Prof. Dr.

Boro Bronza
University of Banja Luka
Faculty of Philosophy
Department of History
bbronza@hotmail.com

City of Dubica between Kingdom of Hungary and Knights Templars

during the 13th Century

ABSTRACT: During the 13th century City of Dubica, at the confluence of rivers Una and Sava
(in the Northwestern part of contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina), emerged as crucial spot in
the building of Hungarian policy towards East and Southeast and in reshaping of possessions at
the space of Croatia and Slavonia. This position was connected with the rising of different aspects
of challenges at mentioned geographic sides. Connection of the Knights Templars with Dubica
made the city even more important with the passing of decades both for Hungarian King and for
Croatian and Slavonian counties in the immediate surrounding. The subsequent transition of
Templar possessions at the area of Dubica in the hands of the Knights of St. John, after the crashing
of the order by the hand of French king Philip IV and in accordance with the bulls of Pope Clement
V, Vox in excelso and Ad providam, from 1312, cited how whole story about logistical setup
managed to get completely new dimensions in even more complex milieu of the 14th century.
KEY WORDS: The Medieval Kingdom of Hungary, Croatia, Slavonia, Dubica, Templars,
Knights of St. John, Mongols, Crusades.

In the turbulent institutional development of the medieval Hungarian state, since the
settling of the Hungarians in the area of Pannonian plain around the end of 9th century, the period
of the 13th century must be perceived as a generally special episode, although with several distinct
and dramatic amplitudes. Exactly during the above mentioned century structures that had been
firmly established within the Kingdom since the time of Stephen I (1001-1038) came under the
fierce blow of new challenges with largely devastating dangers from the East on one side and
promising opportunities in the Southeast on the other side.

The evolution of the Kingdom of Hungary during the last two previous centuries led this
complex state creation into the position of a rather active factor in the relationship with the almost

1
constantly dominant Holy Roman Empire, but also in the policy towards Poland and towards
Byzantium and all the Balkan Slovene states that emerged and disappeared during the periods of
the Middle Ages. However, the relationship with the East, the area from which the Hungarians
themselves came several centuries earlier, was particularly complicated, because the borders in
that geographic region were significantly vulnerable to different fluctuations. The world of
Pechenegs and Khazars and later Cumans and Kipchaks,1 at the never-ending steppes north of the
Black Sea, remained largely beyond the scope of classical European civilization or even the scope
of Christianity, where the Hungarians were largely incorporated, at least from the 11th century
onwards. And it was exactly from this area that the Mongols came and instantly evolved into
greatest challenge for the Hungarian Kingdom of that time, and also into decisive factor of all
redefinitions and repositioning in the decades after their destructive invasion of 1241-1242.

The second factor related to the East or Southeast, which was strongly reflected in the
ideological context of the Hungarian Kingdom during 13th century, was the further development
of Crusades, or the development of logistical aspects within the framework of this complex
geopolitical phenomenon, which were transmitted over and through territories governed by
Hungarian King, primarily from the time of direct involvement of Andrew II (1205-1235) in the
early phase of Fifth Crusade, 1217-1218.2 Such involvement has certainly given rise to additional
dimensions in the context of further incorporating of Hungarian Kingdom into the European
cultural circle and closer approaching to the crusader stream that ideologically dominated
European politics, especially from the pontificate of Pope Innocent III (1198-1216).

Mentioned crusader spirit did not refer only to the fight against unbelievers in the area of
Levant. The 13th century was the scene of a large and decisive fight against Cathars, heretic group
which rapidly expanded throughout Europe over the past few centuries, with several
geographically and ideologically different factions, of which certainly the most prominent was the
one deeply rooted in the area of southern France.3

1
Victor Spinei, The Romanians and the Turkic Nomads North of the Danube Delta from the Tenth to the Mid-
Thirteenth Century, Brill, Leiden, 2009, 58. István Vásáry, Cumans and Tatars: Oriental military in the pre-Ottoman
Balkans, 1185-1365, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2005, 114.
2
Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Volume III: The Kingdom of Acre and the Later Crusades, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, 1989, 126.
3
Michel Roquebert, Die Religion der Katharer, Loubatières, Portet-sur-Garonne, 1988, 47.

