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There is little doubt that the magnitude of the social protection response to
COVID-19 is of historical proportions. According to our research
(http://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/467521607723220511/pdf/Social-
Protection-and-Jobs-Responses-to-COVID-19-A-Real-Time-Review-of-Country-
Measures-December-11-2020.pdf) on measures taken by 215 countries and
territories, at least $800 billion have been invested in social protection in the past
nine months, a level 22% higher than during the great recession of 2008–09. This
amounts to more than 1,400 social protection measures, of which about one-third
took the form of cash transfers reaching over 1.1 billion people, or 14% of the
world’s population. Relative to pre-COVID levels, cash transfer bene ts nearly
doubled and coverage grew by 240%, on average.
Yet “large scale” doesn’t mean “adequate”: our analysis shows that in the
countries examined, cash transfer programs lasted 3.3 months on average, with a
mere 7% of them being extended; 30% of programs were one-o payments; and
only one-quarter reached more than one-third of the population. In low-income
countries, spending per capita amounted to a scant average of $6 per capita,
which is 87 times lower than in high-income countries.
First, societal attitudes toward e ort, work, self-reliance, family, or mutual support
play an important role in shaping social protection coverage and design. While
studies on cash transfers have largely disproved fears of dependency, work
disincentives or unwise use of money
(https://academic.oup.com/wbro/article/33/2/259/5127165), a certain level of
wariness may still endure among policymakers. It is plausible that the lifeline
provided by cash transfers during the pandemic might have represented a “proof
of concept” and boosted trust in those programs. Whether programs would “stick”
might hinge on their adaptation to local cultures, values and norms
(https://fdslive.oup.com/www.oup.com/academic/pdf/openaccess/9780198850342.p
This would put a premium on e orts to understanding the nature of reservations
as opposed to “convincing” skeptical policymakers.
Fifth, there are lingering questions related to nancing matters, including in terms
of sources of revenue and levels of scal space required. There are valid reasons
for why nancing constraints have been relaxed, and past experiences have
underscored the risks of “scaling down” too early
(https://poseidon01.ssrn.com/delivery.php?
ID=683099006066122026113024084109020069028040070052091020024000067025
So far, funding modalities for social protection included among others de cit
spending, reprioritization of expenditures, and cuts to other services
(http://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/737761605775837011/pdf/Where-
is-the-Money-Coming-From-Ten-Stylized-Facts-on-Financing-Social-Protection-
Responses-to-COVID-19.pdf). These may not be feasible or desirable options in
the longer-run. Fiscal constraints may become particularly challenging where
social protection is already heavily reliant on external assistance
(https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/29789/9781464811
sequence=2&isAllowed=y). In such contexts, reimagining partnerships in the
humanitarian space will be important
(https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/analysis/2021/01/04/humanitarian-aid-
policy-trends-2021). Yet historically, the development of domestic tax systems has
been a key step for domestic social protection expansions. The crisis, perhaps,
could generate further space for such conversation. Governments could build on
the emerging response to forge a new social contract with “tax and bene ts”
(https://www.imf.org/-/media/Files/Publications/WP/2020/English/wpiea2020105-
print-pdf.ashx) at its center.
(/team/ugo-gentilini) (/team/ugo-gentilini)
U o G ntilini (/t m/u o- ntilini)
Global lead for social assistance
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