IAN TALBOT Pakistan A Modern History HURST & COMPANY, LONDONFim plished in the United Kingdom by CHist & Co. (Publisher) Lid, 8 King Sweet, London WC2E 812 1 1998 by lan Tahoe AIL aus Yeserved Prin in aa ISBNs T-8S068-381-8 (csebound) 1785065-385-2 (paperback) PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ‘The task of writing Pakistan’s history since independence isan onerous ‘one. The tumulivous and contested nature of the county's political ‘evelopment compounds the problems relating to souree material for ‘contemporary history. Documents relating to soch controversial events ‘the break-up of the country in 1971, the Rawalpindi and Argatala ‘Conspiracy cases andthe circumstances of General Zia-ul Hag/'s death ‘may never be made available tothe historian. Indeed few countries’ Nistories ean be 80 marked by conspiracy thevies, allegations and un- resolved mysteries concerning a gamut of subjects fom election Figgings and attempted coups, trots, massacres and. assassinations "This book seeks to make sense of Pakistan's history by examining the interplay between colonial inheritnoes and contemporary strategic and socio-economic environments. Equally imporant is the interplay between the reional and national levels of polities. The state's response {to pressures fr inereased political participation and devolution of power has been of crucial imporance, as has the perception by minorities, ‘of the "Punjabsation” of Pakistan. Finally the work draws attention to the long-term problems of weak political insitutionalisation and Viceregaism which are rooted inthe colonial past ‘This study has emerged out ofa longstanding interest inthe history ‘of the creation of Pakistan. Many frends and colleagues have helped in my journey of intelectual understanding. I would like to thank the following for thee assistance and encouragement inthe writing ofthis particular study: Profesor Leslie Wolf Philips for his comments on ‘an eatie daft of Chapter 8, Dr Ifikhar Malik, Dr Yunas Samad, De ‘Muhammad Waseem and Dr Gutharpal Singh for their encouragement ‘and ave, and Professor James Manor for enabling me to be a Research Fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies during the completion ‘ofthe text. The work could not have been underaken so expeitiously without British Academy Senior ResearchFellowship. Tam als grateful to The Scouloudi Foundation Historical Awards for financially supporting ‘my period of research at the India Office Library and to The Nulfild ‘Foundation for supporting wha proved tobe a highly productive research visit 10 Washington, DC Tam also grateful to the library staf at Coventry University for courteously dealing with what must have seemed an unending Ist of requests for interlibrary loan materials. Thanks are due to all thosevi Preface and Acknowledgements who generously gave of ther time during the interviews for this work Tam once again indebted to Lois for her forbearance and to. Matin for his patience inthe restrictions on his computer time atthe end ‘ofthe production ofthis manuscript, Finally, I am grateful to Michael Dwyer of C. Hurst & Co. for his encouragement during all sages of the production of this work. Any errs of fact or omission are my responsibility alone, Coventry and London, aN Tato March 1998 CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgements page v Abbreviations vit Glossary wi Introdvetion 1 Part I: THE HISTORICAL INHERITANCE 1. ) Pakistan: Land, Society and Economy 2 ast england the problem of national negation 2 Language and police ident n Pakistan 25 lam n Piradert politics and fudation x0 Pokistn since 1971 Fn Pose 1971 soca and economic change 8 |Popsdaton growth x» | Migration a 2% ae growth ofthe mide lasses 46 2. Colonial Rue, Auboraranism and Retional History in Non Wos Tada 2 Colonial adninsration in the Maslimmajority areas. $3 The Brith recur sae tn North Wea Ind se 3. The Pakian Movement: is Dynamics and Legis 66 Pari a The Unions legacy n Tr legacy ofthe compas for Patison 3 Sindh 14 The North-West Fromier Province a The Frontier Muslim League 9 Bengal 87Contents The All-India Muslim League and Pakistan's future eli tpn ” 4 Peking wpe Pes: Pian, 194749 9 The connie and geographic nertance i) Sate nd itn bertnce “Masicres ad migration ri "hepa irc fom terete snaton 108 The crs nd Pion elation. i The Rashmi cof us Fhe sunt of Plan ee Part I; THE DESTRUCTION OF PAKISTAN'S DEMOCRACY AND UNITY 5. The Desneton of Democracy in Pakistan as Paks pois: proceser and perceptions 16 The fomatve phase. 