2
 Since Andrew II participated in the Crusade together with Leopold VI (1176-1230),
Babenberg Duke of Austria and Styria, who was also earlier mentioned in the fighting against the
Albigensians in Carcassonne,4 during 1212, therefore Hungarian king was able to further enrich
his cognitive spectrum of experiences with different aspects of the fight against unbelievers. Such
experiences were particularly precious because a specific branch of cathars had already for decades
strengthened in the space of land ("tiny land") Bosnia,5 which was already since the first half of
the 12th century incorporated (albeit sometimes more firm and sometimes looser) in the system of
Archiregnum Hungaricum.6

It was precisely in these mentioned complex of Mongolian and crusader dimensions, during
the 13th century, when the institutional development of Dubica, both as a city and as a county,
started to gain pace and also the base was set for future arrival and dominance of the Knights
Templars on its territory. The beginnings of Dubica as a town and county are very weakly
illuminated by the available sources from 13th century.7 There is no doubt that the position of the
city was very favourable, with wide open space towards the Pannonian plain to the North, and the
Kozara mountain, backing and shielding it from the South. Placement at the Una River, just a
several kilometres from confluence with Sava River, was another advantage for the inhabitans and
possessors. Such a geographical position is match made in heaven for the function of the crossroad
between Pannonia and Dalmatia, and the valley of Una River is certainly one of the crucial
communications for all types of traffic towards South and Southwest.

4
Karl Lechner, Die Babenberger: Markgrafen und Herzoge von Österreich 976–1246, Böhlau,Wien, 1976, 198.
5
„...είς το χωρίον Βόσονα...“ in De administrando imperio, written around 950 by Byzantine Emperor Constantine
VII Porphyrogennetos (913-959). Constantine Porphyrogenitus: De administrando imperio, ed. Gyula Moravcsik /
R. J. H. Jenkins (Dumbarton Oaks, vol. I), Washington DC 1967, vol. 1, cap. 32, 160-161. Византиски извори за
историју народа Југославије, Том II, Обрадио Божидар Ферјанчић, Српска академија наука, Посебна издања,
Књига CCCXXIII, Византолошки институт, Књига 7, САН, Београд, 1959, 58.
6
Mladen Ančić, „Od zemlje do Kraljevstva: Mjesto Bosne u strukturi Archiregnuma“, Hercegovina: Časopis za
kulturno i povijesno naslijeđe, Vol.26, No.1, Mostar, October 2015, 9-88, here 28.
7
Edition by Hungarian Academy of Sciences, in the frame of Monumenta Hungariae Historica (Vol. XXXVI), is for
sure the most complete collection of sources: Lajos Thallóczy - Sándor Horváth, eds., Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár
(Dubicza, Orbász és Szana vármegyék) / Codex diplomaticus partium regno Hungariae adnexarum (Comitatuum:
Dubicza, Orbász et Szana) 1244-1710, Budapest, 1912.

3
 Although the sources from 13th century are not particularly generous, they still allow some
precise reconstructions, and through the analysis the city of Dubica ("castrum")8 definitely
emerges as a key place in the strategy of the Hungarian Kingdom south of Una and Sava. In this
context, the crucial strategic potential was not only in the good communications of Dubica with
the North and central institutions of the Hungarian Kingdom placed in Buda or Esztergom, or with
the centers of the Kingdom of Croatia (under Hungarian rule since the beginning of 12th century)
in the Northwest, especially with Zagreb, Sisak or Križevci (although this connection was
particularly strong through the hierarchy of the institutions inside of Zagreb Bishopric, where
Dubica was seat of Archidiaconate), and not even with the Adriatic cities which belonged to
Templars, Vrana and Senj, towards Southwest - but in the excellent position of the city in the
confronting and controlling of streams from East and Southeast.

The rule of Hungarian King Bela IV (1235-1270), despite all the wars in the Bohemia,
Styria, Poland, Galicia, Bulgaria and Serbia and even with Venice around the cities in Dalmatia,
remained mostly remembered through the Mongol invasion and catastrophic defeat of Hungarians
in the Battle of the Sajó River, also known as Battle of Mohi, in 1241.9 The drama of moments
where the king barely saved his life, fleeing in front of Batu Khan towards the castle in Trogir, at
the Adriatic Sea and further on towards Adriatic islands, certainly implied that positioning towards
the East or the prevention of similar downfalls in the future would be the key concern of the
Kingdom in the decades to come. Pannonian openness to the highly mobile Mongolian light
cavalry further underlined the danger from the East, and experience from invasion 1241-1242
demonstrated the necessity of building of whole new chain of strong forts, supplied with powerful
military personnel.

Another important feature of Dubica's geographical position was the possibility of

controlling the flow from the Southeast, which was in the same time possibility of rapid offensive
action towards the mentioned side. Interventionism in Central Bosnia was not only directed
towards the eventual pacifying of the heretics, but also towards the occasional militant regulation
of vassal status in accordance with the internal evaluation of the political evolution at the space

8
„Castri de Dobicha“ for the first time in document issued by King Bela IV, from July 4, 1258. Thallóczy - Horváth,
eds., Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 5. In document from 1244. godine there is mentioning of „ville de Dobycha“, Ibid.
1.
9
David Nicolle, The Mongol Warlords, Firebird, Leicester, 1998, 47.

