Conspiracy Theory

Conspiracy theory - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.
org/wiki/Conspiracy_theory
Conspiracy theory
A conspiracy theory is an explanation for an event or situation

that invokes a conspiracy by sinister and powerful groups, often
political in motivation,[2][3] when other explanations are more
probable.[4][5] The term has a negative connotation, implying that
the appeal to a conspiracy is based on prejudice or insufficient
evidence.[6]
Conspiracy theories resist falsification and are reinforced by

circular reasoning: both evidence against the conspiracy and an
absence of evidence for it are re-interpreted as evidence of its
truth,[6][7] whereby the conspiracy becomes a matter of faith
rather than something that can be proved or disproved.[8][9]
Research suggests that conspiracist ideation—belief in The Eye of Providence, or the
conspiracy theories—may be psychologically harmful or all-seeing eye of God, seen here on
pathological[10][11] and that it is correlated with psychological the US$1 bill, has been taken by
projection, paranoia and Machiavellianism.[12] Psychologists some to be evidence of a
attribute finding a conspiracy where there is none to a mental conspiracy involving the founders of
phenomenon called illusory pattern perception.[13][14] the United States and the
Illuminati.[1]
Historically, conspiracy theories have been closely linked to
prejudice, witch hunts, wars, and genocides.[15][16][17] They are
often strongly believed by the perpetrators of terrorist attacks, and were used as justification by
Timothy McVeigh and Anders Breivik, as well as by governments such as Nazi Germany, the Soviet
Union,[15] and Turkey.[18] AIDS denialism by the government of South Africa, motivated by
conspiracy theories, caused an estimated 330,000 deaths from AIDS,[19][20][21] while belief in
conspiracy theories about genetically modified foods led the government of Zambia to reject food aid
during a famine,[16] at a time when 3 million people in the country were suffering from hunger.[22]
Conspiracy theories are a significant obstacle to improvements in public health,[16][23] encouraging
opposition to vaccination and water fluoridation among others, and have been linked to outbreaks of
vaccine-preventable diseases.[16][19][23][24] Other effects of conspiracy theories include reduced trust
in scientific evidence,[16][25] radicalization and ideological reinforcement of extremist groups,[15][26]
and negative consequences for the economy.[15]
Conspiracy theories once limited to fringe audiences have become commonplace in mass media,
emerging as a cultural phenomenon of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.[27][28][29][30] They are
widespread around the world and are often commonly believed, some even being held by the majority
of the population.[31][32][33] Interventions to reduce the occurrence of conspiracy beliefs include
maintaining an open society and improving the analytical thinking skills of the general public.[31][32]
Contents
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Conspiracy theory - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conspiracy_theory
Etymology and usage

Difference from conspiracy
Examples
Popularity
Types
Walker's five kinds
Barkun's three types
Rothbard: shallow vs. deep
Relationship with evidence
Rhetoric
Conspiracism as a world view
Middle East
United States
Consequences
Interventions
Psychology
Attractions
Origins
Projection
Sociology
Influence of critical theory
Fusion paranoia
Viability
Politics
See also
References
External links
Etymology and usage

The Oxford English Dictionary defines conspiracy theory as "the theory that an event or
phenomenon occurs as a result of a conspiracy between interested parties; spec. a belief that some
covert but influential agency (typically political in motivation and oppressive in intent) is responsible
for an unexplained event". It cites a 1909 article in The American Historical Review as the earliest
usage example,[34][35] although it also appeared in print as early as April 1870.[36] The word
"conspiracy" derives from the Latin con- ("with, together") and spirare ("to breathe").
Robert Blaskiewicz comments that examples of the term were used as early as the nineteenth century
and states that its usage has always been derogatory.[37] According to a study by Andrew McKenzie-
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McHarg, in contrast, in the nineteenth century the term conspiracy theory simply "suggests a
plausible postulate of a conspiracy" and "did not, at this stage, carry any connotations, either negative
or positive", though sometimes a postulate so-labeled was criticized.[38] The term "conspiracy theory"
is itself the subject of a conspiracy theory, which claims the term was popularized by the CIA in order
to discredit conspiratorial believers, particularly critics of the Warren Commission, by making them a
target of ridicule.[39] In his 2013 book Conspiracy Theory in America, political scientist Lance
deHaven-Smith suggested that the term entered everyday language in the United States after 1964,
the year in which the Warren Commission published its findings on the Kennedy assassination, with
The New York Times running five stories that year using the term.[40] However, deHaven-Smith's
suggestion has been criticized by Michael Butter, a Professor of American Literary and Cultural
History at the University of Tübingen, on the grounds that a CIA document which deHaven-Smith
referenced, Concerning Criticism of the Warren Report – which was publicly released in 1976 after a
Freedom of Information Act request – does not contain the phrase "conspiracy theory" in the
singular, and only mentions "conspiracy theories" once, in the sentence "Conspiracy theories have
frequently thrown suspicion on our organisation [sic], for example, by falsely alleging that Lee Harvey
Oswald worked for us."[41]
Difference from conspiracy

