List of Acronyms

FROLIZI Front for the Liberation of Zimbabwe

ZANU PF Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front

ZAPU Zimbabwe African People’s Union

ZIPA Zimbabwe People’s Army

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Abstract

There are lots of stereotypes and myths surrounding ZAPU and its re-emergence in Zimbabwe.
Many consider ZAPU as a right less party which deserves to languish and perish in the door
drums of political oblivion as well as historical impropriety. ZAPU as such was viewed in
context with an obstacle meant to hinder the rapid, rampant, bloating growth of the ZANU PF
hegemony in Zimbabwe’s political scenery. In Zimbabwe ZAPU was revived as a political wing
associated with people of Matebeleland meant to end years of political oblivion and quagmire by
these people. A lot of legislation was thus coined by ZANU PF to castrate, dehumanize and
obliterate ZAPU through draconian pieces of legislation that were violent in nature. The study
unveils the hidden pains associated with ZAPU oriented cadres a feat that necessitated the
revival of ZAPU as a political party.

Introduction

The re-emergence of ZAPU as a political party during the 2000s in the Zimbabwean political
landscape is attributed to have been a response to the growing ZANU PF hegemony, it was a
malevolent tribal practice that was meant at destroying ZANU PF. Comparably it can be argued
that the dominance of ZANU PF led to a growing disdain amongst the people of Matabeleland
region. The rhetoric which ZANU PF used in the course of the various political machinations
have led to a newly exclusive, protestant and intolerant definition of a nation and a return to
tribal politics. Therefore this paper seeks to unravel and scrutinize events that led to the re-
emergence of ZAPU in the political topography of Zimbabwe giving meticulous and cogent
analysis and facts.

Zanufication of Zimbabwean Political Landscape

Zimbabwe is beset with a plethora of political woes which have led to the politics of self-
actualization and glorification which have led to the Zanufication of the political landscape. A lot
of issues come into the fore when the topic arises issues such as, politics of patronage, separation
and inclusion, colonial and post-colonial African leaders have thus played a pivotal if not
paramount role in the crisis bedeviling Africa. The crux of the matter is based on the
glorification and cult being that is bestowed on Zimbabwean history and politics, issues of the
liberation struggle and the post nationalist alternatives, a major reference point being territorial

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issues, freedom and state security as purported by Kandowe (2000).In this instance African
leaders used these terms to shun their citizens democratic rights and at the same time justifying
their monopoly of power as well as their own personal vendettas and ideologies.

A post nationalist alternative is premised on civil society and social movements, its predicated
goal is on empowering the people to participate in politics. It to a greater extent agrees that
Zimbabwean nationalist grounds have become bankrupt and Zanufied by ZANU PF. It posits
that the political landscape in Zimbabwe has become unproductive, prone to patronage,
cronyism, and violence, full of anarchy all because of the ever growing ZANU PF dominance
and hegemony.

The political culture of Zimbabwe is a product of four determinants that is pre-colonial, colonial,
the protracted armed struggle and ZANU PF rule. Stefan Mair and Masipula Sithole (2002)
denote that the political culture of Zimbabwe represents an articulation of these four streams.
These four determinants gave birth to Zimbabwe’s political culture which is somehow
undemocratic, oppressive and tribally oriented. It has encouraged Zimbabweans to a political
system that is redundant, bottlenecked and oppressive to its citizens.

Pre-colonial societies in Zimbabwe were dominated by non-competitive politics. Competing for

power was illegitimate and fatal, those who contested for power had to create their political
polity elsewhere posits Gatsheni Ndlovu (2003b).This alone has given contemporary
Zimbabwean politicians a notion to look at competition with abrupt suspicion, hostility and futile
anger. Kingship and chieftaincy in pre-colonial Zimbabwe was labelled absolute and aligned to
life kingship, the ideology was later on taken up and translated to the notion of life presidency by
African leaders as posited by Mair and Sithole (2002).

