seit of aio, Bath
chapter 1 1
Unilinealism,
Multilinealism, and the
Evolution of Complex
Societies
INTRODUCTION
A majorrecent foeus of American archeology has been the evo
Tnuratipaion of tis problem has primarily
lating baie processes that account for gener
Alsimilties in independent sequences of cultural evolution. Several ta
‘evolitionaty paradigms, patculaly those of Fred (1967), Sex-
Vice (152), Steward (1953), and White (1949, have been widelyaccepted
{providing frameworks fo which sich processes may be applied. We
that all these authors later modifi their views to some, degree
> fermulating their basic evolitionary paradigms. Our main concern,
is with their orginal arguments, since these have been most,
tecepted by anthropologists and pariculaey by archeologists
fetal and veliable archeological evidence has accumulated, it
has become evident that thi emphasis on general processes and general
tniinel evolation fs ineteasngly inadequate in explaining the obvias
‘aiabilty present in specific quences oF eomplex socal evolution Al250 wes sme 0 DANO Wear
though we recognize the vale of a comparative approach that seeks tp
ify and apply universal systemic evoltionary processes, variation
‘anmot be explained by appealing to processes that ae, infect, universal,
Variation must be explained in term of factors that ae variable and that
themselves condition the general processes in variable ways
‘We propose a modified malsineal paradigm in which different eve
Jutionay trajectories relate to vaiations nthe natural environmen, such
fs degree of agricultural risk, diversity, productivity (as measured by
evgetic efficiency, yield per unit of caivable land, and total area
‘tfined for the eesiogical community), and size and character of the
Srvironment. Among these we distinguish a fstorde factors degre of
Gavcatual risk and diversity, with productsty, and size, character, ani
Tecation as second-order factors. We attempt to show rough substantive
ehicclogical examples that various permutations of these factors resultin |
“ferent specie evelationary sequences, different rates of development,
and diferent limite to development. Our examples are drawn from
Mesoamerican archeology fora variety of reasons. Primary considers
Yione are that the auth vhost familiar with this area, and
“Mesoamerica has produced, ta date, the most consistent, abundant,
reliable body of data available pertaining to the problem ofthe evolution
of complex veitis. Frthermore, the regio ia cultural unt in which
Sjor paticrns were (and are) widely shared over the entire region,
Fnchuding such trate of etal significance in our peraigm as the com-
plex of cultigens and level of production technology. On the other hand,
[Ris region of extraordinary geographic diversity, and this diversity rmst
Ihave had highly significant effects on the specific patterns of ecological
‘lapation and eutial evolution
‘THE PROBLEM
In his paper, the “Cultural Evolution of Cilization” (1972), Kent
Flannery provides us with a series of very usefal and productive leads
the design of a escarch strategy to tesolve the question ofthe evolition of
Flannery distinguishes among environmental stil, proceses, and
mechanisms, He recognizes, as Leste White (1949) di, that innovations
te implemented by individuals operating within a specific set of historical
Cireumstances, By circumstances we mean the knowledge of the in
Sovator, his (or thee) poston within the socal system, and the sate of
the soe system atthe time ofthe innovation Instead of treating inovs-
tion asa unique and specific event, however (as historian traditionallyroach that secs to
processes, variation
6 infact, universal
we variate and thai
se ways,
sich different evo
Tenvironment, such
y (as measured by
ind, and total aren
1d character of the
ler factors degree of
sire, character, and
through substantive
hese factors eesltin
tes of development,
are drawn from
Primary considers
ith ‘this area, and
tent, atundant, and
fem ofthe evohiton
Aiea unin which
the entie region,
veadig asthe eom
‘On the other hand,
this diversity ust
ierns of ecological
sation” (2972), Kent
U productive leads ia
‘mof the evalation of
rl, processes, and
4, that innovations
ie et of stores
rowledge of the in
tm, and the sate of
\doftreatinginnova-
storans traditionally
11, THe ewoumon cr coveusxsocus 251
would do), one-can derive low-level generalizations about such jim
plementations. These are referred to by Flannery as mechanisms. For
fexample, various agencies of a cental administration may take contol
‘of functions, such as irigntion systems or edication, that were formerly
the reponsibiities of local communities, The mechanism here is
linearstionthe expropriation of the functions ofa lower-arde social
insttaton by a higher one. Another soch mechanism is promotion,
