oe
CHURCH AND
PEOPLE IN BYZANTIUMCHURCH AND
PEOPLE IN BYZANTIUM
Society for the Promotion of
Byzantine Studies
Twentieth Spring Symposium
of
Byzantine Studies
Manchester, 1986
edited by
Rosemary Morris
CENTRE FOR BYZANTINE, OTTOMAN AND.
MODERN GREEK STUDIES
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM
i
C i440)Contents
Illustrations
Abbreviations
Acknowledgements
Introduction
ROSEMARY MORRIS
TEACHING THE FAITH
The meaning of the Divine Liturgy for the
Byzantine worshipper
BISHOP KALLISTOS OF DIOKLEA
Preaching and the community
MARY CUNNINGHAM
Byzantine liturgical music and its meaning
for the Byzantine worshipper
JORGEN RAASTED
LAW AND MORALITY
Nomos and kanon on paper and in court
RUTH MACRIDES
Indissolubility and the ‘greater evil’.
Three thirteenth-century Byzantine divorce
cases
PATRICIA KARLIN-HAYTER
CHURCH ADMINISTRATION
L’église byzantine des Vle-XI siécles:
terres et paysans
MICHEL KAPLAN
Patronage in action: the problems of an
eleventh-century bishop
MARGARET MULLETT
iii
29
49
61
87
109
125THE PUBLIC LIFE OF THE CHURCH
Ideals of charity, realities of welfare:
The philanthropic activity of the Byzantine
church
JUDITH HERRIN
Church, bath and diakonia in medieval
Constantinople
PAUL MAGDALINO
CHURCHES AND THEIR CONTENTS
The transformation symbolism in Byzantine
architecture and the meaning of the
Pantokrator in the dome
THOMAS F. MATHEWS
Byzantine white-clay painted bowls and
cylix-type cups
VERA ZALESSKAYA
Early Byzantine marble church furnishings:
some examples from the episcopal basilica
of Kourion in Cyprus
ROWENA LOVERANCE
The uses of liturgical silver, 4th-7th
centuries
MARLIA MUNDELL MANGO
Luxury and liturgy; the function of books
JOHN LOWDEN
INDEX
151
165
191
215
225
245
263
282Luxury and Liturgy:
the function of books
JOHN LOWDEN
‘What is signified by the Gospel (edayyéMov) and the Cross
on the altar?’ The question was asked by Symeon, archbishop
of Thessalonika (d. 1429), in his discussion Peri te tou theiou
Naou.' His answer provides the orthodox Byzantine view in the
middle and late periods: ‘The Gospel which lies visible on the
altar is a type (tnoc) of Christ, and the Cross of His sacrifice’ ?
This interpretation had been explicitly propounded by the Second
Council of Nicaea in 787, which stated that the holy Gospel is
a type of Christ, and hence it is appropriate to venerate it.? In-
deed, in the context of the Iconoclast controversy this tradition
of veneration was of special importance, for it could be used to
General Note:
This paper reproduces the text of the lecture as delivered in the Symposium, with
some minor amendments. There are, however, fewer illustrations. My intention was
to open up for reconsideration and discussion various fundamental questions, which,
it seemed to me, were raised by liturgical books. The entire subject is one which richly
deserves, and urgently needs further study. The Psalter has been excluded from the
discussion, partly due to the limitations of a short paper, partly because it raises rather
different problems (see J. Lowden, ‘Observations on illustrated psalters', ArtB, 70
(1988), 241-60, for further discussion).
1, Symeon of Thessalonika, De sacro templo, 705, question 13: tit Ebayyéhiov
kal otaupdc ev ti tpanéén Kelneva. See also Symeon of Thessalonika, Uber die
gollliche Mystagogie, trans. W. Gamber (Regensburg, 1984), 17 par.13.
2, Symeon of Thessalonika, De sacro templo, 705: "Ov [sc. tov ‘Inoobv Kai t6
Edayyédov, émi od Ovoaotmpiov dpdpevov, Kal 6 ctavpds, thy Buatay adtod
Brav.
