeser et al. 2003).

Cities have the resources to cater to the diversity of preferences of their residents. High amenity

cities grow faster than low amenity cities (Glaeser et al. 2001) and urban growth has led to a rise

in consumer power and in leisure activities (Clark et al. 2002). As places evolve, through the

identity and tastes of the community, restaurants are part of that story.

Diversity is a strength for cities. People choose to live in urban places because they want

to be around different people and have access to a variety of goods and services. Large urban

places can support specialization and niche markets (Quigley 1998). This can be seen in the

diverse collection of restaurants both by cuisine and price in urban areas. Eating establishments

are also a place where people gather. In our contemporary lives where much of what we do is

reliant on technology and not needing to be physically present, eating with others is an important

activity for people to connect. Consumption is a big part of urban living. Like retail and

entertainment, restaurants have also been subject to branding and for reaching beyond their local

residents. Mario Batali is well known for his New York restaurants Babbo and Del Posto and he

has turned his restaurant empire into a global brand with multiple restaurants in Los Angeles, Las

Vegas, Singapore, and Hong Kong. Nobu Matsuhisa, often noted to have contributed greatly to

the popularity of sushi in Los Angeles, has restaurants around the country as well as Asia,

Europe, and Australia. While few chefs have been able to successfully launch in multiple

countries, there is a growing cohort of chefs who have created a brand that reaches people in

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other countries through television and social media, such as Wolfgang Puck, Thomas Keller, and

Emeril Lagasse.

How Restaurants are Part of the Economic Development Story

The cultural industry is known as a visible driver of economic development. Restaurants

are also part of the narrative. Restaurants are the cultural product that attracts people to places

and local development policies should recognize it as such. While restaurants cannot single-

handedly improve a neighborhood, they can contribute to the liveliness of places and assist in the

creation of local communities.

There are a large number of diverse restaurants in major cities because there exists a

population to sustain niche markets. New York City is known for its Jewish Delis and the San

Gabriel Valley for Chinese restaurants because there are large communities that help produce

and consume those goods. Places that cater to their local population help support the community.

In addition, cities that are aware and responsive to changing consumer tastes also make the place

more attractive to residents and future residents (Clark 2004). Just as the arts inspired and

contributed to the building of urban culture, where the popularity of loft living rose after artists

lived and worked in them to create their art, food also is a part of what makes a place interesting.

Consumers who live in urban places do so largely because they constantly have access to new

and unfamiliar products. Food culture connects people both local residents and global visitors

(Zukin 1995). The cultural industry has helped brand urban places (Currid 2009), for example,

the “Bilbao effect,” referring to Gehry’s Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao, Spain (Plaza 2006;

Grodach 2008). Food has increasingly played a role in contributing to the reputation of a place,

for example, the Halal cart on the corner of 6th Avenue and 53rd Street is famous in New York

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City, as are the taco trucks in Los Angeles. Arguably you can find exceptional sushi at a

reasonable price more often in Los Angeles than anywhere else in the United States.

The economy moved from the Fordist, manufacturing-based economy to a knowledge

based economy where innovation was encouraged and small flexible firms were more nimble

than mass production firms and were able to quickly react and respond to current market

conditions (Piore and Sabel 1984). This trend is seen in the food industry as well. Few

restaurants are able to sustain their business by doing the same dishes over many years. Most

need to stay flexible and adapt to new and innovative ideas given current trends, thus giving rise

to “seasonal menus” or “themed dinners” on off nights (Sundays or Mondays) or special “crab

fests” a few times a year. Similar to other post-industrial industries, the restaurant industry

exhibits patterns of clustering and the diverse network of labor and the subjective nature of

cultural industries.

People are starting to become more cognizant of where their food comes from as they shy

away from mass-produced meat from industrial factories and flock towards meat from smaller

farms and ranches. The rise of local farmer’s markets and the popularity of them stems from

people seeking to support the farmers as well as being conscious of their health and

environmental impact. In 1994 there were 1,755 farmers markets and in 2013 there were 8,144

farmers markets in the United States.17 Many now prefer to buy their vegetable and fruits from

traditional farms and meat from local butchers. They are more open to exploring farmers’

markets and community supported agriculture (CSAs). All of these options are in response to the
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
17
See USDA website here for a chart on Farmers Markets:
http://www.ams.usda.gov/AMSv1.0/ams.fetchTemplateData.do?template=TemplateS&leftNav=
WholesaleandFarmersMarkets&page=WFMFarmersMarketGrowth&description=Farmers%20M
arket%20Growth