A conspiracy theory is not simply a conspiracy, which refers to any covert plan involving two or more
people.[42] In contrast, the term "conspiracy theory" refers to hypothesized conspiracies that have
specific characteristics. For example, conspiracist beliefs invariably oppose the mainstream consensus
among those people who are qualified to evaluate their accuracy, such as scientists or historians.[43]
Conspiracy theorists see themselves as having privileged access to socially persecuted knowledge or a
stigmatized mode of thought that separates them from the masses who believe the official account.[42]
Michael Barkun describes a conspiracy theory as a "template imposed upon the world to give the
appearance of order to events".[42]
Real conspiracies, even very simple ones, are difficult to conceal and routinely experience unexpected
problems.[44] In contrast, conspiracy theories suggest that conspiracies are unrealistically successful
and that groups of conspirators, such as bureaucracies, can act with near-perfect competence and
secrecy. The causes of events or situations are simplified to exclude complex or interacting factors, as
well as the role of chance and unintended consequences. Nearly all observations are explained as
having been deliberately planned by the alleged conspirators.[44]
In conspiracy theories, the conspirators are usually claimed to be acting with extreme malice.[44] As
described by Robert Brotherton:
The malevolent intent assumed by most conspiracy theories goes far beyond everyday
plots borne out of self-interest, corruption, cruelty, and criminality. The postulated
conspirators are not merely people with selfish agendas or differing values. Rather,
conspiracy theories postulate a black-and-white world in which good is struggling against
evil. The general public is cast as the victim of organised persecution, and the motives of
the alleged conspirators often verge on pure maniacal evil. At the very least, the
conspirators are said to have an almost inhuman disregard for the basic liberty and
well-being of the general population. More grandiose conspiracy theories portray the
conspirators as being Evil Incarnate: of having caused all the ills from which we suffer,
committing abominable acts of unthinkable cruelty on a routine basis, and striving
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ultimately to subvert or destroy everything we hold dear.[44]
Examples
A conspiracy theory may take any matter as its subject, but certain subjects attract greater interest
than others. Favored subjects include famous deaths and assassinations, morally dubious government
activities, suppressed technologies, and "false flag" terrorism. Among the longest-standing and most
widely recognized conspiracy theories are notions concerning the assassination of John F. Kennedy,
the 1969 Apollo moon landings, and the 9/11 terrorist attacks, as well as numerous theories pertaining
to alleged plots for world domination by various groups both real and imaginary.[45]
Popularity
Conspiracy beliefs are widespread around the world.[31] In rural Africa, common targets of conspiracy
theorizing include societal elites, enemy tribes, and the Western world, with conspirators often
alleged to enact their plans via sorcery or witchcraft; one common belief identifies modern technology
as itself being a form of sorcery, created with the goal of harming or controlling the people.[31] In
China, one widely published conspiracy theory claims that a number of events including the rise of
Hitler, the 1997 Asian financial crisis, and climate change were planned by the Rothschild family,
which may have led to effects on discussions about China's currency policy.[32][46]
Conspiracy theories once limited to fringe audiences have become commonplace in mass media,
contributing to conspiracism emerging as a cultural phenomenon in the United States of the late 20th
and early 21st centuries.[27][28][29][30] The general predisposition to believe conspiracy theories cuts
across partisan and ideological lines. Conspiratorial thinking is correlated with antigovernmental
orientations and a low sense of political efficacy, with conspiracy believers perceiving a governmental
threat to individual rights and displaying a deep skepticism that who one votes for really matters.[47]
Conspiracy theories are often commonly believed, some even being held by the majority of the
population.[31][32][33] A broad cross-section of Americans today gives credence to at least some
conspiracy theories.[48] For instance, a study conducted in 2016 found that 10% of Americans think
the chemtrail conspiracy theory is "completely true" and 20-30% think it is "somewhat true".[49] This
puts "the equivalent of 120 million Americans in the 'chemtrails are real' camp."[49] Belief in
conspiracy theories has therefore become a topic of interest for sociologists, psychologists and experts
in folklore.
Conspiracy theories are widely present on the Web in the form of blogs and YouTube videos, as well
as on social media. Whether the Web has increased the prevalence of conspiracy theories or not is an
open research question.[50] The presence and representation of conspiracy theories in search engine
results has been monitored and studied, showing significant variation across different topics, and a
general absence of reputable, high-quality links in the results.[51]
One conspiracy theory that propagated through former US President Barack Obama's time in
office[52] claimed that he was born in Kenya instead of Hawaii[53]- where he was born. Former
governor of Arkansas and political opponent of Obama, Mike Huckabee made headlines in 2011[54]
when he, among other members of Republican leadership, continued to question Obama's citizenship
status.
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Types
A conspiracy theory can be local or international, focused on single events or covering multiple
incidents and entire countries, regions and periods of history.[42]
Walker's five kinds
Jesse Walker (2013) has identified five kinds of conspiracy theories:
The "Enemy Outside" refers to theories based on figures alleged to be scheming against a
community from without.
The "Enemy Within" finds the conspirators lurking inside the nation, indistinguishable from
ordinary citizens.
The "Enemy Above" involves powerful people manipulating events for their own gain.
The "Enemy Below" features the lower classes working to overturn the social order.
The "Benevolent Conspiracies" are angelic forces that work behind the scenes to improve the
world and help people.[55]
Barkun's three types
Michael Barkun has identified three classifications of conspiracy theory:
Event conspiracy theories. This refers to limited and well-defined events. Examples may include
such conspiracies theories as those concerning the Kennedy assassination, 9/11, and the spread
of AIDS.[56]
Systemic conspiracy theories. The conspiracy is believed to have broad goals, usually conceived
as securing control of a country, a region, or even the entire world. The goals are sweeping, whilst
the conspiratorial machinery is generally simple: a single, evil organization implements a plan to
infiltrate and subvert existing institutions. This is a common scenario in conspiracy theories that
focus on the alleged machinations of Jews, Freemasons, Communism, or the Catholic Church.[56]
Superconspiracy theories. For Barkun, such theories link multiple alleged conspiracies together
hierarchically. At the summit is a distant but all-powerful evil force. His cited examples are the
ideas of David Icke and Milton William Cooper.[56]
Rothbard: shallow vs. deep
Murray Rothbard argues in favor of a model that contrasts "deep" conspiracy theories to "shallow"
ones. According to Rothbard, a "shallow" theorist observes an event and asks Cui bono? ("Who
benefits?"), jumping to the conclusion that a posited beneficiary is responsible for covertly influencing
events. On the other hand, the "deep" conspiracy theorist begins with a hunch and then seeks out
evidence. Rothbard describes this latter activity as a matter of confirming with certain facts one's
initial paranoia.[57]
Relationship with evidence
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Belief in conspiracy theories is generally based not on evidence, but in the faith of the believer.[58]
Noam Chomsky contrasts conspiracy theory to institutional analysis which focuses mostly on the
public, long-term behavior of publicly known institutions, as recorded in, for example, scholarly
documents or mainstream media reports.[59] Conspiracy theory conversely posits the existence of
secretive coalitions of individuals and speculates on their alleged activities.[60][61] Belief in conspiracy
theories is associated with biases in reasoning, such as the conjunction fallacy.[62]
Clare Birchall at King's College London describes conspiracy theory as a "form of popular knowledge
or interpretation".[a] The use of the word 'knowledge' here suggests ways in which conspiracy theory
may be considered in relation to legitimate modes of knowing.[b] The relationship between legitimate
and illegitimate knowledge, Birchall claims, is closer than common dismissals of conspiracy theory
contend.[64]
Theories involving multiple conspirators that are proven to be correct, such as the Watergate scandal,
are usually referred to as "investigative journalism" or "historical analysis" rather than conspiracy
theory.[65] By contrast, the term "Watergate conspiracy theory" is used to refer to a variety of
hypotheses in which those convicted in the conspiracy were in fact the victims of a deeper
conspiracy.[66]
Rhetoric
Conspiracy theory rhetoric exploits several important cognitive biases, including proportionality bias,
attribution bias, and confirmation bias.[19] Conspiracy theories are most successful when proponents
can gather followers from the general public, such as in politics, religion and journalism. These
proponents may not necessarily believe the conspiracy theory, instead using it in an attempt to gain
public approval. Conspiratorial claims can act as a successful rhetorical strategy to convince a portion
of the public via appeal to emotion.[16]
Conspiracy theories typically justify themselves by focusing on gaps or ambiguities in knowledge, and
then arguing that the true explanation for this must be a conspiracy.[44] In contrast, any evidence that
directly supports their claims is generally of low quality. For example, conspiracy theories are often
dependent on eyewitness testimony, despite its unreliability, while disregarding objective analyses of
the evidence.[44]
Conspiracy theories resist falsification and are reinforced by circular reasoning: both evidence against
the conspiracy and an absence of evidence for it are re-interpreted as evidence of its truth,[6][7]
whereby the conspiracy becomes a matter of faith rather than something that can be proved or
disproved.[8][9] The epistemic strategy of conspiracy theories has been called "cascade logic": each
time new evidence becomes available, a conspiracy theory is able to dismiss it by claiming that even
more people must be part of the cover-up.[16][44] Any information that contradicts the conspiracy
theory is suggested to be disinformation by the alleged conspiracy.[25] Similarly, the continued lack of
evidence directly supporting conspiracist claims is portrayed as confirming the existence of a
conspiracy of silence; the fact that other people haven't found or exposed any conspiracy is taken as
evidence that those people are part of the plot, rather than considering that it may be because no
conspiracy exists.[19][44] This strategy lets conspiracy theories insulate themselves from neutral
analyses of the evidence, and makes them resistant to questioning or correction, which is called
"epistemic self-insulation".[19][44]
Conspiracy theorists often take advantage of false balance in the media. They may claim to be
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presenting a legitimate alternative viewpoint that deserves equal time to argue its case; for example,
this strategy has been used by the Teach the Controversy campaign to promote intelligent design,
which often claims that there is a conspiracy of scientists suppressing their views. If they successfully
find a platform to present their views in a debate format, they focus on using rhetorical ad hominems
and attacking perceived flaws in the mainstream account, while avoiding any discussion of the
shortcomings in their own position.[16]
The typical approach of conspiracy theories is to challenge any action or statement from authorities,
using even the most tenuous justifications. Responses are then assessed using a double standard,
where failing to provide an immediate response to the satisfaction of the conspiracy theorist will be
claimed to prove a conspiracy. Any minor errors in the response are heavily emphasized, while
deficiencies in the arguments of other proponents are generally excused.[16]
In science, conspiracists may suggest that a scientific theory can be disproven by a single perceived
deficiency, even though such events are extremely rare. In addition, both disregarding the claims and
attempting to address them will be interpreted as proof of a conspiracy.[16] Other conspiracist
arguments may not be scientific; for example, in response to the IPCC Second Assessment Report in
1996, much of the opposition centered on promoting a procedural objection to the report's creation.
Specifically, it was claimed that part of the procedure reflected a conspiracy to silence dissenters,
which served as motivation for opponents of the report and successfully redirected a significant
amount of the public discussion away from the science.[16]
Conspiracism as a world view

