telated Tides from Academic International Press

,., MEDIEVAL RUSSIA

rhe Modem Encyclopedia of Russian, Soviet & Eurasian History
rhe Modern Encyclopedia of Religions in Russia and Eurasia A Source Book, 850-1700
rhe Modern Encyclopedia of East Slavic, Baltic and Eurasian Literatures
fhe Military Encyclopedia of Russia and Eurasia
The Academic International Press Edition

rhe Abolition of Serfdom in Russia. P.A. Zaionchkovsky

:Jays of the Russian Revolution. VV Shulgin
Emperor Nicholas I of Russia. The Apogee of Autocracy. A.E. Presniakov
Empress Elizabeth. Her Reign and Her Russia. Evgeny V Anisirnov
Ihe Formation of the Great Russian State. A.E. Presniakov
History of Russia From Earliest Times. Sergei M. Soloviev Edited by
[nto the Dustbin of History. j.L. Black Basil Dmytryshyn
[van the Terrible. S.F. Platonov
[van the Terrible. R. G. Skrynnikov
The Russian Army and Fleet in the Nineteenth Century. L. G. Beskrovny
The Russian Autocracy in Crisis, 1878-1882. P.A. Zaionchkovsky
The Russian Autocracy Under Alexander III P.A. Zaionchkovsky
The Russian Revolution. Paul N Miliukov
fhe Time of Troubles. Russia in Crisis, 1604-1618. R.G. Skrynnikov
Tsar Alexis. His Reign and His Russia. Joseph T Fuhrman
The Tsardom of Muscovy. A.E. Presniakov
;.,
Contents, excerpts of these works are available at \vww.ai-press.com