3. Mansi, XIII, 377. And see H.-J. Schulz, Die Byzantinische Liturgie, 2nd ed.
(Trier, 1980), 85* and n.217, 97 and n.13.
263JOHN LOWDEN
justify, by extension, the iconodule position on holy images: it
was right to venerate icons of Christ because, like the Gospel,
they were types of the Godhead.‘ Veneration of the Gospel in
its physical form must then have been universally practised in
the Byzantine world by the eighth century, and in all probability
goes back to the early period.
For Byzantines the Gospel, and specifically the volume they
termed the Evangelion, was the book (figs. 42-3). In the early
period, the word Evangelion, in addition to ‘Gospel’ or ‘Gospels’,
could mean the lection from the Gospels, and the book of the
Gospels. But in later centuries it appears to have been more
specific: the Evangelion is the book we call the Gospel lectionary.
That is to say it contains only excerpts from the four Gospels,
arranged to follow the movable church calendar, beginning at
Easter, and the fixed civil calendar, beginning on Ist September.
The book which contained the full text of the Gospels in the usual
order was distinguished from the Evangelion by use of the newly
invented term tetpaevdyyedov or tetpasvayyéMov’ Because of
its primary position among liturgical books it will be the Gospel
lectionary which we will focus on, but it may be helpful first to
make some more general points about books and the liturgy.
As a general rule, I think we can assume that most of the work-
ing books needed for the liturgies and offices in the episcopal
and parish churches and monasteries of the Byzantine world were
not luxury items. This is not to say that they were cheap, for we
4, Schulz, Liturgie, For an example of the iconodule position, see St John of
Damascus: ‘We do not adore the matter of the Gospel book (edayyéAtov) or the matter
of the cross, but that which is expressed by them,’ as cited by Mango, Art of the
Byzantine empire, 170.
5. Lampe, Lexikon, s.v. ebayyédiov, esp. sections F-G.
6. Some citations in Thesaurus Graecae linguae, ab Henrico Stephano constructs
++. 3rd. ed. (Paris, 1831-65), s.v. tetpaevayyéhov.
Opposite:
Fig, 42: Mt Athos, Lavra, Skevophylakion Lectionary, front
cover. Photo after S. Pelekanidis et al., Oi Thesauroi
to Agiou Orous, III (Athens, 1979), 24
264Se
OF etd aa
Bi
S
> SS>o >See so
tO ee eteJOHN LOWDENLUXURY AND LITURGY: THE FUNCTION OF BOOKS.
know that materials and labour meant that all books were in fact
rather costly.’ But most would not have been given especially
lavish treatment in the form of illustration, decoration,
chrysography (writing in gold), or bindings enriched with precious
metals, gems, or enamels, With the exception of the Gospel lec-
tionary, most of these books were comparatively inconspicuous
in the service, providing the active participants with necessary
texts, or acting as aides-mémoires. It follows then that when a
luxury copy of a liturgical text is encountered it is necessary to
think about the circumstances which brought it into being, and
not merely to take its existence for granted. The study of il-
luminated manuscripts, because it often excludes from considera-
tion all but luxury examples, tends to give the misleading impres-
sion that these books are normal, rather than exceptional.
As examples of some of the questions raised by luxury
manuscripts made for the liturgy, we can first consider the
illustrated Euchologia, (fig. 44) long scrolls on which are written
the texts to be spoken by the celebrant, usually in the mass.* Of
the 100 or more surviving Euchologia, it seems that perhaps 10%
have some illustration. Most contain the liturgy of St Basil or
of St John Chrysostom, but some of the luxury examples have
a more specialised text. Mt Athos, Dionysiou 101, for example,
contains the officiant’s texts only for Pentecost and Epiphany,
one on each side.? An illustrated roll formerly in the Russian
Archaeological Institute in Istanbul contained only the office for
Pentecost, and the Liturgy of the Presanctified.!° Obviously, in
7. See first N.G. Wilson, ‘Books and readers in Byzantium’, in Byzantine books
and bookmen (Washington, DC, 1975, 1-17, esp. 3-4.