The historian Richard Hofstadter addressed the role of paranoia and conspiracism throughout U.S.
history in his 1964 essay "The Paranoid Style in American Politics". Bernard Bailyn's classic The
Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967) notes that a similar phenomenon could be
found in North America during the time preceding the American Revolution. Conspiracism labels
people's attitudes as well as the type of conspiracy theories that are more global and historical in
proportion.[67]
One of the most widely confirmed facts about conspiracy theories is that belief in a single conspiracy
theory tends to promote belief in other unrelated conspiracy theories as well.[19][68] This even applies
when the conspiracy theories directly contradict each other, e.g. believing that Osama bin Laden was
already dead before his compound in Pakistan was attacked makes the same person more likely to
believe that he is still alive. One conclusion from this finding is that the content of a conspiracist belief
is less important than the idea of a coverup by the authorities.[19][69][70]
The term "conspiracism" was further popularized by academic Frank P. Mintz in the 1980s. According
to Mintz, conspiracism denotes "belief in the primacy of conspiracies in the unfolding of history":[71]:4
Conspiracism serves the needs of diverse political and social groups in America and
elsewhere. It identifies elites, blames them for economic and social catastrophes, and
assumes that things will be better once popular action can remove them from positions of
power. As such, conspiracy theories do not typify a particular epoch or ideology.[71]:199
Justin Fox of Time magazine argues that Wall Street traders are among the most conspiracy-minded
group of people, and ascribes this to the reality of some financial market conspiracies, and to the
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ability of conspiracy theories to provide necessary orientation in the market's day-to-day