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traditional supermarket where it is an easy one stop shop. There are tech startups that help with

access to local producers such as GoodEggs that help consumers purchase local fresh foods. The

downside to all this is that the cost is higher for food products from traditional farmers than

industrial factories. The other issue is that certain fresh local foods are available some parts of

the year rather than year-round as traditional supermarkets tend to provide. Many small

restaurants are now being contentious about where they source their ingredients, often sourcing

from local farmers. Restaurants are also beginning to note their commitment of knowing where

they source their ingredients, though it may be difficult for larger restaurants to source the food

from local producers. A growing number of chefs at restaurants pride themselves with personally

knowing the producers of the meat and vegetables that they serve to diners.

It is no coincidence that when a few successful restaurants do well in a particular

neighborhood or a well-known chef opens a restaurant in a place with few quality dining options

that people take notice. Agglomeration economics encourage the uptick of restaurants because

there are important benefits in particular untraded interdependencies (Martin and Ottaviano

2001; Storper 1997). In the restaurant industry, such physical closeness forged by collaborating

parties or geographically proximate restaurants allow chefs to snack at each other’s restaurants

after their shift is over or on off evenings. This community, similar to the fashion industry, is

facilitated by both competition and cooperation (Currid 2007; Piore and Sabel 1984). In addition

clusters mean that there are likely a large pool of skilled workers nearby (Porter 1998). Social

media has enabled many restaurants to announce open positions on social networking sites such

as Twitter, hoping that someone within their network is available to fill the spot or know

someone who can. Ari Taymor tweeted, “hungry motivated cooks. get in touch, we are looking-

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hit me up here or email us Almafoodandwine@gmail.com…please RT!” encouraging people in

his network to send it to others.

Theories of economic geography emphasize path dependency, the idea that due to

specific endowments and historical occasions the stage is set for advantages that result in an

industry or place’s success. There are specific reasons why cities such as Paris and New York are

places where there is a long tradition of culinary greatness. Aspiring chefs flock to these cities to

learn cooking techniques from some of the best chefs in the world. Some stay in the city to open

their own restaurant. After a long time such tradition of culinary excellence becomes a part of the

identity of the city bringing more talent, resources and consumers. Los Angeles has not gotten

much attention as a big restaurant city in the past, but that is changing. Tourists now not only

think of the beach and Hollywood Blvd when they visit, but they are exploring the culinary

offerings in neighborhoods such as Koreatown and Downtown Los Angeles, as well. This not

only has changed where tourists visit in the city, but also the reputation of Los Angeles to non-

residents.

The Role of Restaurants in Place Outcomes

When neighborhoods evolve people take notice. Not only do the current residents in the

area see changes, but if enough changes are made it becomes a destination spot for others as

well. Restaurants are also reflective of the place that they are located. Places are known for

certain types of food. Molotch (2002) argues that products can take on the “qualities of places

from which they are from” and this applies to food and restaurants as well. Los Angeles is

known for its taco trucks and affordable sushi while San Francisco is known for the early trend

of farm-to-table restaurants. New York bagels and pizza are world famous; a favorite of residents

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and visitors alike. GQ magazine recently named Downtown LA as “America’s next great city”

and predicted that the area will be notable for being driven by bars and restaurants, as those are

the establishments attracting contemporary city dwellers (Martin 2014).

When I first moved to Los Angeles in 2008, few of my peers wanted to live Downtown.

There were plenty of businesses in the area and droves of people commuted to downtown for

work, but in the evenings it was quiet. The lack of cars and people was almost eerie. Most young

professionals preferred to live elsewhere. The general consensus was that it was possible that

Downtown LA had potential, but it was not quite there yet. People recognized that the city was

trying to make it a “center,” but most scoffed at the idea, noting that the city was trying too hard

to make it something that it would never be. The restaurants in that area during that time mostly

catered to work day lunches – whether it was a quick order taco joint or an expensed business

lunch. By the evening, the area was quiet; most people left the area in the early evening hours

and commuted home. There were certainly restaurants to choose from if you were in the area to

attend a concert at the Walt Disney Hall or a party at a hotel downtown, but few restaurants

would warrant a deliberate visit.

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 !