8. Helpful preliminary discussion by A. Grabar, ‘Un rouleau liturgique constan-
tinopolitain et ses peintures’, DOP, 8 (1954), 161-99.
9. S.M. Pelekanidis ef al., The treasures of Mount Athos. Illuminated manuscripts,
(Athens, 1974), I, fig. 149.
10. Grabar, ‘Rouleau’, 167.
Opposite:
Fig. 43: Mt Athos, Lavra Skevophylakion Lectionary, fol. lv,
Anastasis. Photo after Pelekanidis, III, fig. 6
267Fig. 44: Mt Athos, Dionysiou 105, decorative headpiece to
Liturgy of St Basil. Photo after Pelekanidis, I, fig. 158
268LUXURY AND LITURGY: THE FUNCTION OF BOOKS
cases such as these the roll could, by its very nature, have been
used at most a few times a year. It was a working liturgical
manuscript which by design could only occasionally be employed.
Examples like these suggest that we think more carefully about
the illustrated rolls with the standard liturgy of St Basil, such as
Mt Athos, Dionysiou 105 (fig. 44). It is hard to believe that these
rather fragile objects, more than 7 metres long, were intended
for or received frequent use, even if their text makes this
theoretically possible. More probably, they too were only brought
out to be displayed and used on special occasions, perhaps a few
times a year.
Once started on this line of enquiry it is not difficult ¢o find
further examples of luxury liturgical books which, by their very
nature, could only be used infrequently. The Akathistos Hymn
is a case in point.'? By supplying miniatures for all twenty-four
Oikoi, and using abnormally large script and generous spacing
and margins, the text of this one hymn can be made to fill an
entire short manuscript, as in Moscow GIM gr. 429 (fig. 45). But
in the late fourteenth century, when this manuscript was made,
the hymn was probably only sung once a year, at Orthros on the
Saturday of the fifth week of Lent. A book like the Moscow
Akathistos could have been looked at and admired at any time,
but its function in the liturgy was strictly limited.
A more uncertain position is occupied by further types of
manuscript, such as the collections of liturgical homilies. I think
there are grounds for questioning how illustrated copies of these
texts were used. In the case of Gregory of Nazianzos, the liturgical
‘edition’ of his homilies comprises sixteen sermons, which were
read as part of the mass on certain feast-days through the church
year.'4 In principle, therefore, these illustrated manuscripts
11. Pelekanidis, Treasures, figs.150-8.
12. E, Wellesz, ‘The “Akathistos’”: a study in Byzantine hymnography’, DOP, 9-10
(1956), 141-74,
13. Folios 1-34 (= Part I), perhaps of 1355-64. See G.M. Proxorov, ‘A codiocological
analysis of the illuminated Akathistos to the Virgin (Moscow, State Historical Museum,
Synod.gr. 429°, DOP, 26 (1972), 253-62.
14. G. Galavaris, The illustrations in the Liturgical Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus
(Studies in manuscript illumination, 6, Princeton, 1969).
269LUXURY AND LITURGY: THE FUNCTION OF BOOKS
would have been read from sixteen times per year. But whereas
some of the surviving books show significant signs of wear and
tear, such as Moscow GIM gr. 146 (fig. 46),'5 others remain in
excellent condition, and some appear almost unused, such as Sinai
gr. 339 (fig. 47).'6
This observation raises a question of method. We can safely
deduce that a book in pristine state has rarely been read. But a
book that is worn or damaged is often enigmatic. Its condition
might be the result of, let us say, twenty years hard use, but this
need not necessarily have taken place when the manuscript was
new. Such a book might have been intended as a ‘treasure’, and
initially have remained unused for decades, or even, as in the Sinai
example (fig. 47), for centuries.
