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seit of aio, Bath chapter 1 1 Unilinealism, Multilinealism, and the Evolution of Complex Societies INTRODUCTION A majorrecent foeus of American archeology has been the evo Tnuratipaion of tis problem has primarily lating baie processes that account for gener Alsimilties in independent sequences of cultural evolution. Several ta ‘evolitionaty paradigms, patculaly those of Fred (1967), Sex- Vice (152), Steward (1953), and White (1949, have been widelyaccepted {providing frameworks fo which sich processes may be applied. We that all these authors later modifi their views to some, degree > fermulating their basic evolitionary paradigms. Our main concern, is with their orginal arguments, since these have been most, tecepted by anthropologists and pariculaey by archeologists fetal and veliable archeological evidence has accumulated, it has become evident that thi emphasis on general processes and general tniinel evolation fs ineteasngly inadequate in explaining the obvias ‘aiabilty present in specific quences oF eomplex socal evolution Al 250 wes sme 0 DANO Wear though we recognize the vale of a comparative approach that seeks tp ify and apply universal systemic evoltionary processes, variation ‘anmot be explained by appealing to processes that ae, infect, universal, Variation must be explained in term of factors that ae variable and that themselves condition the general processes in variable ways ‘We propose a modified malsineal paradigm in which different eve Jutionay trajectories relate to vaiations nthe natural environmen, such fs degree of agricultural risk, diversity, productivity (as measured by evgetic efficiency, yield per unit of caivable land, and total area ‘tfined for the eesiogical community), and size and character of the Srvironment. Among these we distinguish a fstorde factors degre of Gavcatual risk and diversity, with productsty, and size, character, ani Tecation as second-order factors. We attempt to show rough substantive ehicclogical examples that various permutations of these factors resultin | “ferent specie evelationary sequences, different rates of development, and diferent limite to development. Our examples are drawn from Mesoamerican archeology fora variety of reasons. Primary considers Yione are that the auth vhost familiar with this area, and “Mesoamerica has produced, ta date, the most consistent, abundant, reliable body of data available pertaining to the problem ofthe evolution of complex veitis. Frthermore, the regio ia cultural unt in which Sjor paticrns were (and are) widely shared over the entire region, Fnchuding such trate of etal significance in our peraigm as the com- plex of cultigens and level of production technology. On the other hand, [Ris region of extraordinary geographic diversity, and this diversity rmst Ihave had highly significant effects on the specific patterns of ecological ‘lapation and eutial evolution ‘THE PROBLEM In his paper, the “Cultural Evolution of Cilization” (1972), Kent Flannery provides us with a series of very usefal and productive leads the design of a escarch strategy to tesolve the question ofthe evolition of Flannery distinguishes among environmental stil, proceses, and mechanisms, He recognizes, as Leste White (1949) di, that innovations te implemented by individuals operating within a specific set of historical Cireumstances, By circumstances we mean the knowledge of the in Sovator, his (or thee) poston within the socal system, and the sate of the soe system atthe time ofthe innovation Instead of treating inovs- tion asa unique and specific event, however (as historian traditionally roach that secs to processes, variation 6 infact, universal we variate and thai se ways, sich different evo Tenvironment, such y (as measured by ind, and total aren 1d character of the ler factors degree of sire, character, and through substantive hese factors eesltin tes of development, are drawn from Primary considers ith ‘this area, and tent, atundant, and fem ofthe evohiton Aiea unin which the entie region, veadig asthe eom ‘On the other hand, this diversity ust ierns of ecological sation” (2972), Kent U productive leads ia ‘mof the evalation of rl, processes, and 4, that innovations ie et of stores rowledge of the in tm, and the sate of \doftreatinginnova- storans traditionally 11, THe ewoumon cr coveusxsocus 251 would do), one-can derive low-level generalizations about such jim plementations. These are referred to by Flannery as mechanisms. For fexample, various agencies of a cental administration may take contol ‘of functions, such as irigntion systems or edication, that were formerly the reponsibiities of local communities, The mechanism here is linearstionthe expropriation of the