Acaden1ic International Press

2000
Cover: Ivan IV the Terrible, 1530-1584. Portrait in the icon style by an unknown artisr.
 TO
Vi1:gi11ia, Sonia, 'Tania and tflizabetfi !A1m
THE RUSSIAN SERIES/ Volume 46
Basil Dmytryshyn, Afedieval Russia. A Source Book, 850-1700
The Academic International Press Edition
Copyright © 2000 by Academic International Press
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Preface
This new Academic International Press edition of sources on the history of Medieval
Russia from 850 to 1700 was first published in 1967. Smdents and faculty alike
welcomed it, and reviews in professional journals in the United Stares and abroad
were favorable. The second edition appeared in 1973, and the third in 1991. The
reason for its enduring success is that it makes available to the student, the general
public, and the scholar who is not a specialist, illusuarive source material on politi-
cal, social, economic, religious, cultural, legal and other matters the p1..:oples of vari-
ous principalities of R.us/Russia faced from approximately 850 to 1700. This collec-
tion was never intended as a text or a substitute for a text. Its basic objective was and
is to provide what a text cannot offer-illustrative primary sourc1..: material to am-
plify and enrich rhe text and classroom lectures.
This edition consists of three Parts. The first Parr, subtitled Kicvan Rus, treats
various principalities up to the fourteenth century. Included in this Part are topics
such as the distribution of medieval Slavs and the origin of Rus, Kiev's relations with
the Byzantine Empire, rhe various nomads, the Scandinavian countries, Poland,
Hungry, and the Hanseatic Kiev's acceptance of Christianity and its impact
on the region; and the prolonged struggles among various princes ttJr control of Kiev.
The second Part, subtitled Mongol Yoke, covers the period from 1237 to I 480.
Included in this Part are such broad topics as Mongol conquests of Rus principali-
ties; a description of 1245 of rhe Mongols by a Papal emissary to Mongolia; Mongol
treatment of various Rus princes and of the Orthodox Church; a popular ami-
Mongol uprising in T ver in 1327; and the defeats of Mongol forces in I 380 and
1480 by Muscovy's military.
The third Part, subtided Muscovy, provides information on early rulers of Mus-
covy; on Muscovy's territorial growth to rh1..: Baltic, the Caspian, and the Black seas,
and across northern Asia to the Pacific Ocean; impressions of Muscovy, its rulers,
and its people, by Italian, English, Durch, Austrian, and French observers; the
rise of Muscovy's autocracy, serfdom, popular discontents and many other topics.
The selections included in this volume arc drawn from diverse sources such as
chronicles (the Primary, Novgorod and Galicia-Volyn); legal documents (Ruskaia
Pravda of the 1070's, the Sudebnik of 1497, and the Ulozhenie of 1649); testaments
or wills of various princes; Church literature, and other !it1..:rature concerning the
Orthodox Church; treaties with neighboring countries; lay literature (especially the
Tale of the Host of Igor, the Zadonshchina, and the story of a rich merchant and his
dcv1..:r wife); contempory descriptions of warfare; documents concerning Muscovy's
conquest and exploitation of Novgorod, Siberia, northern Asia and the Ukraine;
government decrees concerning serfdom; contemporary accounts of popular discon-
tents and the description of private lives of the high and mighty; and subjects'
petitions to the government to case their sufferings.
Each sclecrion in this volume is provided with a brief introduction to indicate the
source from which it was taken and to place ir in proper hisrorical perspective. Some
of the sources included were published pr1..:viously in English and, cxcqn for some
 rp,;nce
Saracens who are profaning Jerusalem, the house of God." He also asktd
whether you had ever sent envoys to him. "To you," I said, "never." Thtn
he made us sit down, and had us given of his milk to drink, and they hold
it ro be a great honor when anyone drinks cosmos with him in his dwelling.
While sitting there I was looking down, but he bid me tum my face up,
either wishing to see me better, or on account of their sorcery, for they hold
it to be a bad omen or sign, or as portending evil, if one sits before them
with turned down as if in sorrow, and especially so if he rest his chin or
his cheek in his hand. Then we went out, and after a little while our guidt
came to us, and while conducting us ro our lodging said to me: "The lord
King requests that you remain in this country, but Batu may not do this
without the permission of Mangu Khan. So you and your interpreter must
go to Mangu Khan. As to your companion and the other man, they will go
back to Sartach, where they will await your return." Then the interprtter
Homo Dei began to lament, deeming himself lost, and my companion to
declare that they might sooner cut off his head than separate him from me;
and I said that without a companion I could not go, and moreover that we
really required two servants, for should one happen to fall ill, I could not be
left alone. So he went back to the court and told Batu what I had said. Then
he commanded: "Let the two priests and the interpreter go, and the clerk
return to Sarrnch." He came back and told us the decision; but when I wanted
to speak about rhe clerk, that he might come with us, he said: "Say no more
about it, for Barn has settled it, and I dare not go again to the court." The
clerk Gosset had twenty-six yperpera* of your alms and oo more; of these he
kept ten for himself and the boy (a slave boy called Nicholas, bought at
Constantinople}, and he gave the sixteen others to Homo Dei for us; and so
we parted from each other with tears, he going back to Sartach, and we
remaining there.
*A,wrding w Mr. Rurkhdls cakulauons. 24 r/1rrp,·m equalled .£14 and 12s. u, !<JOO.
Danfr/ ,f Gahna•, RdaO,n, u•;Jb Jb, M,ng,,I,
Prince Daniel of Galicia's
Relations with the Mongols
Mongol conquest had a devastating effect on all principalities of Kievan
Rus. Yet it should be remembered that the conquest affected e,Kh prin-
cipality differently. Because it was located on the western periphery of
Mongol domains, the principality of Galicia-Volyn enjoyed some
of freedom, and Mongol rulers treated it as a vassal state.
This indirect comrol offered its princes, Daniel and Vasilko, an op-
portunity to take full advantage of their new status. In their respective
principalities they tried to fortify their cities and they also founded new
towns, including Lvov /Lviv, to serve both as defensive outposts against
possible renewed Mongol attacks and as centers of urban trade, craft, and
commerce. Abroad, both Daniel and Vasilko established good relations
with Hungary, Poland, Lithuania, and the Teutonic Order. Daniel also
established friendly contact with Pope Innocent IV, who, in 1253, be-
stowed on him the title and crown of King of Galicia-Volyn. Obviously,
those changes did not escape the notice of the Mongol masters. They
forced Daniel and his brother Vasilko to rear down their fortifications
and to break up their new alliances.
In I 250 the mighty Khan (Batu} sent his envoy to (Prince} Daniel (of Galicia}
and (to his brother} Vasilko (of Volyn]. At the time both princes were in the
town of Dorogovsk. (Batu's envoy said:} "Surrender Galicia!" (Prince Daniel}
was in grave danger because he had failed to fortify his towns. He conferred
With his brother (Vasilko} and left for Batu's camp saying: "I will not surrender
half of my patrimony. Instead I will go to Batu in person .... "
He arrived in Pereiaslav where he was met by Tatar (officials}. From there
Daniel travelled to {the camp of one of Batu's military leaders named} Ku-
remsa. He did not see much that was worthwhile among the Tatars .... From
there he reached Batu's (camp} along the Volga [River} in order ro pay homage
to him. There Daniel encountered a man named Songur, [an alleged} confidant
From V, I. Lehedev, ct al., eds. Khn.r/1J1J1t1tiid p/J 15/orii I\~\R. S drei'ilei.rhikh 1-re1111?1 do kon!J.;
XVII veka. (A Source Book on the History of the USSR. Frum Ancient Times to Tht: End
1 the XVII Cmrury), :ird ed. (Moscow: Ministry of Education, 1949), vul. I, pp. 142-1 46
ranslauon mint:. \1vords in brackets are mine.
 Afongol Yok, Prina Daniel of Galicia 's Relatiom with the Mongols

