De eed ees a eee M cee ene ine a Caen teed Ce ee eee penne noeeaaeae rad aceienlaces deel per Lei ene eect ence es Sen Coreen stata Aajsnoyy uewsony Aq parejsuea pue parip3 -PZUl ‘SAGWSNYD YWILV] SH.LNO SLNAWNDOd aoe Lele LeeLee NICU Lem yd Norman Housley DOCUMENTS ON THE LATER CRUSADES, 1274-1580Other books by Norman Housley ‘THE ITALIAN CRUSADES: The Papal~Angevin Alliance and the Crusades against Christian Lay Powers, 1254-1343 THE AVIGNON PAPACY AND THE CRUSADES, 1305-1378 THE LATER CRUSADES, 1274-1580: From Lyons to Alcazar Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 | Edited and translated by Norman Housley alas© Norman Housley 1996 Al rights eeserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may he made without writen permission. [No paragraph of chis publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with veritten permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, for under the terms of any licence permicting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Torcenham Coure Road, London WIP SHE. Any perion who docs any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable co criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages First published 1996 by. MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and represent throughout the world ISBN 0-333-48558-0 hardcover ISBN 0-333-48559-9 paperback A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library NOM tone Mogsualeeezeat 05 04 03 02 01 00 99 98 97 96 Printed in Hong Kong. | For my mother and futher with my thanks and loveContents st of Mops and Figures Preface Introduction ‘Chapter One: 1274-1336 The decrees of the Second Council of Lyons on the crusade, 1274 A report sent to the college of cardinals in the late summer or autumn of 1277 by the collectors of Pope Gregory X's sixeyear tenth in England, commenting fon the problems of tax collection Pope Martin IV proclaims a crusade against Peter II fof Aragon and the Sicilians, § April 1284 ‘A summary of the French Crown's financial outlays during Philip I's crusade against Aragon in 1285 Pope Boniface Vill levies a one-year tenth on the French Church to finance Charles of Valoiss Italian ‘campaign, 30 November 1300 In a sermon probably written ¢. 1302-18, an unknown leric claims that the French cause against the Flemings fs holy as well as just In his recovery treatise De fine (1305), Ramon Lull advocates | the learning of oriental languages both for peaceful proselytising and for use on crusade, and proposes a ‘passagium spearheaded by a unified military order ‘A memorandum by Fulk of Villaret, master of the Hospitals, on the crusade to regain the Holy Land, ¢ 1305 ill 21 25 27 29 31 35 40viii Contents 9 In his De acquisitione Terrae Sanctae (1309), Ramon Lull proposes that crusading armies proceed to the Holy Land via both Constantinople and Granada 10 In a tract on papal power (c. 1316) which in other respects is notable for its moderate stance, Pierre de la Palude presents a case for fully fledged papal authority over both the ‘crusade and territory conquered by crusaders 11. Philip V of France appoints his cousin Louis of Clermont captain general of a projected passagium to the Holy Land, 13 September 1318 12 In his The Defender of the Peace (1324), Marsiglio of Padua portrays Pope John XXII's crusades against his Christian enemies as the ultimate perversion of papal authority, and criticises his involvement in warfare and misuse of Church property 13. In these characteristic extracts Wigand of Marburg, the Teutonic Order’s herald and the chief historian of its prolonged war against pagan Lithuania, describes a number of the Reisen conducted by the Knights and their western volunteers between 1329 and 1394 14 Memorandum to Philip of Evreux, king of Navarre, by his governor, Henry of Sully, on Philip's project for a crusade against Granada, summer 1329 15 Giordano Russo, the justiciar of Principato Ultra in the kingdom of Naples, orders Pascalis de Guanderisio and Jacobus de Georgio to publish John XXil’s crusade bull ‘against the Catalan Grand Company in the region of Benevento and Avellino, November 1330 16 John XXII defends papal diversion of crusade funds before King Philip V's envoys, 1332-3 17. A French chronicler describes the consolidation of Philip VI's ‘crusade project in 1332-3, and the problems which beset it 18 John XXII grants Philip VI indulgences for the defence of France during the king's absence on crusade, and for the funding of the general passage by contributions from non-participants, 26 July 1333 19 Viscount Amaury of Lautrec takes the cross to accompany Philip VI on crusade, | October 1333 20 The papal camera contracts four fully equipped galleys for service in the first naval league against the Turks, 7 March 1334 47 52 54 59 3 64 7 68 70 1 Contents 21 King Alfonso IV of Aragon vetoes the collection of John XXi"'s sicyear crusade tenth in his lands, 2 January 1335 ‘Chapter Two: 1336-1429 22 Pope Clement Vi decrees crusade measures in support of his naval league against the Turks, 30 September 1343 23) The events of Magnus Il of Sweden's unsuccessful expedition of 1348 against Novgorod, as described by the chronicler Erie Otai 24 John Capgrave describes the youthful exploits of Henry Grosmont, earl of Derby and duke of Lancaster (@. 1300-61) In his life of St Peter Thomas, Philip of Méziéres describes rnilicary operations against the Turks in the north-eastern Mediterranean, 1359-61 Extracts from an account of the Alexandria crusade of 1365 by a participant, Philip of Méziéres, chancellor of the kingdom of Cyprus Pope Urban V complains to Doge Marco Cornaro about Venice's obstruction of the crusade, 15 October 1367 ‘Thomas Walsingham’s account of the bishop of Norwich’s crusade, 1383 Henry Knighton describes the popular excitement caused by the preaching of Henry Despenser’s crusade in 1383, and provides the text of the bishop's instructions to his agents In his Cruciata (summer 1383), John Wyclf mounts a polemical assault on Urban V's crusade against his Avignonese Fial, Clement Vil, which at this point was being waged in Flanders by Bishop Henry Despenser Marshal Boucicaut's adventures in the East, 1388-9 Pope Clement Vil granes the Hospitallers the proceeds from a plenary indulgence, to help bear the costs of defending Smyrna, 19 April 1390 Marshal Boucicaue’s exploits in Prussia, 1390-1 Boucicaue’s biographer on the launching of che Nicopolis ccrusade in France, and on the reception there of the news of defeat 2s “35 Extracts from the tract Opinio Hostiensis, a polemical onslaught ‘against the Teutonic Order presented to the council of Constance on 6 July 1415 by Paul Viadimiri, a Polish ambassador at the council "4 7 78 al a2 83 85 89 90 8 98 100 ol 103 105 10836 37 38 39 40 4 2 43 Contents Extracts from John Falkenberg’s Liber de doctrina potestatis pope et imperatoris, in which the Dominican theologian presented the Teutonic Order's reply to doc. 35 at the council of Constance, autumn 1416 The liturgy used when Cardinal Branda bestowed a banner on King Sigismund of Hungary for the third Hussite crusade, St Sebaldus, Nurnberg, 4 September 1422 Resolutions of the Reichstag held at Frankfurt in spring 1427 for a four-pronged campaign against the Hussites ‘An agenda drawn up in September 1427 for the meeting of imperial estates planned to take place at Frankfurt in November, to review the rout of the fourth crusade against the Hussites and take fresh action Writing to Cardinal Henry Beaufort on 27 September 1427, King Sigismund places the Hussite wars within the context of his concerns as king of Hungary and his ambitions as ‘emperor-elect Excracts from the decrees for taxation to pay for the Hussite war passed at the Frankfurt Reichstag, 2 December 1427 Archbishop Conrad Ill of Mainz on the problems attending the collection of the general tax for the Hussite wars, 18 February 1428 In her Ditié de Jehanne d'Arc (July 1429), Christine de Pisan sees Joan's victories as proof that Charles Vil is the Last Emperor, who will regain Jerusalem for the faith Chapter Three: 1429-1580 “4 45 46 47 48 49 John of Wavrin on the origins of the Varna crusade, 1440-3 Pope Nicholas V makes rulings on a ‘frontier crusade’ against the Moors of Granada led by the archbishop of Seville, John Cervantes, in 1449 Extracts from an oration delivered before King Charles Vil of France in 1451, by Jean Germain, bishop of Chalon-sur-Saéne and envoy of Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy A summary of the chapters in a letter from John of Segovia to Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, 2 December 1454, expounding his ‘method’ for dealing with Islam Cardinal Bessarion’s instructions to his crusade preachers, 24 August 1463, John of Wavrin on the Burgundian crusaders of 1464 112 115 17 | | | 50 st 52. 