4
around the Bosna River, especially as the Banate of Bosnia grew with time, mostly towards
Northwest.10

Dubica was often a key place for the mobilization of the Kingdom of Hungary's power and
gathering of the army for invasion to Bosnia or some territories ruled by feudal masters around
Bosnia - the testimonies for this are easily find throughout much larger group of sources from 14th
century. For example there are extensive depictions of the army concentration in the village of
Greda near Dubica, led personally by the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg (1387-1437),
for the fight against the Grand Duke Hrvoje Vukčić-Hrvatinić, in 1398.11 Later on, during the 15th
and early 16th centuries, this function towards Southeast will come to light again as it would serve
to prevent Ottoman penetrations in Pannonia.

The question of the geo-strategic position of Dubica and its use by the Kingdom of Hungary
received some new dimension of the complexity with the arrival of the Knights Templars in
Dubica. Sources from the mid-13th century indicate that the Templars were active in the area of
Dubica County for at least several decades before they finally became feudal lords of the city in
1269.12 The act of their settlement in Dubica was also a reflection of all political trends that
followed the Templar Order during the 13th century. Of course, the presence of the Knights
Templars in the Holy Land during the mentioned century did not have any quantity or quality
equivalence with the situation from previous century, particularly in the "golden period" between
formal recognition of the Templar Order at the Council of Troy, in 1129, and Saladin's conquest
of Jerusalem, in 1187, which was the initial platform for launching of Third Crusade. But besides
all reductions in quality and numbers, the logistics of the Order at and towards Palestine area was
still of utmost importance for the essential definitition of Knights Templars in European relations.
On the other hand, the rise of their financial transactions in Europe has definitely not diminished
in the course of the 13th century in comparison with the previous one. Moreover, their proto-

10
Сима Ћирковић, Историја средњовековне босанске државе, Српска књижевна задруга, Београд, 1964, 59-
60.
11
Thallóczy - Horváth, eds., Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 117-118. For the war around Dubica against Duke Hrvoje
King Sigismund asked also the help from the City of Trogir: „...ad ipsam nostram celsitudinem versus Dubicham
destinare debeatis, ita tamen ut quilibet eorum duas balistas et veretones in bona copia secum debeant apportare
fidelitatis.“ Diplomatički zbornik Kraljevine Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Slavonije, Svezak XVIII, Listine godina 1395-
1399 / Codex Diplomaticus Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, Vol. XVIII, Diplomata annorum 1395-1399
continens, Izdala Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, sabrao Tadija Smičiklas, JAZU,Zagreb, 1990, 345.
12
Lelja Dobronić, Templari i ivanovci u Hrvatskoj, Dom i svijet, Zagreb, 2002, 44-46.

5
banking dimension had come to full expression exactly during that period, and the accumulated
wealth through intense and efficient credit policy lasted further on with hard solid force, which
eventually resulted in a final conflict with French King Philip IV (1285-1314).13

Gain of Dubica was connected with the losing of Adriatic port Senj, and some historians
are inclined to perceive this change as testimony of weakness.14 Temporary combination of
interests of Bela IV and aristocracy from Island of Krk has really resulted in kind of expulsion of
Templars from Senj,15 but later development clearly shows that Knights have not been at loss with
mentioned change. The political priorities of Bela IV continued to be linked with the security of
the East. In that context, the arrival of the Templars in Dubica perfectly fits into his inner hierarchy
of political goals.

With the final take-over of Dubica in 1269, Knights Templars have also gained all taxes
which earlier belonged to the King and as a bonus - "1500 marks of pure silver".16 Another
testimony of economic importance in the case of Dubica was intensive brokerage of King Bela IV
in the situations where questions of tax collection have led to internal divisions inside of the city.
Amount of tax collected in Dubica was obviously very important for the king, as it was for the
upcoming Templars. Perception of the taxes in time of Bela IV was concentrated on question of
“marturina” (like for example in the case from1255),17 that especially at the space of Slavonia was
originally an in-kind tax, collected in marten's fur, but the evolution towards money made progress
with the passing of 13th century.18