121751 134 The calla of democracy, 1951-58 19 6 Solon among the Subaers us Y(The making of leader “9 Polcal developments, 195865 13 Bomonde and sca reform cy Economic development VY Foreign airs The descent from power 1p 7. Things Fal Apart 18s Yely'sinkeritence from Ayub 188 % Adminitrative and contitonal developments 190 The 1970 elections ot The drift to civil war andthe creation of Bangladesh 201 Part Ill: FROM BHUTTO TO ZIA, 8. People's Power: Hopes and Impediments 21s The PPP in power 218 Preserential politics 20 Contents Bhuto, the Army and the bureaucracy Constitutional developments conamie and social reforms The Bhutto regime and nationalisation Foreign policy The March 1977 elections The PNA agitation 9, Islam Changes Everything? The world of a detator Political and constitutional change, 1977-85 olitical developments, 1985-88 Pakistan and the war in Afghanistan Islamisation Women, the minorities and Islamisation A stormy summer Part IV: EVER-DECREASING CIRCLES: PAKISTAN POLITICS SINCE 1988 10. Democracy Restored? Pakistan Politics, 1988-93 Democraisation, democracy and Patisan: some ‘eoretical contexts Benazir and the PPP are back The politics of confrontation and regional identity The PPP and the crisis in Sindh ‘Azad Kashmir The PPP and the miltary-bureaueratle establishment ‘The 1990 elections and Nawae Shari rise to power ‘Nawaz Sharif in power, 1990-93 The Gulf War Islamisation and the LI government Successes and setbacks Confrontation with the PPP Sindh The Ul and the miltary-bureaueratie establishment 1, Democracy in Crisis: Pakistan Politics, 1993-98 Constitutional Criss (2) Gn i Be 29 2a us 258 236 262 267 20 29 283 287 290 23 298 03 308 308 310 315 33) 317 31) 303 325 327 327x Contents ale by the IMP? oe) The 1993 elections ssf Benesir Bhuto's second administration, 1993-96 333 Foreign policy 335 ‘TABLES Political problems and confrontations 337 “Zastamie militancy and sectarianism 339 CCl war in Karachi 3a pone aa 1.1. Language distribution in Pakistan n The al from grace 34s 12, Pakistan population by ates, 1981 32 The caretakers 399 13, Pakistan religion by area, 1982 aM The election campaign 382 1A. Inereas in consumer goods 46 air and fee polls? 355 6.1, The military elite in Pakistan, 1985, 162 The results 36, 62. Cental Secretariat elite posts, 1985 162 Eure prospects 438) 663. Indostil development in West Pakistan, 1969-70170 12 Conexion 368 7A, National Assembly eleeton results, 1970-1 200 72. Provincial Assembly election reals, 19701 201 Appendixes 8.1, The quota system in public sector employment 21 Pakistan Heads of State and Government 375 82, National Assembly election resus, March 1977 an Biographical Notes an 10:1, Provincial Assembly election resus, 1988 296 Pakistan Political Pasties and Organisations ‘04 102. National Assembly election results, 1990 34 114, National Assembly election resus, 1993 332 Select Bibliography an 112. Party positions inthe National and Provincial Assembly seats, February 1997 polls 357 Indes anIML aK ANP |APMSO APWA, cer cDvs. ceENTO cu cor. cre cs BDO CO TF TABA. wap rn uM ur 1st ” JKUF vor suKe) sup ABBREVIATIONS Altndia Muslim League ‘Azad Kashmir ‘Azad Keshnis Mastin Conference ‘Arad Kai People's Paty ‘Awan National Party AllPakistan Mobi Stents Organisation All Pakistan Women's Astacio Coane of Common Interests (Coan of Defence and National Security Cental