movements.[72]
Middle East
Conspiracy theories are a prevalent feature of Arab culture and politics.[73] Variants include
conspiracies involving colonialism, Zionism, superpowers, oil, and the war on terrorism, which may
be referred to as a war against Islam.[73] For example, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, an
infamous hoax document purporting to be a Jewish plan for world domination, is commonly read and
promoted in the Muslim world.[74][75][76] Roger Cohen has suggested that the popularity of
conspiracy theories in the Arab world is "the ultimate refuge of the powerless".[77] Al-Mumin Said has
noted the danger of such theories, for they "keep us not only from the truth but also from confronting
our faults and problems".[78]
Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri have used conspiracy theories about the United States to
gain support for al-Qaeda in the Arab world, and as rhetoric to distinguish themselves from similar
groups, although they may not have believed the conspiratorial claims themselves.[79]
United States
Harry G. West and others have noted that while conspiracy theorists may often be dismissed as a
fringe minority, certain evidence suggests that a wide range of the U.S. maintains a belief in
conspiracy theories. West also compares those theories to hypernationalism and religious
fundamentalism.[80][81]
Theologian Robert Jewett and philosopher John Shelton Lawrence attribute the enduring popularity
of conspiracy theories in the U.S. to the Cold War, McCarthyism, and counterculture rejection of
authority. They state that among both the left-wing and right-wing, there remains a willingness to use
real events, such as Soviet plots, inconsistencies in the Warren Report, and the 9/11 attacks, to
support the existence of unverified and ongoing large-scale conspiracies.[82]
The Watergate scandal has also been used to bestow legitimacy to other conspiracy theories, with
Richard Nixon himself commenting that it served as a "Rorschach ink blot" which invited others to fill
in the underlying pattern.[65]
Historian Kathryn S. Olmsted cites three reasons why Americans are prone to believing in
government conspiracies theories:
1. Genuine government overreach and secrecy during the Cold War, such as Watergate, the
Tuskegee syphilis experiment, Project MKUltra, and the CIA's collaboration with mobsters in
attempting to assassinate Fidel Castro.
2. Precedent set by official government-sanctioned conspiracy theories for propaganda, such as
claims of German infiltration of the U.S. during World War II or the debunked claim that Saddam
Hussein played a role in the 9/11 attacks.
3. Distrust fostered by the government's spying on and harassment of dissenters, such as the
Sedition Act of 1918, COINTELPRO, and as part of various Red Scares.[83]
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Consequences
Historically, conspiracy theories have been closely linked to prejudice, witch hunts, wars, and
genocides.[15][16] They are often strongly believed by the perpetrators of terrorist attacks, and were
used as justification by Timothy McVeigh, Anders Breivik and Brenton Tarrant, as well as by
governments such as Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union.[15] AIDS denialism by the government of
South Africa, motivated by conspiracy theories, caused an estimated 330,000 deaths from AIDS,[19]
[20][21] while belief in conspiracy theories about genetically modified foods led the government of
Zambia to reject food aid during a famine,[16] at a time when 3 million people in the country were
suffering from hunger.[22]
Conspiracy theories are a significant obstacle to improvements in public health.[16][23] People who
believe in health-related conspiracy theories are less likely to follow medical advice, and more likely to
use alternative medicine instead.[15] Conspiratorial anti-vaccination beliefs, such as conspiracy
theories about pharmaceutical companies, can result in reduced vaccination rates and have been
linked to outbreaks of vaccine-preventable diseases.[19][16][24][23] Health-related conspiracy theories
often inspire resistance to water fluoridation, and contributed to the impact of the Lancet MMR
autism fraud.[16][23]
Conspiracy theories are a fundamental component of a wide range of radicalized and extremist
groups, where they may play an important role in reinforcing the ideology and psychology of their
members as well as further radicalizing their beliefs.[15][26] These conspiracy theories often share
common themes, even among groups that would otherwise be fundamentally opposed, such as the
anti-Semitic conspiracy theories found among political extremists on both the far right and far left.[15]
More generally, belief in conspiracy theories is associated with holding extreme and uncompromising
viewpoints, and may help people in maintaining those viewpoints.[25] While conspiracy theories are
not always present in extremist groups, and do not always lead to violence when they are, they can
make the group more extreme, provide an enemy to direct hatred towards, and isolate members from
the rest of society. Conspiracy theories are most likely to inspire violence when they call for urgent
action, appeal to prejudices, or demonize and scapegoat enemies.[26]
Conspiracy theorizing in the workplace can also have economic consequences. For example, it leads to
lower job satisfaction and lower commitment, resulting in workers being more likely to leave their
jobs.[15] Comparisons have also been made with the effects of workplace rumors, which share some
characteristics with conspiracy theories and result in both decreased productivity and increased
stress. Subsequent effects on managers include reduced profits, reduced trust from employees, and
damage to the company's image.[15][84]
Conspiracy theories can divert attention from important social, political, and scientific issues.[85][69]
In addition, they have been used to discredit scientific evidence to the general public or in a legal
context. Conspiratorial strategies also share characteristics with those used by lawyers who are
attempting to discredit expert testimony, such as claiming that the experts have ulterior motives in
testifying, or attempting to find someone who will provide statements to imply that expert opinion is
more divided than it actually is.[16]
It is possible that conspiracy theories may also produce some compensatory benefits to society in
certain situations. For example, they may help people identify governmental deceptions, particularly
in repressive societies, and encourage government transparency.[32][85] However, real conspiracies
are normally revealed by people working within the system, such as whistleblowers and journalists,
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and most of the effort spent by conspiracy theorists is inherently misdirected.[26] The most dangerous
conspiracy theories are likely to be those that incite violence, scapegoat disadvantaged groups, or
spread misinformation about important societal issues.[86]
Interventions
The primary defense against conspiracy theories is to maintain an open society, in which many
sources of reliable information are available, and government sources are known to be credible rather
than propaganda. Additionally, independent nongovernmental organizations are able to correct
misinformation without requiring people to trust the government.[32] Other approaches to reduce the
appeal of conspiracy theories in general among the public may be based in the emotional and social
nature of conspiratorial beliefs. For example, interventions that promote analytical thinking in the
general public are likely to be effective. Another approach is to intervene in ways that decrease
negative emotions, and specifically to improve feelings of personal hope and empowerment.[31]
Joseph Pierre has also noted that mistrust in authoritative institutions is the core component
underlying many conspiracy theories and that this mistrust creates an epistemic vacuum and makes
individuals searching for answers vulnerable to misinformation. Therefore, one possible solution is
offering consumers a seat at the table to mend their mistrust in institutions.[87] Regarding the
challenges of this approach, Dr. Pierre has said, "The challenge with acknowledging areas of
uncertainty within a public sphere is that doing so can be weaponized to reinforce a post-truth view of
the world in which everything is debatable, and any counter-position is just as valid. Although I like to
think of myself as a middle of the road kind of individual, it is important to keep in mind that the
truth does not always lie in the middle of a debate, whether we are talking about climate change,
vaccines, or antipsychotic medications."[88]
It has been suggested that directly countering misinformation can be counterproductive. For example,
since conspiracy theories can reinterpret disconfirming information as part of their narrative, refuting
a claim can result in accidentally reinforcing it.[44][89] In addition, publishing criticism of conspiracy
theories can result in legitimizing them.[85] In this context, possible interventions include carefully
selecting which conspiracy theories to refute, requesting additional analyses from independent
observers, and introducing cognitive diversity into conspiratorial communities by undermining their
poor epistemology.[85] Any legitimization effect might also be reduced by responding to more
conspiracy theories rather than fewer.[32]
However, presenting people with factual corrections, or highlighting the logical contradictions in
conspiracy theories, has been demonstrated to have a positive effect in many circumstances.[31][89]
For example, this has been studied in the case of informing believers in 9/11 conspiracy theories about
statements by actual experts and witnesses.[31] One possibility is that criticism is most likely to
backfire if it challenges someone's worldview or identity. This suggests that an effective approach may
be to provide criticism while avoiding such challenges.[89]
Psychology
The widespread belief in conspiracy theories has become a topic of interest for sociologists,
psychologists, and experts in folklore since at least the 1960s, when a number of conspiracy theories
arose regarding the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. Sociologist Türkay Salim Nefes
underlines the political nature of conspiracy theories. He suggests that one of the most important
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characteristics of these accounts is their attempt to unveil the "real but hidden" power relations in
social groups.[90][91]
Research suggests, on a psychological level, conspiracist ideation—belief in conspiracy