‘wheiety lower-level office or institation with very limited and speci
Fanetions is promoted toa higher position in the system and atthe same
tine its function are expanded and generalized. Cited as an example by
Flanne'y isthe promotion ofthe afice of lagal from war leader to secalat
ruler i predynastic Mesopotamia,
By proces he refers to those broad, dynamic, repetitive patterns of|
culture that are universal or nearly universal in the evoltion and
Fanetioning ofall cultures, Examples would be cooperation, competition,
segregation, and centralization, In his model mechanisms ae seen a the
fgents by which the iatensiy of such process is increased or decreased,
‘The mechanisms of linearization and promotion for example, are means
by which the process of centralization is accelerated
Flennery agues thatthe history of soil evolution i essentially one
of increasing segregation and centralization, two processes that are
‘losely and finctionally related, By segregation he relers to process of
Sifferentation within the social system into unlike but interdependent
egmerts, basod on economic spetalization, profesionaliztion of polit
ical anor rligis power, and differences in wealth, privilege, and
Iestye. By centralization i meant inezeasingly overt contel by a domi
nant adbgroup or subgroupe ofthe socal order and the regulation of the
interacion among thee subgroups. Flannery sees mechanisms and the
process they generate a the causes of cultralevoltion, and he rele
tater sich explanations of eultral evoltion as wartare, population
frowth and hydialie aricaltre tothe status of environmental timuli,
‘which provided the proper elimate and setting within which the mecha
nisms fnd processes funtion.
‘Wee a serions semantic problem inthis analysis of cult evo
tion. Both Flannery’s mechanisms and processes, a he himself sates, are
“oniversal IF they ate universal, we ave faced withthe padox of expla
ing varabiity in clture by factors that ste, by defiition, nonvarying.
‘The one component of his methodological scheme that does vary isthe
erwirarmental stimu, and we se these as basi causes of cultural evok
Insummary we donot disagree wit the basic stricture for research
‘as sugested in Flannery’s paper. Neither do we deny the necesity of
foing beyond the identification of environmental stimuli in ordet to252 we SOE NO ON WEES
provide an adequate explanation, ‘The diicuty with many eater a
{emnpts to analyze caval evlation wes not so much that they selected
the wrong causal factors (he, environment, as Flannery angies), but
father that they did not go much further than identifying the environ,
rental sma, What fe needed, as he himself suggests, is analysis of the
tray in which such stimuli provide s setting for the’ mechanisms and
Jroceses of cultural dynamics to operate. What mechanisms, for exam
does population growth trigger to accentuate the proces of segregs
DEFINITION AND MEASUREMENT OF
ENVIRONMENTAL VARIABLES
‘Among the environmental variables we consider agricultural sskani
alivenity as fistorder factors, with produetivity, size characte, a
locetion ay second-order factors. Each of these is defined in the following
Gscussion, and methods of measurement are suggested. Population size
Sind densiy ate not discussed in deta, since our utilization of these
toncepts commonly understood, Nor will we closely examine the
Vauables of natu ofthe productive sytem (by which we mean the major
nergy sources and technology utilized), since these can essentially be
ezaed as constants in the evolving Mesoamerican cultural sequences to
which we apply the model
tin important to emphasize that these envizonmental variables are
not motnalyexchsve bat are antions of one another, Obviously various
{spect of productivity, for example, are functions ofagialtral is, size
ni character ofthe environment, ad technology. Even more impor
tne the variables ‘re not simply environmental “givens” bat may be
conditioned by transformations in the sociocultural sytem itself, Ths,
‘nthe one hand, high aricaltaral ik may be inherent inthe envicom
tment asa result of natural consents (eg, insufipient or eratic rafal,
ows), bot agtcultral innovations may change the envionment to 8
lowsrik one. On the other band, population growth in an environment
generally fee ftom natural ssh may ulimately produce sis by enforcing
pendence upon increasingly marginal or degraded resources oF by
felucing the sve of land holdings Sinilaely, population growth ray
Mimulate colonization of new productive areas where different subs:
tence resouees are produced, consequenly creating an agricultural
Heterogeneity not previously present, This same process may promote
specialization in nonsubistene resources, providing that raw materials
mre highly localized1s many eather at