The manifestation of colonialism that succeeded the pre-colonial period was by definition and
design an oppressive, tribal and racially oriented type of administration. It was far from being
perfect and it was different from the pre-colonial period. It had no intention or plan to embrace
any democratic setup in Zimbabwe. African political participation was largely plainly racial,
marginal and oppressive in nature. According to Mair and Sithole (2002) political competition
between Whites and Africans was not tolerated. Colonialism consolidated, cemented and
perfected the authoritarian psych in the nationalist bourgeoisies and elites. The colonial
authoritarian machinations resurfaced again within nationalist movements.

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The liberation struggle for Zimbabwe also shaped the political scene of independent Zimbabwe.
During this period every African was expected to support the liberation movement. A culture of
fear, intimidation, conformity and an unquestioning mind was institutionalized amongst the
people. Guerillas and nationalist movements were not by any chance democratic in nature.
Authoritarianism and repression was the order of the day within these movements. This period
further entrenched the authoritarian psych amongst Zimbabwean political echelons. They were
feared and respected by the masses hence democracy remained elusive to the people

At independence the trend continued with the ZANU PF government inheriting and entrenching
a culture of intolerance, repression, intimidation, separation, inclusion and violence from the
colonial and liberation struggle periods. Political leaders, their supporter’s and civilians had
entrenched in them a militaristic conception and perception of politics and the political process.
Currently ZANU PF prides itself in its violent past, a ploy which has led it to zanufy the political
landscape. This alone greatly shrinked and denigrated Zimbabwe’s democratic space hence the
authoritarian culture was cemented at independence.

It needs to be noted that liberation process of Zimbabwe was complex characterized by a

plethora of contradictions, ambiguities, machinations, tribal polities and ideological contrasts.
This led to fraught ideological frictions, tribalists’ tendencies, violent conducts, assassinations
which ZANU PF crafted in a bid to cement its prowess and zanufy the political topography of
Zimbabwe. The advent and rise of nationalist leaders like Robert Gabriel Mugabe grossly led to
the Zanufication of Zimbabwean political landscape.

The ZANU PF cronies had a lot of stratagems and methods to benefit them like the use of
political rhetoric on the people. ZANU PF thus had to resort to a lot of schools of thought like
despotism, intimidation, violence and cult of personality to solidify, fortify and create a geo
political setup that suites it as argued by Bhebhe and Ranger (1995). Populist propaganda,
mobilization of people from all divides as these played a pivotal role in alerting and leading to
the re-emergence of ZAPU in the 2000s. It was mainly a response to the rapid growth of the
ZANU PF hegemony as well as a means of halting the tribal and ethnic dominance of the
Shona’s in Zimbabwe.

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The Re-Emergence of ZAPU Political Identity in Zimbabwe

The post-colonial state was born out of two critical legacies, it was a direct successor to the
authoritarian, brutal expatriate regime and the protracted nationalist armed struggle. The post-
colonial state has thus been prone to political machinations and historical legacies, which have
played a pivotal role in shaping Zimbabwe’s political scenery. Therefore the post-colonial state
has been subject to ideological debacles, debates and partisan machinations. The signing of the
Unity Accord on the 22nd of December 1987 marked the beginning of a joint united front by the
two liberation movements under the banner of ZANU PF. This joint movement was expected to
break the tradition of nationalist authoritarianism, guerilla violence as well as expatriate
repression. However an ambiguous and contradictory situation prevailed in Zimbabwe, the
government moved away from the people to focus on regime security. Mazarire and Rupiya
(2000) postulate that this was through the creation of the so called politically correct military
units, which were in essence parallel to the national integration of ZIPRA, ZANLA and
Rhodesian forces into the Zimbabwe National Army. They was also a stratagem in place to
completely obliterate PF ZAPU as an opposition party through somewhat violent and
unscrupulous means.

Bearing and with that in mind the Unity Accord was a deliberate ploy meant at engulfing PF
ZAPU by ZANU. This ploy was somewhat successful until in the 2000s when a group of ex PF
ZAPU cadres under the leadership of Ndumiso Dabengwa thought of re launching the party in
2008. This came into being because of a miscarriage of historical legacies that culminated from
the liberation struggle. This was as a result of the post liberation struggle wounds that were not
healed, ZAPU was re launched as a malevolent response, direct protest to the direct growing
hegemonic force of ZANU PF and as a means of giving ZAPU its rightful place in the history
and historiography of Zimbabwe as a nation.

