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Kitchin, Gleeson, Dodge - 2013 - Unfolding Mapping Practices A New Epistemology For Cartography
Kitchin, Gleeson, Dodge - 2013 - Unfolding Mapping Practices A New Epistemology For Cartography
Key words cartography; epistemology; ontogenesis; practice; ghost estates; public geography
1
NIRSA and Geography, National University of Ireland, Maynooth, County Kildare, Ireland
Email: rob.kitchin@nuim.ie
2
NIRSA, National University of Ireland, Maynooth, County Kildare, Ireland
3
Department of Geography, School of Environment and Development, University of Manchester, Manchester
Table I The key characteristics of different ontologies of cartography (adapted from Kitchin 2008)
Robinson (1952) Harley (1989) Wood and Fels (2008) Kitchin and Dodge (2007)
from ‘imagined scenarios, controlled experiments or skills, wider context and how these mappings lead to
retrospective accounts’ to examine how mappings diverse and contested outcomes. Or one could
emerge as solutions to relational problems. In other explore the entire complex discursive and material
words, the kinds of questions asked, and how they are assemblage and its interactions that shape a map-
asked, change quite substantially. This is not to say, ping’s genesis and unfolding: knowledges (existing
however, that technical questions disappear, but artefacts, books, papers, manuals, magazines, mailing-
rather that they are recognised as being contingent, lists, conferences, gossip), forms of governmentalities
relational, contested and context-dependent; and that (data and metadata standards, file formats, protocols,
addressing technical questions is in itself a process of intellectual property regimes), practices (ways of
seeking to solve a set of relational problems. Accord- doing, aesthetic choices, design conventions, personal
ingly, Ingold (2010) contends that this means adopt- idiosyncrasies and ignorance, office routines and cul-
ing an epistemological approach that seeks to follow tural norms), subjectivities (relating to cartographers,
the ‘lines of becoming’, tracing out how mappings sellers, users), materialities (paper, pens, technical
unfold in the entangled meshwork (conditions of pos- equipment, screens, software, public displays) and
sibility among the relations between actants) of their organisations (corporations, professional societies,
creation, use and unfolding of everyday life and retailers, government agencies, universities, local
space. authorities). Or one could try and consider these
Clearly, following the diverse ways in which map- aspects in conversation with each other, in effect
pings emerge is a large and complex undertaking, seeking to chart the workings and work of a mapping
potentially involving many different stages, sequences from data generation through to its multiple ‘lives’ in
and scenarios, stretched out across multiple sites and the world.
scales. For example, one could consider the genera- The latter is no easy task, especially as it is
tion of specific geospatial data, framed within techni- impossible to observe or make sense of all the re-
cal, legal, fiscal, social and political contexts, and inscriptions and re-territorisations of most mappings.
shaped by the limitations of institutional access and For example, MasterMap, a cartographic database
recording devices, and the interpersonal relations of produced by the Ordnance Survey (UK), is constantly
people involved. Or one could focus on the iterative in the process of being updated through the genera-
and citational production of a mapping – how a map- tion and inclusion of new data and involves dozens of
ping emerges through multiple drafts shaped by skills, workers with varying skills, personal experience, tacit
experience, shared discussion and debate, the limits knowledge; and all kinds of equipment and software,
of technical knowledge or equipment or the vagaries and different sites and spaces of activity. The map-
of the software and display media being used (which ping data are processed with respect to bundles of
are encumbered with ‘default settings’ – some overt procedures, conventions, standards, intellectual prop-
and some covert), and is framed by its supposed erty regimes, built upon generations of established
intended purpose, the ideology of its initiators, and so cartographic practices that provide certain path
on. Or one could examine the ways in which particu- dependencies that are endlessly cited. Once displayed
lar mappings form part of the solution to relational on a screen or printed onto paper, the mapping
problems such as finding a required location, brows- makes its way into the lives of potentially hundreds of
ing a landscape, navigating a route or displaying a thousands of people, who beckon it into being to try
spatial pattern, and how these mappings emerge in and solve millions of different relational problems,
multiple, contingent ways shaped by knowledge and re-inscribing the world in all kinds of ways.