The question of intended use should then remain open, to be
considered anew with each individual manuscript. But as a work-
ing principle, it may be helpful to begin from the somewhat
paradoxical assumption that luxury books, even when functional
in content, were rarely intended to serve as working copies. And
to judge from surviving examples, the main working books of
the liturgy, for example those containing the texts not spoken
by the celbrant, such as the Hirmologion, Triodion, Pentekos-
tarion, Octoechos, Horologion, and so on, were rarely if ever
given luxury treatment.
Unlike any other book, the Gospel lectionary was both a sym-
bol of Christ, and an essential piece of liturgical equipment, like
the chalice, paten, and cross.!’ As far as we can judge, it pro-
bably stood with the cross on the altar, even when no service was
15. Galavaris, Liturgical Homilies, 229-32, figs.1-18.
16. Galavaris, Liturgical Homilies, 255-8, figs. 377-97.
17. Useful starting points are provided by Schulz, Liturgie; P. de Meester, ‘Grec-
ques (liturgies)’, in DACL, V1.2, cols.1591-1662; Mathews, Early churches of
Constantinople.
Opposite:
Fig. 45: Moscow, GIM gr. 429, fols. 18v-19r. Akathistos, start
of Oikos XIII. Photo after V.D. Likhachova, Byzantine
Miniature, (Moscow, 1977), no. 45
21LUXURY AND LITURGY: THE FUNCTION OF BOOKS.
in progress. It was ceremonially carried by a deacon in advance
of the celebrant as part of the First or Little Entrance. And it
was again carried ceremonially to and from the ambo or lectern
before and after the Gospel reading.’ For all these reasons it
was appropriate that the book should be treated in a special way.
In the first place this would seem to imply that a conspicuous
and costly cover would be appropriate, ideally gold or silver set
with gems or enamels.
Unfortunatley, few original Byzantine bookbindings survive,
and luxury bindings are very rare. Several examples are preserv-
ed among the treasures of S. Marco in Venice, reused to fit latin
manuscripts,'® but an example of such a cover still in place is
provided by the famous Skevophylakion lectionary at the Lavra
on Mt Athos (fig. 42). Like the S. Marco examples, this book
was kept, as its name suggests, among the ecclesiastical treasures,
not in the library. I think we can assume two things about such
bindings. First, they were usually made only for Gospel lec-
tionaries. And second, they are mostly lost because of their in-
trinsic value, for they could all too easily be wrenched off the
books they covered, and the precious metals and gems put to new
use.
Despite the lack of original bindings, luxury lectionaries can
still be identified on the basis of the care and costliness of their
production: gold or silver script, outsize letter forms, lavish
ornament or miniatures. There are very few surviving lectionaries
written entirely in gold or silver, but, and this is probably more
18, Helpful discussion in Mathews, Early churches of Constantinople, esp. 139-49.
19. The treasury of San Marco, Venice, (Milan, 1984), 124-8 (cat.9), 152-5 (cat.14),
with a discussion by M. Frazer; see also 176-8 (cat.20).
Opposite:
Fig. 46 Moscow, GIM gr. 146, fol. lv, Homilies of Gregory of
Nazianzos, Anastasis and Teaching scene.
Photo after G. Galavaris, The illustrations in the Liturgical
Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus (Studies in manuscript
illumination, 6, Princeton, 1969)
273LUXURY AND LITURGY: THE FUNCTION OF BOOKS.
surprising, there are also comparatively few illustrated lectionaries.
A preliminary survey of the 2,000+ lectionaries listed by Aland
suggests that less than 2% (fewer than 50 manuscripts) were
illustrated.” Certainly the relative proportion and absolute
number of illustrated Gospel Books is very much higher. The
paucity of illustrated lectionaries needs to be emphasised, for the
literature gives the impression that such manuscripts are rather
numerous.”! In the present context, the small total provides the
stimulus to ask how much manuscripts were used.