Therefore the re-emergence of ZAPU came from the flaws and fiascos of the Unity Accord. The
Unity Accord was heavily scrutinized by former ZAPU cadres. According to Deng and Zartman
(1991) the absence of an overt violence or an open conflict does not mean they is peace and
security in a society. The Unity Accord was thus a tragedy because it was not democratic in

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nature. It was thus a desperate attempt to broker peace. The move was not for the masses but it
was an agreement of the top echelons of ZANU and PF ZAPU.

According to Chiwewe (1982:242) the swallowing of PF ZAPU by ZANU tended to confirm the
success of authoritarian legacy of nationalism premised on monolithic unity rather than diversity
and pluralism. Therefore the lack of a comprehensive post conflict peace building strategy meant
more disgruntlement from the ZAPU cadres. The Zimbabwean freedom and democratic space
and rights from the time of the formation of nationalistic parties was so small such that to date,
they have become so tiny and microscopic as people have been dogmatized to believe that if you
are not part of or aligned to the ruling party you are not a Zimbabwean but a sellout.
Unfortunately the culture has been transplanted from our forefathers to the contemporary
generation hence the feat is now cancerous and epidemic to our society.

This article therefore seeks to unravel how a mono psyched approach to politics and history by
ZANU PF has led to the recurrence of ZAPU in Zimbabwean political landscape as highlighted
by Nyawo Shava (2013:1). The nationalist paradigm in Zimbabwe thus seemed to portray ZANU
PF as the major political player in the liberation of the country. A close interrogation to this
approach has thus led us to give meticulous cogent reasons that initiated the recurrence of ZAPU
in 2008. Politics of trendy disposition, idealization and exaltation has thus led to the distortion of
Zimbabwean history and the lack of recognition of the role played by ZAPU in the liberation
Zimbabwe.

Central to the return of ZAPU in 2008 was due to the reluctance by the ZANU PF led
government to have an in-depth look at the Gukurahundi machinations of the 1980s. The ZANU
policy of Gukuhundi commonly referred to in Shona as “the Storm that destroys everything”
which was described by Sithole and Makumbe (1997) as undisguised, intolerant, commandist
and deliberate violence towards the opposition. This rhetoric approach by ZANU rendered the
opposition impotent. Sithole and Makumbe argue that this violent approach to the people of
Matabeleland and Midlands led to the re-emergence of ethnicity and tribalism in the politics of
the country. Intra elite struggles, power hunger and lack of democratization within ZANU PF led
to some cadres with the ZAPU identity, ideology and culture to revive the party in 2008.

According to Billig (1995) one way of thinking of the self, of community and indeed the world
has to replace conceptions, other forms of life. The notion denotes that a particular sense of being

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also has contributed to the recurrence of ZAPU identity amongst the people especially in
Matabeleland. This came into being after the realization of the way of thinking, seclusion by the
people aligned to the revived party. This is coupled by the sense of thinking that the black nation
is dead as purported by the theme song used by most ZAPU cadres. This alone has laid down
meticulous reasons on why ZAPU came into being as a political entity in Zimbabwe political
landscape. The notion also denotes that ZAPU cadres have to totally separate themselves with
everything that is none Ndebele as it undermines their sense of being as a people, tribe and as a
community.

Furthermore identity has been mostly aligned to the moral being and uprightness of one as a
person. Longsdale (1992) adumbrates that identities found on moral imperatives had more to do
with culture, communal security and social membership as opposed to political identities
mediated by competitive confrontation over material resources and political power. It is argued
that the re-emergence of the ZAPU political entity was hinged more on a cultural, social and
security aspects other than political power. The most critical component realized is the fact that
ZAPU seeks to disassociate and dismantle ZANU PF dominance and hegemony in Zimbabwe.
They also want to obliterate the dilution of their culture, language and history from the bondage
and shackles of Zanufication hence a moral prerogative in terms of identity has played a pivotal
role in the subsequent recurrence of the revived political entity called ZAPU