53 130 F 132 134 135 137 139 44 v7 154 Contents John of Wavrin’s version of King Alfonso V's ‘exhortation to the Portuguese crusaders at the siege of Arzila in 1471 Pope Sixtus IV grants the cruzede to Ferdinand and Isabella for the war against Granada, 10 August 1482 ‘The chronicler Fernando del Pulgar describes the circumstances behind the pope's grant of the bula de la cruzada and Church subsidies in 1483 and 1485 ‘The reply submitced by the envoys of the European powers in response to Pope Innocent V's request for advice on a crusade against Bayezid I, at the congress of Rome, July 1490 inva letcer to Ferdinand and Isabella written in 1501, Christopher Columbus advocates a crusade to recover Jerusalem In letters writeen in 1502-4, the papal legate Raymond Peraudi confronts the problems associated with preaching indulgences for the crusade against the Turks In his Consultatio de bello Turcis inferendo (1530), Erasmus reluctantly supports a defensive war against the Turks, provided that itis waged in the right sprit and by the secular authorities Extracts from Antoine Perrenin’s account of Charles V's Tunis expedition of 1535 Pope Paul lll shares the proceeds from the sale of indulgences for St Peter's with Charles V, to help finance the emperor's war against the Turks, 25 November 1538 Extracts from a memorandum written in 1566, perhaps as briefing for the new pope, Pius V, on the revenues which the king of Spain derives from the Church Writing co Don Luis de Requesens, his ambassador at Rome, in August 1566, King Philip Il of Spain justifies his requests for papal financial assistance on the grounds that Spain's expenditure, In Flanders, France and North Africa, is in the cause of God and the Church Ina letter to Pope Pius V's secretary of state, Cardinal ‘Alessandrino (Michele Bonelli), the papal nuncio at Madrid, Gianbattista Castagna, describes the impasse reached on the cruzado, | October 1568 in an account of the engagement published just a year after ir took place, Glanpietro Contarini describes the last-minute preparations for battle at Lepanto, 7 October 157! 135 156 163 165 169 173 \78 183 185 187 189 190 191 1941 Location of places mentioned by Wigand of Marburg (doc. 13) Ikinerary of Pascalis de Guanderisio and Jacobus de Georgio de casali sancti Georgi, 10-22 November 1330 (doe. 15) ‘The assembly of taxes to pay for the Hussite war, as envisaged at the imperial Diet at Frankfurt, 2 December 1427 (dec. 41) Proposal for a tax-financed crusade against the Hussices, 1427 (doc. 41) 65 129 130Prefa ce Introduction | “How docs one compress inco sixcy-two documents a phase of the crusading. ‘movement which lasted three centuries, encompassing at least a dozen areas ‘of activity and hundreds of campaigns, bactles and sieges?’ Clearly it can ‘only be done by being highly selective. In the first place, much has been deliberately excluded. Thete are no descriptions of pitched battles, because “ach accounts tend to be repetitive and formulaic, informing us neither ‘about the processes which brought men to the battlefield nor about the “feelings which motivated them to fight there. As Frangoise Autrand put it: | ‘The same words and episodes recur in one chronicle after another, in the | exse of one battle after another, as if the writers were telling the history of eat in general rather chan that of one particular defeat? If this is true of a le like Poitiers, fought becween Christian armies in the middle of France, “Bow much the more so in the case of engagements like Nicopolis and Varna, bight hundreds of miles further East and described, for the most part, by ple who were not even there? I have also excluded all texts which have cady been translated, even if they ate particularly important and reveal- (for example, Pius II's Commentaries), and are no longer readily accessible. jeve that we should attempt to get these translations reprinted rather sn duplicating them. “Other decisions were more positive in their nature. I have tried to pro- ‘a cercain number of ‘clusters’ of texts, with the goal of furnishing the ial for in-depth study of episodes which both possess an inherent sig- ance and left documents which lend themselves to study: the Second sncil of Lyons and its immediate aftermath (1274-1300), che remark We range of activity in the 1320s, Philip VI’s crusade plans, the bishop of ich’s crusade to Flanders, the Hussite crusades, and the Granada war. i T have attempted to provide a collection which accurately reflects the dich and variety of documentation used by the research historian. These de mandates, bulls, conciliar decrees, reports, financial accounts, let- chronicle extracts, biographies, sermons, liturgies, orations and treat- By comparing and contrasting them, i should be possible to discuss This book was projected in 1987, and tion has taken so ind its creation has taken so long largeh besa my Sea ten of ce hed o busy dearer 983” hese years have witnessed incessant and thoroughgoing changes in Higher Education in the UK, the cumulative ect of hice hes oan massive increase in the workload of academies. In these dificult circum stances, it has been heartwarming to experience the eagerness and goodwil with which colleagues faced by numerous demands ot chen une hee a sponded 0 my appeals for help on the problems of translating technical terms and knotty passages of Old French, German, Italian and Spanish, The existence of a School of Modern Languages in my university has greatly cased my problems, and I should like to thank Julie Dashwood, Mike Free, man and Chris Hall in particular for their painstaking guidance. Within ny own depariment, Nic Davidson and Ales Keller have rendered Kind assistance, and outside Leicester I am grateful co Chis Allmand, Wend Childs, David Nicholas, Helen Nicholson, John and aaaibae tholson, John Pryor, Steve Rowell and As always, my wife Valerie has been an unfailing source of advice encouragement, Desies enabling me to keep these datant creme sone sort of perspective, Students who have taken my course “The Later Cru sad’ have been uncomplaiing guinea-pigs lany years ago my parents encouraged my fascination with the pas, which in some ways has always seemed more real to me than the present Therefore, with a deep sense of all that I owe, I dedicate this book to them. Norman Houstey2 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 Introduction 3 with students the very different problems which each presents as evidence. In each case I have allowed my translation to be guided to some extent by: the idiom of the original, in order to give a better flavour of the text. The precision which is called for in translating the words of lawyers and theo- logians (docs 10, 35~6) would be out of place in the case of a racy text like J the Life of Boucicaut (docs 31, 33-4). ‘The problems of selection were nonetheless immense, and I freely admit that I have allowed my choice to be dictated largely by what I believe to be the most important and interesting issues currently facing anybody who see ie rae clean ePnyema only issues, but they have the advantage of being wide-ranging, incriguin Eee ae least two of these issues, I have also preferred to offer an interpretative introduction as opposed to an analytical arrangement of the documents. ch could be put together in a number of different ways. The most com- lx and ambitious form of crusade was the full-scale international passagium fezain the Holy Land or defend eastern Europe against che Ocoman (docs 1, 8, 48, 53). No such passagium took place: indeed we can ‘with hindsight that in a period of burgeoning sovercignty it was no practicable to assemble the massive resources needed (docs 8, 21, fand that vested interests too often posed insuperable obstacles (doc. Y Bur it is impossible to deny the ingenuity with which the authors of ry treatises, like Fulk of Villaret and Ramon Lull (docs 7-9), ad- sed the mountain of difficulties involved, or the optimism which od an enthusiast like Jean Germain to see his way forward to comprehensive sian victory in the East on the very eve of the Turkish conquest of tinople (doc. 46). The legacy of this small army of strategists in- the ‘phased crusade’ (doe. 8), which informed the planning of such speditions as Alexandria and Nicopolis, and the attention which they gave Mthe idea of a trade embargo as a concomitant of armed action (docs 8-9). ‘other contexts crusading retained its vitality in che realm of action as as those of aspiration and planning, The late middle ages witnessed ‘ndous advances in the sphere of government, so itis hardly surprising ‘crusading was usually most vigorous when it was pursued by indi- ial states in association with their foreign policy goals. Examples in- de the French invasion of Aragon in 1285 (doc. 4), Magnus of Sweden's paign against Novgorod in 1348 (doc. 23), the English expedition to tenders in 1383 (docs 28-9), Hungary's struggle against the Turks (doe. ‘or the Granada war of 1482-92 (docs 51-2). A pattern is evident. woys to the papal court lobbied and argued for grants of crusade privi- ‘terms of a convergence between the needs of the faith and those of Pkingdom, and the resulting bulls were promulgated by the agencies of th Church and state. This often involved a hard slog around a desig- area, publicly reading out copies of papal and royal documents, asin g kingdom of Naples in 1330 (doc. 15). When the secular administration Sweak the result could be disappointing, as in the decentralised fifteenth- sty Reich, where Henry Beaufort, an English prelate noted for his dy- m and authority, signally failed co energise the German war effort the Husstes even in circumstances of acute perccived peril and national ion (docs 39-42). In the closely-governed England of 1383, by the crusade run by the bishop of Norwich, Henry Despenser, was ‘of organisational efficiency, at least in its initial stages, with ics ‘of incentive payments, registers, indentures and muster (docs 28-9). management of the Granada war a century later displayed similar signs ey (doe. 52). 