while the bishop was left in great fear. Burundai told Vasilko: "If vou wish
of Prince Iaroslav (of Vladimir-Suzdal} who told him: ''Your brother Iaroslav
to have peace with me, then destroy (all fortifications of} your to,;ns." Ac-
has bowed to an idol and you must do the same." Daniel replied: "The devil
cordingly, Lev destroyed Danilov Istozhek and then Lvov, while Vasilko de-
is speaking through you. May God silence you so chat no one can again hear
stroyed Kremenersk and Lutsk. From Shumsk Prince Vasilko sent the bishop
your v01ce." . . ro his brother (Daniel} informing him of everything that had transpired and
At that moment Daniel was requested to appear before Batu and God
about Burundai's displeasure. Daniel became very concerned and fled first to
saved the prince from Mongol evil magic and sorcery. In accordance with
Poland and then to Hungary.
their custom, he (Daniel} bowed and was received in their tent. The Khan
Accompanied by Vasilko, Burundai approached the town of Vladimir [in
said: "Daniel! Why did you not come here earlier' l am pleased that you are
Volyn}. He decided ro stay for the night in Zhitania. Burundai then talked
here now. Do you drink black milk, our drink, mare's kumys?'' To this Daniel
about Vladimir. "Vasilko"! (he said}, "destroy this city." Prince Vasilko then
responded: "Until now I have never drunk it, but since you have offered it
began co th_ink about the fate of the city. Because its size made it impossible
to me now I will drink it." The Khan then said: "Now you are one of us!
to destroy tt at once, he ordered that it be burned. And so that night the
You are a Tatar. Drink our drink." After Daniel finished his drink, he bowed
entire city was set on fire. When next day Burundai entered the city ofViidimir
(to the Khan and} in accordance with their custom, delivered his speech, ,md,
he saw_ wi~h his own eyes that the entire city was burned down. He stopped
[in conclusion} said: "I would like to pay my respects to Grand Princess
at Vas1lko s mans10n to dine and to drink. After the feast he sropped at a
Barakchina [Batu's favored wife}." The Khan said: "Go ahead."
resort called Piatidna. Next day he sent [to Vasilko} a Tatar messenger named
\\,'hen [Daniel approached Barakchina's quarters}, he bowed according ro
Baimur. Baimur came to the prince and said: "Vasilko! Burund~i has sent
Mongol custom and the princess sent him a jug of wine, saying: "You are
me and has authorized me to destroy the city." And Vasilko replied: "Do
not accustomed to drinking (mare's} milk; drink then this wine." Oh, Tatar
as you have been instructed." And so, as a sign of triumph, he (the Tatar}
honor is evil! Daniel Romanovich was Grand Prince, who, together with his
began to destroy the city.
brother (Vasilko} ruled over such Rus principalities as Kiev, Vladimir [in
Then, along with Vasilko, his boyars and servants, Burundai went co Kholm.
Volyn}, and Galicia, as well as other principalities. Now he sits (on Batu
When they approached Kholm the city was closed. \\,'hen they came closer
Khan's} knees and has identified himself as his servant. Moreover, the Mongols
they could do nothing because inside were boyars and other good people and,
are asking tribute. There is very little hope for a better life. There are constant
moreover, the city was well fortified and stocked with necessities and crossbows.
threats. Tatar honor is evil. When Burundai realized that the city was well fortified and it would be
In r 26 r there was peace throughout the land. In that year Prince Vasilko
impossible to capture it, he told Prince Vasilko: "Vasilko 1 This city belongs
celebrated a marriage in the city of Vladimir (in Volyn}. He approved the
to your brother [Daniel}. Go ahead and tell its inhabitants that thev should
marriage of his daughter Olga to Prince Andrei Vsevolodovich of Chernigov.
surr~nder!" He then dispatched with Vasilko three Tatars named ,Kuichii,
Present at the wedding were Vasilko's brother Daniel, and Daniel's tWO wns,
Ash1k, and Buliui and an interpreter who knew the Rus language.
Lev and Shvam, as well as many princes and boyars. The wedding in Vlad1mtr
What do you think Vasilko did when he approached the city walls:' When
experienced unexpected excitement when Princes Daniel and Vasilko. were
Vasilko approached the city, he picked up a rock and when he came near
informed that the damned and cursed Burundai [Barn's principal military
the city wall he cold its inhabitants, so the Tatars ,who accompanied him
commander} would attend the wedding. Both princes (Daniel and Vasilko}
0 could hear, the following: "Servant Constantine, and you, Luka Ivankovich,
expressed concern about it. Burundai sent the following message: "If _Y u are
another servant! This city, which belongs to me and to my brother (Daniel},
in peace with me then invite me. Otherwise I ·will consider your silence a
~hould _surrender!" When he said these words he threw the rock to the ground,
belligerent act." . · I ind1catrng thereby that they [should} fight and not surrender. Indeed, he
Prince V asilko and his nephew Lev went to meet Burundai. Prince Danie
repeated these words three times and three times he threw the rock to the
did not accompany his brother. Instead, he sent Ivan, his bishop of Kholni.
ground.
Prince Vasilko, his nephew Lev, and the _bishop went on to meet ~urut~~h~t
By using this sign, as if sent by God, Prince Vasilku helped the citizens
They t0ok with them many gifts and dnnk, and met hun near the to\\ n ,
I I, Shumsk [in Volyn]. Vasilku, Lev, and the bishop went wnh the gtfts betort
of (Kholm} and gave them the necessary encouragement. [A town official
Ii
'I
Burundai. Burum.hi, however, ,gave Vasilko and Lev a very hostile recept10n,
named} Constantine, who was at the wall, understood the signal Vasilk:o gave
 174
Mongol Rule and the Orth 11dox Ch11rch I 75
him and responded to Vasilko (as follows}· "G ,, ., y
.. • JO a,'-'<1y. ou are not relat. services from church people. Those who did not heed this injuncrion, or
to your brother (Daniel} as you claim. You are his enemy· .. Th, T· , td
h d h d · e atars w l who defamed or vilified the Orthodox faith were liable to capital pun-
. ear t ese_ wor s went away and reported them to Burundai. Thev . 10 ishment. ln 1357, Khan Bcrdibek reaffirmed these privileges to i\kt-
informed him of what Vasilko told Kholm c·c· l h , .ilso
him. 1 izens ant w at they sajd to ropoliran Alexei.

