Article

International Review of Victimology

2021, Vol. 27(2) 211–226
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routine activity theory sagepub.com/journals-permissions

DOI: 10.1177/0269758020988218
journals.sagepub.com/home/irv
in explaining victimization
of child marriage

Michael L. Valan
D.G. Vaishnav College, India

Murugesan Srinivasan
University of Madras, India

Abstract
The present research is an attempt to explain the problem of child marriage in light of routine
activity theory, developed by Felson and Cohen in 1979. There is, however, no specific theory that
exclusively addresses either children as victims of crime in general or victims of child marriage in
particular. Unlike other crime victims, however, certain victims of child marriage do not view
themselves as ‘victims’, given the underlying causative factors and the justification of the conse-
quences of such victimization. Routine activity theory was initially intended to explain property
crimes. In course of time, scholars of victimology began applying this theory to explain various
kinds of victimization, including domestic violence in different contexts. In this connection, a study
was conducted among victims of child marriage in the state of Tamil Nadu, India, to link the
practice of child marriage with the routine activity theory. For the purpose of the present research,
data were collected from 252 women who were married as children. The findings of the research
have revealed that the practice of child marriage can be explained from two dimensions: the first
explains the causes underlying its occurrence, and the second deals with how intimate partner
violence plays out in such circumstances. The outcome of this research is expected to fill a gap in
the literature in the field of victimology.

Keywords
Child marriage, routine activity theory, victimization

Corresponding author:
Dr. Michael L. Valan, Dept. of Criminology and Police Administration, D.G. Vaishnav College, (Autonomous), Arumbakkam,
Chennai 600 106, India.
Email: mike.victimology@gmail.com
212 International Review of Victimology 27(2)

Introduction
Child marriage in India, deeply ingrained in ancient religious customs and traditions, has been
prevalent for centuries. In the Indian context, the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006 states
that ‘child marriage or early marriage refers to a marriage to which either of the contracting parties
is a child, whereas the minimum age of marriage for girls is 18 years of age, and 21 in the case of
boys’. It is not necessary that both groom and bride be children: if one is, such a contract is
considered a child marriage. Poverty, a lack of education, fear, parental anxiety and cultural
practices are but a few of the drivers of this complex issue that is rooted in gender inequality.
The growing urbanization of India’s vast rural areas has led to a gradual downslide in the incidence
of child marriage, a phenomenon that is losing ground in both rural and urban communities,
primarily because society has begun to acknowledge and understand its ill effects. The enactment
and enforcement of special laws at the national level restraining child marriage have contributed to
curbing this practice. Despite existing legal provisions and the efforts of non-governmental orga-
nizations across the country, the practice continues to exist in small pockets today, specifically in
rural areas. Child marriage is widely prevalent in India, being especially practised mostly in India’s
northern and central states, including Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand
and Haryana – as well as in the southern states of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.
According to ‘Crime in India’, official statistics published by the National Crime Records
Bureau (NCRB), Government of India, only 357 cases pertaining to child marriage were registered
all over India in 2018 (International Institute for Population Sciences, 2017a). However, a report
from the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-4)found that of the total population of married
women in the country, the percentage of women who were married at 18 years of age and below
was 47.4% in 2005–2006 (NFHS-4), and this dropped to 16.3% in 2015–2016 (International
Institute for Population Sciences, 2017a). This is a clear sign that the incidence of child marriage
is gradually declining markedly in India.
The practice of child marriage is collusive in nature, with several suburban, rural and backward
communities treating it as the norm rather than a grave aberration (Ghosh, 2011). Since the vast
majority of poor women are vulnerable, they are entirely likely to be sexually, physically and
mentally exploited by their husbands and extended families, especially in terms of sex, child-
bearing and domestic chores.

Determinants of child marriage

As far as the determinants of the practice of child marriage in India are concerned, research reveals
that the chief reasons behind the phenomenon are poverty, the much-prized value of virginity,
unemployment, a fear of unrealistic expectations in the form of a handsome dowry and a lack of
education on the part of the parents (Jain and Kurz, 2007; Pandya and Bhanderi, 2015; Svanemyr
et al., 2015; UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund), 2013; Valan and Srinivasan, 2017). Other
reasons for such marriages include cultural and religious norms and practices, parental anxiety in
regard to the future of their single daughters, maintaining familial ties within a large or extended
family and social pressure. Often, parents give their young girls in marriage to widowers or older
men to be a second or third wife, as a result of sheer poverty (Anagol-McGinn, 1992). Since a vast
majority of poor women are vulnerable, they are entirely likely to be sexually, physically and
mentally exploited by their husbands and in-laws, especially in terms of sex, childbearing and
domestic chores. Chae (2013) singled out orphanhood as a reason for child marriage. He conducted
Valan and Srinivasan 213

a discrete-time event history analysis on a National Survey of Adolescents in four African states
and found that female double orphans, regardless of the time of orphanhood, are more likely to
marry early. Paternal orphans younger than 10 years of age are also likely to marry early. Lloyd
and Mensch (2008) and Raj et al. (2014) pointed to political and environmental factors, including
increasing urbanization, climate change-related drought and food insecurity, migration within
countries and between countries, civil issues and war. Jain and Kurz (2007; cited in Svanemyr
et al., 2015), found from their study that in South Asia and Africa traditional gender discrimination
rooted in patriarchal values and ideologies; a lack of education, especially in terms of economic
alternatives to child marriage; and related social factors including economic instability, poverty
and humanitarian crises are deemed to be major causes driving child marriage. Apart from the
aforesaid causes, our field experience has made it plain that a lack of sex education, early love
affairs and questionable decisions by the village headmen of the khap panchayat1 are contributory
factors as well (Valan and Srinivasan, 2017).