theories—can be harmful or pathological,[10][11] and is highly correlated with psychological projection,
as well as with paranoia, which is predicted by the degree of a person's Machiavellianism.[92] The
propensity to believe in conspiracy theories is strongly associated with the mental health disorder of
schizotypy.[93][94][95][96][97] Conspiracy theories once limited to fringe audiences have become
commonplace in mass media, emerging as a cultural phenomenon of the late 20th and early 21st
centuries.[27][28][29][30] Exposure to conspiracy theories in news media and popular entertainment
increases receptiveness to conspiratorial ideas, and has also increased the social acceptability of fringe
beliefs.[15][98]
Conspiracy theories often make use of complicated and detailed arguments, including ones which
appear to be analytical or scientific. However, belief in conspiracy theories is primarily driven by
emotion.[31] Analytical thinking aids in reducing belief in conspiracy theories, in part because it
emphasizes rational and critical cognition.[25] Some psychological scientists assert that explanations
related to conspiracy theories can be, and often are "internally consistent" with strong beliefs that had
previously been held prior to the event that sparked the conspiracy.[25]
Attractions
Psychological motives for believing in conspiracy theories can be categorized as epistemic, existential,
or social. These motives are particularly acute in vulnerable and disadvantaged populations. However,
it does not appear that the beliefs help to address these motives; in fact, they may be self-defeating,
acting to make the situation worse instead.[25][89] For example, while conspiratorial beliefs can result
from a perceived sense of powerlessness, exposure to conspiracy theories immediately suppresses
personal feelings of autonomy and control. Furthermore, they also make people less likely to take
actions that could improve their circumstances.[25][89]
This is additionally supported by the fact that conspiracy theories have a number of disadvantageous
attributes.[25] For example, they promote a negative and distrustful view of other people and groups,
who are allegedly acting based on antisocial and cynical motivations. This is expected to lead to
increased alienation and anomie, and reduced social capital. Similarly, they depict the public as
ignorant and powerless against the alleged conspirators, with important aspects of society determined
by malevolent forces, a viewpoint which is likely to be disempowering.[25]
Each person may endorse conspiracy theories for one of many different reasons.[99] The most
consistently demonstrated characteristics of people who find conspiracy theories appealing are a
feeling of alienation, unhappiness or dissatisfaction with their situation, an unconventional
worldview, and a feeling of disempowerment.[99] While various aspects of personality affect
susceptibility to conspiracy theories, none of the Big Five personality traits are associated with
conspiracy beliefs.[99]
The political scientist Michael Barkun, discussing the usage of "conspiracy theory" in contemporary
American culture, holds that this term is used for a belief that explains an event as the result of a
secret plot by exceptionally powerful and cunning conspirators to achieve a malevolent end.[100][101]
According to Barkun, the appeal of conspiracism is threefold:
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"First, conspiracy theories claim to explain what institutional analysis cannot. They appear to
make sense out of a world that is otherwise confusing.
Second, they do so in an appealingly simple way, by dividing the world sharply between the forces
of light, and the forces of darkness. They trace all evil back to a single source, the conspirators
and their agents.
Third, conspiracy theories are often presented as special, secret knowledge unknown or
unappreciated by others. For conspiracy theorists, the masses are a brainwashed herd, while the
conspiracy theorists in the know can congratulate themselves on penetrating the plotters'
deceptions."[101]
This third point is supported by research of Roland Imhoff, professor in Social Psychology at the
Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz. The research suggests that the smaller the minority believing
in a specific theory, the more attractive it is to conspiracy theorists.[102]
Humanistic psychologists argue that even if a posited cabal behind an alleged conspiracy is almost
always perceived as hostile, there often remains an element of reassurance for theorists. This is
because it is a consolation to imagine that difficulties in human affairs are created by humans, and
remain within human control. If a cabal can be implicated, there may be a hope of breaking its power
or of joining it. Belief in the power of a cabal is an implicit assertion of human dignity—an
unconscious affirmation that man is responsible for his own destiny.[103]
People formulate conspiracy theories to explain, for example, power relations in social groups and the
perceived existence of evil forces.[c][101][90][91] Proposed psychological origins of conspiracy
theorising include projection; the personal need to explain "a significant event [with] a significant
cause;" and the product of various kinds and stages of thought disorder, such as paranoid disposition,
ranging in severity to diagnosable mental illnesses. Some people prefer socio-political explanations
over the insecurity of encountering random, unpredictable, or otherwise inexplicable events.[72][104]
[105][106][107][77]
According to Berlet and Lyons, "Conspiracism is a particular narrative form of scapegoating that
frames demonized enemies as part of a vast insidious plot against the common good, while it valorizes
the scapegoater as a hero for sounding the alarm".[108]
Origins
Some psychologists believe that a search for meaning is common in conspiracism. Once cognized,
confirmation bias and avoidance of cognitive dissonance may reinforce the belief. In a context where a
conspiracy theory has become embedded within a social group, communal reinforcement may also
play a part.[109]
Inquiry into possible motives behind the accepting of irrational conspiracy theories has linked[110]
these beliefs to distress resulting from an event that occurred, such as the events of 9/11. Additionally,
research[111] done by Manchester Metropolitan University suggests that "delusional ideation" is the
most likely condition that would indicate an elevated belief in conspiracy theories. Studies[62] also
show that an increased attachment to these irrational beliefs lead to a decrease in desire for civic
engagement. Belief in conspiracy theories is correlated with anxiety disorders, paranoia, and
authoritarian beliefs.[112]
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Professor Quassim Cassam argues that conspiracy theorists hold their beliefs due to flaws in their
thinking and more precisely, their intellectual character. He cites philosopher Linda Trinkaus
Zagzebski and her book Virtues of the Mind in outlining intellectual virtues (such as humility, caution
and carefulness) and intellectual vices (such as gullibility, carelessness and closed-mindedness).
Whereas intellectual virtues help in reaching sound examination, intellectual vices "impede effective
and responsible inquiry", meaning that those who are prone to believing in conspiracy theories
possess certain vices while lacking necessary virtues.[113]
Some researchers have suggested that conspiracy theories could be partially caused by psychological
mechanisms the human brain possesses for detecting dangerous coalitions. Such a mechanism could
have been useful in the small-scale environment humanity evolved in but are mismatched in a
modern, complex society and thus "misfire", perceiving conspiracies where none exist.[114]
Projection
Some historians have argued that there is an element of psychological projection in conspiracism.
This projection, according to the argument, is manifested in the form of attribution of undesirable
characteristics of the self to the conspirators. Historian Richard Hofstadter stated that:
This enemy seems on many counts a projection of the self; both the ideal and the
unacceptable aspects of the self are attributed to him. A fundamental paradox of the
paranoid style is the imitation of the enemy. The enemy, for example, may be the
cosmopolitan intellectual, but the paranoid will outdo him in the apparatus of scholarship,
even of pedantry. ... The Ku Klux Klan imitated Catholicism to the point of donning
priestly vestments, developing an elaborate ritual and an equally elaborate hierarchy. The
John Birch Society emulates Communist cells and quasi-secret operation through "front"
groups, and preaches a ruthless prosecution of the ideological war along lines very similar
to those it finds in the Communist enemy. Spokesmen of the various fundamentalist
anti-Communist "crusades" openly express their admiration for the dedication, discipline,
and strategic ingenuity the Communist cause calls forth.[106]
Hofstadter also noted that "sexual freedom" is a vice frequently attributed to the conspiracist's target
group, noting that "very often the fantasies of true believers reveal strong sadomasochistic outlets,
vividly expressed, for example, in the delight of anti-Masons with the cruelty of Masonic
punishments."[106]
Sociology
In addition to psychological factors such as conspiracist ideation, sociological factors also help
account for who believes in which conspiracy theories. Such theories tend to get more traction among
election losers in society, for example, and the emphasis of conspiracy theories by elites and leaders
tends to increase belief among followers who have higher levels of conspiracy thinking.[115]
Christopher Hitchens described conspiracy theories as the "exhaust fumes of democracy":[107] the
unavoidable result of a large amount of information circulating among a large number of people.
Conspiracy theories may be emotionally satisfying, by assigning blame to a group to which the
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theorist does not belong and so absolving the theorist of moral or political responsibility in
society.[116] Likewise, Roger Cohen writing for The New York Times has said that, "captive minds; ...
resort to conspiracy theory because it is the ultimate refuge of the powerless. If you cannot change
your own life, it must be that some greater force controls the world."[77]
Sociological historian Holger Herwig found in studying German explanations for the origins of World
War I, "Those events that are most important are hardest to understand because they attract the
greatest attention from myth makers and charlatans."[117]
Influence of critical theory
French sociologist Bruno Latour suggests that the widespread popularity of conspiracy theories in
mass culture may be due, in part, to the pervasive presence of Marxist-inspired critical theory and
similar ideas in academia since the 1970s.[118]
Latour notes that about 90% of contemporary social criticism in academia displays one of two
approaches, which he terms "the fact position and the fairy position".[118]:237
The "fairy position" is anti-fetishist, arguing that "objects of belief" (e.g., religion, arts) are merely
concepts onto which power is projected; Latour contends that those who use this approach show
biases towards confirming their own dogmatic suspicions as most "scientifically supported". While
the complete facts of the situation and correct methodology are ostensibly important to them,
Latour proposes that the scientific process is instead laid on as a patina to one's pet theories to
lend a sort of reputation high ground.
The "fact position" argues that external forces (e.g., economics, gender) dominate individuals,
often covertly and without their awareness.[118]
Latour concludes that each of these two approaches in academia has led to a polarized, inefficient
atmosphere highlighted (in both approaches) by its causticness. "Do you see now why it feels so good
to be a critical mind?" asks Latour: no matter which position you take, "You're always right!"[118]
Latour notes that such social criticism has been appropriated by those he describes as conspiracy
theorists, including climate-change denialists and the 9/11 Truth movement: "Maybe I am taking
conspiracy theories too seriously, but I am worried to detect, in those mad mixtures of knee-jerk
disbelief, punctilious demands for proofs, and free use of powerful explanation from the social
neverland, many of the weapons of social critique."[118]
Fusion paranoia
Michael Kelly, a The Washington Post journalist and critic of anti-war movements on both the left
and right, coined the term "fusion paranoia" to refer to a political convergence of left-wing and
right-wing activists around anti-war issues and civil liberties, which he said were motivated by a
shared belief in conspiracism or shared anti-government views.[119]
Barkun has adopted this term to refer to how the synthesis of paranoid conspiracy theories, which
were once limited to American fringe audiences, has given them mass appeal and enabled them to
become commonplace in mass media,[120] thereby inaugurating an unrivaled period of people actively
preparing for apocalyptic or millenarian scenarios in the United States of the late 20th and early 21st
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centuries.[121] Barkun notes the occurrence of lone-wolf conflicts with law enforcement acting as
proxy for threatening the established political powers.[122]
Viability
The physicist David Robert Grimes estimated the time it would take for a conspiracy to be exposed
based on the number of people involved.[123][124] His calculations used data from the PRISM
surveillance program, the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, and the FBI forensic scandal. Grimes
estimated that:
A Moon landing hoax would require the involvement of 411,000 people and would be exposed
within 3.68 years;
Climate-change fraud would require a minimum of 29,083 people (published climate scientists
only) and would be exposed within 26.77 years, or up to 405,000 people, in which case it would
be exposed within 3.70 years;
A vaccination conspiracy would require a minimum of 22,000 people (without drug companies)
and would be exposed within at least 3.15 years and at most 34.78 years depending on the
number involved;
A conspiracy to suppress a cure for cancer would require 714,000 people and would be exposed
within 3.17 years.
Politics
The philosopher Karl Popper described the central problem of conspiracy theories as a form of
fundamental attribution error, where every event is generally perceived as being intentional and
planned, greatly underestimating the effects of randomness and unintended consequences.[69] In his
book The Open Society and Its Enemies, he used the term "the conspiracy theory of society" to denote
the idea that social phenomena such as "war, unemployment, poverty, shortages ... [are] the result of
direct design by some powerful individuals and groups."[125] Popper argued that totalitarianism was
founded on conspiracy theories which drew on imaginary plots which were driven by paranoid
scenarios predicated on tribalism, chauvinism, or racism. He also noted that conspirators very rarely
achieved their goal.[126]
Historically, when real conspiracies have occurred they have usually had little effect on history and
have had unforeseen consequences for the conspirators. As described by Bruce Cumings, history is
instead "moved by the broad forces and large structures of human collectivities".[127]
Alex Jones referenced numerous conspiracy theories for convincing his supporters to endorse Ron
Paul over Mitt Romney in the 2012 Republican Party presidential primaries and Donald Trump over
Hillary Clinton in the 2016 United States presidential election.[128]
See also
Big lie – Propaganda technique used for political purposes
Cherry picking – Fallacy of pointing to individual cases that seem to confirm a position while
ignoring related cases that may contradict the position
Conspiracy fiction – Subgenre of thriller fiction
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Fake news – Hoax or deliberate spread of misinformation