Indefinable Unity and ZAPU Re – Emergence

According to Amina Mama (2001: 11) Identity is at best a gross simplification of self-hood, a
denial and a negation of complexity and multiplicity at the roots of most African communities.
Mama was of the view that nationalism was the only major catalyst for forging nationalist
identities out of different ethnic and racial groups. The major political parties in Zimbabwe have
thus been fiascos and vague about issues of belonging and citizenship. Msindo (2004:21) argued
that Zimbabwe’s founding fathers of the nationalist parties used nationalism loosely without
clearly stating the ideology of a nation. This approach was very detrimental in the two parties’
efforts to forge a credible unity accord. ZAPU cadres felt that ZANU PF was bent on engulfing
and completely obliterating their party out of the political topography and historiography of
Zimbabwe. Mason (2003) therefore argues that marginalization constituted a social death as
opposed to physical death. The act precipitated the rate at which unity was hard to come by

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between the two main political entities since one party felt sidelined in the day to day running of
the country as well as in the corridors of power.

Pulsations and reverberations of ethnicity and tribalism became strongly apparent with
nationalist parties at their infant stage, growth, liberation struggle up to the post-independence
era. Strong regional Ndebele traits led some people in Matabeleland to imagine a pre-colonial
Ndebele state a feat that necessitated the comeback of ZAPU in the 2008. Ideological contrasts
between the top echelons in ZANU PF with those with the ZAPU ideological base led to the
demise of nationalism, unity and led to a miscarriage of a nation and black to black hatred went
loose. Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole blamed tribalism as the wolf that was eating the children of
the nationalist revolution. He argued that tribalism diluted the nationalist perspective by turning
ZANU into a tribally based political formation and by unravelling Shona identity into
antagonistic Shona tribes that is the Karanga, Manyika, Korekore, Ndau, Rozvi and Zezuru. The
liberation struggle was broken down into tribal polities a feat which spilled into independent
Zimbabwe. Therefore unity of purpose remained a dream in the pipeline for nationalist parties.
This alone elucidated the rate at which unity remained elusive between PF ZAPU and ZANU
even after the Unity Accord was signed. According to ZAPU cadres the Unity Accord was just
but a paper tiger meant to benefit the PF ZAPU and ZANU cronies at the expense of the general
masses.

The re-emergence of ZAPU was due to its reformist and politics of compromise approach unlike
the confrontational politics of ZANU PF. This alone led to a rift amongst the top brass of the two
entities. Elusive unity in ideology, approach and operation led people to masquerade under garbs
in both ZANU and ZAPU cadres. The nation of Zimbabwe was caught in a quagmire of
ideological bankruptcy which led to contrasting approaches in the day to day running of the
country. Towards the 2000s the nationalist projected represented by ZANU PF continued to
disintegrate and shed its progressive aspects. It instead of pushing for unity it led to divergent
political aspirations between the previously united political powers to completely parallel
approaches.

The liberation struggle was thus the foundation of elusive unity amongst the people of
Zimbabwe. It was evident through the mushrooming of forces such as Zimbabwe People’s Army
(ZIPA) and FROLIZI during the liberation struggle. The consolidation of an imperial presidency

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coupled by the spreading personality cult of Robert Mugabe as an embodiment of the state and
nation. This move did no go down well with the ZAPU cadres as they felt belittled and
undermined by this approach. This was coupled by the continuous deployment of coercion and
violence by ZANU PF as a means of governance. The increased closure of democratic spaces
through tightening repression, oppression and intimidation. This increased and mobilized the
cahiers of the ZAPU cadres which led to the re-emergence of ZAPU. Ranger states that invented
ethnicity has paid inadequate attention to a fully historical treatment of African participation and
initiative in innovating customs. The liberation struggle was the cradle of divisions amongst
nationalists and the tradition hindered developments instead it cemented authoritarianism and
vague unity amongst ZAPU and ZANU cadres.

The appearance of war veterans as well as seeing them as first citizens of the nation to whom all
people were expected to pay homage as liberators of Zimbabwe. This development happened in
tandem with a militarized state and its institutions. Makumbe (2003) posits that ZANU PF
conducts itself as if Zimbabwe is a one party state political system. This analysis is very useful in
understanding the current political trends, behaviors of ZANU PF in relation to opposition
politics. Basing on the above facts it would be conceptually naïve not to highlight the elusiveness
of unity of purpose amongst within ZANU PF leading to the recurrence of the ZAPU political
party in Zimbabwe.