13
Malcolm Barber, „Supplying the Crusader States: The Role of the Templars“, In Benjamin Z. Kedar, eds., The
Horns of Hattin, Proceedings of the Second Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades, Jerusalem and
Haifa, 2-6 July 1987, BZ Kedar, Jerusalem and London, 1992, 314–326.
14
Željko Bartulović, „Neka pitanja iz povijesti Senja“, Senjski zbornik 34, Senj, 2007, 265-296, here 280-281.
15
Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski, Priorat vranski sa vitezi templari i hospitalci sv. Ivana u Hrvatskoj, Tisak dioničke
tiskare, Zagreb, 1886, 27.
16
„...sa svim pravima, služnostima i pripadnostima, kako je ta županija nama pripadala, poimence s kunovinom i
banskom zalazninom i svim prihodima koje smo primali, pridržavajući za nas i za dukat porez komorske dobiti, i ni
jedan ban, ni jedan sudac herceškog suda, ni jedan župan ne smije suditi ljudima u županiji Dubici... još i 1500 maraka
dobrog, čistog i zakonitog srebra.“ Bartulović, „Neka pitanja“, 281-282.
17
„Ad universorum notitiam harum serie volumus pervenire, quod accedentes ad nostram presentiam Vogrysa, cum
tota generatione sua de Tolzconth in comitatu Dobicensi, conquesti sunt nobis flexis poplitibus, quod collectores
marturinarum et ponderum ipsos dicassent, que ipsi iidem nullo unquam tempore dare seu solvere
Tenerentur... Qui Stephanus, banus noster, astans coram nobis, dixit et fideliter respondit, quod dictus Vogrysa et
tota generatio sua nullo unquam tempore marturinas, nec septem denarios tenerentur, exceptis iobagionibus
eorundem.“ Thallóczy - Horváth, eds., Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 2.
18
Pál Engel, The Realm of St Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895–1526. I.B. Tauris Publishers 2001, 34.

6
 From the first half of the 13th century, Dubica was the destination of settlement both for
the Dominican Order and Order of St. Augustin (called Paulinians). The Dominican monastery of
St. Nicholas was founded in 1235,19 only 19 years after the establishment of the Order by St.
Dominic.20 The arrival of Dominicans in Dubica was largely due to efforts of Duke Coloman, the
son of King Andrew II, who ruled Slavonia during the reign of his father and his older brother,
1226-1241. His merits for the arrival of Paulinians were also crucial, although the implementation
itself had taken place after his death in the collision with Mongols in 1241. Paulinians, eremitic
monks, settled in Dubica and gained the land for the construction of their own monastery in 1244.21
Thus the monastery of the Blessed Virgin Mary was created as the first Paulinian monastery on
the territory of Croatia and Slavonia.22 Posessions of both orders have been strictly separated.
Document from 1244 clearly underlines the borders of land belonging to Paulinian monastery,
around the small river Bychcha (Binjačka) and up to the bridge over it.23 On the other hand, church
hierarchy from Zagreb was also always very eager to keep the aspects of control over the space of
Dubica and there was no hesitation from their side to seek for inclusions of the king in situations
where and when there was a feeling that the balance of power was disturbed, like in the case of
problems that were arisen around possessions in and between Dubica and Kostajnica, in 1258.24

19
Franjo Šanjek, „Dominikanci u našim krajevima. Kratak osvrt na pojavu i apostolsko-kulturnu djelatnost
Dominikanaca među Hrvatima“, Bogoslovska smotra, Vol. 36, No. 3-4, Zagreb, April 1967, 712-725, here 717.
20
Guy Bedouelle, Dominikus – Von der Kraft des Wortes, Styria, Graz-Wien-Köln, 1984, 67.
21
„Nos Erney villicus, Fridericus, Marcellus, Laztisa ac ommes hospites libere ville de Dobycha. Memorie
commendantes significamus quibus expedit universis presencium per tenorem, quod cum ex omni favore et diligencia
multiplici Colomani, dei gracia ducis tocius Sclauonie, Croacie et Dalmacie ad terram Dobicensem, quam robore sui
privilegii nobis et nostris heredibus inrevocabilem stabilivit, liberaliter fuissemus congregati, idem dominus noster
dux Colomanus, ductus misericordia spirituali, quoniam piarum mencium pietas piis affluit et arridet, nos rogavit qua
parte libertas terre nostre data ab eodem appetebat ot precepit, prout ad suos subditos est precipere dominorum, ut
Heremitis, viris religiosis, locum in terris nostris concederemus congregandi seu residendi.” Thallóczy - Horváth, eds.,
Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 1.; Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić, „Pavlinski samostan u Dubici“, Viestnik Hrvatskog arheološkog
družtva, Nova serija, Godina I, Zagreb, 1895, 189-202, here 190.
22
„In Dalmatia monasterium B. Mariae Virginis de Dubicza, sub Colomanno Sclavoniae, Croatiae et Dalmatiae duce,
anno 1244. ab hospitibus liberae villae de eadem Dubicza fundatum.” Ante Sekulić, „Pavlinski samostan u Dubici“,
Croatica Christiana periodica, Vol.13 No.23, Zagreb, June 1989, 28-43, here 36.
23
„Cuius particule terre cursus talis est: Primo ab oriente incipit super ponté Bychcha in via magna et per eandem
viam asscendendo iuxta silvam circuit ecclesiam sancti Dominici, in qua suas orationes solvere deo consueverunt;
abhinc super monte, ubi finitur dicta sillva, per eandem vádit viam versus occidentem ad longitudinem ligature
viginti et quatuor ulnarum; ibi deciinatversus partes aquilonis ad caput cuiusdam aque erumpentis; de hinc per
cursum dicte aque currentis in fossam, venit usque nemus quoddam, quod Chereth vulgariter appellatur; dehinc iuxta
dictum nemus recurrit ad pontem Bychcha superius nominatum..”,Thallóczy - Horváth, eds., Alsó-Szlavóniai
okmánytár, 2.
24
„Proinde ad universorum notitiam harum serie volumus pervenire, quod cum Georgius, filius Maladyn, Bogdán,
Pozobuch, Farcasius pro Wlkyna, Georgius filius Zeztup, iobagiones castri de Dobicha, terram Coztonicha
repeterent a Hytynkone, asserentes eandem fuisse castri de Dobicha, et post obitum regis Colomani, felicis