Figure 28. GQ Magazine. America’s Next Great City Is Inside L.A. 18

Now many of the restaurants that are downtown are “destination restaurants” of

impressive quality. Church & State opened in 2008 and the area has since attracted chefs such as

Walter Manzke. Josef Centeno who was executive chef at Michael Cardenas’s restaurant Lazy

Ox Canteen before opening his own establishments Baco Mercat, Bar Ama, and Orsa Winston,

all to critical acclaim. The trio of restaurants in such nearby proximity has created a lively area.

On a typical Friday night at West 4th Street there are groups of people walking to local bars,

people leaving restaurants and local residents walking their dogs. Pete’s Café & Bar around the

corner, which opened in 2002, is often considered a “culinary pioneer” and an anchor in the

neighborhood. Its hours, seven days a week from 11:30am – 2am make it easily accessible to
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
!
18
Map of Downtown Los Angeles restaurants accessed here:
http://www.gq.com/life/travel/201401/downtown-los-angeles-restaurants-food-art

! 210!
residents and visitors. One of the owners, Pete Gilmore, says, “The truth of the matter is that the

only reason we opened Pete’s was because, at that time, this neighborhood was such a lousy

neighborhood that no one would open a restaurant. We knew that if we were going to create a

sense of community, we had to have a restaurant” (Guzman 2012). In fact back in 2002 in a Los

Angeles Times article, Steve Lopez (2002) writes, “If you buy into the notion that location is

everything, you'd have to say Pete McLaughlin has made a curious choice about where to open a

restaurant. The prostitutes aren't far from his door, and neither are the crack addicts or the

parking meter bandits. Then you've got the urban campers of skid row Los Angeles”. With the

help of a cluster of local restaurants, in about a decade, the area has transformed and built up a

community. Eateries help provide a space for social interactions that allow cities to be the

interactive and spontaneous places.

Restaurants of various types are in the neighborhood. While Japanese food in Downtown

LA is nothing new (Little Tokyo has been known for its ramen joints and sushi bars for years)

the high end Sushi Q moved downtown near 7th and Grand Street rather than to the Little Tokyo

neighborhood. As discussed, Alma bravely moved into 9th and Broadway, at a time when there

was nothing but parking lots and abandoned storefronts. They became successful after being

assisted by the Bringing Back Broadway initiative and with support from the neighborhood

council. Now fashion boutiques such as New York’s OAK, Acne Studios have moved in, and the

Ace Hotel is now across the street.

Even long standing downtown establishments such as Los Angeles’s Grand Central

Market, have seen changes. Opened in 1917, it has operated by hosting vendors who sell ethnic

foods, baked goods, flowers, and coffee, among others. A visit today would encounter not only a

plethora of diverse cuisines offering quick eats but also extensions of popular restaurants such as

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Brad Kent’s Olio Pizzeria. Chef Micah Wexler, who won praise with his now shuttered

restaurant Mezze, opened Wexler’s Deli in the space as well. The market, at the moment, seems

to mix both cheap ethnic eats with curated refined quick eats.

It is important to note that these changes are not done without impacts on the community.

The Arts District where artists have lived for years is now squeezed by rising rents. When

Church and State moved in in 2008 with well-regarded chef Walter Manzke joining shortly after,

the restaurant changed the conversation surrounding the Arts District. No longer was the

neighborhood only of interest to the artist residents, but other restaurants and establishments

began to take the area seriously as they were inspired by the old brick warehouses and buildings.

Other restaurants began to open and became destination restaurants – eateries such as Bill Chait

and Chef Ori Menashe’s Bestia are not only popular with the locals but have attracted Los

Angelenos from all over the city. Restaurants in downtown no longer cater to visitors who are

looking to find sustenance because they had a business meeting in the area or an event to attend.

People now venture downtown with the intention to dine at some of the best restaurants in the

city.

The Role of Social Media on Place

One reason that people are willing to venture to Downtown LA restaurants, an area that

they previously did not visit often for dining, is the rise of discussion and heightened interest

about the restaurants in the neighborhood. In addition to hearing about restaurants from family

and friends, people now use social media to spread information and to share their latest favorite

eatery. Photos are regularly shared on social media as many people take photos of their food

related experience to share on their social network. There are numerous apps and websites that

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allow people to easily share, document, and discuss food experiences. As discussed in my

research, these outlets’ impact on restaurants undoubtedly have the second order effect of

affecting place.

There are countless food blogs on the Internet and a few of them are especially popular as

resources to finding restaurants. Eater and Grubstreet are known to provide the most up to date

restaurant news, from details on restaurant openings to chef replacements to industry rumors.