ZAPU Symbolism and its Re –Appearance

The recurrence of the ZAPU political party in 2008 was a direct result of and response to the
growth and popularity of ZANU PF, it was a malevolent act meant to destroy the unchallenged
hegemony of ZANU. Comparably it can be argued that the suppression and engulfing of PF
ZAPU by ZANU during the Unity Accord contributed to its re-emergence. Clifford Geertz
(2000:250) discusses at length the general role and function of symbols and ideological systems.
Symbols are man-made, shared convectional, ordered and indeed` provide human beings with a
meaningful framework for orienting themselves to one another, to the world and then
themselves. The above notion explains why the ZAPU symbolism and the party resurfaced in the
political landscape of Zimbabwe in 2008.

ZAPU created a symbolic system which they made inconceivable social situations such as their
marginalization, enslavement, oppression and lack of recognition in the geo political setup of

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Zimbabwe. This provided the context within which the party operates in their region and
organize social interaction, by which individuals are able to socially, politically and
economically construct a collective identity. The charging bull is an important symbol amongst
ZAPU cadres and its adherents. It highlights the prowess of ZAPU and how it tackled the
colonial expatriate regime during the liberation struggle. The underlying militancy of ZAPU was
thus revealed in the concept of the Bull, a concept meant to empower the people of the
Matabeleland Region. The symbol has been used even in soccer matches by people of the region
hence a sense of pride.

The adherents of ZAPU ideology believe that their original language and symbol has been
diluted, misdone when they mixed and mingled with other ethnic groups particularly the Shona
people as postulated by Chawane (2008: 158). The remedy for this situation has been vying for
the self-cleansing and modification of the Matabeleland vocabulary thus the return of ZAPU was
as a result of their unwillingness to adopt, be under subjugation of their oppressor the inherent in
particular words or phrases. Many cultural, political and economic aspects of ZAPU that are
identified and acceptable in Zimbabwe. The ZAPU symbol thus was seen as a milestone, a sense
of belonging and pride by the people of Matabeleland hence it was used as a catalyst for the re-
emergence of ZAPU in 2008.

Identity and ZAPU Recurrence in Zimbabwe

Erick Erikson generalized identity as a cognitive scheme which one constructs images or
attributes as a set of meanings to oneself while taking the perspective of others. According to
Katzentein (1996 :59) identity as asocial phenomena becomes ones feelings or rather definition
about one’s self, character, goals which determine who I am/ we are in a situation and positions
in a social , political role structure of shared understandings as postulated by Wendt (1994: 345).
In this instance identity is a three faced aspect that is personal, social and political. At a political
scale identity is something that contrasts the characteristics taken by a group of people for
special pride in views as socially consequential but more or less unchangeable. This notion alone
played a pivotal role in cementing the background by which identity led to the re-emergence of
ZAPU.

Identity thus played a vital role the return of the ZAPU political identity in Zimbabwe. Taylor
(1989: 27) denotes that identity tends to work as a moral code or compass that shapes ones

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benefits and guides ones actions to fulfilling these interests. In this instance identity gave ZAPU
cadres commitments and a framework within which they decided to oppose the existing political
entity in Zimbabwe. It was premised on delivering what is good, or valuable of what ought to be
endorsed or opposed as highlighted by Taylor (1989: 27).This formulation helps explain actions
that threatened to violate ones independence. Ethnic politics are prone to issues of identity
because a sense of worth or dignity and threats to this generally likely to produce emotional
reactions as stated by Horowitz (1989:27), (Calhoun 1991)