functions ofa lower-arde social insttaton by a higher one. Another soch mechanism is promotion, ‘wheiety lower-level office or institation with very limited and speci Fanetions is promoted toa higher position in the system and atthe same tine its function are expanded and generalized. Cited as an example by Flanne'y isthe promotion ofthe afice of lagal from war leader to secalat ruler i predynastic Mesopotamia, By proces he refers to those broad, dynamic, repetitive patterns of| culture that are universal or nearly universal in the evoltion and Fanetioning ofall cultures, Examples would be cooperation, competition, segregation, and centralization, In his model mechanisms ae seen a the fgents by which the iatensiy of such process is increased or decreased, ‘The mechanisms of linearization and promotion for example, are means by which the process of centralization is accelerated Flennery agues thatthe history of soil evolution i essentially one of increasing segregation and centralization, two processes that are ‘losely and finctionally related, By segregation he relers to process of Sifferentation within the social system into unlike but interdependent egmerts, basod on economic spetalization, profesionaliztion of polit ical anor rligis power, and differences in wealth, privilege, and Iestye. By centralization i meant inezeasingly overt contel by a domi nant adbgroup or subgroupe ofthe socal order and the regulation of the interacion among thee subgroups. Flannery sees mechanisms and the process they generate a the causes of cultralevoltion, and he rele tater sich explanations of eultral evoltion as wartare, population frowth and hydialie aricaltre tothe status of environmental timuli, ‘which provided the proper elimate and setting within which the mecha nisms fnd processes funtion. ‘Wee a serions semantic problem inthis analysis of cult evo tion. Both Flannery’s mechanisms and processes, a he himself sates, are “oniversal IF they ate universal, we ave faced withthe padox of expla ing varabiity in clture by factors that ste, by defiition, nonvarying. ‘The one component of his methodological scheme that does vary isthe erwirarmental stimu, and we se these as basi causes of cultural evok Insummary we donot disagree wit the basic stricture for research ‘as sugested in Flannery’s paper. Neither do we deny the necesity of foing beyond the identification of environmental stimuli in ordet to 252 we SOE NO ON WEES provide an adequate explanation, ‘The diicuty with many eater a {emnpts to analyze caval evlation wes not so much that they selected the wrong causal factors (he, environment, as Flannery angies), but father that they did not go much further than identifying the environ, rental sma, What fe needed, as he himself suggests, is analysis of the tray in which such stimuli provide s setting for the’ mechanisms and Jroceses of cultural dynamics to operate. What mechanisms, for exam does population growth trigger to accentuate the proces of segregs DEFINITION AND MEASUREMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL VARIABLES ‘Among the environmental variables we consider agricultural sskani alivenity as fistorder factors, with produetivity, size characte, a locetion ay second-order factors. Each of these is defined in the following Gscussion, and methods of measurement are suggested. Population size Sind densiy ate not discussed in deta, since our utilization of these toncepts commonly understood, Nor will we closely examine the Vauables of natu ofthe productive sytem (by which we mean the major nergy sources and technology utilized), since these can essentially be ezaed as constants in the evolving Mesoamerican cultural sequences to which we apply the model tin important to emphasize that these envizonmental variables are not motnalyexchsve bat are antions of one another, Obviously various {spect of productivity, for example, are functions ofagialtral is, size ni character ofthe environment, ad technology. Even more impor tne the variables ‘re not simply environmental “givens” bat may be conditioned by transformations in the sociocultural sytem itself, Ths, ‘nthe one hand, high aricaltaral ik may be inherent inthe envicom tment asa result of natural consents (eg, insufipient or eratic rafal, ows), bot agtcultral innovations may change the envionment to 8 lowsrik one. On the other band, population growth in an environment generally fee ftom natural ssh may ulimately produce sis by enforcing pendence upon increasingly marginal or degraded resources oF by felucing the sve of land holdings Sinilaely, population growth ray Mimulate colonization of new productive areas where different subs: tence resouees are produced, consequenly creating an agricultural Heterogeneity not previously present, This