7
 Such a “preaching potential” of Dubica has resulted in its specific importance for the
dissemination and in the same time for the defense of Catholicism. However, the arrival of the
Templars brought the new dimension of knighthood and sophisticated militarism to the County
area as well. Military capabilities of Knights Templars have been championed by European
crusader spirit already for almost 150 years. Their system of organization and struggles proved to
be very successful even in cases of catastrophic defeats of Eastern Europeans in Mongolian
conflicts. For example during the mentioned Battle of the Sajó River and immediately before,
during the Battle of Legnica in Poland, the Templars were the most effective segment of the
Christian coalition troops. While at Legnica the Polish nobility was slauthered by Mongols and
even the great Duke Henry II was murdered, the Templar fighting contingent lost only three
knights in that battle.25 Besides of that, waste experience regarding the administration of different
parts of the land around Europe and Levant helped Templars to firmly establish their presence in
Dubica, and very soon they have been able to play crucial role in the organization of social and
economic life in the city and the county, especially in the sense of exclusive judicial decisions,
where their commander in Dubica practically was always crucial person for all kinds of
judgements, like in the case of commander Jacobus, in 1290.26

Insisting on the increased presence of the Templars in the northern parts of the Hungarian
Kingdom and the generally greater acceptance of the Western European system of fighting order,
with more use of massive heavy cavalry, which was a classic form of Templar charge, that is with
the abandonment of the "half-light cavalry", which both in Hungary and in Poland was previously
a particularly easy prey for Mongolian archers - quickly turned out to be a wise move by Hungarian
rulers. The second Mongol invasion of Poland, 1259-1260, did not bring any changes in the
constellation of the forces. The Mongols, this time organized as the Golden Horde (formerly

recordationis, per dictum Hetynk occupatam. Idem Hetynk ex adverso respondit, ut ipsam terram Coztonicha
vivente adhuc rege predicto pacifice usque ad hec tempóra possedisset. Volentes igitur litibus finem inponere.
Predictis Georgio videlicet, Bogdano, Pozobuch, Farcasio pro Wlkina, et Georgio, iobagionibus castri prenotati,
super ipsa terra Coztanicha coram capitulo Zagrabiensi adiudicavimus sacramentum. Adveniente vero die
sacramenti, talis inter partes conpositio intervenit, prout dictum capitulum nobis in suis litteris intimavit, quod dictus
Hytink unam partém de ipsa terra Coztonicha dimisit castro memorato, certis undique metis distinctam.“, Thallóczy
- Horváth, eds., Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 6.
25
Peter Jackson, The Mongols and the West, 1221–1410, Routledge, Harlow, 2005, 134.
26
„Nos fráter Jacobus de monte regali magister humilis domorum militie templi per Hungáriám et Sclavoniam,
memorie commendantes tenore presentium significamus universis et singulis, quibus presens ostenditur, quod
accedens ad nostram presentiam Tadeus filius Mlad, nobis confessus est viva voce, se vendidisse quandam
terram...“,Thallóczy - Horváth, eds., Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 23.

8
formally founded by Batu Khan), have devastated Galicia and Lithuania, and then made easy
breakthrough in Poland again, destroying many cities and economic structures. The Great Duke of
Poland, Boleslav V and his wife Kunegunda (Kinga), daughter of Bela IV, had to escape to the
West at the very last moment, just like a Hungarian king some 20 years earlier.27

On the totally opposite side, when the Mongols embarked on the second invasion of
Hungary, in 1285, during the reign of Ladislaus IV (1272-1290), they have been beaten all the way
out.28 The invasion, led by Nogai and Talabuga, turned into a catastrophe for the Mongolian light
cavalry. Two years later Mongols attempted new attack on Poland, but use of new Hungarian
tactics, as well as the direct Hungarian military aid to the Poles, again led to the complete defeat
of Mongolian invaders. So, on the eastern front constellation changed dramatically in the time
frame of only few decades. During the next century, the Golden Horde had much more to think
about Hungarian invasions on its own territory (thus, among other things, Mongols lost the
Moldavian space), rather than being able to organize a new successful invasion into the Kingdom
of Hungary.