The issue of identity cannot be explained outside nationalism in any context. Bloom (1990:52) is
of the view that national identity is a condition in which a mass of people have made the same
identification with national symbols, have internalize symbols of a nation. In this instance ZAPU
cadres identified themselves with their own sense of belonging and sense of pride. At the heart of
nationalism lies the notion that the world is divided into diverse and distinctive nations and
political entities or parties. Simpson (2008) posits that all being said each nation should focus on
its own unique political identity and should have self-determination. It is against this background
that ZAPU cadres decided to revive the political entity so as to get sovereignty from the
dominance and shackles of the ZANU PF hegemony. ZAPU therefor elucidates that it needed to
resurface in the geo political circles to preserve its lost pride, dignity and identity. Based on this
premise in Nations and Nationalism, Gellner notes that nationalism is a doctrine that state and
nation should be congruent. According to Gellner (1983:8) nationalism holds that legitimate rule
is based on the sovereignty of a culturally or historically distinctive people in a polity that
expresses and protects those distinctive characteristics. Basing on the above view ZAPU was
thus reemerged to oppose the complete obliteration of its political identity by the authoritarian
and oppressive ZANU PF administration and hegemony.

Agreeing with Joseph Nye (1993) the concept of nationalism is not merely a descriptive term,
it’s prescriptive and as such a political word used in power struggles. In the Zimbabwean case
nationalism was thus used as a weapon of subversion and a major force behind the recurrence of
ZAPU. It is however critical to note that from birth most people in the Midlands, some parts of
Mashonaland and Manicaland people were highly enticed and convinced by PF ZAPU teachings
to join the liberation struggle. Events in the 1980s however played a paramount role in separating
people from the ZAPU ideological framework and were obligatory to kiss ZAPU goodbye. By

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the 1987 Unity Accord. To date affected people still need answers and the government has thus
failed to give a credible and comprehensive response, even Robert Mugabe himself has opted to
term it a moment of madness hence people found it suitable and correct to rebuild ZAPU. People
value their autonomy as well as their tribal, ethnic as well as cultural pride hence providing a
milieu by which ZAPU resurfaced in the geo political setup of Zimbabwe.

ZAPU Reappearance and Historiographical Deliberations

The recurrence of ZAPU in 2008 have attracted a lot of research ranging from social
anthropogists, politicians, novelists, poets and historians. What has been gathered was their
reputation as a major player in the liberation struggle as well as the political landscape of
Zimbabwe. These descriptions carry with them contradictory representations, arguments and
opinions on post independent Zimbabwe. Within contemporary imagination ZAPU fell victim to
exoticisation, demonization, eradication and gross criticism as a vague and baseless party. Many
historians have ignored the role of ZAPU in the liberation struggle playing only lip service to its
role.

Major historians who have written Zimbabwean history have shunned ZAPU and chose to be
subjective, romantic and glorify ZANU PF at the expense of ZAPU. Ndebele particularism
emerged out of violence, highly polarized, politicized and wounded historiography posing a
danger in pretenses of a unity nation. ZAPU was revived as a rapid response to the castration,
obliteration and shunning of their history in historical spheres of Zimbabwe. According to
Phinister a methodological overlap between liberal and Africanist discourses on the one hand
and radical historiography. The alienation of the ZAPU cadres and the masses from the corridors
of history and historiography of the country left a lot to be desired. This intensified questions on
the historiography of Zimbabwean history. The muzzling of the opposition, intolerance and
partisan historiography disturbed the recording of history in Zimbabwe leading to the revival of
ZAPU in 2008.

ZAPU thus was punctuated by the distortions, displacement, partiality, idealism and deification
of ZAPU coupled by the notion of obliteration from the historical topography by ZANU PF to

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oppose its hegemonic tendencies. Edgar Tekere was of the view that the president was
surrounded imposters who have engaged in the falsification of the liberation war history as
highlighted in the Financial Gazette (28/08/97). Radical historiography, bias, trappings and
romanticism associated with Zimbabwean history elucidated disgruntlements amongst ZAPU
cadres leading to the revival of the party in a bid to preserve their pride and re write their history.

Mugabeism and the ZAPU Party

Mugabeism is defined by S.G. Ndlovu (2009) as looks at the ideology, philosophy and political
life of Robert Gabriel Mugabe. Some have related Mugabeism to radical Pan Africanism because
of Mugabe’s so called hard stance against Western imperialism and neo colonialism. However to
most Zimbabweans it is seen as a form of dictatorship and authoritarianism that has led to their
suffering under the rule of Robert Mugabe.