same process may promote specialization in nonsubistene resources, providing that raw materials mre highly localized 1s many eather at "that they selected ‘anery argues), but ifyng the environ s, is analysis ofthe 2 mechanisms and santo, for exanr proces of regegs gical isk and te, character, and ved inthe following ‘4, Popalation size atlzation of these >sely examine the ‘can essentially tual sequences to venta variables are (Obviously vations ireultural vik, see Even more impor wens” bt may be snter tel, Thus, for erratic rainfall, ‘tisk by enforcing 4 resources oF by ation growth may we ciferentsabsie 1 an agricultural 3 may promote ‘that raw materials 1, meevounon er conse SoceEs 253 Risk “Theoretically the rsk factor clvely related tothe aspects of diver sity and prodvtivity. By rsk we mean any essential environmental pe rameters essential to production of energy (. moist, temperature) tvith wile, elatively frequent, and unpredictable variations. Insofar the Tsk factor differentially affects local areas, productive diversity i pro tdaced. For example, in the Teothuacin Valley it is possible for one village: experience avery poor harvest becuse of eettc vainfal pat tees, phereas another only few hlometersavay hes 2 bumper crop. If, ass often the case, there are segments of the productive lindscape tht Ihave nal isk factor, oF none all fhe prostve divest ofthe total landscape is increased, Te isk factor operates primarily on the process of centralization. Again taing the Tentmacén Valley as an example, we find sharply con trating loeal niches for example, closely untapored areas offre tal fot, and most important, irigable versus noninigable land. Min nally, he effects of such varable niches ae to encourage diffs tetlement histories and pattems, spd, inthe case of iragable land, Slmmlae the emergence of patton-client relationships between ‘ith access to gation recaees and those without. Social satiation, in Feecs (1967 sense is thus established, By areries of complex feedback telatiorshipe, however, ths social station frequently evolves into a such more highly centralized kind of power, in which the patrons create political instintione (the state), which, among other things, serve to ecce the risk actor by complex redistiition andor the eration and ‘management of large-scale water contel projects, "The isk factor i fay easy 40 measure if environmental conditions and the mode of production are known or can be reconstructed. We Sigbest that an index bo established, based wpon a 10-or 20-year period én order to eaptare short-term cycles of signicant variables like mis ture, fst, disease, pets), and that values be attached to. years of maximum produetiviy, moderate productivity, low productivity, and complete Fala. Diversity By diversity we mean the closeness and pattern of spacing of con trating environmental cantons significant in terms of human expleita- tion, Sch diversity may involve subsistence or nonsubsistence resources the tole of diversity in the subsistence sensei more fundamental inthe evelopment of complex culties nd is oor primary concer, although 254 weL40 SANDER Wo DA WEBSTER nonsubsistence diversity has considerable impact on ecological and eval onary processes s well A major concern here is that measures of Avery be closely related to human needs, not to diversity in some teneral sense. For example, diversity in sols in a region occupied by Clvator should be expressed in a typology emphasizing factors that fnflience agricltralferility rather than type of parent material, ee ‘Variability nso frtity may ill be of litle sgnfcancein terms of one specific cop staple and be of considerable significance in the ease of another-ceteas, for example, are much more demanding of soi fertility than are root erops. Although the factors easly understood and deseibed in qualitative tens, what is needed is meas of quantification ofthe toncepifitis tobe sed effectively ata predictive moe, Inthe abs 8 quantitative scale we are using qualitative terms such as low, moderate, fn high diversity. To llustrate the meaning of this sale, we offer the following case examples ‘We have selcted four ateas of comparable size (12,000 ka, 11.1-118) to lsat differences in diversity of two factors tha strongly infence agricultural production, temperature, and rainfal. The sele tion was based on the fact that the aur cover the range of Mesoamerican Environments very wel ad were the same areas selected for detaled Snaljsis of their cultural histories ithe final section of this chapter, For two ofthe ateas we have comparable sil maps, which provide a further indication of cfferences in degree of heterogeneity, The Basin of Mexico tnd the adjacent aren of the sate of Moreles are located inthe Cent Plateau, the location