Fringe theory – idea or viewpoint which differs from the accepted scholarship in its field
Furtive fallacy – Informal fallacy of emphasis in which outcomes are asserted to have been
caused by the hidden misconduct or wrongdoing by decision makers
List of conspiracy theories – Wikipedia list article
List of fallacies – Types of reasoning that are logically incorrect
List of topics characterized as pseudoscience – Wikipedia list article
Occam's razor – Philosophical principle of selecting the solution with the fewest assumptions
Influencing machine
Philosophy of conspiracy theories
Propaganda – Form of communication intended to sway the audience through presenting only
one side of the argument
Pseudohistory – Pseudoscholarship that attempts to distort or misrepresent the historical record
Pseudoscience – Unscientific claims that are wrongly presented as scientific
Superstition – Belief or behavior that is considered irrational or supernatural
References
Informational notes
a. Birchall 2006: "[W]e can appreciate conspiracy theory as a unique form of popular knowledge or
interpretation, and address what this might mean for any knowledge we produce about it or how
we interpret it."[63]:66
b. Birchall 2006: "What we quickly discover ... is that it becomes impossible to map conspiracy
theory and academic discourse onto a clear illegitimate/legitimate divide."[63]:72
c. Barkun 2003: "The essence of conspiracy beliefs lies in attempts to delineate and explain evil. At
their broadest, conspiracy theories 'view history as controlled by massive, demonic forces.' ... For
our purposes, a conspiracy belief is the belief that an organization made up of individuals or
groups was or is acting covertly to achieve a malevolent end."[100]
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(https://skepticalinquirer.org/2019/07/conspiring-for-the-common-good/). Skeptical Inquirer. Center
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GB.pdf) (PDF), Critical Inquiry, 30 (2): 225–48, doi:10.1086/421123 (https://doi.org
/10.1086%2F421123), S2CID 159523434 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:159523434),
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120. Barkun 2003, p. 230.
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(https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4728076). PLOS ONE. 11 (1): e0147905.
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1947–1950. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
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right/250638/). The Atlantic. Retrieved 30 August 2020.
Further reading
Aaronovitch, David (2010). Voodoo Histories: The Role of the Conspiracy Theory in Shaping
Modern History (https://archive.org/details/voodoohistoriesr0000aaro). Riverhead.
ISBN 978-1-59448-895-5.
Arnold, Gordon B., ed. (2008). Conspiracy Theory in Film, Television, and Politics. Praeger
Publishers. p. 200. ISBN 978-0-275-99462-4.
Burnett, Thom. Conspiracy Encyclopedia: The Encyclopedia of Conspiracy Theories
28 of 30 2/21/2021 7:08 PM
Butter, Michael, and Peter Knight. "Bridging the great divide: conspiracy theory research for the
21st century." Diogenes (2016): 0392192116669289. online (http://hssfoundation.org/wp-content
/uploads/2018/05/KX-48-20-abstracts.pdf)
Chase, Alston (2003). Harvard and the Unabomber: The Education of an American Terrorist
(https://archive.org/details/harvardunabomber00chas). New York: W. W. Norton.
ISBN 978-0-393-02002-1.
Coward, Barry, ed. (2004). Conspiracies and Conspiracy Theory in Early Modern Europe: From
the Waldensians to the French Revolution. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7546-3564-2.
"Conspiracy Theories" (http://www.maxwell.syr.edu/uploadedFiles
/news/Conspiracy%20Theories.pdf) (PDF). CQ Researcher. 19 (37): 885–908. 23 October 2009.
Cziesche, Dominik; Jürgen Dahlkamp, Ulrich Fichtner, Ulrich Jaeger, Gunther Latsch, Gisela
Leske, Max F. Ruppert (2003). "Panoply of the Absurd" (https://www.spiegel.de/international
/spiegel/cover-story-panoply-of-the-absurd-a-265160.html). Der Spiegel. Retrieved 6 June 2006.
De Graaf, Beatrice and Zwierlein, Cornel (eds.) Security and Conspiracy in History, 16th to 21st
Century (https://www.gesis.org/en/hsr/full-text-archive/2013/381-security-and-conspiracy/).
Historical Social Research 38, Special Issue, 2013
Fleming, Chris and Emma A. Jane. Modern Conspiracy: The Importance of Being Paranoid. New
York and London: Bloomsbury, 2014. ISBN 978-1-62356-091-1.
Goertzel, Ted. "Belief in conspiracy theories." Political Psychology (1994): 731–742. online
(http://www.crab.rutgers.edu/~goertzel/CONSPIRE.doc)
Harris, Lee. "The Trouble with Conspiracy Theories," (https://web.archive.org
/web/20130114231139/http://american.com/archive/2013/january/the-trouble-with-conspiracy-
theories) The American, 12 January 2013.
Hofstadter, Richard. The paranoid style in American politics (1954). online (https://web.archive.org
/web/20170116220729/http://www.fuminyang.com/michelle/Paranoid%20Style.pdf)
Johnson, George (1983). Architects of Fear: Conspiracy Theories and Paranoia in American
Politics (https://archive.org/details/architectsoffear00john). Los Angeles: Jeremy P. Tarcher.
ISBN 978-0-87477-275-3.
McConnachie, James; Tudge, Robin (2005). The Rough Guide to Conspiracy Theories. Rough
Guides. ISBN 978-1-84353-445-7.
Melley, Timothy (1999). Empire of Conspiracy: The Culture of Paranoia in Postwar America.
Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-8606-7.
Meigs, James B. (2006). "The Conspiracy Industry" (https://web.archive.org
/web/20061024062122/http://www.popularmechanics.com/science/research/4199607.html).
Popular Mechanics. Hearst Communications, Inc. Archived from the original
(http://www.popularmechanics.com/science/research/4199607.html) on 24 October 2006.
Retrieved 13 October 2006.
Nefes, Türkay Salim (2012). "The history of the social constructions of Dönmes". Journal of
Historical Sociology. 25 (3): 413–39. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6443.2012.01434.x (https://doi.org
/10.1111%2Fj.1467-6443.2012.01434.x).
Nefes, Türkay Salim (2013). " 'Political parties' perceptions and uses of anti-Semitic conspiracy
theories in Turkey' ". The Sociological Review. 61 (2): 247–64. doi:10.1111/1467-954X.12016
(https://doi.org/10.1111%2F1467-954X.12016). S2CID 145632390 (https://api.semanticscholar.org
/CorpusID:145632390).
Oliver, J. Eric, and Thomas J. Wood. "Conspiracy theories and the paranoid style (s) of mass
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opinion." American Journal of Political Science 58.4 (2014): 952–966. online

