You are on page 1of 3

Review

Reviewed Work(s): Die Demagogen und das Volk. Zur politischen Kommunikation im Athen
des 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr by Christian Mann
Review by: Kostas Vlassopoulos
Source: Gnomon, 81. Bd., H. 8 (2009), pp. 756-757
Published by: Verlag C.H.Beck
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40494876
Accessed: 24-04-2017 09:55 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

Verlag C.H.Beck is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Gnomon

This content downloaded from 85.73.53.195 on Mon, 24 Apr 2017 09:55:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
75 6 Gnomon Bd. 8i, 2009

A two-page chapter on theand


sembly classical
loyalty to the demos, rather
Spartan army follows, whichthan the traditional
cites most aristocratic
of alliances. In
the relevant evidence but completely
this important study, Mann makes a con-
vincing
glosses over the difficulties of case against the standard account.
Thucydides'
account of the army at Mantinea in(9-44)
In his introduction 418, he presents pre-
and the difference between Thucydides'
vious scholarly theories and discusses the
and Xenophon's accounts methodological of army organi- problems created by the
sation. These problems have surviving
been sources. In the second chapter
endlessly
debated and may be beyond (45-96) solving,
he argues convincingly
but that the
not to mention them at all seems odd. A modern understanding of the reforms of
military narrative dominates the final Cleisthenes is a fourth-century construc-
quarter of the book, which deals with war tion that has limited historical veracity.
and politics from the Peloponnesian WarOstracism is seen not as evidence of the
onwards, with special attention to institu-
aristocratic nature of Athenian politics, but
tional developments such as the creation ofan institution through which the Athenian
nauarchs and harmosts. The narrative is people disciplined the elite. At the same
time, he shows that Thucydides' presenta-
brief and plain, but has the great virtue that
it carries on past all the conventional stop-tion of a new generation of politicians after
ping points of Leuctra, Second Mantinea,Pericles is belied by his own narrative;
and even past the reforms of Agis and
Thucydides stressed the difference between
Cleomenes, to reach the rule of EuryclesPericles and the new politicians, because he
and his descendants under the Julio- needed to explain how the Athenian policy
Claudian emperors. could be successful despite the volatile
Th.'s book offers, in sum, a pretty com-
masses.

prehensive guide to the literary evidence In chapter 3 (97-190), M. examines t


for Sparta - epigraphic evidence also fea-evidence for the social status and the po
tures, but archaeological and iconographiecal image of fifth-century politicians
evidence is little mentioned - and as such iscusing on the aspects of philia, eugen
a convenient resource. It is much less suc- ploutos and paideia. He argues that the
cessful as an introduction to scholarship on limited evidence for the role of polit
Sparta, or as a personal interpretation of friendships, or of political groupings
the evidence, but it was probably never the hetaeriae; furthermore, the rheto
intended to be either of these things. strategy of denouncing obligations
London H ans van Wees friends and presenting oneself as a serv
of the public can already be found in
early fifth century. The examples
Themistocles, Aristeides, Ephialtes s
that already before the 420's there w
Christian Mann: Die Demagogen und das important political leaders who did
Volk. Taxy politischen Kommunikation belong to the traditional elite. Equally
im Athen des 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. shows that wealth was a deeply ambiva
Berlin: Akademie Verlag 2007. 347 S. resource in the struggle for political po
(Klio. Beiträge zur Alten Geschiente. The conspicuous consumption of we
Beihefte. N.F. 13.). did not usually bring political power:
winners in aristocratic horse races did not
Standard accounts of Athenian democracy fare well in Athens, while successful politi-
accept two fundamental events: the re- cal leaders largely abstained from partici-
forms of Ephialtes in 462/1 BC and the pating in such activities. Finally, M. argues
emergence of the cnew politicians1 around that the distinction between an old cul-
the time of the Peloponnesian War. In both tured political elite and the uncultured
cases, the rule of the traditional aristocratic cnew politicians' is a mirage. Already from
elite was undermined, first through the the early fifth century there existed politi-
curbing of the powers of the Areopagus cians who presented a public persona that
and finally through the demise of the old stressed their practicality or simplicity, in
aristocratic politicians and the emergence contrast to the refinement of their political
of a new type of politics centred on the as- opponents.