"that they selected
‘anery argues), but
ifyng the environ
s, is analysis ofthe
2 mechanisms and
santo, for exanr
proces of regegs
gical isk and
te, character, and
ved inthe following
‘4, Popalation size
atlzation of these
>sely examine the
‘can essentially
tual sequences to
venta variables are
(Obviously vations
ireultural vik, see
Even more impor
wens” bt may be
snter tel, Thus,
for erratic rainfall,
‘tisk by enforcing
4 resources oF by
ation growth may
we ciferentsabsie
1 an agricultural
3 may promote
‘that raw materials
1, meevounon er conse SoceEs 253
Risk
“Theoretically the rsk factor clvely related tothe aspects of diver
sity and prodvtivity. By rsk we mean any essential environmental pe
rameters essential to production of energy (. moist, temperature)
tvith wile, elatively frequent, and unpredictable variations. Insofar the
Tsk factor differentially affects local areas, productive diversity i pro
tdaced. For example, in the Teothuacin Valley it is possible for one
village: experience avery poor harvest becuse of eettc vainfal pat
tees, phereas another only few hlometersavay hes 2 bumper crop. If,
ass often the case, there are segments of the productive lindscape tht
Ihave nal isk factor, oF none all fhe prostve divest ofthe total
landscape is increased,
Te isk factor operates primarily on the process of centralization.
Again taing the Tentmacén Valley as an example, we find sharply con
trating loeal niches for example, closely untapored areas offre
tal fot, and most important, irigable versus noninigable land. Min
nally, he effects of such varable niches ae to encourage diffs
tetlement histories and pattems, spd, inthe case of iragable land,
Slmmlae the emergence of patton-client relationships between
‘ith access to gation recaees and those without. Social satiation,
in Feecs (1967 sense is thus established, By areries of complex feedback
telatiorshipe, however, ths social station frequently evolves into a
such more highly centralized kind of power, in which the patrons create
political instintione (the state), which, among other things, serve to
ecce the risk actor by complex redistiition andor the eration and
‘management of large-scale water contel projects,
"The isk factor i fay easy 40 measure if environmental conditions
and the mode of production are known or can be reconstructed. We
Sigbest that an index bo established, based wpon a 10-or 20-year period
én order to eaptare short-term cycles of signicant variables like mis
ture, fst, disease, pets), and that values be attached to. years of
maximum produetiviy, moderate productivity, low productivity, and
complete Fala.
Diversity
By diversity we mean the closeness and pattern of spacing of con
trating environmental cantons significant in terms of human expleita-
tion, Sch diversity may involve subsistence or nonsubsistence resources
the tole of diversity in the subsistence sensei more fundamental inthe
evelopment of complex culties nd is oor primary concer, although254 weL40 SANDER Wo DA WEBSTER
nonsubsistence diversity has considerable impact on ecological and eval
onary processes s well A major concern here is that measures of
Avery be closely related to human needs, not to diversity in some
teneral sense. For example, diversity in sols in a region occupied by
Clvator should be expressed in a typology emphasizing factors that
fnflience agricltralferility rather than type of parent material, ee
‘Variability nso frtity may ill be of litle sgnfcancein terms of one
specific cop staple and be of considerable significance in the ease of
another-ceteas, for example, are much more demanding of soi fertility
than are root erops. Although the factors easly understood and deseibed
in qualitative tens, what is needed is meas of quantification ofthe
toncepifitis tobe sed effectively ata predictive moe, Inthe abs
8 quantitative scale we are using qualitative terms such as low, moderate,
fn high diversity. To llustrate the meaning of this sale, we offer the
following case examples
‘We have selcted four ateas of comparable size (12,000 ka,
11.1-118) to lsat differences in diversity of two factors tha strongly
infence agricultural production, temperature, and rainfal. The sele
tion was based on the fact that the aur cover the range of Mesoamerican
Environments very wel ad were the same areas selected for detaled
Snaljsis of their cultural histories ithe final section of this chapter, For
two ofthe ateas we have comparable sil maps, which provide a further
indication of cfferences in degree of heterogeneity, The Basin of Mexico
tnd the adjacent aren of the sate of Moreles are located inthe Cent
Plateau, the location of several major Mesoamerican sites such as
‘Teolihuacin, Tenochtitli, and Xechieleo, A second area includes the
Valley of Guatemala and adjacent sections of the Motagua Valley and