'The iarlyk [Charter} of Khan Mengu-Temir to

Metropolitan Theognostos, August I, 1267

~ 27 ~ By the power of Eternal Heaven and by the Will of Eternal Heaven! (Khan)
Temir hereby issues the following instruction to all of his people, officials,
princes and high-ranking military commanders as well as to all tax collectors,
Mongol Rule and the Orthodox Church office secretaries, circuit envoys, falconers, and officials in charge of hunting.
Emperor Ghengis Khan had once decreed that there be no collection of
The Mongol or_Tarar_Yoke (1237-1480) had a profound impact on all tribute or of food provisions from those [subjects of the Mongol rule) who
Rus prrncrpal1t1es. lnltlally, the most visible feature of that yoke was genuinely prayed to God for us and for our nation and who gave us their
savage physKal destruction. Except for Nov,•orud Pskov Pol· •k . I genuine blessings. Subsequent [Mongol) emperors have respected this in-
S I k .. . c- , , ots , ,lfl<
s• rno ens , most nties lay 111 smoldering ruins So too did th .
l . . . . _ · ·• , ,
· .I
e coumryst< e. junction and have bestowed favors on priests and monks {of all other faiths).
• u )Scqucr_1tly, Mongol treatment of Rus principaliti<:s was nev<.:r uniform [This injunction applies to the collection of} tribute as well as anything else,
''. vam:d from one principality to another and from one khan to another: including a tax on trade goods, a tax on ploughshares, postal fees, recruit
1 he must fortunan:: 1~ treatinenr received was the distant northwest region levies, and whatever may be requested. We have agreed to reconfirm these
(Novgurod-Pskov), followed by the southwest (Galicia-Volyn). The most
original benefits {to the Orthodox Church) and hereby are making them
unfonunate was the central region (Kiev-Pereiaslav-Chernigov), followed
known to everyone, And, invoking God's name, we are not amending any
. the northeast ( Vlad1m1r-Suzd·d-Ri·1Z'ln-Tver)
.· • , , · · 1·mes
. Tl1ese pr111c1pa · su f.-
fered tremenduusly because of their geographic Jnoximity to s-. . · .. · I
former existing charters.
• t Jle G OIl len H Oflle,
Ot
· , ara1, c,1p1ta Consequently, regardless of his position or status {no Mongol official] may
. But whde Mongol-Tatar masters subjected towns and the countryside request or collect from them [that is, officials of the Orthodox Church), any
ot R us to wuntkss abuses (such as the payment of tribute recruit levies tribute, or ploughshare tax, or transport obligation, or food provisions. The
obligatory work_ assignments, and the like), the Orrhodo: Church fare<! same rule applies co the collection of postal fees, recruit levies, and a tax on
rather well durrn!.! that • · I I J c · trade goods. Likewise, no one should appropriate anything that belongs to
, ,. . ' pcrw< • ts gooc ,orrune came 111 1 267, when
Khan_ Mangu-Tem1r granted the church an immunity t{Jrlyk (charter). the Orthodox Church, such as their buildings, land holdings, water resources,
B> i_ts terms _the. churc_h was exempted from the .Mongol census (and orchards, flour mills, winter homes [and forests], and summer lodges (and
assouated obl1gat1ons) If\ return for offering prayers for the ruling khcm pastures). And those who may do so are hereby required to return it back
and his tam1ly. Also all church and rnonast(:'ry estates, and all people who [to the church). Also no church craftsman, or a falconer, or any other church
worked for. them, were freed from rhe payment of raxes and from per-
employee may be either taken away [by local Mongol official] or be subjected
form
_ . mg. mil1rary serviu.:. Moreover
. , Mong_ ol ,-ind Rtis tax agents were to a dose supervision. Moreover, whatever legally belongs to the Orthodox
forbidden, under penalty of death, to seize church property or to demand
Church and is duly registered in their records, should be neither occupied,
expropriated, alienated, or destroyed. And anyone who ·would dare to blas-
pheme their [Orthodox] faith will be guilty of committing a crime and will
Frum L. Y Chen:pnin. t:d. Pcw11,,tmk1 pr,11·t1 p,rioJ,1 obrt1zoz·aniit1 be executed.
Y/V- \"V · · (L
·~ . , 1.· .';·: . · ega
0
•n11dm1t- J -
I I, Dornrnt:nts From the Period of the Fornrntion of the Russian Priests [of the Orthodox faith) who may live in the same home or whose
I tntr,l I lll S ate, XI v_- XV ( .entunes) ( ll.losrnw: Gosizdat lur1·t11·t·l1e•k()l.