1. Activity: Towards a Typology of Later Crusading CCrusading provided one of several formats for the expression of sacred vio- lence by Catholic believers. The movement evolved greatly in the first wo centuries of its existence, and by the late thirteenth century it had become characterised above all by its association with specific institutions, forms of religious practice, and bureaucratic and financial organisation. The insti tions were the Church, the papacy and the military orders, and their cen- tral position within the crusading movement was based on concepts of authority and historical tradition which received litte further elaboration after 1300, although they certainly had to be defended against challenge. The religious practices were principally preaching, prayers, penitence, and the admini tration of indulgences and other spiritual favours, while the main organisa- sional facets were preachers and collectors, taxes, donations, legacies, collection boxes and account books. These were subject to more development, but again only co a limited degree. Peter Thomas's spiritual ministrations in 1365 were not so different from those which preceded Lepanto in 1571 (docs 26, 62), while many of the problems faced by Gregory X's tax collec- tors in England in 1277 would have seemed all too familiar to Raymond Peraud more than eo center Lae: (docs 2, $5). is broad measure of continuity, which given the time span is certain! Sra cle eee oele eee ieee tially ossified and homogeneous. Buc this was far from being the case. Much of the vitality which historians are increasingly identifying was facilitated by the malleability of crusading’s essential features. They were building blocksIntroduction 5 4 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 d) documents, many of their activities are lost to historians. We ter them principally through the admiring eyes of their biographers. ch men went not where they were told to go, but where there was the ice {0 see unusual sights, encounter the esoteric, extend their milicary ise and win renown amongst their pects. The courts of Catholic, Or- ox and Islamic rulers, Mamluk gaols, the sacred sites of Jerusalem, all = grist co the mill of cheir chivalric Wanderlust (doc, 31). The value of ‘activities as a way of allowing young men to let off steam far away a the Catholic heartlands was recognised in 1451 by Jean Germain (doc. ‘and their appeal seems to have been quite strong still in 1464 (doc. 49). the fourteenth century the area which attracted these volunteers most § Prussia. Here the Tcutonic Knights were engaged in a vicious and cssant war against che pagan Lithuanians, a unique form of crusading ch had numerous appeals for the thousands of noblemen who under- wk the journey out to the order-state from the West. The Reisen are argu- best categorised as a fusion of crusading ideals and arciudes with largely larised notions of proper knightly behaviour (doc. 13). Bue the associa- of the Lithuanian war with conversion and the defence of the faith is nt both in the descriptions of Wigand of Marburg (doc. 13) and in ‘battle of words’ which was fought between the Order and its enemies ‘the council of Constance (docs 35-6). Crusades fought in this manner were not intended to be exclu services of volunteers from other countries or regions could tip the mili balance, and culets would often press for preaching to take place beyond their own borders. But great care was taken to ensure that groups of crucesigna who were not subjects of the powers waging the war would conduct chem- selves with due propriety, in particular, that they would treat local civilians with respect and pay for their supplies, and would accept that capeured| lands were to be handed over. It was especially important to establish clear} ‘operational guidelines in the case of large forces led by rulers; such *house guests’ were expected co behave properly and not to outstay their welcome] (doc. 14). Crusades were normally fought on frontiers, the ‘frontes guerrarum paganorum’ referred co by John. Capgrave in his life of Henry Grosmont (doc. 24). Buc there was a specific type of ‘frontier crusade’ characterised by its local and therefore small-scale level of activity (typically the razzia or raid) and organisation. Ic is represented in this book by Nicholas V's grant of privileges to the archbishop of Seville in 1449, and in a different way by. the grant of indulgence money to the Hospitallers for defending hard-pressed Smyrna in 1390 (docs 32, 45). In these and similar instances the papacy was acting in a facilitating manner, but in the organisation of naval leagues against the Turks in che East ic established and maintained itself as a lead- ing protagonist, funishing war gales on its own account (doc, 20), de crecing taxes and crusade preaching in support of che leagues’ activities (Goc: 22), of dispatching legates with che necessary commitment and force- fulness to get things done (doc. 25). Indeed, ic is possible that as the inter- national passagium became unrealisable and the papacy grasped how limited ‘was its influence over state-directed crusading, it valued the more the lead- ership which it could exert in the context of the naval leagues, and the kudos which ic derived from chem. The leagues of the sixteenth century, such as that which fought at Lepanto (doc. 62), were on such a massive scale that they passed from the category of the frontier crusade co that of. the state-directed crusade; but the underlying principle, that of a number of Catholic naval powers acting in harmony for the defence of the faith, with papal participation and encouragement, remained constant. A the lowest level of activity there were the ‘freelance’ erusaders, knights like Henry Grosmone (doc. 24), John and Geoffrey Boucicaur and Renault de Roye (docs 31, 33), who throughout the fourteenth century in particu- Jar sought out areas of crusading activity, individually or in small groups, for the sake of chivalry. Naturally enough, the evidence of promotion and ditection by those in authority, whether in Church or state, is at its slight- est in regard to them; and since they did not generate official (and therefore ‘Mechanisms: The Nuts and Bolts of Crusading. il crusading called for a machinery of organisation and control. Even on Reisen a command structure was necessary, and the visiting ‘pilgrims’ d captains to act as temporary marshals, and were grouped either into contingents of into moze eclectic bands marching and fighting under ‘banners of St George and the Virgin (doc. 13).* It was hoped, not ways successfully (docs 13h, 33) that their national antagonisms would be pened by the shared attributes of chivalry. On other fronts, where the mice-yearly arrival of volunteers could not be anticipated and anyway would ‘be appropriate, armies had to be raised, paid, supplied, transported and din che field. This involved decisions and organisational processes more complicated chan in the case of ordinary wars, because a crusade at once a military and a religious venture. And as in the case of all es, the demands which were posed led co the creation of a record- keeping bureaucracy which served, suffered for, and in some cases bactened the mobilisation of the essential resources (docs 2, 4, 29, 55). | First there was the issue of initiation. The overall authority of the papacy Taunch crusades in order to recover land which was considered sacred oF' 6 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 Introduction 7 hhad once been Christian (docs 1, 35, 50), defend the Church and Chris- tian communities against attack (does 3, 22, 38, 44-5, 48), and facilitate conversion (docs 36, 51), was grounded in Scripture and the interpretation! of history (doc. 10). This authority, coupled with the existence of many’ fronts jostling for attention and resources, gave rise to what may be termed| a papal ‘crusading policy’, involving in particular awesomely difficult deci- sions of prioritisation and the diversion or division of funds (docs 16, 51, 58). This policy may be viewed at its most grandiose in Boniface VIII's support for his protégé Charles of Valois in 1300 (doc. 5); even at this point such a scheme was over-ambitious, and later popes had constantly to accept setbacks and compromises in their crusading policies. The authority’ outlined in sweeping terms by men like Pierre de la Palude (doc. 10) was not matched by power. Indeed, ie may be argued that popes like Gregory X | and Innocent Vill implicitly accepted this by attempting to launch cru- sades at Church councils and diplomatic congresses (docs 1, 55), while Boniface VIII's