unfinished housing schemes was being discussed in which records details on all the nation’s properties as
the media, the analysis lacked a firm evidence base as a means to identify ‘ghost estates’. Geodirectory is
to the extent and distribution of ‘ghost estates’ and only available for use under licence and its availability
the number of units on them. The result was that the to the public or academic community is limited
debate remained at the level of anecdote, and yet, because it requires specialist knowledge and its
the state was risking huge amounts of taxpayers’ annual licence is expensive.
money (at the time estimated €54bn, later reduced to What followed was a series of conversations
€32bn) to buy a vast quantity of so-called ‘toxic assets’ between the researchers discussing how to proceed,
(originally worth €77bn) through NAMA. including the appropriate technical parameters for
What was known was that such ‘ghost estates’ had identifying ‘ghost estates’ and what kind of housing
been built across the country, many of them unfin- we were most interested in, accompanied by an explo-
ished and yet often had households living on them. ration of the Geodirectory database and a scoping
Based on our experience of using various Irish spatial exercise to see if meaningful data could be extracted.
and demographic data sets, it was decided to explore These practices of conversations, explorations and
the use of Geodirectory (a commercial product con- scoping were tentative ‘brainstorming’ sessions, where
structed by An Post, the national postal service, and ideas were thrown out, picked up, debated, run
Ordnance Survey Ireland, the state mapping agency), with, dropped, reworked, re-examined and assessed;
Ordnance Survey Ireland Licence No. EN 0063509 Ordnance Survey Ireland Licence No. EN 0063509
© Ordnance Survey Ireland/Government of Ireland © Ordnance Survey Ireland/Government of Ireland
Data Source: GeoDirectory Data Source: GeoDirectory
Produced by: All-Island Research Observatory (AIRO) Produced by: All-Island Research Observatory (AIRO)
Not to be reproduced without permission from AIRO. Not to be reproduced without permission from AIRO.
programme’s producers knew we were working on a property interests had used to try and undermine our
new ‘ghost estate’ mapping and asked for an exclusive other analysis (such parameters then were contingent
to show the results, with the mapping published on and relationally set within the specific context of an
the IrelandAfterNAMA blog at the time of broadcast. emerging discourse). The mapping revealed that there
The day was spent cleaning the data and doing multi- were 621 ‘ghost estates’ in the country, ranging in size
ple, detailed error checks, refining the mapping from 10 to 290 units.
design, and involved a whole series of conversations On Tuesday 26 January 2010 a modified version of
about the data and their mapping, which went the mapping, wherein we classified the ‘ghost estates’
through several iterations. MapInfo was used to con- by size (Figure 2), was published on the Ireland-
struct the mapping and this software shaped to an AfterNAMA blog and made available to the media as
extent, in a contingent fashion, the ‘look and feel’ of a JPG file through the university’s communications
its outputs due to the way in which cartographic con- office.8 This was taken and then redrawn by the Asso-
ventions are built into its algorithms and the options ciated Press (AP) as a simplified choropleth map that
available to its users. In order to counter potential revealed more clearly the number of ‘ghost estates’
criticism about the definition of a ‘ghost estate’, we per local authority and it appeared in several newspapers
tightened the initial parameter from 30 per cent on Wednesday 27 January (see Figure 3). For the AP
vacancy to 50 per cent, so that a ‘ghost estate’ was it was clearly important to make it apparent to read-
defined as ten or more housing units where at least a ers where in the country the problem was most acute.