pp.
t
..
l ranslanun rninc. Words in brackcrs are mine.
, Lit<:rnt11ry, J')'j'i), brothers or sons have committed themselves to priesthood are entirled to the
same (e:xisting} benefits and protection as long as they are actively involved

l.

mit. However, once they leave the profession, they must pay the required
mbute and do whatever is requested from them. Priests, who have receiveJ
benefits from our earlier iarlyks, and who pray for us and bless us are to
continue to enjoy their rights. Those, however, who fail to say prayers or who
do not express their genuine feelings are hereby considered sinners and thev
will be punished accordingly. Finally, those individuals who are not priest;,
but who pray to God in our behalf, will also enjoy these benefits.
We have granted this charter to Metropolitan [Theognostos}. Those who
may see or hear the rnntent of this charter are hereby prohibited from collecting
any tribute or anything else from priests or monks (of the Orthodox Church}.
Consequently, any Mongol official, or a secretary of the prince, or a tribute
collector, or a collector of trade dues, or any one who may try to collect or
requisition anything that is contrary to the intent or the letter of this imperial
iarlyk, which is based on Ghengis Khan's original injunction, will be guilty
of a very serious crime and will be executed.
This iarlyk was issued in the steppe on the first day of the hunting season
[August I, 1267 J.
The iarlyk [Charter] of Khan Berdibek to
Metropolitan Alexei, November, I 35 7
By the Might of Eternal Heaven, by the \X"ill of Eternal Heaven, and in
accordance with the terms of the [iarlyks} that have been previously issued
by the father and the grandfather of [Khan} Berdibek, (the following} in-
struction is hereby given to all Tatar officials of the Golden Horde, all military
commanders, all princes, all local customs officials, all office secretaries, tax
collectors, frontier guards, and all other officials, falconers, officials in charge
of hunting, provisioning, river transport, and those responsible for all other
activities-indeed to all officials and people [of the (iolden Horde].
Emperor Ghengis Khan and his successors, our forefathers, have received
prayers from the entire priestly community [of the Orthodox Church}. As a
result [of their prayers}, they [Orthodox Church officials} are hereby freed
from all tribute, taxes and all other obligations as long as they offer their
prayers. (In accordance with this long established policy} we are granting them
this (beneficial} iarlyk. All of our predecessors have also granted them the
same kind of iarlyks. Moreover, in no way have we altered the content of the
iarlyks of our previous khans. As long as he occupies the Metropolitan See
of Vladimir and prays to God for us and for our nation, we have granted
Metropolitan Alexei the following privileges:
We hereby decree that no tribute or taxes be collected from them (that is,
the Orthodox Church}, that no transport obligations be imposed on chem,
I -,-,
/ /
The Anti-Mongol UJ1ri1ing in Tver
chat neither food, drink, nor any special provisions be. requisitioned from
nd that they nor be subjected to any abuse or humil1at1on, Furthermore,
~em, a . l k
one should expropriate any church structure, estates, waters [that 1s, a ·es
00
and rivers}, gardens, orchards or flour mills, n~r do any damage to them,
Whoever has in the past or would cry to expropnate (these church properttes}
. he future must return them (to the church}. Moreover, regardless of their
int b · :l
status, all people [belonging to the Orthodox} church should not e reqwre,
to perform any obligation [that are performed by _all non-church people} and
· no way should they be abused. And whoever will compel them to do these
:ings or violate [these provisions} commits a sin and therefore is liable to
receive a death sentence.
And you, Metropolitan Alexei, and your entire ecclesiastical personnel, are
hereby informed what benefits we have granted you regarding church build-
ings, estates, waters, gardens, orchards, and people belonging to the church.
You also are hereby authorized to issue any [internal} regulanons regardmg
taxes and other matters. Finally, you have full authority to punish anyone
who may cause violence or theft, or who may tell a lie or commit any crime
(on church property or its jurisdictions. In return for these privileges} we only
ask that you pray for us and for all of our ancescors. . .
The Anti-Mongol Uprising
in Tver in I 327
The "Mongol Yoke" describes the period from I 2 38 to r 480 in l\fedieval
Rus history. It was a bitter experience for the population. The most
depressing immediate fearnre of chis "Yoke·' was the physical destruction
of the country. Subsequently the burden of tribute, and the abuses and
arrogance of Mongol officials, emerged as prime factors in popular dis-
content. How the people felt about che Mongols is very difficult to as-
certain because contemporary records are incomplete and references rn or
descriptions of discontent are few. An exception to chis generalization is
11
From Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopisei (Complete Co!lecrion of Russian Chronicles) 2d editiu
(Perrogra<l: 192 2), vol. XV, cols. 42-43. Translation mint:. Words in brackets ,ire mine.
-
Reinterpreting
Russian History
READINGS
860-1860s