all-embracing plan of 1300 was at bottom a desperate at- tempt to make yet one more tax palatable by arguing that the plan’s suc- cess would obviate the need to levy future ones. ‘The Holy Roman Empire too was a universal authority which carried a historic responsibility for the defence and expansion of Christendom, and in the eyes of some the emperor possessed the legal right to authorise as well as lead military activity by all Catholics for the cause of the faith. In this period the empire was normally unable to pose a serious challenge 0 the papacy’s central position within the crusading movement, which had been established with such lan by Innocent III. Those who expected im- perial initiatives moved in the spheres of theory (doc. 36) and ideals (doc. 40), or were desperately seeking palliacives (doc. 26). By 1490 even the right of the emperor to command the combined armies of Christendom was being denied in favour of a commander elected by the expedition’s secular leaders (doc. 53). The exception to this tale of decline was the reign of Emperor Charles V (1519-56). In 1530 Erasmus considered chat the “first right’ 10 organise a defensive war against the Turks on behalf of Chris- tendom lay with Charles (doe. 56). Five years later Charles's dazzlingly successful Tunis crusade was undeniably a forthright reaffirmation of the imperial role. It was of particular use to Charles because of his propaganda gains vis-i-vis “The Most Christian King’ of France, who at this point was moving towards an alliance with the Turks (doc. 57). But even Charles V did not challenge the papacy’s sole right to decree a crusade in terms of issuing the crucial bulls containing the indulgences and taxes needed. ‘Whatever the claims of some on behalf of the Holy Roman Emperor, in practice leadership was subject to no normative principles. From the level 1 of galleys to that of an international passaginm comprising thousands of men, it could be exercised according to circumstances (docs 3, 18, 23, 44, 51), magnates (docs 5, 34, 49), archbishops ops (docs 28-9, 45), legates (docs 8, 25), or any others to whom xed the responsibility. What counted was personal commitment, ability and experience, and the status and authority to pull together ect the differene units in the field. The latter was a particularly tax- blem in the case of proposed international passagia, and during the crusades (docs 39, 53). In 1305 Ramon Lull proposed dealing with ‘other difficulties by entrusting command of a recovery crusade to a or-king’. The man chosen would be the master of a new order of ‘unifying all the existing military orders. He would also enjoy pect of becoming king of the recaptured Jerusalem, thereby provid- m with a compelling reason for exercising his command well (doc. Falk of Villaret vested his hopes in a combination of clerical and secu- hip (doc. 8), and some decades later it fitted the hagiographic es of Philip of Mézitres to depict Peter Thomas playing Moses to joc. 26). The Frankfurt Reichstag of November-December leadership by a legate and a secular prince, advised by ‘man council (doc. 41). In the whole process of accepting or delegat- rand banners played a major role, as indeed they always had done esources amounted above all to men and money. The actual or antici- d recruitment of soldiers through crusade preaching is evidenced by erous documents (e.g. docs 1, 8, 18, 22, 28, 44, 48). Some of these specifically to people taking the cross and making vows (docs 18-19, "48, 51), and occasionally there ate details on surrogate service (docs y 45, 48, 51). But the contributions expected of both volunteers and iues were increasingly defined and laid down in contractual obliga- rewarded by payment (docs 4, 19, 29). Would-be crusaders sought about the cerms of their service (doc. 45), and their leaders certainly 4 premium on order and authority. Uncontrolled recruitment brought problems chan benefits: aparc from anything else, numbers which were ‘anticipated played havoc with precious supplies (doc. 28). Specificity necessary above all when crusading was naval; in hiring galleys detail In this collection the ‘professional crusade’ is seen at its clearest in two ments: Ramon Lull’s proposal of 1305 for a spearhead military order mplete with its own engineers, workmen, quartermasters, etc. (doc. 7): the 1427 Reichstag scheme for an army of mercenaries financed through ion (doc. 41). Both were radical, possibly impracticable, propositions,8 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 Introduction 9 bur they were sympromatic of a general concern that military efficien should be maximised, which is visible time after time in relation to fronts (docs 8, 24, 28-9, 39). In general crusade preaching was moving towards fund-raising. This could occur either because bulls containing the traditional formulae were treated to fanciful interpretations by canny preachers (doc. 29), ot because the bulls themselves were becoming more liberal chan in the past about thd ways in which the indulgence could be earned. In the case of the latter recurring approaches included fixing the financial contribution expected a percentage of the donor's movable or fixed goods (doc. 18), and insisting fon the payment of a sum equivalent to what the donor would have spent had he gone to fight for a whole year (doc. 22). By the final decades of tha fifteenth century sliding scales based on status or income wete commor (doc. 51). If the terms of Bessarion’s preaching in Venetian lands in 146: remain tantalisingly vague about the goal of the procedure, with ample references to fighters as well as donors (doc. 48), the great bull which Sixt IV issued for the Granada war is transparently pitched cowards revenue Jing (doc. 53), and the letters of Raymond Peraudi disclose a world 0 systematic indulgence administration which offered many openings for fraud (oc. 55). Chests set ou co collect alms for crusading must have been familiar sight in churches (does 1, 8, 22, 51, 55). ‘Only in the Spanish lands, however, did indulgences consistently raise funds on a scale large enough to pay for crusading (docs 52, 59). Mone could be raised by fining blasphemers, usurers, and those guilty of illega commerce with the Muslims (docs 1, 8). Legacies and donations were im: portant enough to emphasise and haggle over (docs 8, 16, 51), sumptuas legislation was regarded as particularly appropriate in preparing for @ cru sade (doc. 56), and the Jews could always be pillaged (docs 8, 41). Muct of the funding of che Nicopolis expedition was devolved on to the shoul dets of its magnate-leaders, an exceptional case which pethaps more than anything else shows its character as a knightly enterprise (doc. 34). But normally only taxes could pay for armies. Indeed, the development of taxa: tion in this period was so closely associated with advances in warfare that id would be extraordinary if crusading did not adhere to the pattern, Th problem was that taxation entailed either consent or coercion, and some- times a mixture of both. Lay taxation for an international passagium, of the type envisaged by Gregory X in 1274 (doc. 1), proved impossible because the resources of the laity were invariably ring-fenced by their secular rulers for use at home. Lay subsidies for a French passagium could not be col- lected, largely because of widespread suspicion about royal motives (doc. 17). A remarkable proposal that not just the Reich but the whole of jom should be taxed for the Hussite crusades in 1427, seems now, ‘surely have seemed a the time, chimerical (doc. 41). Even those alved in its levy soon back-pedalled on its compulsory nature, achieve their goals by reward rather than coercion (doc. 42). throughout this period crusade taxation meant primarily levies on This could include the revenues of vacant benefices, fines on and the goods of intestate clerics (doc. 8), but principally it meant and the ‘subsidy’. The tenth required a reasonably up-to-date of clerics’ income; it was inherently cumbersome, took time to Bett with surance and ingenious resitance (doe. 2). The sub normally granted by a provincial synod in response to papal ap- ld for lee burenueratic procedure in is Collecion, but provided jth a forum for organised opposition and complaint. The papa iar right to x the Charen on behalf of eruading entrprict 10, 55), a right with a moral foundation in so far as the pope and als paid their share (doc. 1). But this right could not in practice be d in the teeth of clerical resistance combined with the support of a g and resolute lay ruler (doc. 21). And if the laccer gave his assent, the ‘as normally giving him part of the proceeds, which were thereby g the crusade. Assembling the massive sums needed for a great passagium jre never a genuine prospect in this period. ed that relations beoween Church and state on the crusade fo- ‘on the contentious issue of collecting, guarding and accounting for allocated through Church taxation, Neither side had clean record, the early fourteenth century the air was thick with recriminations ‘will (docs 7-8, 10, 12, 16). There were numerous episodes of , ending in compromises and deals. These may be most