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Mugabeism went beyond Mugabe as an individual but it became a culture and an ideology
characteristics of an octopus in government departments and political structures of ZANU PF.
This became a poisonous substance in the political topography of Zimbabwe. ZANU PF turned
to being oppressors of their own kith and kin. This led to the coining of a new ideology that is
“Mugabeism”. It represented all but destroyed the jewel of Africa through corruption, human
rights abuses, vote rigging, nepotism that rocked Zimbabwe. This system of governance
positioned down and flagged a foundation for the revival of ZAPU in 2008. It was a malevolent
and pragmatic protest to the growth of Mugabeism in Zimbabwe.

An autocratic way of leadership whereby everything was centered on absolute ruler as denoted
by Moyo (2018:10). The concept of Mugabeism was centered on charisma, good oratory skills,
romanticism on the leader making him a demi God, intolerance, violence and power hunger. This
system and approach led ZAPU oriented cadres to break away from the so called Unity Accord
to revive their own party. It was against the concept of Mugabeism’s ideology of shunning

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democracy and its confrontational stance that political parties mushroomed in Zimbabwe as a
way of protest.

Mugabeism was thus an ill that completely obliterated Zimbabwean unity and peace due to its
unrealistic stance to the geo politics of the world. It led to a clash of interests amongst political
echelons and cronies. This was due to the rampant growth of neo colonial, corruption and
nepotism in the ruling ZANU PF which led to the destruction of the unity accord amongst the
two liberation parties of Zimbabwe. Werbner (1991:159) postulates that the devastation of quasi
nationalism is that it can capture the state, bring authorized violence ruthlessly against people
deemed obstacles to unity and pure body. Mugabeism thus destroyed nationalism in Zimbabwe
by turning nationalism into a self-actualization and glorification tool at the expense of the masses
and the people of Zimbabwe.

The Matebeleland Question and ZAPU

The best way to understand the political manifestations and character of Matebeleland is to
politically and historically understand the idea of Zimbabwe and the eventual configuration of
the Zimbabwean nation state. The dynamic nature of politics in Matebeleland is largely a
response to realities and perceptions of exclusion, marginalization and confinement of ZAPU as
second hand citizens. African nationalism was the catalyst of the nation of Zimbabwe which
became deeply rooted in ethnicity from birth. Naming of Shona histories, symbols and heroes
were largely anchorages of an imagined nation state. Matebeleland was thus not spared the
blushes of this predicament hence the question on how to tackle its rhetoric’s.

Zimbabwe was born out of a liberation struggle led by ethnically divided leaders who were
selfish and egocentric. ZANU PF built their political identity and legitimacy on their nationalist
liberation war credentials, connected the party to the state. Norma Kriger (1992) asserts that from
the very day of the achievement of independence the victorious Shona dominated ZANU PF
leadership displayed a unique desire to build a party nation and a “party state” that excluded
other political formations. Matebeleland was thus treated as a foreign state in their own country.
Tribal, triumphalism of the Shona unfolded against the Ndebele particularism reeling under a
feeling of defeat. This led to the rise of questions on Matebeleland, its relevance to the nation
state hence creating a feeling despondence and disgruntlement amongst ZAPU oriented cadres
leading to the revival of the party.

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A rampant use of state controlled media cast ZAPU, its leader Joshua Nkomo and its military
wing ZIPRA as no heroic liberators, as no committed nation builders but a threat to the country’s
hard won independence. According to P.T. Zeleza (2003) African nationalism was simply a
representational discourse, it involved concrete struggles over material resources and moral
possibilities. Therefore Matebeleland was cast under the bus and its significance left reeling in
the shadows of historical spirituality.

Historians like T.O. Ranger, N Bhebhe, and E Sibanda have highlighted Matebeleland narratives
in the story of nationalism through Matebeleland oriented research. Open segregatory state
practices took form of exclusionary language, actions and policies by the political leadership of
Zimbabwe, excluding and marginalizing the people of Matabeleland and their symbols from an
imaginary nation. These deeds alone led to the revival of ZAPU in 2008 in a bid to answer the
Matabeleland question, preserve and re write the previously diluted and subjugated history of
Matabeleland in the nation of Zimbabwe.