of several major Mesoamerican sites such as ‘Teolihuacin, Tenochtitli, and Xechieleo, A second area includes the Valley of Guatemala and adjacent sections of the Motagua Valley and acife coastal pain and piedmont. A third area is the northeastern Fetén, which wes the demnersphie heatland of Classic Maya civilization. The Fourth area the Valley of Onxaca and adjacent highland zones slong vith the Paci excarpment, We would generally characterize the Petén {va low-isk environment with moderate to low diversity, the highlands tnd coast of Guatemala aa low-risk, high-dversity are; the Cental Plateau and) Onnacan highlands as high-k, highdiversity areas. We have abo incladed a map (Figure 119) of highland Mesoamerica showing ‘major pattems of topagtaphy and subsistence and nonsubsistence diver sy Ieshould be noted thatthe maps only strate ina gross way maior patterns of diversity over very large areas and do nat take into accovnt the Highly significant microdversty partial found in highland areas The patting ofthe larger units of analyse, however, almost certainly = Feet diferences in the merodiversty within the respective units 35 wel logiea and eval that measures of diversity in some gion occupied by siting factors that feat material, ee cei terms of one tee in the case of ding of si fertility tood and deserbed Antifcation ofthe Tintheabsence of as low, moderate velle, We offer the 000 kn, Figures that strongly The selec Mesoamerican lected for det f this chapter, For ‘provide «further xe Basin of Mexico tein the Cota Trea inelides the otapia Valley and ortheastern Fete, 2 ivlirtion. The itand zones slong acterize the Pen ‘yy the highlands ‘area; the Cente iversiy areas. We soametia showing ssubistence dive gross way major certo acoonnt he ighland ares, The Imost certainly re sive units aswel 11, mervoume cr contr Secs 255 ' mo oa wax 11 te umn of cowex soci 237 Tf Lm Ze eA \ 7 stn H exe (SEX Bi $0 Bn WEBSTER 1, Te weeaman oF commu soceEs 261 The micriversity is sinifeant inthe patterning not ony of subsistence i but of monaubsistence resource, BY Ss SN | Pct e fC }__Bryrobetvity we mean te poeta ofthe landepe to rote ‘energy Inthe form of subistence products forthe support of human populations, Although productivity may be absoltely constrained by ‘environmental factors, we recognize that i intimately linked to such | Galtua ‘actors as levels of technology and organization, energy sources fvalale, and vatety of information. As with diversity, productivity af fects all of the evolutionary pracestes, The problem with productivity is || nol much how fo measie i but rather which of several alternative ‘ncasresis mos usefl for assessing various Kind of evolutionary change || 1, Input-output ratioe. Here we mean the ratio between energy cxpendinie end energy retim characteristic of a given expotative Strategy, Thi measire offers insights into patlerns of colonization and | Sctlemeat distibution, into decision making about alternative forms of | Subsistence strategies through time, and, nestzmpertant tothe ability to {enctate surpluses to counteract rik ort invest in socially complex o | Ganization, auch as hierarchical poical stucture (centralization) or | Gupational specialization (sepresation), 2, Carrying capacity, Blogs use this term to mean the maximum population of plants or animals that an area can stan without long ringe deleterious effects on the envionment. This concept is of only ‘ninor wilty in stadies of human adaptation, since humans have the apacity through cultural means, to adapt to such effects and ean ares frat leat reduce the pace of such processes, William Allan, in his book The Afi (1963), uses thee factory to ealeuiate careying capacity he cultivable land factor, that pereentage of the landscape that can be culvated in terms ofthe technology of the sarple population, ‘The second factor is the cultivation factor, the amount of land ead in production in anyone year in order to sustain person. | ‘This isan emplsieal messure based on the specie economic system being analyzed. For example, in economies where economic specialization and Social statfiation are absent, such avin the case of many Neolithic Societies then the amount of land needed is that sient for the food production forthe individual family, the basi production consumption Unit, Inthe ease of more complex social and economic orzanization, this falcalatim ims include the surphis for Wade or taxation. ‘The final we e 11, Tweevoumn or conus socmEs 263 reasureis the land-use fctor—thatis, how many units of eltvated land (the culation factor are needed to maintain year-after-yea production, {n'a lone fallow swidden system tis figure may be as high as 10 oF 12 an annus eroppingsystem it would be only 1. The formula for