closely ed in the negotiations between the French court and the papal fin the mid-1330s, when the French envoys attempted co recoup ‘which had been diverted in the past by the Curia, and harsh criticisms ‘exchanged on both sides, albeit clothed in the language of diplomatic (doc. 16). A similar situation arose in the Counter-Reformation od when che papacy tried to defend the reforming decrees of d despite the abuses which its administration invariably involved 59, 61). oncentration on military recruitment and the ing of cash should were fully as important. Crusading came close to being an obliga- ofthe Christian believer Failure to fightin Chris’, cause could being m consequences after death (docs 40, 48), and at the very least a financial10 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 Introduction n contribution to thar cause might be depicted as mandatory (docs 41-2 55). Preachers were provided wich detailed and carefully-phrased liturgic formulae for bestowing the cross and granting absolution (doc. 48). Hows ever professional they became, crusading armies remained sui generis among contemporary forces: in the Spanish armies which conquered Granada vir tually everybody was entitled to enjoy the indulgence in one capacity o another (doc. 51). Major crusade bulls included myriad provisions relatin to the ramifications of the indulgence, its availability and promulgation i pulpit and confessional (doc. 51). Important as they were, military prowess, numbers and cash were nod held to be enough. Prayers, processions, masses, the invocation of assist ance from the Virgin and the army of saints, were considered crucial fot success (docs 29, 37, 52, 62). Taking part in a crusade could still be purgative experience, even for the hard-hearted (docs 26, 28, 62). God wa predisposed to favour His people, indeed some victories were so extraordit nary that they could only be explained in providential terms (docs 26, 48). Failure, by contrast, was accounted for above all in tradicional terms off ‘ human sinfulness (peccaris exigentibus) (docs 37, 50), and this in curn wa attributed to armies fighting in the wrong frame of mind (docs 23, 45, 56) Forgiveness could be sought either by communal acts of penitence or by individual heart-searching. What was needed, Erasmus wrote intriguing) in 1530, was a return co the spirit of the early Templars (doc. 56). ‘The military orders usually had an important contribution to make. Cr sading was one of their rationales (docs 8, 36), and faced with the debili- tating confusion which seemed inseparable from traditional crusading, Ramon Lull was eager to elevate the orders from their customary role of auxilia to that of vanguard (doc. 7). It was Peter Thomas's fifty Hospitallers who stood their ground and won the day at Lampsakos in 1359 (doe. 25), an Hospitallers also fought in the Alexandria crusade six years later (doc. 26). ‘The financial constraints on Hospitaller activity were always severe. When} the Great Schism deprived the convent at Rhodes both of some revenues from brethren in the West and of assistance from the Church in the East, even the order's defence of Smyrna was imperilled (doc. 32). On the other hand, control of the masterships (maestrazges) of the Spanish military or- ders was highly lucrative for Philip IL in the 1560s (doc. 59). ‘movement's ideals and aims, whatever people's scepticism (well- to a large degree) about the possibilities of their rulers achieving objectives as the recovery of the Holy Land or the defeat of the doc. 55). Crusading had a glorious past, and ics pantheon included Figures like St Louis, Richard Coeur de Lion, Godfrey of Bouillon popular belief went) Charlemagne (docs 8, 11, 46, 57). Victories inspiration and models for future success (docs 8, 46), and even erous defeats were construed by enthusiasts in che spirit of ven- than viewed as a reason for abandoning the movement's goals . 50, 62). It was possible to learn from failure, even at the cost of into fresh wounds (doc. 39). Certain places, such as St Louis's Sainte-Chapelle with its relics of Christ’s Passion, and feast- ch as Easter and Holy Cross Day (14 September), were closely Seed with this past and their aura could be used to launch new projects Mi, 17, 28). glories, and the dynastic and national obligations which they gener- 46), were buttressed by present needs and hopes. Disasters like ‘of Acre, the capture of Constantinople and the battle of Mohdcs led to alarm bells being vigorously sounded (docs 48, 56). In the y the Reich's authorities attempted to persuade the Germans that the es posed a threat to Church and state which could nor be ignored 438). Atrocity stories, always part of the crusading message at the level jing, had particular force from the mid-fifteenth century, when the mpect of the Turks attacking the patria itself became a real one for the rants of Italy and the Germanic lands (doc. 55). What audiences at hheard was a mixture of anecdotes supposedly drawn from real life “suspiciously gencralised and predictable references to the slaughter of scent babes and deflowering of virgins (doc. 48). It is clear from Erasmus’s 3s chat the visual representations of the ‘eastern menace’ could be as SE as thar offered in crusade sermons (doc. 56). Crusades elsewhere were ed in a somewhat more positive fashion: Catholic Christianity expanded rather than defended (docs 13, 36, 51). ‘of contexts. In 1427, despite his pressing concerns in Hungary, Bohe- and Italy, Sigismund of Hungary did not omit to refer to his obligation peror-clect to reconquer the holy places (doc. 41). Two years later Gstinc de Pisan saw the expulsion of the English from French soil by des VII and Joan of Arc as che prelude to the victorious Charles fulfill- ‘he Last Emperor prophecy by reconquering Jerusalem (doc. 43). In Hf Columbus saw his discoveries as proof that the Spanish were destined ecomplish this task, in a letter full of extraordinary Fone (Fo a 3 Attitudes: Acceptance, Rejection, Assimilation Views aboue crusading in late medieval Europe were characterised by their diversity. There is much evidence of broad-based and endusing enthusiasm2 Documents on the Laver Crusades, 1274-1580 a 6 54). With its high-Aying hopes and cotal detachment from strategic reality the ‘myst erences atthe eter end of the spectrum from the sobeq and objective thinking of many theorists and planners There were other paradoxes. One was the tension between the largel secular chivalric impulse cowards crusade, as represented by the Reiten ands typified by the Table of Honour (doc. 13), and the deep religious feelings ‘which emerged on the eve of great engagements, as at Alexandria in 136! and Lepanto in 1571 (docs 27, 62) and was apparent throughout the ac: tivities of some individuals (doc. 26). They remind us chac the persisten of enthusiasm is far from readily diagnosed or explained. Motives for cake ing part in Despenser's crusade in 1383 included religious zeal, patric sentiment, greed, love of advencure and, in the case of Hugh of Calverley. the notion that participating in crusade would be a fitting conclusion to a career in arms (doc. 29}; doubtless there were other reasons for going. Some historians have scen these motives as contradictory, but there is not much evidence that contemporaries did. Nicopolis displays a similar range of motives (doc. 34), as docs a speech attributed to King Alfonso V off Portugal at Arzila in 1471 (doc. 50). ‘Many people were already sceptical almost at the start of our period (doc. 17) and some were openly hostile. Vociferous resistance to preaching, and attempts to dissuade people from taking the cross, were predictable and had co be countered (docs 48, 51). Death and captivity brought enor-| mous grief to close relatives (docs 34, 50). Their occurrence while fighting in God's service was not readily explained, and the certainty of salvation (doc. 34), even the consolation of martyrdom (doc. 28), were not always sufficient. Worse was the steady accumulation of abandoned projects, mis- uused funds and squalid preaching campaigns; by 1500 the ideal and the reality were unbridgeable and in some parts of Europe people had become permanently alienated. There were some detailed and caustic attacks on individual crusades oF crusading fronts. Marsiglio of Padua, an extreme critic of what he saw as the papacy’s destructive role in Italian politics, condemned its crusades against the Ghibellines (supporters of the empire) in the 1320s. In his view these! campaigns were incontrovertible proof that the papacy's political power should be dismantled and its financial resources sequestrated (doc. 12). Wyclif went! even further in his denunciation of crusading between the rival obediences: in the Great Schism. Since i¢ was the opposite of Christian behaviour and could only originate with che Devil, a fitting response would be a purgative crusade toppling both obediences (doc. 30). Paul Vladimiri depicted the: ‘Teutonic Order as an aberration of the Christian religion, and the custom ary deparcure of its Reisen on two Marian feast-days as a scandal (doc. 35). ‘of such critics should be taken seriously, because they were