ZAPU Re- Emergence: Myths and Realities

In the last ten years many Zimbabweans have experienced a grossly contested political terrain
with the rebirth of ZAPU in 2008. It is widely believed that these many political parties were
meant to dislodge the ever growing and stranglehold on power. A lot of ambiguous evidence
point out that the relationship between political cronies of ZANU PF and ZAPU were centered
on the tenure of potions and ruling. The return of ZAPU was thus not merely based on contrasts
in ideologies but power hunger also played a pivotal role in this predicament.

In the last decade Zimbabweans have experienced the impact of tribal and ethnic implosions
which have led to the mushrooming of ethnic and tribal oriented political entities and ZAPU
happens to be one of the parties. Many would argue that tribalism and ethnicity have positioned
down a foundation for the growth of a tension filled geo political setup. It is widely believed that
proceedings have a led to a situation where the political scenery has virtually collapsed without
tasting the wholesome democratic space. The political situation have led ZAPU to be revived in
Zimbabwe.

Researchers have assessed the gradual decay and subsequent death of the political field as well
as the democratic arena of Zimbabweans. They also looked at the socio, economic, cultural

15
impacts that have resulted in a deadwood political circle. The study have highlighted important
insights that tend to question the conventional wisdoms dominating the sociopolitical, cultural,
religious and academic commentary in relation to the revival of ZAPU. It needs to be noted that
ZAPU was thus a political formation that survived in captivity for decades hence their quest for
freedom mushroomed in 2008 as a means of dismantling the supremacy of ZANU PF.

The study deals a definite blow to the myth that ZAPU was revived for the people of
Matebeleland. These findings are said to be vague, valueless and baseless as they tend to give
credence to theories that posit that ZAPU was revived to quench the thirst for power by the
partys cronies. The study reveals that some people forwarded their personal aspirations and
vendettas, self-actualization, political calculations and whims leading to political chaos and
confusion in Zimbabwe. The study also found out that many people in Matebeleland have been
crying foul about politics of patronage and marginalization hence sowing the seeds of
disgruntlement.

Furthermore the study seeked to unravel answers to the question that the Unity Accord was a
total fiasco. The answers though are somewhat guarded, what was observed does not represent
the political and media stereotypes of abject failure nor highlighting the universal roaring
success. The study though reveals some components of the Unity Accord have fundamentally
changed the political landscape of Zimbabwe permanently. It clearly highlights the short
comings, vague promises, subjectivity, and politics of patronage, cult personality and
glorification that engulfed the ZANU cadres who became egocentric and shunned ZAPU out of
the historiography of Zimbabwe. This was however used as a scapegoat for the revival of ZAPU
in Zimbabwe.

This article is an addition to the debate on ZAPU revival, its relevance in Zimbabwean politics,
its outcomes, at the same time providing solid empirical evidence to back up its conclusions. It
also provides evidence that petty politics, especially if it receives adequate support, funding and
general support can act as a better political opposition than larger political entities.

Conclusion

First it needs to be highlighted that Zimbabwe as a nation has what is termed elusive unity. The
unity in the nation state exist only on paper but pragmatically it’s just but a mere expression with

16
action. It is hoped that the article provided cogent and meticulous analysis on the push factors
that led to the re-emergence of ZAPU in the political landscape of Zimbabwe in 2008. It has
largely been attributed to have been a response to the growing ZANU PF hegemony, it was a
malevolent tribal practice that was meant at destroying ZANU PF. Comparably it was noted that
the dominance of ZANU PF led to a growing disdain amongst the people of Matabeleland region
a feat that catalyzed the rate at which ZAPU as a party became appealing to the people of
Zimbabwe.. The rhetoric which ZANU PF used in the course of the various political
machinations have led to a newly exclusive, protestant and intolerant definition of a nation and a
return to tribal politics hence the revival of ZAPU in 2008, as an answer to marginalization
claims, tribal denigration as well as ethnic representation in both the political and notable
corridors of power.

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