Treaty Organisation Central eigence Agency Coun of tame Heology Combined Oppsion Paes Communist Pay of Paisan Gist Service of Pakistan ectve Bodies (Disquifeation) Order Economie Coopention Agency Enhanced Stucual Adjustment Fay Federal Seeuty Fore International Atomic Energy Agency Indra Development Bank of Pitan Islam Famboor ead Islami Jambo Mobaz Tela Jamie -Tuleba Inter Services Intligence Agency Joint Chet of Sts Commitee aati Jame and Kashmir Liberation Font Samia lems Fazir Rehman faction Jamin Uleme-PaitanKpe SMP Abbreviations Krish Praja any Krish Seamik Psy sae Tobie Legal Framework Onder Muslin Farly Laws Ordinance Mobgjr Qa Matez ‘Akal Husain faction ‘Nag Abed fstion [Movement for the Restoration of Democracy [National Awan Paty National Democratic Paty Nont-East rons Ageacy National industrial Crt and Finance Corporation National People's Paty North-West Froaier Province ‘Organisation of he Ihc Conference Provinllly Administered Tribal Areas Paks Industrial and Cet an Investment Corporation Pakistan Dercraic Aisne Paka Democratic Party Pakistan erations Aiines Pakistan Islamic Font Pshaunktive Mill Avani Pasty Pakistan Mastin League Sunej faction Pagar faction Pakistan Naina Aliance Pakistan Naina Party Public Ofies (Disqualicaton) Onder Pakistan People's Paty Shaheed Bhat facson Pubic and Representative Offices (Disquaifeaton) Act People's Stadent Peeraion Research and Analysis Wing (Indian Ineligence Ageny) South Asian Assocation for Regional Cooperation South-East Asia Treaty Organisstion Shaakat Khaoum Memorial Hospital Sipa-e Mohamad Pakistan FMA, 10R NAL NAP ibliographical abbreviations occurring in the notes Abbreviations ww Sips Pakistan “ehrks.gat “Tebvk-eNifr-e-igh<-ara “Tebrk-eNifre Sharst- Mohammad ‘United Arab Emirates United Democratic Front United Sats nfrmaton Service ‘Women’s Acton Forum ‘Water and Power Development Auborsy Freedom Movement Archives India Office Litary India Office Records Foanightly Repo Nasional Archive of adi National Archives of Pakistanira ‘afr ‘ai lla mur bir sali nahin at teh vwadero sal GLOSSARY, commande, ci pes roterhood, piling Kinship group court of ale ‘ing of religous law ire th, hood ilsimage to Mecca ssrike Aight, exo of Mustns for isons purpose land unteliver, now Muslin wonlen lb tial eet Muslin scolar eared inthe Koran prescher Asie ofa pir 8 Masti Saf sai, sista guide Iieraly one who ss onthe prayer carpet canon of 2 Sut eine Muslin mystic even mbvisin of a dsrct Musina lead in Islamic religious wenses Important anniversary inthe ealendar of a Suf shine large lndowners of Sind soup of wilages andholder responsible for paying land revenue to the ovement INTRODUCTION Pakistan for much of ts history hasbeen a tate searching fra national identy. The overlap of regional, Pakistani and religious identities was aniculated most clearly by the Pushtun nationalist Wali Khan nearly 8 decade ago when he declared that he had been a Pusheun for 4,000 ‘years, a Muslim for 1.400 years and a Pakistani fr forty years. Five ‘ecades after its creation the question remains whether Pakistan is a land for Muslims or a nation of Muslims moving towards its destiny as an Islamic state? Language and religion, rather than providing a panacea for unity in a plural society, have opened a Pandora's box Of conflicting identes. Centrist state structures have reinforced a sense ‘hat Pakistan nationalism is being imposed from shove in the service of the ‘Punjbisation’ ofthe sta ‘Successive bouts of authoritarian rule have reinforced centrifugal tric, linguistic and regional Tores. This was seen most dramatically the Beagali nationalists" struggle with the state which culminated in civil war andthe separation of Bast Pakisan in 1971, Following the trauma ofthe Bangladesh Wat, Zlfigar Al Bhutto and Zia ul Haq turned successively to populism and Islam in an attempt to strengthen 8 sense of national idenity. Populism raised expectations which could not be met by