at ‘wieness Falkenberg's point-by-point reply co Vladimiri (doc. 36). nature and size of the constituency which they represented defies lysis. ers offered alternatives as well as criticism. In 1305 Ramon Lal, himself , advocated a parallel approach to the problem of Islam in Ession and crusade, seeing the dissemination of greater linguistic skills ial for both (doc. 7). In the mid-fifteenth century John of Segovia Bi that conversion alone was the way forward. He appealed to the ‘and history of the Christian and Muslim faiths to support his claim {the former was destined to triumph by conversion rather than combat 47). Erasmus reluctantly supported a defensive stand against the Ot- but made clear his preference for conversion because of his loath- all forms of war (doc. 56). Indeed, there can be little doubt that gs despite its strong scriptural credentials and the unflagging sup- ich it received from both clerical and lay authorities, suffered from Sowing revulsion cowards unbridled war which developed during the idle ages. In 1415 Paul Vladimiri argued at Constance that differ- & of religion alone did nor justify unprovoked attacks on neighbouring F doc. 35), and it is striking thatthe Teutonic Orders principal lobe ‘at the same council felt that he had to apologise for the linkage be- the Reisen and Marian feast-days, rather than glorying in it, although hhave been unusual in this (doc. 36). ‘was nonetheless constantly on the agenda for the political communi- of this period. One of its effects was to engender amongst their populations giriotism which, if somewhat uneven, and linked as much to dynastic 4s to love of country, was still vibrant and striking. Any survey of towards crusading should include che possibility that the ideas lings associated with it were being fused with this patriotic feeling, g rise to ‘sanctified patriotism’, ‘national crusading’, or both. Some of {best carly examples relate to France. In one sermon written in the early eenth century, an anonymous French cleric, not content with recruit- (history, national myth and justice into the royal ranks, brazenly linked fe French cause in Flanders with that of the crusade (doc. 6). This atti- was rooted partly in the central role which the French royal house nobility were constantly exhorted and expected to play in the move- = in a variety of settings (docs 4-5, 9). It found expression in such ions as John XXI’s grant of crusade indulgences to those who de- d France during Philip VI's absence on crusade in the East (doc. 18). a century later Christine de Pisan viewed those soldiers engaged in es VII's cause as fighting a very special form of war (doc. 43).“4 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 Similar trends are visible in other countries. King Magnus II was advised by his cousin St Bridget, acting as Christ's mouthpiece, to take only Swedes con his 1348 campaign against Novgorod because they would be fighting for king and country rather than filthy lucte. The campaign’s disastro ‘outcome supposedly proved her right (doc. 23). Despenser’s crusade to Flande beneficed financially and in terms of military morale from a surge of Eng: lish patriotic feeling, which was clearly remarkable, even if played up rathesl histrionically by Walsingham (doc. 28). Later, sanctified patriotism is seen at its clearest in Habsburg Spain, not least because of the insistence of 1 Spanish government that it was fighting all its wars on behalf of the faith (docs 60-1). By the late fifteenth century even papal propagandists couch: ing the bulk of their appeals in terms of Christian unity found ic useful the same time t0 beat the patriotic drum (doc. 48), while in 1490 che ‘envoys of the northern European powers considered that the most viable sway to assemble a crusade was through a series of distinctively national] contributions (doc. 53). Crusading played its part in shaping che militant] religiosity which was to be characteristic of much European nationalism, 74-1336 gs period begins with the Second Council of Lyons, where Pope X launched the West's last major initiative to rescue what passage to recover the Holy Land (docs 16-19). Both rulers ‘but their efforts were symptomatic of a period when the Holy “could never be far from the thoughts of anybody interested in For a history of these events, see my The Later Crusades, 1274-1580: From Lyons Alcazar (Oxford, 1992), which contains a detailed section on further reading, 2 F. Auttand, ‘La Déconfiture, La bataille de Poitiers (1356) & cravers quelques text frangais des XIV’ et XV? sidces’, in P. Contamine et al (eds), Guerre et sovité France, en Angleterre on Bourgogne XIV-XV" sidle Villeneuve d Ascq, 1991), pp. 100-1 wsade, either before or after the Mamluk conquest of the last d holdings in 1291. Advisory treatises were penned (docs 7-9), Jevied and in part collected (docs 1-2), appointments made 11), negotiations conducted (doc. 16) and crusaders recruited E 19), This formidable range of thought and activity was stimulated ‘Werner Paravicin believes char the banner of St George was carted by a voluntee fiom the Holy Roman Empire, and the banner of the Virgin by any knighe judged worthy of the honour. See his Die Preuenreiten der eurepaischen Adel (2. vols 50 far, Sigmaringen, 1989- ), ti, 139-52. Pjust by indignation at the Muslim occupation of Christendom’s sacred sites, but also by a fascination with the practice of fy war against unbelievers, expressed in the twice-yearly pat- s of the Teutonic Knights’ Reisen against the Lithuanians (doc. |. and in proposals for fighting against the Moors of Granada 14) West's failure first to hold onto and later to regain the Holy had complex and interwoven causes. The final blow to the reali- ‘of Gregory X's plans was dealt by the Sicilian revolt against rule in 1282. This led to a crusade against the rebels and ‘Aragonese supporters (doc. 3). One of its major features was a Bench invasion of Aragon in 1285 (doc. 4); the disastrous failure of ‘crusade did not prevent Pope Boniface Vill fifteen years later, from if a further attempt to solve the papacy's problems in Italy with ection of French might (doc. 5). The French Crown, which at this ‘was inextricably associated with the crusading cause, faced fe political difficulties of its own in Flanders (doc. 6). The papacy, by some as possessing a sweeping right to direct Christians 1516 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 ae i Feoacern to all who confess the Catholic faith, we decreed the sum- of a council, so that we could deliberate there with prelates, fand princes, and other prudent men. [Acting] in Christ, we would to establish and arrange those things necessary co liberate the [Holy] land no less importantly to restore to the unity of the Church the & peoples,” who with proud necks strive co some degree co tear the Fs seamless tunic, and have withdrawn themselves from devotion ience to the Apostolic See, as well as to improve morals, which of our sins have greatly deteriorated amongst clergy and laity. ‘these subjects our actions and discussions were to be directed fim, to whom nothing is impossible, who when He wishes makes it chings easy and by His virtue smooths the rough and straightens in the cause of the crusade (doc. 10), was coming under heavy attack from others for misusing this authority (doc. 12). In the end, the ‘re. covery crusade’ foundered in a welter of disagreement between the: period's rulers in Church and state (docs 16, 21) coupled with deep dis- illusionment amongst both the fighting class and the populace at large (docs 17, 19). But the crusading movement survived this setback: even before the full extent of Philip VI's failure was evident, a new theatre of operations was opening up in the naval struggle against the Turks in’ the Aegean Sea (doc. 20) 1 The decrees of the Second Council of Lyons on the crusade, 1274 that the foregoing could be the more readily accomplished, and ‘of the dangers [posed by] warfare and the hazards of the roads, ‘might confront those whom we were summoning to attend the council, red) not to spare ourselves and our brothers (the cardinals). Rather, d willingly assume burdens in order to make things easier for oth- the cost of various dangers, inconveniences and hazards, we came brothers and court to the city of Lyons, where we believed that ‘summoned to the council could convene with less labour and ex- The zeal of belief, the fervour of devotion and the piety of compassion’ should arouse the hearts of che faithful, so that all who rejoice in the Christian’ name are touched by pain within their heart by the affront co their Re- deemer, and rise up powerfully and conspicuously to the defence of the: Holy Land and the assistance of God’s cause. Which of us, filled with che | light of the true faith, and recalling with a pious mind the exceptional benefits which our Saviour conferred on human kind in the Holy Land, would not seethe with devotion and burn with charity, and sympathise with the same Holy Land, which constitutes the Lord’s inheritance, from their innermost being and with the whole disposition of their mind? Whose’ heart would not soften into compassion for