While the Templars were a generally effective instrument of the Kingdom of Hungary to
prevent Mongolian expansion to the West, in the same time things were rapidly complicated in the
Middle East. The Egyptian Mamluke Sultanate has become the dominant force in Palestine during
the first half of 13th century and has increasingly pushed towards the last of modest crusader
territorial remains, including the Templar main seat in Acre. At the same time, the Turkish Seljuk
Sultanate of Rûm was strengthened as a key force in the area of Asia Minor, using, among other
things, the ruining of Byzantium in Fourth Crusade, 1202-1204. Both the Mamluke Sultanate and
the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm were soon to discover Mongols on their eastern borders. The attack
from 1242-1243 basically destroyed Sultanate of Rûm, which thereafter existed for several decades
only as the vassal state of Mongolian Ilkhanate.29 The grandson of Genghis Khan, Hulagu Khan
(1256-1265), also conquered Baghdad, the capital of the Arabic Abbasid Caliphate in 1258, and
thus made a big blow to the Arabs. However, after the initial successes in the war against
Mamlukes in Palestine, the Mongols were in retreating from there after 1260. All planned alliances

27
Stanisław Krakowski, Polska w walce z najazdami tatarskimi w XIII wieku, Krakow, 1956, 181-201.
28
Pál Engel - Tamás Pálosfalvi - Andrew Ayton, The Realm of St. Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895-
1526, Tauris, London, 2005, 109.
29
Stefan Heidemann, Das Aleppiner Kalifat (AD 1261). Vom Ende des Kalifates in Bagdad über Aleppo zu den
Restaurationen in Kairo, Brill, London-Köln-New York, 1994, 36.

9
of crusaders and Mongols against Mamlukes have never been carried out in a proper manner.30
The fate of the Crusaders, including Knights Templars, in Palestine was sealed, and the fall of
Acre was only a matter of time.

Because of the devastating prospects in the Levant area, the Templars tried even more to
organize themselves in the Balkans. Since the creation of the Latin Empire with the center in
Constantinople in 1204, possibilities were especially favourable in Greece. The Templars
concentrated their activity on the creation of logistic centers on the Greek coast, with which they
maintained sea-based contacts but they were also concerned about maintenance of land routes for
European pilgrims who, despite all the changes in the Palestinian space, continued to visit the Holy
Land. In this context, communication from Dubica (and other Templar centers in the Kingdom of
Hungary) to the Southeast, all the way to Greece, was very important for the Templars because
they had no seat more southerly than Dubica up until the Peloponnesus.

The City of Andravida was an especially important place on the territory of Greece for
general Latin concentration and also for the Templars.31 Andravida is situated in the Northwest of
Peloponnesus, some seven kilometres away from the coast of Ionian Sea. City was organised in
combination with the new built port of Glarentza.32 Andravida was capital of the Frankish
Principality of Achaea, which was set as separate territory after 1205. 33 Fortress of Chlemoutsi,34
just a little bit to the Southwest from Andravida, was strongest crusader castle in the area, built by
Geoffrey I de Villehardouin (c.1169 – c. 1229), second ruler in Principality of Achaea.35
Communication towards the Peloponnesus and further toward Palestine, was crucial for Templar
organization in the East at the end of the 13th century. After the fall of Acre and other crusader
spots at Levant (1291-1303), Templars also lost everything they used to possess there and moved
their seat in Limassol at Cyprus.36

30
Alain Demurger, The Last Templar, Profile Books, London, 2005, 109.
31
Antoine Bon, La Morée franque. Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté
d'Achaïe (1205-1430), de Boccard, Paris, 1969, 60.
32
Photeine Perra, „The Hospitallers' activities in mainland Greece: acquiring political influence in the Peloponnesus“,
Ekklesiastikos Pharos 92, Johannesburg, 2010, 35-41.
33
Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 126.
34
Χλεμούτσι, which is actually wrong version of French word Clairmont.
35
Bon, La Morée franque, 95.
36
Helen Nicholson, The Knights Templar: A New History, The History Press, Stroud, 2001, 201.