There are two basic types of Gospel lectionary, those with
readings for the entire year, and those with all the readings for
Easter to Pentecost, but only those for Saturday and Sunday in
the remaining weeks.” Many of the luxury books, however, fit
neither of these categories. Instead they have a much shorter text,
containing only the readings for selected days. The total number
of books with these selected readings is small, although impossi-
ble to gauge accurately in the present state of research (see
Appendix for a preliminary list). Of Aland’s 2,000 + lectionaries,
many are of unspecified content, but only about 20 are listed as
containing selected readings; perhaps a truer figure could be as
high as 5%, to judge by the first 250 manuscripts listed, for which
the content is better known. This total includes some, but not
all of the illustrated lectionaries. Yet all the lectionaries with select
20. K. Aland, Kurzgefasste Liste der griechischen Handscriften des Neuen Testaments
(Berlin, 1963), 205-318 (on lectionaries, sigla /1-/ 1977), and Aland, Materialen zur
‘Neutesiamentlichen Handschriftenkunde (Berlin, 1969), ‘Forsetzung der “'Kurzgefasste
Liste”” ’, 30-7 (sigla / 1998-1 2146).
21. E.g. the remarks of S, Tsuji: ‘Itis beyond doubt that from the tenth to the twelfth
century, Lectionary illustration, along with monumental and icon paintings, played
‘a most important role in developing typical mid-Byzantine artistic formulae’, ed. G.
Vikan, Mluminated Greek manuscripts from American collections (Princeton, 1973),
38.
22, Brief description in Aland, Liste, 24; fuller details in C.R. Gregory, Textkritik
des Neuen Testaments (Leipzig, 1900-9), 344 ff.
Opposite:
Fig. 47: Sinai gr. 339, fol. 4v, Homilies of Gregory of
Nazianzos, St Gregory. Photo after Galavaris, fig. 377
275JOHN LOWDEN
texts deserve careful scrutiny. For example, the first two such
manuscripts in Aland’s list are largely ignored by scholarship,
yet one, Paris. gr.278, is a tenth century manuscript written in
a huge and mannered uncial, which is closely comparable with
the script of Vat. gr.1522, an important illustrated lectionary.”
And the second, Vat. gr.351, also a tenth-century book, is des-
cribed in the rarely efffusive Vatican catalogue as ‘liber splen-
didissimus.’*
The text of these lectionaries simply cannot be ignored if we
wish to understand them. It must provide a vital clue to why they
were made and how they were used. It is not enough merely to
call a book a Gospel lectionary, so as to distinguish it from a
Gospel Book.
A Gospel lectionary containing merely a selection of texts,
whether or not it was illustrated, was certainly a luxury item and
the result of a special commission. By its very existence it presup-
poses that a working lectionary with the full complement of
readings would be required for normal use. It is reasonable to
deduce that such books were intended for display, and only read
from on special occasions, even if their texts would have made
possible more frequent use.
If these books were principally intended for display, presumably
closed on the altar, it is fair to ask why they were provided with
illustrations at all. Why not simply make do with splendid covers?
Perhaps this is what did happen in some cases, which would go
some way to explaining the rather small number of illustrated
lectionaries. But what of the magnificent exceptions, like the
23. Cited by G. Cavallo, ‘Funzione e struiture della maiuscola greca tra i secoli VILI-
XI’, in La paléographie grecque et byzantine (Colloques internat. CNRS, 559, Paris,
1977), 109, 136 figs.148-9,
24. R. Devreesse, Codices vaticani graeci, 1, Codices 330-603 (Vatican, 1937), 32-3.
See also Cavallo, ‘Funzione’, 108 and 133 fig.43.
Opposite:
Fig. 48: Sinai, gr. 204, p. 1, Christ
Photo after P. Huber, Heilige Berge, Sinai, Athos,
Golgota-Ikonen, Fresken, Miniaturen (Zurich, 1980), fig. 9
276LUXURY AND LITURGY: THE FUNCTION OF BOOKS.
277JOHN LOWDEN
Skevophylakion manuscript, or Sinai gr.204, written entirely in
gold (figs. 42, 48)? The problem is not totally spurious, for the
presence of illustrations in a book intended to be read from in
public is not self-explanatory. An illustration can help to locate
the start of a text, but so can a panel of decoration. The miniatures
cannot be studied or even admired while the text is being delivered.
