n multiethnic and multinational states in Africa, the identification with the sub-

state ethnic group is a key measure of nationalism. Identification with the state
can be considered also as nationalism, but the more virulent and conflict-prone
identifier is the ethnic group. Thus, strong identification with the state or strong
multiple identities, such as with the state and the respective ethnic group can be
considered as weakening nationalism. Multiple surveys part of the Afrobarometer
suggests that in 20 countries the overall ratio of those who identify exclusively or
predominantly with their ethnic group has not changed significantly between
2008 and 2015.

Overall, Zambia, Uganda and Kenya can be considered the most ethnically
fragmented African states, whereas the level of politicization is greatest also
includes South Africa (Cheeseman & Larmer, 2015). Among the most ethnically
fragmented and politicized societies, we can note a marked increase in ethnic
identification in Zambia and South Africa. This is closely associated with the use
of ethnic identity by former presidents Jacob Zuma in South Africa
(Johnson, 2010) and Michael Sata in Zambia (Geloo, 2012) (Figure 7).

Figure 7. Primary identification with ethnic group in sub-Saharan Africa

(Afrobarometer)6
Display full size

Before we turn from attitude to action, either in terms of support for nationalist
parties or violence, we are going to briefly explore links between nationalism and
other factors that can help explain where and when it occurs.

First, a recent Pew survey of post-Communist Europe indicates that there is a

clear correlation between perceived cultural superiority, which can be understood
as a measure of nationalism, and conflictual relationship with Western values
(Figure 8). This suggests that in this region, nationalism is in part understood as
anti-Western. More broadly, nationalism requires an ‘other’ to define itself
against, which might be either minorities within, neighboring nations or states, or
global enemies, be they states (often great powers) or transnational groups or
individuals, such as George Soros serving as the other in Hungary and a number
of other Central and East European countries.

Figure 8. Conflict with Western values and perceived superiority (Pew, 2017)7