acife coastal pain and piedmont. A third area is the northeastern Fetén,
which wes the demnersphie heatland of Classic Maya civilization. The
Fourth area the Valley of Onxaca and adjacent highland zones slong
vith the Paci excarpment, We would generally characterize the Petén
{va low-isk environment with moderate to low diversity, the highlands
tnd coast of Guatemala aa low-risk, high-dversity are; the Cental
Plateau and) Onnacan highlands as high-k, highdiversity areas. We
have abo incladed a map (Figure 119) of highland Mesoamerica showing
‘major pattems of topagtaphy and subsistence and nonsubsistence diver
sy
Ieshould be noted thatthe maps only strate ina gross way maior
patterns of diversity over very large areas and do nat take into accovnt the
Highly significant microdversty partial found in highland areas The
patting ofthe larger units of analyse, however, almost certainly =
Feet diferences in the merodiversty within the respective units 35 wellogiea and eval
that measures of
diversity in some
gion occupied by
siting factors that
feat material, ee
cei terms of one
tee in the case of
ding of si fertility
tood and deserbed
Antifcation ofthe
Tintheabsence of
as low, moderate
velle, We offer the
000 kn, Figures
that strongly
The selec
Mesoamerican
lected for det
f this chapter, For
‘provide «further
xe Basin of Mexico
tein the Cota
Trea inelides the
otapia Valley and
ortheastern Fete,
2 ivlirtion. The
itand zones slong
acterize the Pen
‘yy the highlands
‘area; the Cente
iversiy areas. We
soametia showing
ssubistence dive
gross way major
certo acoonnt he
ighland ares, The
Imost certainly re
sive units aswel
11, mervoume cr contr Secs 255' mo oa wax 11 te umn of cowex soci 237Tf Lm
Ze eA \ 7
stn H
exe (SEX Bi$0 Bn WEBSTER 1, Te weeaman oF commu soceEs 261
The micriversity is sinifeant inthe patterning not ony of subsistence i
but of monaubsistence resource,
BY
Ss
SN | Pct
e
fC }__Bryrobetvity we mean te poeta ofthe landepe to rote
‘energy Inthe form of subistence products forthe support of human
populations, Although productivity may be absoltely constrained by
‘environmental factors, we recognize that i intimately linked to such
| Galtua ‘actors as levels of technology and organization, energy sources
fvalale, and vatety of information. As with diversity, productivity af
fects all of the evolutionary pracestes, The problem with productivity is ||
nol much how fo measie i but rather which of several alternative
‘ncasresis mos usefl for assessing various Kind of evolutionary change ||
1, Input-output ratioe. Here we mean the ratio between energy
cxpendinie end energy retim characteristic of a given expotative
Strategy, Thi measire offers insights into patlerns of colonization and
| Sctlemeat distibution, into decision making about alternative forms of
| Subsistence strategies through time, and, nestzmpertant tothe ability to
{enctate surpluses to counteract rik ort invest in socially complex o
| Ganization, auch as hierarchical poical stucture (centralization) or
| Gupational specialization (sepresation),
2, Carrying capacity, Blogs use this term to mean the maximum
population of plants or animals that an area can stan without long
ringe deleterious effects on the envionment. This concept is of only
‘ninor wilty in stadies of human adaptation, since humans have the
apacity through cultural means, to adapt to such effects and ean ares
frat leat reduce the pace of such processes, William Allan, in his book
The Afi (1963), uses thee factory to ealeuiate careying
capacity he cultivable land factor, that pereentage of the
landscape that can be culvated in terms ofthe technology of the sarple
population, ‘The second factor is the cultivation factor, the amount of
land ead in production in anyone year in order to sustain person. |
‘This isan emplsieal messure based on the specie economic system being
analyzed. For example, in economies where economic specialization and
Social statfiation are absent, such avin the case of many Neolithic
Societies then the amount of land needed is that sient for the food
production forthe individual family, the basi production consumption
Unit, Inthe ease of more complex social and economic orzanization, this
falcalatim ims include the surphis for Wade or taxation. ‘The finalwe e11, Tweevoumn or conus socmEs 263
reasureis the land-use fctor—thatis, how many units of eltvated land
(the culation factor are needed to maintain year-after-yea production,
{n'a lone fallow swidden system tis figure may be as high as 10 oF 12
an annus eroppingsystem it would be only 1. The formula for calcul
tanring capecity could be wien as fellows: clu ef). All of thse
‘atiabes ae of eourse subject to change by cultural innovation, so cary
ing eapcty isin reality «kindof constantly shifting scale.