There are also food blogs that are kept by individuals who are enthusiastic about restaurants.

Every city has a handful that is especially well known in the food community. The popular blogs

tend to have posts that can be found in the first few pages of the search results when searching a

restaurant’s name. Some of these bloggers also contribute to the restaurant world by freelancing

for magazines or other blogs such as Eater.com. Popular food bloggers also tend to have a large

following on Twitter as many people pay attention to their tweets.

Social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter allow for ease of sharing of blog

posts or recommendations. A food writer might have a link to a popular article in a magazine

retweeted by many people. Readers often ask Jonathan Gold on Twitter for restaurant

suggestions and when he responds his tweets are not only viewed by the questioner, but by all of

Jonathan Gold’s followers as well. The famous restaurant inspectors of the Michelin Guide have

Twitter accounts too – anyone can follow MichelinGuideCH, MIchelinGuideNY, and

MichelinGuideSF to see where, recently they have dined in each of the respective cities. Other

food and restaurant themed social sites such as Foodspotting promote the sharing of food,

through photos of restaurant dishes. Apps such as Sosh allow people to recommend restaurants

and activities to friends. With technology and social media there are many ways for people to

share restaurant recommendations.

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 Yelp, the restaurant review website, whether warranted or not, has a major presence in

the restaurant world. The content of individual reviews are subjective and often controversial and

the relative anonymity of the reviewers can spur complaints to be especially negative. In

addition, there have been reports of restaurants paying people to write fake reviews and Yelp has

been accused of pressuring restaurants to pay fees in order to be listed favorably on the website.

However, the number of reviews is a relatively accurate indication of how popular a restaurant

is. Many restaurants that have over a thousand reviews in certain cities are often considered an

“institution,” and it is likely that people other than the locals know about the restaurant. Eateries

with a large number of reviews also attract large number of people to visit.

When restaurants want to spread the news about a new dish or a new chef they use social

media to get the word out. While social media does not replace the stamp of approval of an

established food critic, it can create buzz around a restaurant that can take a life of its own. In my

research I find social media is especially powerful when it can elevate a formerly unknown

restaurant into a popular buzzed about establishment. When Starry Kitchen moved into the

corner of the fashion district in Downtown Los Angeles, it was located in an area that was

considered more or less a dead spot. To the average passerby, the restaurant wasn’t recognizable

off the street and people did not tend to walk around much in the area. Nevertheless, due to

social media, it became a destination restaurant, even though it was not a high-end dining

establishment. Most diners visited with the intention of dining at Starry Kitchen rather than

spontaneously walking in from the street. Many restaurants in Los Angeles are destination

restaurants due to the fact that they are located in areas where there is not a lot of foot traffic.

Therefore, people plan ahead for their restaurant visits. Social media helps spread restaurant

information rather than through ordinary self-discovery by pedestrians. For restaurants that are

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located in places where there is not an already established diner base, eateries can build their

customers through the use of social media. This may help attract diners from all over the city in

addition to local resident diners.

Implications for Policy

Implementing specific policies cannot magically transform neighborhoods, but they can

have an impact on whether restaurateurs choose to do business in a specific area. Whether a

neighborhood successfully becomes a foodie destination can be random, but policy can facilitate

a pioneer restaurant to move into a food desert or make it more attractive for restaurateurs to take

a risk on a blighted place. My recommendations for policy improvements are discussed below.

1) Plant the “Seed” for Food

In neighborhoods that are lacking amenities such as restaurants and are seeking to lure such

establishments, cities could assist in helping restaurants set up their businesses. Neighborhoods

that are not particularly lively have a lot to gain by having a unique restaurant move in. They

could start an initiative where a member of the city’s team would assist the permitting process of

restaurateurs and provide guidance at neighborhood council meetings. Independent restaurants

with limited funding would benefit from assistance in getting through the permit process. This

can prevent delays related to slow paperwork and corrections due to lack of information or

miscommunication. Delays to the restaurant opening can hit a smaller restaurant on a budget a

lot harder than a chain establishment or a restaurant with investor backing. The process of

opening a restaurant, especially for a first time restaurateur, can be especially difficult and

tedious. Some guidance for a restaurant supported by the local community would be helpful.

Also, additional fees and license restrictions should be made up front to the restaurants when

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possible. Vivian Ku, the owner of Pine and Crane, a Taiwanese restaurant in Silver Lake notes

that in the middle of the beer and wine license process they were charged an additional $2000

that they had not been informed about. This can be difficult for a restaurant that is already on a

tight budget.