This content downloaded from 85.73.53.195 on Mon, 24 Apr 2017 09:55:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Vorlagen und Nachrichten 757

The picture that M. consistently and


tle to say about Appian or any other Greek
convincingly creates is one source,
in which al- to concentrate on our
preferring
Latin evidence,
ready from the early fifth century politicalhis work centres on that
power is based on the assembly,
periodin which's career which witnessed
of Pompey
this «Nervenzusammenbruch»
rival politicians attempt to attain political (Geizer):
influence through different Rome's second of
strategies civil war. H. surveys the
constructing political personasrelevant Latin authors from the contempo-
and relating
to the people. The people are raries such as Caesar and Cicero down to
dominant
the there
from the early fifth century and close of is
Tiberius'
no reign (pp. 5-1 51). He
identifiable moment at which argues
a traditional
forcefully for the view that Caesar's
portrait
elite is still wielding power over of Pompey is essentially hostile
the people;
(pp. 36-39)
and from early on the Athenian and concludes (p. 150) that
political
much ofbetween
system is based on a strict division the later unfavourable verdicts
the social and the political field.
may beIf there
traced back to this source although
were surviving comedies from Cicero
the tooPente-
(p. 95) must carry some of the
kontaetia, they would have blame. shown that of another contempo-
The handling
the Aristophanic portrayal of rary Sallust (pp. 105-109) is perhaps less
politicians
would apply earlier in time as satisfactory
well. Ifinthis view of the materials H. has
to work
analysis is accepted, it raises the with namely, 'The Letters to
important
question of how this political Caesar'
system of disputed
came authorship and the
fragmentary
into existence. How did the assembly man-histories'. Some of the later
age to acquire such enormous power
authors, in their own problems.
too, present
comparison with Greek politics Livyelsewhere?
(pp. 110-114) for instance may have
But instead of exploring these beenimportant
a Pompeian but I am not convinced
questions, which his analysis thatraises,
we can draw
bi-anything of value about
zarrely the author devotes thehis attitudes
last from the jejune and charac-
chapter
(191-289) to an analysis of the terlessdevelop-
Periochae.
ments that led to the oligarchicThe examination of the ancient evidence
revolution
is followed by aif
of 41 1. His analysis is largely convincing, survey (pp. 153-225) of
not as innovative, arguing that modern scholarship.
it was the After a mention of
encroachment of the social field into
two early the
biographies from the if and i8r
political that led the way to thecenturies, a list of scholars beginning with
overthrow
of the democracy. Drumann and finishing with Baltrusch is
In summary, this is a very passed under review. Two observations
stimulating
and thought-provoking book that are, I think, in order here. Not all of those
will gen-
examined
erate a significant rethinking of are of equal merit but H.
the history
throughout is consistently measured and
and structure of Athenian democracy.
Nottingham Kostas Vlassopoulos cool. His general conclusion too (pp. 244-
249) is acceptable: modern scholars in the
main have not been greatly impressed with
Pompey.
From the scholarly H. passes to the ar-
Christian Heller: Sic transit gloria mundi.
tistic and those writers who present Pom-
Das Bild von Pompeius Magnus im Bür-
pey as a fictional character (pp. 225-243).
gerkrieg. Verzerrung - Stilisierung - Some of these writers such as Vives,
historische Realität. St. Katharinen:
Corneille and Leopardi are of course well
Scripta Mercaturae Verlag 2006. XIII,
known. Others enjoy what we may style a
306 S. (Pharos. 21.).
more local fame. Thus George Chapman
One of the most poignant moments in(pp. 234-235) is probably best remembered
Roman history is described by Appianfor his translation of Homer which in-
Be II. Civ. 2.81. Pompey, as the battle spired a famous sonnet by Keats. John
turned against him at Pharsalus, retreatedMasefield's play (pp. 240-242) is now for-
to his camp and sat there motionless andgotten but this one time Poet Laureate is
dumb. Only when Caesar's men were onremembered for a handful of lyrics. And
the point of breaking in did he bestir him-some are obscure indeed. That Ludovico
self and flee. Although Heller (H.) has lit-Aureli's Tompejus* though written in 1628

This content downloaded from 85.73.53.195 on Mon, 24 Apr 2017 09:55:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

You might also like