the land in which so many’ judgements of charity were displayed by our Creator? But alas, alas, that: land itself, where the Lord deigned to bring about our salvation, and which He consecrated with His own blood in order to redeem man through His ‘own death, has long been audaciously occupied by the most wicked en- emies of the Christian name, the blasphemous and faithless Saracens. They’ hold it with ease and lay waste to it at their leisure, The Christian people’ there are cruelly slaughtered, and to the greater shame of the Creator, and the injury and pain of all who confess the Catholic faith, they taunt and. insult the Christians with many reproaches ~ ‘Where is the God of the: Christians?” ‘These things and others, which on this matter the spirit cannot fully. absorb or the tongue express. have inflamed our heart and aroused our spirit. When we were overseas we did nor just hear about the foregoing, bur saw them with our own eyes and handled chem with our own hands.” In so far as it lies within our power, we are rising up to avenge the injury’ to the Crucified One, with the assistance of those whom the zeal of belief and devotion inspires to take part. And since the liberation of the said land the [Holy] Land. They were inflamed, as they should be, to avenge to the Saviour, and they thought out praiseworthy means of g] assistance to the same land, giving sound and disereet counsel. heard their advice, we have good reason to commend the laudable and disposition which they displayed for che liberation of the p do not wish to be seen placing severe and insupportable burdens on shoulders, while being unwilling co lift a finger ourselves. Starting Tourselves, who acknowledge that we owe everything that we possess to ly-begotten Son of God, Jesus Christ, by whose grace we exist, jose good work we are sustained, by those blood indeed we been redeemed, we and our brothers, the cardinals of the holy Ro- Church, will pay a full tenth of all the revenues, fruits and incomes of ches, for six consecutive years, in aid of the [Holy] Land. With oval of this sacred council, we decree and appoint, that for the g six years, starting fom the next feast of the birth of St John the pest,’ a renth of all ecclesiastical revenues, fruits and incomes be in full and with no reduction whatever, by all ecclesiastical persons,18 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 1274-1336 19 whatever dignity they enjoy, and irrespective of their standing, rank of ‘order, or the status of their [religious] order. We wish that no privileges 6 indulgences assist anybody [to evade the tax}, no matter what form of word ‘or mode of expression is used in them; indeed on this matter we revok them. The [payment] dates for each year are as follows: a half of the feast of the Lord’s birth, and the other half at the feast of John th Baptist. In order that due reverence be accorded the more carefully to Him, of whose business we are engaged, and co His saints, especially to the gloriot Virgin, whose assistance we employ in these and other matters, and so that more aid [reaches] His land, we decree that the constitution which 0 predecessor, Pope Gregory [IX] of happy memory,® issued against blasphemers) be inviolably observed. The financial penalty laid down in it should 6 exacted in full by the [secular] powers of the places in which the bl: phemy is committed, and by others who exercise temporal jurisdiction the If necessary, [the blasphemers} should be forced {co pay] by diocesan (bishops! and ordinaries in other places. (The proceeds] should be assigned to d collectors of the said subsidy [i.c. the tenth], and channelled into aid [fot the crusade]. Moreover, we stricdy order confessors, both those who hed confessions on behalf of the ordinary and those who do so through privi leges, that they suggest £0 and urge those confessing to them, to make complete satisfaction from the said money to the (Holy} Land. Confessor should also urge those making their last wills, to leave something for the aid of the Holy Land from their belongings in cheie testaments, according} Of feeling compassion for the pitable condition of the Holy Land, should be exempted from [providing] aid or excluded from if lest what has been prudently decreed for the relief of the [Hol ‘should be impeded by fraud, malice or trickery on anyone's ae me Bunicae and anachematis ll those who knowingly place an ob Bircctly or indirectly, openly or secretly, in the path of the payment of sin aid of the said land, as was detailed above, po over,’ since corsairs and pirates present a great obstacle [to the cru- B capturing and robbing those crossing to and returning from [the Land] we place them and their principal allies and accomplices under HBond of excommunication. Under pain of endless anathema we pro- anybody from knowingly associating with them in any contract of purchase. We also enjoin the rulers of cities and localities to recall people from iniquity and to restrain them, otherwise we wish ecclesi- severity to be deployed by the prelates of churches in their land. We [excommunicate and anathematise those deceitful and impious Chris- who, contrary to the interests of Christ and the Christian people, ort to the Saracens the weapons and iron, wood for galleys and other vessels, which they use to attack Christians; also chose who sell them ‘or ships, who exercise command in piratical ships of the Saracens, ho give them counsel or assistance on equipment or anything else at expense of the Christians, particularly in the Holy Land; and we advise E they be punished with che loss of their own goods and become the Sof their captors. We decree that this condemnation be publicly re- d in all maritime towns on Sundays and feastdays, Church's bosom is not to be opened to such people unless they for the aid of the Holy Land the entire profit from these accursed fons and as much again from their property, since it is just that bbe punished in accordance with their erime. If by chance they do not Hi this way, their ctime should be punished in another manner so that ers learn from cheit punishment not to embark on the same audacious We also prohibie all Christians, and forbid them under pain of anathema, cad or sail their ships for six years in the lands of che Saracens who live eastern regions. By this means a greater supply of shipping will be & Saracens will be deprived of the not inconsiderable aid which they are gescomed co receive from this (commerce nd since it is necessary above all for the pursuit of this matter, that the fistian princes and peoples remain at peace with one other, with the ement of this holy, universal synod we decree that peace be universally to their means In addition, we order that a hollow trunk be placed in selected churches, It should be equipped with three keys, of which the first should be kept by the bishop, the second by the church's priest, and the third by a pious layman. The faithful should be urged to place their alms in it for the re mission of their sins, as the Lord inspires their minds, In the same church ‘a mass shall be sung in public for che remission of these sins, especially [those] of the almsgivers, once each week on a day which the priest is t0 make known to the people. Apart from this, in order that the Holy Land may be aided the more fully, we exhort and propose to persuade by warn- ings and exhortations kings and princes, marquises, counts and barons, podestis, captains and other rulers of lands of whatever kind, that it should be de- creed in the lands which are subject to their jurisdiction, that one penny of the value of Tours or Sterling, according to the custom or condition of the region, and other moderate [sums], without oyerburdening anybody, be paid by each of the faithful each year in aid of the same land, urging it on them in remission of {theie] sins. For just as nobody can be excused from20 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 1276-1336 1 sept throughout the world between Christians. Those in dispute should be ay ‘he prelates of churches to a fll agreement or peace, [or] to a firm truce, to be observed without violation for six years. Any who by chance) Scornfully refuse to comply, should be compelled most forcefully by a sen- tence of excommunication on their persons and by an interdict on theif land, unless the malice of the wrongdoer is 2 great thar they don serve to enjoy peace, Should they show contempt for ecclesiastical cen: i they my. wich justice Fear lest a secular power be brought to bear fgainst them through the Church's authority, as disturbers of the business of the Crucified One, "testing therefore in the mercy of Almighty God and the authority of Saints Peter and Paul, and using the power of binding and loosing which God conferred on us in spite of our unworthiness, we grant to all who undergo the labour of crossing over in aid of the Holy Land in their own persons and expenses, full forgiveness of the sins for which they ate truly pontrite in heart, and which they have confessed orally, and we promise them, a reward for the jus am inerease in, thir ecm avon, To ao ae ac th tie means and sanding ad soos wh Similarly, go in