10
 With the elimination of the Templars and other Christian orders from the Holy Land, an
essential question about the meaning of their further existence was automatically raised. In
principle, this question also concerned the fate of the Knights of St. John or Hospitallers, as well
as the members of the Teutonic Order. But members of Teutonic Order have long been (actually
since the 1220’s) at work in the formation of their own monastic state at the space of Prussia, and
their focus has long been in the area of Northeastern Europe (and will remain there for the next
several centuries). Similarly, the Hospitallers have already decided to work in the same manner on
the Island of Rhodes (with the surface of about 1400 square kilometers) and to turn it into own
monastic state, which they have carried out quite expressly, conquering the island from the
Byzantines, after disembarkation in 1306.37

During the first decade of the 14th century, the position of the Knights Templars has become
largely unsustainable. Without the possession of a territory they could strictly bind for themselves
and from which they could directly raise their incomes, they came to a situation of complete
uncertainty which was reflected in several directions. After the collapse of the crusader states in
Palestine, their financial future was not at all secure. In those years there was no territorial solution
for the Templars that eventually would put them in the position of owning their own monastic
state, like in the case of Teutonic Order or Knights of St. John. On the other hand, just pointing
out that the Templars "potentially seek territory for themselves" from the side of their opponents,
(who were not limited only to French King Philip IV), could easily turn into counterpropaganda,
where the Templars were presented as a threat to certain European states or institutions. Such
confusion in their position largely facilitated their quick elimination by Philip IV, through his
pressure on Pope Clement V, in a relatively short period between mass arrest of the leaders of
French Templar branch in October 1307, and burning at the stake in Paris of Grand Master of the
Order, Jacques de Molay, and Perceptor of the Normandy Province, Geoffroi de Charney, in March
1314.38

The dramatic and rapid destruction of the Templar Order in France and elsewhere in Europe
did not have similar effects on the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary and even in Dubica itself.
The sources basically show that the transformation of Templar possessions into the hands of

37
Anthony Luttrell, “The Hospitallers at Rhodes, 1306–1421”, In Harry W. Hazard, eds., A History of the Crusades,
Volume III: The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, UW Press, Madison, 1975, 278–313, here 281.
38
Malcolm Barber, The Trial of the Templars (2nd ed.), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1993, 357.

11
Hospitallers has gone relatively quietly. Following the decisions of Pope Clement V, announced
in Papal bulls Vox in excelso and Ad providam during the Council of Vienne in the spring of 1312,39
the Templar Order was formally abolished, and almost all Templar possessions were handed over
to the Knights of St. John.40 The first traces of transition in Dubica appear already in 1314. 41 The
position of the Hospitallers, in relation to the position of the Templars, was fundamentally
different, although there was no inclination, traced in documents, to show how hteir heritage in
Dubica presents breaking of the earlier line. It was quite opposite – Knights of St. John always
insisted on smooth transfer of power from Templars and continuation of the line.42 Hospitallers
never sought to promote themselves so much in the line with the prominent militarism and
banking-financial dimensions, but acted generally more withdrawn and quieter, with greater
concentration on religious affairs and their own role as assistant to the pilgrims. With such an
approach, in most of the situations they were closer to the Pope than the Templars, and they were
also closer to most rulers, especially in peaceful conditions. As a result, the rule of Hospitallers in
Dubica County was in general much more stable.

Available sources from 14th century, which are generally much richer than those of the
previous century, show that the 14th century was economically de facto golden age of Dubica,
because interference of the kings (and queens) in the city business was at the highest level. Queen
Elisabeth (c. 1339-1387), daughter of Bosnian Ban Stephen II, and regent until the deposition in
1385, eagerly regulated relations inside of Dubica.43 Among others, Dubica was then a very

39
Ewald Müller, Das Konzil von Vienne 1311–1312. Seine Quellen und seine Geschichte, Aschendorffschen, Münster
i. W., 1934, 45.
40
Carl Andresen - Georg Denzler, Wörterbuch der Kirchengeschichte, Dtv, München, 1982, 256.
41
Dobronić, Templari i ivanovci, 47-49.
42
Like in the case of judgement from 1359: „ Tandem iidem vestre celsitutidinis et noster homines ad nos reversi et
per nos requisiti nobis contorditer retulerunt, quod ipsi a nobilibus et ignobilibus, clericis et laicis ac cuiusvis status
et conditionis illarum partium hominibus, a quibus decuit ac licuit, facta diligenti inquisitione huiusmodi de
infrascriptis comperissent omnimodam veritatem, quod universi nobiles de Cosucha, de Greda, de Peerch et de
Wruchina et alii in comitatu Dubicensi existentes et ipsorum avi et proavi a tempore, quo ipse comitatus Dubicensis
ratione permutationis seu concambii templariis et dicto ordini sancti Johannis Jerosolymitani fuisset collatus, iudicio
et iudicatui prefati domini prioris et sui preceptoris de eadem Dubicha astitissent et paruissent et marturinas et alios
proventus sibi provenire debentes iisdem persolvissent. “, Thallóczy - Horváth (ed.), Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 59.
43
„ Nos Elizabeth dei gratia regina Hungarie, Polonie, Dalmatie etc. tibi religioso viro fratri Luce preceptori de
Dubicha, precipiendo mandamus, quatenus religiosos viros, fratres heremitas claustri beate virginis de Dubicha in
nostrum protectionem receptos in terris et aliis eorum iuribus legitimis a cunctis ipsos indebite et sine iuris ordine
molestare et dampnificare intentibus, specialiter vero a populis de dicta Dubicha, nostre maiestatis in persona
protegere debeatis et tueri, iustitia mediante. Et hoc idem iniungimus futuris perceptoribus de prefata Dubicha,
firmis dantes ipsis sub preceptis. “, Thallóczy - Horváth (ed.), Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 110.