This is a problem raised by all types of illustrated liturgical book,
with the probable exception of the Euchologia in roll form, which
would have been visible to the congregation.
It could be argued that illustrations were included despite the
fact that these books were liturgical, not because of it. If we think
about how a Gospel lectionary was made, we can probably
separate the production of the precious covers, in the shop of
a gold- or silver-smith, from the writing and illustrating of the
book itself. In the middle and late periods, the Byzantines seem
to have had a clear idea of what luxury in a book meant, and
it included illustrations, often with much use of gold leaf and
pigment to imitate solid metal and enamel. Perhaps there was
less concern about who would look at the illustrations in a
liturgical book and when, than about satisfying a public excep-
tion of what a luxury book ought to look like. Do these lectionaries
tell us more about Byzantine attitudes to the visual arts, than the
liturgy?
A relevant Byzantine statement appears in the will of Eustathios
Boilas, drawn up in 1059. He begins the long list of the books
which he presented to the church of the Theotokos, which he built
and endowed ‘long ago’, with the following item: ‘My highly-
prized, or rather my priceless treasure, the sacred and holy Gospel
(edbayyéMov i.e. Lectionary) written throughout in gold letters,
containing golden pictures of the four evangelists, with enamel
decorations a purple binding, and silver-gilt plaits.’ The binding
included eighty-nine small gold settings.?* The obvious pride in
Boilas’s words does not disguise the fact that we seem to have
entered a charmed circle: his Gospel lectionary was made magnifi-
25. P. Lemerle, Cing études, 15-63: ‘Le testament d’Eustathios Boilas (avril, 1059)’,
esp. 24-5, 11. 144-5; on the donation, see 11. 117-9. Trans. after S. Vryonis, ‘The
Will of a provincial magnate, Bustathios Boilas (1059)’, DOP, 11 (1957), 263-77.
278LUXURY AND LITURGY: THE FUNCTION OF BOOKS.
cent because of its liturgical function and symbolism, but as a
book it was also important because it was so magnificent.
In view of Byzantine enthusiasm for the Gospel lectionary, there
remains one very important point to be raised, and this concerns
the early history of this type of book. There is an almost total
lack of lectionaries of any sort from the early period. In those
centuries, Gospel Books, suitably annotated with the beginning
and end of the lections, must have served instead. It is then no
exaggeration to say that the Byzantine attitude to the central text
of the liturgy must have been changed radically between the eighth
and tenth centuries. The change seems to be related in some way
to the widespread adoption of minuscule script as the standard
book-hand and a feeling that uncial was a grander, more tradi-
tional, and appropriate script for an altar-book. Certainly, the
illustrated lectionary was a post-iconoclast invention.
I have argued that the most ostensibly functional of Byzan-
tine luxury books, those associated with the performance of the
offices and liturgy, were often not really functional at all, or only
within strict limits. Probably such books such books were nor-
mally gifts, presented to churches or monasteries in the hope of
acquiring spiritual merit, even salvation. They were intended to
be lasting monuments, not workaday objects to be used until they
fell apart and were discarded. It is hard in the end to escape the
feeling that in some cases the Byzantines taste for luxury threaten-
ed to become more important than their relish for the liturgy.
Apendix
Preliminary List of Gospel Lectionaries with only Selected Readings, after Aland,
Liste, and ‘Fortsetzung’ (see above n.20).