Conbining these two measures, we see four basic models or types
"Type A productivity one in which intensification results in an increase
in the input-output ato and demographic capacity. This kindof prodve
tity ours primarily fn aid or serarid regions where intenslcation
involves major technological innovations that havea skin effect on
yield sud crop secarity. As a tem, the inerease in the productivity of
planted felds more than makes up forthe increased eoss of work inp
Type Bis one were intensification leads toa decline in the inpat=cutpat
rato bet rests in a greater demographic capacity, The decrease in the
{npnt-eutpat ratio may be esused by an inereas i labor input a related
toverop yield, or the station may be even worse in that the ineveased
labor tpt is accompanied by a decrease of vil. This productive regime
is most charcteistic of hurnid regions where sol fel, presents 3
tnsjor oblem and where agsculrl innovation has litle effet on crop
Seeunty, Under some eiteamstances, inthe case of type B, this proces of,
Steady decline in input-outpa ratio may aetall reach the point where
Sgreulne can no longer be stained i ven area. This we would refer
to a type C economy. In other eaes the profle of productivity may
inva anita increase the input-output ato followed by very rapid
tlecline Examples ofthis wad be situations in desert regions, where
fnngationinteodaced at some time during the process of popilation
tow ol scl ian fine the input ratio, bat
then futher intensifeation of the system would produce a procest of
salinization of the oils anda api collapse. We can cll this productivity
type D
{nsammary, the most fundamental sole ofaricuhiral productivity
simply to provide adequate energy potential so that sulfcienty lage and
lense populations necessary forthe evokstion and maintenance of com
ple tities may be supported. Local or rgional vations in produc
Tivily Gn aspect of diversity) encourage diferent settlement histones,
{Uifercat ates of popilation growth, and diferent demographic pattern,
ge 112, Soil vation in th Head11, mieevouunon oF cone socers 265;
al of which affect the evokstionary processes, especially that of eompeti-
tion. Productivity is asumed to result from the dynamic interplay be-
tween natural conditions and subsistence technology and strategy. Of
pascal importance is the production of large gross surpluses above the
Eibistence level so that hierarchical centralization and nonsubsistence
estegtion may reach complex levels and proportions. Another essential
prosetviy factor isthe degree to which various opportunities for a=
Falta intensification are permited or constrained by environmental
conditions
‘Size, Character, and Location
The major eect of the category of spatial size s on the two demo
graphic parameters of population sie and density. Most anthropologsts
Saul agree that 5 a society increases in size, it must change ts structure
rorderto contime to fonction ara social system. The unilineal stages,
proposed by Pied (1967), and Service (1962) 38 generalized kinds of soa,
ems, ein essence be considered as stages in societal size. In band
land tial societies the interaction between individuals and household is
basically cpaitaran, both in terms of exereise of authority and control of
Ise texcurces, With chiefdoms or states interpersonal relationships be
tome inbilanced or, a Service pst, there is negative reciprocity, In
the eas: of chiefdoms thi imbalance is less narke and the ideological,
buss ofthe sytem fe phrased in terns of Kinship, » persistence of tal
princples of organization inthe social strate. With highly eveled
Rates, however, Kn-based organization disappears, atophies, of, in
thay, kes on a diferent act of functions. Access to basic resources by
tte ismore dacet and social dies more pronounced, partic
es indecent plied power Rach of theve levee nye permis the
Integraon of larger mimbers of people
Te major question is why socal ystems evolve at all, most patio
lanly wy individual households shold ngee to abide by a social contract
fr which thei surplas time is put to. work or appropriated: by ‘other
Ihousebok’s One explanation has been in terms of xing population
density. Inchaded in thi argument isthe Wea that social integration is
‘osely related to the technology of communication and transportation,
Each technological level of communication-transportation imposes a
practi init to effective social integration in terms of the size of the
Teno integrated; hence the only way more people canbe incorporated