Compiled and Edited by

DANIEL H. KAISER
Grinnell College

GARY MARKER
Stale University of New York al Stony Brook

New York Oxford

OXFORD UNIVERSilY PRESS
1994

THE POST-KIEV AN EXPERIENCE
104
an independent metropolitan. They alone
stood steadfast and strong, forming a powerful
union of the Great Russian tribes, and main-
taining the last barrier against the Tatar
yoke.
For a long time-since the conversion of the
Rus' to Christianity-the notion had been
held in Russia that all "Orthodoxy," that is to
say, all Orthodox Christians, had for untold
centuries been united under the one supreme
power of the Greek [Byzantine] Sovereign
("caesar," "tsar") and the Greek Church.
Constantinople, seat of the Greek Patriarch
and of the tsar, was therefore called Tsargrad
by the Russians, and was looked upon as the
capital of all "Orthodoxy." When Constanti-
nople and all the eastern states and churches
were in the hands of the Turks and were sub-
ordinated to them, the Orthodox recognized
no other capital than free Moscow. The people
of Moscow awoke to this soon after the fall of
Constantinople. The Muscovite princes Ivan
III [1462-1505] and Vasilii III [1505-33] re-
garded themselves as the heirs and successors
of the Greek tsars. Ivan III married a Greek
princess, adopted for himself the Greek coat- to a Unified Autocracy," in &rulings in Russian Hi~IOT) From
of-arms, crowned his grandson Dmitrii "to the
Tsardom." He himself, like Vasilii III, some-
times titled himself "Tsar." ...
The Russian literature of that time shows
that the Russians had a great interest in the
subject of the relations between Rus' and By-
zantium. Proceeding from the theory of the
Divine One-ness of the entire Christian world,
one of the writers of that period, the Monk
Philotheus of Pskov, wrote an epistle to the
Grand Prince Vasilii III in which he argued
that Ancient Rome had been the original cen-
ter of the world; after this appeared a new
Rome (Nova Roma-Constantinople), and in
the most recent time, a Third Rome-Moscow.
"Two Romes have fallen," said Philotheus,
"but the third stands, and a fourth [there]
shall not be." Tbus arose the important theory
of the universal role of Moscow-the Third
Rome.
After Philothe11s, other writers expanded on
the same theme, calling the Grand Prince of
Muscovy the tsar of all "Orthodoxy"; Moscow,
STATE-BUILDING IN POST-KIEVAN RUS' 105
"the new city of Constantinople (i.e., the 11<·11 0 ut by the conquerors. In the selection which qucred wound up borrowing the institutions
appears below, however, Charles Halperin ar- of their absentee conquerors.
Tsargrad)"; and the Russian people, "new Is-
gues for a different view. Basing his revision The Mongol conquest of Russia was enor-
rael,'' whom God Himself had chosen to lead
upon similar frontier encounters elsewhere in mously destructive, and the economic drain of
all the Orthodox. The theory of the transfer of
the world, Halperin finds that, although the subsequent raids and taxes was probably an
world supremacy from Tsargrad to Moscow
Mongols doubtless did significant damage, even greater assault. It is hardly surprising that
having been accepted, it was argued and ex-
they also had much positive to offer. The ex- the medieval Russian sources present the Ta-
pounded in every way ... The legends of un-
tant sources, however, betray scant recognition tars as cruel and evil infidels, either instru-
broken succession [to the Orthodox lcgaC\]
of such a contribution. ·why? According to Hal- ments of divine chastisement for Russian sins
gave strength IO Muscovite claims such as tltc
perin, religious intolerance generated an "ide- or henchmen of the Devil, sowing discord
following: the state of Moscow is the foremost
ology of silence" which refused to acknowl- among true Christians. Experience _justified
in all "Orthodoxy"; the Muscovite prince is
edge the genuine achievements of the such invective, although the Mongol assaults
the Orthodox Tsar; and the Muscovite Church
conquerors. Readers should pay special atten- had nothing to do with religion. However,
preeminently among the Orthodox churches
tion to the benefits of Mongol rule which Hal- there is another side to the storv of Russo-Tatar
preserves its independence and purity so that
perin identifies, and note the sources of infor- relations. ,
it stands above the older, Eastern Patriarch,1te.
mation on which he relies. Considerable evidence demonstrates that
Adopting this majestic theory, the Muscovite
despite the stereotyped negative image of the
princes raised themselves to great heiglits.
Tatars in the Russian sources, less hostile re-
Conscious of their absolute power over their
lations between the two peoples also existed.
estates and their lands, feeling themselves to
From the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries, A number of Russian princes married Tatar
be the national leaders of a strong and nu-
Russia fell under the swav of the Golden princesses ... [who] converted from shaman-
merous people, they now sought to pla1 a
Horde, the successor state ;n the Volga River ism to Russian Orthodox Christianity. The
larger role as tsars of all the Orthodox wo.-Jd.
of the grand Mongol empire founded by Russians borrowed heavily from Mongol polit-
Such mighty and autocratic power seemed to
Chinggis [Genghis] Khan. However, the Ta- ical, military, administrative, and fiscal institu-
them to be naturally theirs.
tars, as the Mongols are called in the Russian tions, for example, the postal service which the