half of these were unoccupied or still under construc- We had advised the journalist that rather than map-
tion. We felt it would be difficult to argue that a ping raw numbers per county it would be better to
housing scheme where half the properties were standardise the findings by the number of households
unoccupied ⁄ under construction did not constitute a per county in order to reveal the extent of the issue
‘ghost estate’ in the popular understanding of the with respect to population. The designer decided,
term. Of course, this excluded a significant number of however, to plot the total number of estates per
other unfinished estates, but we wanted to head off county on the mapping and to provide an accompany-
criticism solely around the parameters that vested ing graph with the standardised rates. The NIRSA
and AP mappings were important interventions in the NIRSA received a number of abusive phone calls
growing public debate because they revealed for the from builders, developers and estate agents, and had
first time the geography of the ‘ghost estates’ phe- to negotiate other issues (such as the fact that we had
nomenon. Whilst ‘ghost estates’ were shown to be a published the mapping without seeking formal per-
nationwide problem, affecting the major cities as well mission from the data licence holder; and the data
as rural areas, it was also apparent that some parts of were, in some senses, being used to berate agencies
the country were much more adversely affected than that we were working with on other projects and from
others, especially those in the Upper Shannon Rural whom the institute receives research funding). Local
Renewal Scheme area (the counties of Cavan, Long- authorities who were revealed to have a heightened
ford, Leitrim, Roscommon and Sligo) where specula- problem with ‘ghost estates’ moved to counter the
tive housing development had been incentivised by negative criticism they were receiving from local resi-
tax breaks (Kitchin et al. 2010). dents as well as the media, challenging the research
It was at this point that the story took off, with and our analysis in local and national media. A hand-
dozens of radio stations and local newspapers contact- ful of local authorities even sought to claim they had
ing the institute looking to discuss the ‘ghost estate’ no such unfinished housing schemes, rejecting the
phenomena both at a national scale and in their local term ‘ghost estate’, despite the material evidence that
area (see Figure 4) directly informed by the mapping. they clearly had estates with high levels of vacancy
The lead author undertook a number of interviews and under-construction properties.
where the NIRSA mapping and the method used to As a result of the intensity of media interest and
construct it were discussed in detail, with the map- abusive calls, and conscious that some of the press
pings actively shaping the unfolding discourse. The was consistently misreporting key aspects of our
university very quickly had to put a media strategy in analysis, especially with respect to housing vacancy
place, which principally consisted of the first author estimates (rather than the ‘ghost estate’ mapping),
only appearing on national media. At this time, and that the coverage was probably not serving us
Figure 4 Sample of media coverage of the ‘ghost estate’ map (The Independent, The Irish Mirror, The Irish Star)
Source: Mirrorpix, Associated Press
well vis-à-vis our funders, we paused blog posting on essence, what we were doing was producing a detailed
housing issues for several weeks, although the first epimapping to accompany and justify our research
author continued to do relevant national media findings and mappings, and it is instructive to note
work. The story re-emerged again in late March that at no point did the mappings work independently
2010 when another Irish university independently of a supporting discursive apparatus of text, other
replicated our vacancy estimate results, with their visualisations such as statistical graphs, and interviews.
study also covered extensively in the media (see In other words, it is important to appreciate that aca-
Williams et al. 2010). This second study was impor- demic mappings work in conjunction with a range of
tant because it verified and legitimated our analysis. discursive forms. And they are not always the end
Moreover, by this time, much of the public debate point of a piece of an analysis, but a conduit through
had shifted onto what to do about ‘ghost estates’ in which to move on to new, complementary research
terms of alternative uses and the significant issues and disseminate findings. We had told journalists early
that people living on them face (e.g. service provi- in 2010 that NIRSA was working on a comprehensive
sion, health and safety, security, anti-social behaviour overview report that drew together and extended our
and negative equity). Not long afterwards, the Irish blog posts, so it was important for the institute’s repu-
government announced that it was going to under- tation to complete and publish it in a timely fashion.
take a comprehensive survey of all unfinished hous- In order to extend the analysis we co-opted two
ing estates in the country in order to determine the new academic co-authors with a knowledge of plan-
full extent of the issue. ning and property development in Ireland. The subse-
In the meantime, NIRSA continued to research the quent report went through numerous iterations as we
issues relating to the property crisis, seeking to sought to hone its content and argument and we were
explain the phenomenon and its geography. In due to release it at the beginning of July 2010, with