an increasingly authoritarian regime; Islam proved @ broken reed because it raised the question of whose Islam? and what [slum? should be implemented by the state. ‘The complex reasons why the Pakistan state has been manifestly tunsuceessful in accommodating cultural diversity emerge during the narrative. This leads to the conclusion thatthe following thre factors have been especially important: the tendency to regard all dissent as a Taw and order rather than a political issbe; the manipulation and repression of popular forces by successive authoritarian regimes; and the uneven relavonship between the Ponjab and other repions in the ‘conduct of national afr. "The narative also reveals that a stte-centie approach is inadequate. Aueation must aso be paid (© the socio-economic environment and § ct AS. Ale iso‘ Ey'New al Cls, Cars, “7 Novener 190 In is sabiston te Soe Cau 1996, Wal Kn ined he vara 6o0beara Patan2 Introduction its atendant pti eukur and tothe circumstances which urounded Pan’ ations there forex tht we il find tes both tothe Moslim League's fare to at Bsa naion-buing insitton, Unlike isIndan Congress coutrpar, and tote dysfunction between {hess subsequcmdevelopmentandde confer textofthe Tounda tina 1940 Lahore Resolution? Pakistan politics ae ephemeral spaying beilerng aay of sniing allegances and alliances Personalities count rater than io inser or pry istonaiabon, This s evidenced fst bythe impact Upuwoetct tes on voting behaviour second by pares puting Sp banddates with names sitar to tse opponent conte d rt by he prone of one man bn pais rth. rie passing over actviss when allocating cleton Wickets Which Tomead ae given vo men of lca inten"; and ally bythe leading Figures” mutex contest. an Kha the forme itematonal erik [er eamed pottcian, fr example, stood unsucesfll for no Tess {han 8 seats in the 1997 elections, This plial approach ensres that Seaecions forthe sas vacate follow immediatly on genera lec tins In 1998 tere were twelve Natonal Asembly and ten Provincial ‘Ase contests within weeks of the October pols eral poles are dominated by elie Tams, many of whom regard the high costs of campagring? s an investment for access {Sine “gis tems The Kha and he Sharif are recent etans {0 the Punab'spoltical families of Nons, Danas and Tiwans Thess Nawaz Shr younger brother Sahib beame Chief Minister ‘font flowing the nme scushng 1997 nadonal election victory Pakistan's mos fous pola! dynasty however remains the Bhutos Yer despite the presence of high profile female policians suchas the'Bhuto lady poles remain a overweingly male preserve ‘There wer ony five female cacats ram the Puna te February [997 clectons, and just ne from Balochistan. Purter evidence ofthe prtirchal matireof Pakistan society ab provided y the thet of Firs and flo leader o pois nbermen who feitered ir 2 Thee hs ten grat cotvey sundae neon of he Recaton wich corel lemma of eopey encoun en wich oll be SPSS hoch Srl ssment tray mee. it he we ‘Fonction be grouped cose penn Se which he consent ‘ates urmom end tvrig ems nied, Peal (8) Fda ‘fel Ai ne Masi Cane Documents 108107, el 2 (Rach, 190-70, J inti cub he wot tenes th 197 elect! as puta cing of 600000, tes ey css fe men foe se cei fo iso Assent Invoduetion 3 womenflk as voters inthe Federally Administered Tibal Areas (FATA wich, for the fist time since Pakistan's crestion, were able to vate ‘on the bass of adult eanchise inthe 1997 poll. Undersegistation Of female voters hts persisted in bal areas ofthe Pron, Balochistan snd Panjab “The proliferation of parties and the presence of strong leaders has bequeathed instability and matty. rather than vali and develop. iment If was not until December 1970 tat the fst direct nation Elections were held. The proliferation of elections nce 1988 is xully uneahy sgn, at they have resulted from the dismissal of [Steed governments, none of which bas scen dough full tem Sa oie. The persisting confrontational character of Pakistani