2) Encourage the Pioneers

Neighborhoods that do not have high rents should take advantage of restaurants that are looking

for low cost leases and possibly who are doing more avant garde and creative preparations that

may draw people into the neighborhood. Places often feel safer when there are more people

walking on the sidewalk providing eyes on the streets at all hours of the day (Jacobs 1961).

Most restaurateurs are excited when other restaurants move in and the location becomes a dining

destination. Culver City and Downtown Los Angeles have become established “foodie”

destinations in the last decade. This has made it a lot more attractive for people to visit and live

in the neighborhood. Neighborhoods should keep in mind that with the heightened interest in

food and restaurants people are now more willing to travel out of their familiar neighborhoods to

try food in new places. People also enjoy exploring neighborhoods by eating. City officials

should note that travelers visit places specifically for food and restaurants. As other cities

become new dining destinations, they could also see a rise in visitors as well. Cities such as Paris

have long been dining destinations. More recently, cities such as Copenhagen and San Sebastian

received international recognition for gourmet dining, with some of the most Michelin stars in

the world.

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3) Preserving Authenticity: Success (Can) Beget Chains

For neighborhoods that are established they should keep in mind that success does not

necessarily beget success. Once the rents increase they may be pushing out independent

restaurants and businesses and instead attracting chain establishments with large financial

backing to move in. In addition to the financial burden for independent businesses, the

community may have more limitations on permits and beer and liquor licenses. Parking

requirements are often an issue as well. This results in smaller businesses having a harder time

competing with older businesses in the neighborhood. In order for a neighborhood to be

considered a lively exciting place and destination, it needs to have a diversity of establishments

with various offerings. Neighborhood councils should consider the benefits of having new and

innovative local businesses located in their community.

4) Support Diversity in Food Offerings

Neighborhoods that do have high rents and want to stay a competitive food destination should

consider assisting new independent restaurants that are interested in moving in. A wide variety

of restaurants can help keep neighborhoods lively and interesting. This can be done formally

through local community initiatives or informally by groups organized by other local businesses.

It is no coincidence that some of the most exciting and innovative restaurants are choosing to

locate on the edges of neighborhoods that are not yet fully established rather than the center of

successful wealthy neighborhoods. However, arguably it’s the restaurants on the new frontier of

cuisine attracting attention and diners, so they are worth investing in even in high-end

neighborhoods. In addition, multi-unit and chain restaurants that move into neighborhoods

should consider designing their space and concept to fit into the surrounding spaces rather than

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focus on heavy handed branding of their restaurant concept to show that they are a part of the

community.

5) Buzz: The Reach of Social Media

Both cities and restaurants should take social media seriously. As my research establishes, social

media can help restaurants by disseminating information and attracting people to restaurants. It

can also be used to promote and highlight what neighborhoods and cities have to offer. City

officials can use social media to spread information as well as promote their city. However, they

should not only use their own words, but also the voices of local residents and visitors (with

permission if appropriate). Social media can help distribute ideas and information as well as

spread buzz.

Future Research

My research set out to show how the restaurants are part of the cultural industries and

how they are similar to music, art and film. I find that social media can contribute to a

restaurant’s reputation and effectively spread information about the establishment. Restaurants

can also impact neighborhoods and ultimately play a role in the perception of a city as a dining

destination. There are of course many limitations to this research and plenty of opportunities to

explore. My dataset focuses on Los Angeles and New York City, two of the largest cities in the

country, but hardly comparable to other cities. All of the interviews mainly focus on the

restaurant industry in Los Angeles. The findings may not be applicable to other areas. The food

industry is constantly changing and growing, I expect that more data will become available in the

near future and a more in depth study will be possible. Social media is also changing daily and

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patterns that are found now may be different in the near future. This may be an important focal

point in future place-based and economic development research. New applications and websites

are constantly being formed and launched which may change the way people perceive food and

choose where to eat.

Further research would be necessary to determine whether there is causal direction

between the level of activity on social media websites and the impact on restaurants. Similarly,

are social media indicators of trends to come or do these trends already exist? What is the role of

the social media website in assisting the rise in popularity of the restaurant? This study can be

expanded beyond New York and Los Angeles to other cities. Further work could also be done on

how restaurant activity impacts neighborhoods and urban development. Are they correlated with

real estate values or the influx of new residents? How are these neighborhoods impacted and

changed over time by restaurants? Case studies would be useful for such studies, and especially

if they are compared over time.