SOLTRCF.: S. F. Platonov, "The TransiLion from Appan~tgcs sources, did not move into the Russian forest Mongols had periccted to carry information
zone. In order to maintain their pastoral no- and people across the Eurasian continent; the
Ancient Timrs to the Post-Stalin Era, 4th cd, Vol. 1 (Svrn 1 11:-t':
madic way of life, they remained in the Pon tic division of the army into the five divisions of
Syracuse University Press, 195'.,) pp. 65-8 (excerpted 1. Re-
and Caspian steppe, where they became assim- advance guard, main regiment, left and right
printed by permission of the publisher.
ilated with the indigenous Turkic-speaking no- flanks, and rear guard; the Mongol customs
madic population, the Kipchaks. By the four- tax, tax-collector and seal, and treasurv; and
teenth century, the shamanist Mongols had Mongol diplomatic etiquette. The R~1ssiam
convened to Islam, so that Russo-Tatar rela- showed praiseworthy perspicacity in imitating
CHARLES HALPERIN
tions became another variant of Christian- the institutions in warfare and government
Interpreting the Mongol Yoke: Muslim interaction. The Mongols restructured which had permitted the Mongols to create
the_social and political order of the steppe, the and control an empire stretching from the Pa-
The Ideology of Silence
lllamstay of international commerce and no- cific to the Baltic and Black Seas. The Musco-
llladism, but they left the political infrastmc- vites did not borrow institutions which did not
If the Novgorod Chronicle claimed that the
ture of Russia alone because of its lesser im- suit them; for example, the census was too eq-
Mongol conquest had been a singular, w11ntt-
P0rtance to their ecouomy and politv. uitable for the Russian aristocracy and the di-
igated catastrophe for Rus', others sa,1· the
(hinggis had decreed the toleration of all r~- wan system of bureaucracv from Persia bore
Mongol overlordship differently. For one
ig_ions in his empire, a practice of most Inner the taint of Islam. Instead ~he Russians mostly
thing, as noted above, the Orthodox Church Asian -
Bor en~pJres; thus even t_he Muslim Golden copied Horde institutions from the all-Mongol
received from the Khan a guarantee oi im-
de did not mtericre with the Russian Or- empire, preferring Mongol institutions less as-
munity-economic and judicial-from \[on-
th odo x C'h
, urc h . A~ a result of· the particular
gol officials. Nevertheless, churchmen like ,i tb- relati
sociated with Islam ... [IJ ntcrmarriage and in-
~rs unrelentingly protested that the "godJcs
5 B ons h'1p between Russia and the Golden stitutional borrowing thus finessed the
Tatars" were responsible for the devastation of
R. Orde, the Mongols influenced Russia, but the religious obstacle to pragmatic relations,
th GUssians did not influence the Tatars. There- through conversion and selectivity, hut neither
Rus'. The surviving narratives arc studded ,_.i
ore • .. in the Russo-Tatar instance, the con- actiYity accords well with the depiction of the
details about gruesome deeds allegedly carried
106 THE POST-KIEVAN EXPERIENCE
Tatars in Russian sources as blood-sucking in-
fidels.
The economic burden which Mongol n1le
imposed on the Russians was partiallv offset in
two ways. First, Russian princes who partici-
pated in joint Russo-Tatar military campaigns
shared in the booty. Second, Russians partici-
pated in and prnfitcd from the expansion of
international commerce under the Pax Mon-
golica. In Russia the Mongols rerouted the fur
trade Lo extract greater revenue; as a result,
Muscovite and Ustiug merchants, rather than
Novgorodian, reaped the benefits ... Booty
and commerce mitigated the economic drain
of Mongol rule in Russia.
Presumably, those Russian princes, nobles,
officials, merchants, and clerics who dealt fre-
quently with the Horde had the greatest incen-
tive to learn Tatar, the Turkic dialect which
became dominant in the Horde. AL first, some
baptized bilingual Kipchaks served as transla-
tors, although this practice did not equal in
scope or significance the use of ethnic inter-
mediaries elsewhere on the medieval religious
frontier. Some Arabic names and slogans
found their way onto bilingual Russian coins
. . . The fifteenth-century Tvcrian merchant
Afanasii Nikitin so mastered a kind of oriental
patois of Turkic, Persian, and Arabic that he
unconsciously slipped in and out of it in com-
posing his travelogue about India. Bilingual-
ism must have been more prevalent than our
scanty sources admit ...
The Russians acquired an intimate familiar-
ity with the geography, personnel, society, mo-
res, and customs of the Horde ... They had
no choice but to acquire such knowledge,
since political survival in dealing with the
Horde depended on it. The Rnssians fully mas-
tered Mong·ol political concepts and ideology.
They 11tilized such Mongol terms as orda
(horde) and ulus (people-state) with case.
Most important, they understood the single
overriding political principle upon which the
Mongol empire rested, the blood legitimacy of
the clan of Chinggis [Genghis] Khan ... The
Muscovites mav even have modelled their dy-
nastic concept upon that of the Chinggissids.
Despite religious prejudice, the Russians d,•_
veloped a comprehensive, pragmatic expcrti·,('
and even ideological fluency in Horde affair,_
That the Mongols did not influence Russi;in
high culture was attributable to Russian reli-
gious practice, and not to a sense of the '"-