polities was Clearly demonstrated atthe ine ofthe 1993 pols, when the Election Commission felt accessary to ase code of conduct wich banned the branding of opponents as kajir (ined) ot ghaddar (ait) Powerholers harass their opponents who ery fou i a discourse ominated by concems wih coruption, Charges of national betrayal have been readily bandied about n'a pital sytem peculcly prone to conspiracy theories, The belie! for example that Bengal poll ‘demands inthe early 19505 were not genuine, but insiated bya it columnist Hinda population and by Indi is asking instance ofthe ‘angerousconsqences of ch thores, The military and her urea rate ales have fequently inserted themselves into this uneditying “ndehaoic scene Indeed foralmost wo decades ois existence Pakistan tas been admired by mati Taw regimes. At eer times the army ‘has more discret ple the string of puppet demecratic dispensation “The formation ofthe Council of Defence and National Secunty (CDNS) shortly before the Feary 1997 polls sought to fomalise the ay"s Tole inthe power structure, thereby insuting a guided democra ‘he mit peed plc iercnon hos fd Pasa ve ‘ariousy termed practoan stale o fo ponent “apolitical economy offence” in contaditinton to nda’ pli economy of deve lopment? ‘Spending on the Punjab-dominated armed forces his drained Pakis- tans resources wih ound 30 percent of governmental expenditure doe cry pomgas =—— SM. Waseem The 199% Ect a Pasion (Laho, 1996,p. 228 © wai ot jt itary iron i police, bt unmet plies a whch he copra sets for the eslsion of ean best owe “HooricalPerpcin (Cb 195) np. 2-58. 5 pee fre pers tn S900 in 198, 2 percent iee ae 1974 Inaroduetion and 8 per cent of the GNP being devoted to defence. Inthe 1996-7 budget? for example, 131 billion rupees was earmarked for defence, 414 per cent increase on the previous year ~this compared with meagre Rs. 1625 million for education and Rs. 3,219 milion fr health ‘expenditure. The annual development programme expenditure was set a about 30 per cent less than this gargantuan military spending. Yet ‘despite Pakistan spending nearly twice as grat a percentage of its GNP. ‘on defence than India, the gap bas widened between the absolute ex ppenditures of the two counties, asthe latter's greater population and Industrial development has enabled it 10 outstip its eval, The over development ofthe elected institutions of the Pakistan state has per petuated the problem of weak legitimisaton as well as exacerbating tne politics by reiforcing the regional elites clams ofa Punjabistion ‘of Pakistan, Pakistan's post independence politcal history hasthus been eutess search for stability with frequent changes of government and regime During the country’s two opening decades, it experimented with two constituent assembles, one consttutional commission and three con- stitutions. There have been numerous fase stars, timing points which failed to turn and culde-sas. The Bhutto regime of the early 1970s raised expectations with sry of oH, kapraaur makan’ "Food, Cothes and Shelter). Similarly, the restoration of democracy which followed Zia's eatin 1988 washed both within the country and internationally ‘sparta the third wave of democratisation sweeping the globe, marking ‘new bopinning. The high hopes have since given way «© profound loom as successive elected governments have presided over economic ‘eet, mounting compton ad etnic confit. What hae been termed “constitutional coups successively removed the governments of Benazit Bhutto (1990), Nawaz Sharif (1993) and Bhutio again in 1996. The failure t walle earlier high expectations has contbuted to a sense of eynicism and pessinism among the intellectual elites and many writers on Pakistan. Like all new stats, Pakistan possesses its foundational myths. The circumstances oft birth and the vagaries of post independence politics have given these conjuring ticks added influence. The oficial reading, of history stil maintains tha the