calcul tanring capecity could be wien as fellows: clu ef). All of thse ‘atiabes ae of eourse subject to change by cultural innovation, so cary ing eapcty isin reality «kindof constantly shifting scale. Conbining these two measures, we see four basic models or types "Type A productivity one in which intensification results in an increase in the input-output ato and demographic capacity. This kindof prodve tity ours primarily fn aid or serarid regions where intenslcation involves major technological innovations that havea skin effect on yield sud crop secarity. As a tem, the inerease in the productivity of planted felds more than makes up forthe increased eoss of work inp Type Bis one were intensification leads toa decline in the inpat=cutpat rato bet rests in a greater demographic capacity, The decrease in the {npnt-eutpat ratio may be esused by an inereas i labor input a related toverop yield, or the station may be even worse in that the ineveased labor tpt is accompanied by a decrease of vil. This productive regime is most charcteistic of hurnid regions where sol fel, presents 3 tnsjor oblem and where agsculrl innovation has litle effet on crop Seeunty, Under some eiteamstances, inthe case of type B, this proces of, Steady decline in input-outpa ratio may aetall reach the point where Sgreulne can no longer be stained i ven area. This we would refer to a type C economy. In other eaes the profle of productivity may inva anita increase the input-output ato followed by very rapid tlecline Examples ofthis wad be situations in desert regions, where fnngationinteodaced at some time during the process of popilation tow ol scl ian fine the input ratio, bat then futher intensifeation of the system would produce a procest of salinization of the oils anda api collapse. We can cll this productivity type D {nsammary, the most fundamental sole ofaricuhiral productivity simply to provide adequate energy potential so that sulfcienty lage and lense populations necessary forthe evokstion and maintenance of com ple tities may be supported. Local or rgional vations in produc Tivily Gn aspect of diversity) encourage diferent settlement histones, {Uifercat ates of popilation growth, and diferent demographic pattern, ge 112, Soil vation in th Head 11, mieevouunon oF cone socers 265; al of which affect the evokstionary processes, especially that of eompeti- tion. Productivity is asumed to result from the dynamic interplay be- tween natural conditions and subsistence technology and strategy. Of pascal importance is the production of large gross surpluses above the Eibistence level so that hierarchical centralization and nonsubsistence estegtion may reach complex levels and proportions. Another essential prosetviy factor isthe degree to which various opportunities for a= Falta intensification are permited or constrained by environmental conditions ‘Size, Character, and Location The major eect of the category of spatial size s on the two demo graphic parameters of population sie and density. Most anthropologsts Saul agree that 5 a society increases in size, it must change ts structure rorderto contime to fonction ara social system. The unilineal stages, proposed by Pied (1967), and Service (1962) 38 generalized kinds of soa, ems, ein essence be considered as stages in societal size. In band land tial societies the interaction between individuals and household is basically cpaitaran, both in terms of exereise of authority and control of Ise texcurces, With chiefdoms or states interpersonal relationships be tome inbilanced or, a Service pst, there is negative reciprocity, In the eas: of chiefdoms thi imbalance is less narke and the ideological, buss ofthe sytem fe phrased in terns of Kinship, » persistence of tal princples of organization inthe social strate. With highly eveled Rates, however, Kn-based organization disappears, atophies, of, in thay, kes on a diferent act of functions. Access to basic resources by tte ismore dacet and social dies more pronounced, partic es indecent plied power Rach of theve levee nye permis the Integraon of larger mimbers of people Te major question is why socal ystems evolve at all, most patio lanly wy individual households shold ngee to abide by a social contract fr which thei surplas time is put to. work or appropriated: by ‘other Ihousebok’s One explanation has been in terms of xing population density. Inchaded in thi argument isthe Wea that social integration is ‘osely related to the technology of communication and transportation, Each technological level of communication-transportation imposes a practi init to effective social integration in terms of the size of the Teno integrated; hence the only way more people canbe incorporated

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