Restaurants in Urban Places – Implications and Considerations

Cities such as New York City and Los Angeles are global cities. Along with supporting

multiple industries, they also provide culture through the arts and restaurants. They have 8.4

million and 3.8 million residents (9.8 million in Los Angeles County), respectively, and this

large and diverse population allows them to sustain large communities with an array of different

food and restaurant options. Part of what makes these two cities interesting is that they are able

to provide niche ingredients and dishes and cater to particular communities. In places where

there are a diverse population, there will always be a new dish consume or food culture to

explore.

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 Restaurants are an important part of cities. They are venues where people gather and are

fed. They also contribute to the local economy, provide jobs, and provide spaces for people to

gather. As this research has shown, restaurants with a lot of buzz are displayed on social media

through the number of Yelp reviews and Twitter posts. The buzz they generate brings people into

the neighborhoods in which these restaurants are located. People eat three times a day

(sometimes throughout the day) and restaurants contribute to foot traffic during both daylight

and evening hours. Food bloggers also play a role in bringing attention to restaurants through

their portrayal or review of restaurants. While not all food bloggers have the same reach, those

who are on the radar of gatekeepers in the restaurant industry such as established chefs or food

critics can have a real impact on the conversation and buzz of the restaurant world.

In my research I find that people like to be told where to dine. Like when researching and

looking for recommendations on books, films, and art exhibitions, they look to their colleagues,

friends, family for suggestions on where to eat. Often, they turn to restaurant review websites,

traditional restaurant reviews, and social media for information as well. Both independent and

chain restaurants have increased their presence on social media because it is a large part how

businesses communicate to their customers. Cities can also expand their communication strategy

by spreading information and communicating with their citizens through social media.

This research looks at the mapping patterns of restaurants, along with questions

pertaining to the locational choices of restaurants that might be better answered by qualitative

methods such as interviews. In my interviews with restaurateurs about their locational choices

and whether similar restaurants tend to cluster, I find that their reasoning depends on whether

they were a multi-unit or independent restaurant, the type of diners they hope to attract, and their

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budget. Therefore the qualitative aspect of asking restaurateurs questions relating to locational

choices shed light on understanding the restaurant landscape.

Cultural industries are an important part of cities, and if restaurants can be considered a

part of the cultural economy, understanding how they work may help us better understand

economic development and the variables that influence it. Curation is also an important part of

the cultural industries and with the number of dining options available, the restaurant world is

also impacted by curators. Restaurants can now be viewed as part of the cultural industry in the

sense that they share many traits and may impact urban development in related ways. The rise of

social media in the last decade has changed the way cultural industries function and this has had

an impact on economic geography. Similarly it is changing the way we study those industries

and providing us with new tools to examine the impact of buzz and reputation. Restaurants are

useful as a lens in which we study local economic development, and social media can further

illuminate their dynamics.

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 Appendix

Qualitative Research – Interviews

My qualitative research is based on 52 detailed interviews with various people in

the restaurant world. I interview 30 chefs and restaurateurs, 10 food bloggers, 7 restaurant
publicists, 3 restaurant staff members, 1 professional food critic, and 1 founder of a food
related tech startup. Each interview lasts from 45 minutes to over three hours. The
methodology section of the dissertation details my approach and the specific interview
questions asked.

List of People Interviewed

Jennifer Moore Mario Del Pero

Danielle Francois Sonia Kapadia
Kai-Chun (KC) Ma Tony Chen
Howard Chan Caroline of Caroline on Crack
Bradford Kent Matthew Kang
Niki Nakayama Cathy Chaplin
Jeffery Stivers Pat Saperstein
Carlos Bernal Ryan Tang
Paul Hibler Darin of Darin Dines
David Houston Esther Tseng
Nguyen Tran Kevin Hsu
Selwyn Yosslowitz Kris Ferraro
Vicki Fan Matsusaka Jannis Swerman
Neal Fraser Christina Wong
Claudio Blotta Jennifer Baum
Adria Blotta Meghan Patke
Josiah Citrin Ali Stanley
Bob Spivak Ari Taymor
Walter Manzke Christina Gilmour
David Feau Kevin Boylan
Jason Quinn Joshua Lurie
Chris Kufek Kevin Meehan
Michael Cardenas Jonathan Gold
Adam Horton Kris Yenbamroong
Andre Guerrero Two staff members at Mélisse
Vivian Ku

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