(http://hon3397p.wp.txstate.edu/files/2015/08/OliverWood.pdf)
Parsons, Charlotte (24 September 2001). "Why we need conspiracy theories"
(http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/1561199.stm). BBC News – Americas. BBC. Retrieved
26 June 2006.
Pipes, Daniel (1998). The Hidden Hand: Middle East Fears of Conspiracy. New York: St. Martin's
Press. ISBN 978-0-312-17688-4.
Pipes, Daniel (1997). Conspiracy: How the Paranoid Style Flourishes and Where It Comes From.
New York: The Free Press. ISBN 978-0-684-87111-0.
Pigden, Charles (1995). "Popper Revisited, or What Is Wrong With Conspiracy Theories?".
Philosophy of the Social Sciences. 25 (1): 3–34. doi:10.1177/004839319502500101
(https://doi.org/10.1177%2F004839319502500101). S2CID 143602969
(https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:143602969).
Sagan, Carl (1996). The Demon-Haunted World: Science as a Candle in the Dark. New York: The
Random House. ISBN 978-0-394-53512-8.
Slosson, W. "The 'Conspiracy' Superstition," (https://archive.org/stream
/unpopularreview07newy#page/394/mode/2up) The Unpopular Review, Vol. VII, N°. 14, 1917.
Sunstein, Cass R., and Adrian Vermeule. "Conspiracy theories: Causes and cures." Journal of
Political Philosophy 17.2 (2009): 202–227. online (http://www.ask-force.org/web/Discourse
/Sunstein-Conspiracy-Theories-2009.pdf)
Uscinski, Joseph E. and Joseph M. Parent, American Conspiracy Theories (2014) excerpt
(https://www.amazon.com/dp/0199351813/)
Uscinski, Joseph E. "The 5 Most Dangerous Conspiracy Theories of 2016" POLITICO Magazine
(Aug 22, 2016) (http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/08/conspiracy-theories-
2016-donald-trump-hillary-clinton-214183)
Vankin, Jonathan; John Whalen (2004). The 80 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time. New York:
Citadel Press. ISBN 978-0-8065-2531-0.
Wood, Gordon S. "Conspiracy and the paranoid style: causality and deceit in the eighteenth
century." William and Mary Quarterly (1982): 402–441. in jstor (https://www.jstor.org/stable
/1919580)
External links
Conspiracy Theories (http://www.iep.utm.edu/conspira/), Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
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Conspiracy theory - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.

A conspiracy theory is an explanation for an event or situation

Conspiracy theories resist falsification and are reinforced by

Etymology and usage

Etymology and usage

Difference from conspiracy

ultimately to subvert or destroy everything we hold dear.[44]

Walker's five kinds

Jesse Walker (2013) has identified five kinds of conspiracy theories:

Barkun's three types

Michael Barkun has identified three classifications of conspiracy theory:

Rothbard: shallow vs. deep

Relationship with evidence

Conspiracism as a world view

ability of conspiracy theories to provide necessary orientation in the market's day-to-day

Research suggests, on a psychological level, conspiracist ideation—belief in conspiracy

Influence of critical theory

Fake news – Hoax or deliberate spread of misinformation

76. "The Booksellers of Tehran" (https://www.wsj.com/news/articles/SB113046423225782130)

opinion." American Journal of Political Science 58.4 (2014): 952–966. online

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Conspiracy_theory&oldid=1006115170"

This page was last edited on 11 February 2021, at 03:44 (UTC).

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