their own persons but at the expense of others, we grant full ogee Gf cheir sine, We wish and concede that all who make a suitable contribution from their possessions to the relief of the same land, br offer useful advice or assistance about these things, and all who volun~ eer their own ships for the aid of the Holy Land, or see to the construc: tion of ships for his matter, should participate in this remission according to the quality of the subsidy and the devotion which they display. To all wwho piously assist in promoting this matter che holy and universal synod Bxtends the aid of its prayers and good works, worthily co assist chem ta salvation, 1274. ed 1227-41, and the following thece paragraphs are modelled, often verbatim, on the ecu decrees of the Foueth Lateran and First Lyons Councils (1215 and 1245). ‘report sent to the college of cardinals in the late summer or n of 1277 by the collectors of Pope Gregory X’s six-year th in England, commenting on the problems of tax collection most sacred college of cardinals, Master Arditio, dean of Milan and of the Apostolic See, and Brother John of Darlington, of the Or- Preachers.' appointed as collectors of the tenth in the kingdom of 1d: prompt and dutiful good wishes, that you may govern with suc- the houschold and ship of St Peter. Be wish to bear with the greatest devotion the yoke which the holy See placed upon us of collecting in the kingdom of England the @h levied in aid of the Holy Land, and to show due care in matters Gh affect the successful progress of this pious enterprise. When the lord John XXI of happy memory was still alive, we therefore summoned prelates and clerics, both secular and religious, to the church of the = Temple at London, and had the said pope's lexcers publicly read and unded there.’ A copy was exhibited to chose who wanted [to sec it), re took an oath in accordance with che letters’ contents. We [also] patched letters to each of the collectors appointed throughout the king- of England, earnestly urging them to discharge with care their office Feollecting che tenth, and setting our the procedure for collecting the th in accordance with the content of che pope's leters. Following this, we diligently carcied out the pope's order, to the effect half of the first year of the centh collected in the kingdom of England d be [paid] to cight companies (socieeates) of merchants, to be divided lly between them; except for the company of the Clarenti of Pistoia, Bich was unrepresented. We have retained their portion until such time bona fide agent appears on their behalf. In so far as our strength per- gs, we intend co demand the remainder of the first year’s tenth, which ot exacted on various occasions, as soon as we can. Like the previous ceeds, this will be divided equally between the eight companies, unless i receive different instructions from the [Apostolic] See. Ie is certain that gh of the said cight companies received 1411 marks, thirceen shillings done penny, carefully added up, from the assembled tench; with the tption of the company of the Clarenti, which as noted above was SOURCE: H. Finke, Konzilienstudien zur Gechicht des 13. Jabrhunderts (Minster, 1891); 4 pp. 113-16 » pe isa 70-1, before hi Gago X is efetng tothe yat which he spent in Palestine in 1270-1 Gee 2 ee Usban IV (1261), who had served for six years as paar Sear ether ehieenth-cenucy pope had Gregory’ frschand experience of the Holy Land Saati te Byrancine Gees who had recapured Constantinople fom the Ltn sei key atienud the papacy wich diffe choice betwen csoniaion Terre hs he Hite he hah language usd, and host for which se do. 9 + Take 3.2 Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 1274-1336 3 estifying to] this unrepresented. A perusal of the public instruments [cestifying rol eis Sequence of acts, which we ate sending to you, will inform you [of all chs} fully mt ion 10 fe 5 orders and travel around the Tt was our intention to follow the pope's orders f issuaded by the king and prek- kingdom of England. But we were strongly dissuaded by nesol Goglnd indeed formally wamed against om the grounds cs hel ing was undertaking a full-scale campaign with a mighty army against tye the prince of Wales, Because of this, both he and his Baron would be all but absent from the kingdom of England, and it would be unsafe for us to travel through the kingdom of England because evik- doc ‘would form into gangs and spring ambushes in various areas; we shoul Therefore reftain from touring the kingdom until che recurn of the lord king. Also, since che money from the tenth was deposited in various faces in England which for the same reason were at present unsafe, for Meee Re ens security we should make hae to pace in the hands of the companies of merchants from Italy. To the best of our ability wwe followed this counsel and advice to the letter, co avoid being blamed for repetition of what once occutred in the New Temple in London itself Wvhere. deposits were stolen. So the said merchants have to seek out the Inoney at their expense wherever i is held in deposit in unsafe circum- Stances, then bear the danger of looking after it, and then give it back without delay whenever we or the pops choose to ask for it, This «f tailed in full in their [written] obligations on the matter, which are in our J yee fa th is paid most je also wish to inform you that in England the tenth is p: anwilingy by. many, bod great and smal and chat the Church's dis line is treated with contempt. For a great deal still remains to be pai Bs the fae year of the tenth, more from the tenth’s second year, and still more, more than half so we believe, from its third year.” This is fartly because of changes in the chief collectors; partly because of eontflic- Ing otders about the procedure for exaction and collection; partly became of the frequent deaths of [recent] popes," in so far as people looking for an excuse for noc paying are not afeaid co claim that they do not have to pay the tenth once the pope has died and panty coo because of the obstinacy who hold the Church's keys in contempt, showing no fear o Sh pens ro ane ucicadons, imtrdics of iregolartes, and looking for suses by which they can avoid paying the centh either in whole oF in ae ee earl een oe a Billing on the assistance of the secular arm. With its intervention the tench nay be extracted from such people, just as the lord (bishop-elect] of Verdun had started to do, The alternative is to deprive them of their benefices. they fear above all, so that they might pay up what they owe after threatened, without the need to carry out the threat collectors and assessors who were formerly appointed in each town satisfied with the immunity from the tenth which they enjoy because i office, on the grounds that it is not worth much. Many of them are ng for a salary, saying that they have to bear heavy expenses because demands on their hospitality, and because of their assistants and nts. [They claim that] the lord [bishop-clect) of Verdun, who recently that office in the kingdom of England, decreed, as his commis- from the pope entitled him to do, a daily salary of three and a half gs, to be taken from the tenth, for those supervising the collection conducting the assessment (taxario), There are also several monks ap- fed as collectors who hold various offices or obedientiaries in their isteries, and who are pressing for immunity from paying the tenth on obedientiaries or offices. Otherwise, all these people are adamant that will never undertake this office again, nor is it to be hoped that people be found who will volunteer for service at their own expense in such a business. the other hand, as the discreet man Master Raymond de Nogeriit® beueer (than we) on this and other issues, the granting of reasonable ies to the assessors would marvellously assist the matter of the Holy d. The increase over what can be extracted at the moment would be Bach more than what would be spent on such salaries. For if poor people fon these offices, it is possible that they will be compelled either co Er from the collected tenth, or to rake bribes and commit fraud against Procedure of collection and assessment, with considerable loss to senth. If they were men of middling means, that is with annual in- es of fifty or sixty pounds or even more, they will not wish to under- ke such an office, in the course of which they have to spend wo or three their trifling immunity from the tenth, besides offending their friends ‘aking enemies of their neighbours. And if they were rich and power- that is with annual revenues of a thousand pounds of marks, will take on the office anywhere, but in one diocese only, and del. rit to a cleric perhaps less suitable than themselves; meanwhile enjoy- ai immunity on their contribution, which would be large enough to the salaties of the above-said collectors and assessors in two or three eses. All of this has been experienced by those who have pursued this ter faithfully, and ic is cesifed to by those worthy of belief who have ly observed the assessments and collections which have been under- to date, for do we wish to remain silent about the fact that all the English hold