periority of Russian culture to that of the "b;ir-
barian" nomads. Horde culture cannot he
called inferior; Sarai, the Horde capital, wi1h
its aquaducls, caravansaries, medresses (n li-
gious schools), mosq11es, and foreign 111,-r-
chants' quarters, rivalled any medieval Russian
city. The Golden Horde enjoyed a rcspectal ,le
Muslim religious culture, which is preci.v·lv
why the Russians could not borrow from it.
The Russians did not seek better ways to huilcl
a mosque or comment upon the Koran. 'J he
high culture or the Horde was 1mtouchahlc.
religiously tabu, to the Russians. Texts of ori-
ental literature which reached R11ssia befon or
during the Mongol period had already bcc-n
sanitized, i.e., Christianized, and it is douhtli1l
that the R11ssians even knew of their infidel
origin. A~ elsewhere on the medieval religious
frontier, those areas of life closest to reli[-!.i,m,
such as the Russian high culture, most resi,1ed
infidel influence .
The Muscovites could not discard all de-
menls of pragmatic relations with the Mongols
after the overthrow of the "Tatar Yoke in
1480. Muscovy still had Lo deal with the suc-
cessor states of the Golden Horde; anncx;i: ion
of Kazan' and Astrakhan' waited until the
1550s, and of the Crimea, which became :1 vas-
sal of the Ottomans, until the late eighteenth
century. Chinggisids continued to enjov high
status in sixteenth-century M11scovy, the ln
then Russian postal service served neither 11ork
nor alcohol to Muslims, and a Muslim c, ,11ld
swear an oath on a Koran kept in the K.rc1nliJ1
. .. Muslim envoys praved daily to Allah in t1 1r
capital of the Orthodox Christian empire of
Muscovy. However, the growing social and po-
litical pressures or Russian centrali/.ation gen-
erated tensions which found their outlet in re-
ligious and ethnic antagonism and de111anch
for homogeneity. A virulently anti-Muslim ,en-
tirncnt arose in the militant wing of the Rus-
STATE-BUILDING lN l'OST-KlEVAN RUS'
sian Orthodox Church, which produced an ag-
gressive missionary policy in annexed Kazan'
... During the seventeenth century, Russian
involvement with the steppe in general de-
clined and Russian need for steppe expertise
greatly diminished. Therefore, Russia's need
for pragmatic relations with the Mongols out-
lasted Mongol sovereignty by abcrnt a centurv,
after which the pressures of prejudice reas-
serted themselves with new and greater po-
tency.
No medieval Russian source of the Mongol
period comments 011 the Russian familiarity
with the steppe, or explains why Russians cul-
tivated such knowledge of the infidel. Russian
Orthodox Christian canon law frowned upon
socializing with the infidels, but Russian priests
could accompany the nomadic Horde to pro-
vide for the religious needs of Russian faithful;
why Russians joined in nomadic _journeys with
the Horde went unmentioned. Only the Mon-
gol name betravs the Horde origin of Mongol
institutions borrowed by the Muscovites. No
medieval Russian merchant had a kind word
to say abcmt steppe merchants, and the chron-
icles treated intermarriage gingerly. ;\ chron-
icle would criticize a rival Russian prince for
employing Tatar military auxiliaries or assis-
tance, but if the chronicler's princely patron
relied upon Horde military or political allies,
this policy escaped critique .... IT] he Russians
did not permit their pragmatic relations with
the Tatars to soften the religiously hostile por-
trayal of the infidels in the medieval Russian
~ources. Silence shrouded cooperation; value
Judgments concerning Tatars dwelt only on
Tatar evil. No medieval Russian writer articu-
lated an ideologv for coexistence with the Ta-
tars ... _ ''
107
Thus the medieval religious frontier suf~
fcred a precarious existence. It functioned
during the interim between the initial con-
quest and the development of power sufficient
Lo allow the sentiments of the conquered to be
disregarded, and also in situations where nei-
ther side in the struggle hacl the ability to elim-
inate the other. The transience of the frontier
derived from its intrinsic instability ....
The demands of religious prejudice pre-
vented the forrnulation or articulation of any
medieval theories genuinely equivalent to
modern concepts of peaceful coexistence or
dc·tcnte. One might admire, intermarry with,
trade with, even borrow intellectual skills from,
the infidel, but never concede the legitimacy
of his religion. To admit the legitimacy of the
religion of the enemy would have automati-
cally called into question the insistence upon
the exclusive religious superiority of one's
own. Since religion subsumed under it one's
conception of the political and social order-
one's way of life-such ideological tolerance
would have undermined the social, political,
and cultural foundations of one's own society
and politv. For this reason, exchange at the
intellectual level, inextricably tied to religion,
became even more difficult to achieve.
Bv and large, therefore, medieval frontier
societies preferred to deal with the contradic-
tion between the ideal and real, between prej-
udice and pragmatism, with ideologicalh· mo-
tivated silence.
Sm R< 1,.: Charle, l I talperin, "The Idcologv or Sile-nee:
Prejudice and Pragmatism on the Mcdieyal Religious Fron-
tier,'' CompmattVP Sturfu,, in 5)o(tf'f) anrf Hi\!Of'_j '27 (l()H-1):
--t:1~)-66 (c-xccrpLed). Foomotc-; and '>Orne Ru..,-;ian term..,
han, been omitted. Reprinted by pcrmi-;sion orCamhndge
l'nl\crsity Pre.')s.