Muslims of the subcontinent were 8 separate nation from theie Hindu neighbour. On this “two nation theory" the Pakistan demand was based. Viewed through this prism, post independence regional identities are seen as a barrier to nation: building and as Waitorous tothe state's Foundational unity of porpose. of Me at Sabie 2 (0959, Inrodution 5 ‘The Zia regime further reworked the foundational myth to posit innah snl the Muslim League leadership as demanding Pakistani order to {establish not just a homeland for the nation of Indian Mastin, but ‘an blame state. Thus only by retucning to the peste Islamic intentions ‘ofits creators could Pakistan establish its Wue identity and achieve rational unity. ‘The realty ofthe Pakistan movement was that it was not monolithic. Indian Musims adopted an identifiable Musim poiial platform be. cause ofthe encouragement they received from the colonial state and the contingencies arsing fom their eative economic and poitial back: wardnessvisa-vsthe Hinds majority. Jinnah genius was to recognise the realities ofthe divisions in Muslim society and to forge what in fact approximated to 2 marrage of convenience between the Muslim professional clases of the Hindu dominated areas and the lndlords Of the future Pakistan regions. Local allegiances were what counted in potiical mobilisation rather than an understanding ofa Muslin/Pakis ‘ani nationalism. Moreover, innah's sim and that of the professional slit who controled the League was to wrest state in which Muslim economic, political and cultural interests could be safeguarded, but not ‘o create an Islamic state. The secular outlook ofthe Muslim League lay beneath the temporary millenarian enthusiasm ofthe closing stages of the Pakistan movement. Many religious lenders were well aware ‘this fact and hence opposed the Muslim Tague, despite is demand fora state in the name’ of religion “The ie thatthe Pakistan movement represented a golden age of Idealism and tat only a state-sponsored Islamisation process can recap ture its erroneous. The patronage politics of contemporary Pakistan !ue by no means unique. It Pakistan et return to the past to Safeguard the atures not to the mythial theocratic intentions oft founders. {eis ather to the orginal ideas ofthe famous 1940 Lahore Resolution that emphasised the decenvalisation of power to the federaing units ‘oa Mostim state. Secondly itis tothe consociational,accommodstionist poltics of the Muslim League's Unionist Party rivals inthe Punjab ‘uring the 1940s. The selective memory of official history basin fact removed precisely those elements which could form the components ‘of viabiepotiical system. By throwing out Unionist power-sharing ‘long with their opposition tothe Pakistan stugele the official discourse hasreinfrced the politcal culture of intolerance and cntionttion which stew out of the feudal values of the Pakistan areas. 1 such disitesplicins as GM, Sed bythe xy 1990s wes testing te ste alsin ete Aono i on he cpg oe Sint eae ‘Staged tat whine sje ne is Catt Misoe Pan 198, ‘he celery ote tan botnet seabed Dav 8 Samar 19,Inroduction Pakistan's historical realities are complex and messy and suit neither the rantings of Islamic ideologues, nor the precision of political science theorising about anieal type category ofthe post-colonial state, Pakistan ‘ofcourse sharesin common with many developing countries such features, ‘as class, gender and regional inequalities and conflicts between nation building and ethnicity, moderity and tradition. But its compleites and paradoxes can only be understood in terms of an historical analysis, ‘despite the charms of systems analysis and model bulking. The Pakistan ‘it’s capacity to resolve many ofthe conflicts arising from ethnicity for example are constrained by the past, both in terms ofthe athoe tarianism of the modem state bequeathed by colonialism and the am- ‘biguous relationship between Muslim nationalism and ethnic identities