12
significant wine-growing center, as evidenced by a 1388 document.44 However, with the
emergence of the tide around Ottoman expansion to the Northwest at the end of the century, area
of Dubica County was again involved in the destruction caused by the invasion from the East. The
Hospitallers have managed to keep the County for about two centuries after withdrawal of the
Templars. Finally, the Ottomans conquered Dubica, the "Gate of Slavonia" in 1538.

Even after the fall of Dubica, the institutions of the Zagreb Bishopric continued to preserve
the hierarchy of pre-Osmanic times, with all the complete personal of Dubica Archidiaconate, who
was led, for example, in 1552 by "Paul, Archidiacon of Dubica and priest of the Zagreb Church".45
In a completely different historical context, memories of the presence of the Knights of Rhodes
(who had become Knights of Malta, since 1530) in the area of Dubica were preserved through the
institution of Prior of Vrana (kind a Grand Master of Hospitallers in Croatia and Slavonia), which
existed within the framework of the Zagreb Bishopric in the later centuries (and exists even today!)
and was particularly activated in situations where Habsburg troops conquered Dubica on the right
bank of Una River during subsequent wars against the Ottomans and held it in their possession
(for example 1684-1701, 1716-1742 and 1788-1796). During this episodes from all the territories
Austrians used to conquer south of Una and Sava only the City of Dubica and surrounding area
were placed under direct control of the church institutions from Zagreb.46

Despite the crucial importance of Dubica as a border fortress within the framework of
Austrian-Turkish clashes throughout the 18th century, to the extent that one war (1788-1791) was
even dubbed as Dubica War, in the general European relations area of Dubica never again reached
the strategic significance that it had at the time of Templars and Hospitallers during the 13th and
14th centuries.

44
Thallóczy - Horváth (ed.), Alsó-Szlavóniai okmánytár, 114-115.
45
„Paulus archidiaconus Dubiczensis et canonicus ecclesiae Zagrabiensis“. Ivan Krstitelj Tkalčić, Povjestni spomenici
slobodnog kraljevskog grada Zagreba, Zagrabiae, 1889, 332. Extensive description in Боро Бронза, Аустријска
политика према простору Босне и Херцеговине 1699-1788 (Бања Лука: Филозофски факултет, 2012), 26.
46
Ibid. 87-88.

13
 SUMMARY

During the second half of 13th century geopolitical constellation in the Balkans, Asia Minor
and the Middle East has become extremely complex. The rise of Islamic state organizations such
as the Turkish Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm and Egyptian Mamluke Sultanate implied the necessity of
sophisticated logistics realignment of Christian states and institutions in the area that has already
for several millennia been the scene of a collision between different European and Asian
civilizations. Kind of redefinition in positioning of the Hungarian Kingdom or the fusion of the
logistics of its positioning in the East with the efforts made by Order of the Templars should be
also analyzed in this context, especially directly after the passage of waves of the strongest and
most destructive Mongolian invasion (1241-1242).

Accelerated collapse of the crusader states in the wider area of Palestine was followed by
gradual withdrawal towards West of both the Templars and Knights of St. John, as two of the most
important monastic-chivalric orders in the area of the Holy Land, and their increased concentration
in Southeastern Europe. County and the city of Dubica played an important role in the general
expansion of the Hungarian Kingdom to the Southeast already in the first half of 13th century. But
a whole new dimension was given to this area with the introduction of the Templars and their
installation in the role of feudal masters of Dubica County in 1269, primarily in the context of the
organization of logistics to the Templar and other Christian centers at Balkans and East
Mediterranean (for example Andravida at Peloponnesus), and also in the context of a positioning
in the space of central Bosnia, where some aspects of the Catharism, persecuted religious
movement at time, were present already for several decades.

Regarding the strategic position of Dubica in European geopolitical constellation, time of

Templars and Knights of St. John, especially during the 13th and 14th centuries, was rightly judged
as historical golden age of the area and memories about it have been firmly saved inside of the
hierarchy and nomenclature in Zagreb religious institutions for several centuries even after the
Ottoman conquest of Dubica in 1538.

14