Paris. gr. 278 (Aland, f 1)
Vat.gr. 351 (1 34)
Naples, Vindob. 2 (/ 46)
Florence, Laur. Med. pal. 244 (I 117)
Vat.gr. 1522 (/ 123)
Vat.ottob.gr.175 (I 131)
Mare.gr.1418 (App.1.23} «/ 142)
Oxford, Bod!.Rawl.G.2 (/ 204)
Oxford, Christchurch W.gr.13 (/ 206n)
279Sinai gr.204 (1 300)
Athens EBE 177 (/ 398)
Vat.Chisi.R.VII.52 (= gr.43) (/ 538)
Athos, Chilandar.105 (/'757)
Sinai gr. 210 (? 844)
Jassy, BU, Eminescu IV.34 (1044)
‘?Berat, Metrop Alexoudes 48 (/ 1209)
London BL Add.32643, £.185-95 (/ 1234)
Moscow GIM Usp.1163 (! 1390)
Patmos gr.769 (11719)
Cesena, Bibl. Malatest.D.27.4 (I 1911)
280INDEX
281INDEX
Agnellus, 245
Aizanoi, 173
Alexandria, 32, 53, 154
Church of SS Cyrus and John,
168
Amaseia, 73
Amisos, 74
Ambrose of Milan, St, 25
Amnia, 115
Amphilochios, Archbishop, 259
Anastasios, Metropolitan of
Heraclea, 113
Anastasioupolis, bishopric of, 11]
Andreas of Crete, 37-40, 42, 45
Andrew of Peristerai, St, Monastery
of, 117
Ankyra, 110
Antioch, 24, 153, 172, 239, 245, 256
Apamea, 256
Apokaukos, John, Metropolitan of
Naupaktos, 83, 88-9, 176
Arabissus, 250
Arethas, 172
Aristenos, Alexios, 68, 71, 75-6, 80,
92, 97
Artemios, St, 168, 180
Athanasios of Alexandria, St, 24,
201
Athanasios, St, of Athos, 115, 117,
119
Athens, 215-16
Athos, monasteries on
Iviron, 122
Lavra, 115, 228
Attaleiates, John, 138
Attaleiates, Michael, 115, 118, 121,
160
Auxerre
bishop of, 259
churches of, 260
Balsamon, Theodore, tit. Patriarch
of Antioch, 22, 26, 68, 71, 73-80,
82-5, 92-4, 96-7, 101-3, 171
Basil the Great, St, of Caesarea,
32-3, 36, 101, 140, 146, 166
Basil of Seleucia, 34-5
Bestes, Theodore, 67
Beth Misona, Church of St Sergios,
253, 259-60
Bitola, 127
Bohemond, 143
Boilas, Eusthathios, 134, 278
Boleron-Strymon-Thessalonika,
theme of, 127, 131
Boris-Michael, 171
Bryennios, John, 130-1, 136
Bryennios, Nikephoros, 126, 133,
138-9
Bulgaria, 128, 130, 135-6
theme of, 132
Caesarea, 156
Cag (Caginkom), Church of St
George, 253
Chalcedon, bishop of, 133
Cherson, 215-20
Chomatianos, Demetrios,
Archbishop of Ochrid, 83, 87-9,
95-9, 102-4
Choniates, Michael, 146
Chosroes 1, 256
Chosroes II, 245, 249, 260
Chrysostom, John, 9, 11-14, 16-17,
21-2, 24-6, 32, 34-5, 37, 42, 54,
144, 153, 156, 169
Colehis, 137
Constantia (Cyprus), 157
Constantinople, 41, 54, 116, 139,
146, 169, 250, 260
churches
Blachernae, 177, 179-80
Hagia Sophia, 8-9, 24, 26, 37,
61, 68, TI, 112-13, 250,
252, 260
Holy Apostles, 213
Nea Ekklesia, 186
baths, 166, 176
Zeuxippos, 170, 173-4, 177
Great Palace, 185, 216
hospitals and hostels, 157
St Elias, 113
ta Anthemiou, 177
ta Paschentiou, 177
Zotikos, 109
monasteries
Chora, 116
Evergetis, 37, 161
St Lazaros, 186
St Mamas, 176
Studios, 37
ton Hodegon, 176
Corinth, 215-16
Steven Runciman - The Great Church in Captivity. A Study of The Patriarchate of Constantinople From The Eve of The Turkish Conquest To The Greek War of Independence