Victimization in child marriage

A key issue in child marriage is a lack of education, affecting both the victims and their children in
numerous ways. It is assumed that child marriage victims face difficulties such as having to drop
out of school, impeded economic development, little knowledge of maternal health care and an
inability to help their own children with their schooling. Raj et al. (2015) conducted a study among
1062 married women in the age group 18–27 years in rural Maharashtra in India and found a
significant relationship between a low level of education and child marriage. An analysis of
Nepal’s Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey of 2014, a nationally representative sample of 14,162
women of reproductive age (15–49 years), showed that 39.8% (n ¼ 1092) of women aged 20–24
reported marriage as a reason for their having to drop out of school. An analysis of girls in the age
group 15–17 (n ¼ 1631) revealed that 68.8% were school dropouts, of whom 11.8% were married
and 3.9% of those who were married one continued with their education. A 2018 study by Valan
and Lord (2018) in a tribal area of rural Tamil Nadu in India examined a sample of 135 women
victims of child marriage and looked into a few case studies. They found that of the 135 respon-
dents studied, 99% were school dropouts married before the age of 18. Of the total sample, only 2
respondents reported being able to continue with their education after marriage, and only 31% with
a secondary school education could help with their children’s education. This finding also reiter-
ates the fact that women who married young are more likely to drop out of school than those who
married later (Sekine and Hodgkin, 2017).
The existing literature on the relationship between child marriage and health-related challenges
covers a range of areas including early childbirth and associated complications, contraceptive use,
the danger of contracting HIV/AIDS, and the health of the children born to such mothers. Studies
documenting the impact of early marriage on health have plainly indicated that teenage mothers
are more likely to be in poor health, highly dependent on welfare schemes and, in general, poverty-
stricken (Lee and George, 1999; UNPFA, 2005). Early marriage invariably results in early preg-
nancy, brought on by a lack of knowledge about contraceptive use. In India, an adequate body of
literature exists to validate the relationship between child marriage and health-related predica-
ments. As far as contraceptive use is concerned, an earlier study by Raj et al. (2009), based on data
collected through the National Family Health Survey-III (n ¼ 22,807), found that nearly 91%
reported a lack of contraceptive use prior to the birth of their first child, with 15.3% stating that the
pregnancy was unintended. Approximately 13.4% subsequently underwent surgical sterilization.
214 International Review of Victimology 27(2)

A 2015 study (n ¼ 755 married couples) by Pandya and Bhanderi (2015) in Gujarat, India,
found that girls belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in rural villages tended to
become victims of child marriage. Further, a significant association between the educational status
of husbands and wives, and their age at marriage, was established. Another substantial finding was
that there exists an association between child marriage and the mother’s age at first birth. Given
their lack of knowledge, victims of child marriage had failed to register early for antenatal care
(57%) and are more likely to experience spontaneous abortions than other women. Also, these
women are more likely to deliver preterm babies with a low birth weight than other women, and a
small percentage of the respondents reported health issues in their new-born babies.
A major health issue is the danger of child brides contracting HIV/AIDS, in support of which
extensive studies have been carried out in parts of Africa, including countries like Malawi. Several
authors have observed that the increasing proportion of HIV transmission in Sub-Saharan Africa
occurs within marriage (Clark et al., 2006; De Walque, 2007), largely because husbands in child
marriages tend to be much older than their young wives. There is every likelihood, therefore, that
the men may have had sexual partners before marriage (International Planned Parenthood Feder-
ation, 2006).
A serious concern faced by victims of child marriage is various forms of abuse. Literature on the
problems of the abuse of individuals married as children is extensive. Common abuse and exploi-
tation take on physical, verbal, psychological, sexual and financial forms. An astonishing finding
shows that when it comes to victimization, children born to child marriage victims also suffer the
same plight as their mothers. Such abuse and exploitation are often accepted as customary to
marital life. These young women are caught up in a cycle of economic dependence and fear for
their own and their children’s lives, apart from being ignorant of their legal rights, lacking self-
confidence and succumbing to family pressure. The sanctity of family privacy makes the author-
ities concerned reluctant to intervene and causes the women in question to deny the abuse
(Gaffney-Rhys, 2010; Hampton, 2010; Rao et al., 2015). The International Centre for Research
on Women conducted a study in two Indian states and found that girls married before the age of 18
were two times more likely to report being beaten, slapped or threatened by their husbands than
those who married later (Kanesathasan et al., 2008). Another grave form of abuse is intimate
partner violence (IPV). Scholars have found that given the utter lack of power in the marital
relationship, girls who married young are at greater IPV risk than those who married as adults
(Heise et al., 2002; Rocca et al., 2009).
The relationship between early marriage and intimate partner violence (IPV) was examined by
Speizer and Pearson (2011), analysing data from the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3)
(n ¼ 124,385) of India. The results revealed that 56%–60% of the women who were married before
the age of 18 agreed that spousal abuse was acceptable in at least one scenario. In Bihar and
Rajasthan, 60% and 48% of married young women reported lifetime IPV experiences, and women
who married before the age of 18 were more likely to have experienced IPV in their lifetime than
women who married later. Further, researchers around the world have established a significant
relationship between women’s economic standing and the likelihood of their becoming victims of
domestic violence. For instance, Abdullah et al. (2015) conducted a probit regression analysis on
the 2007 Bangladesh Demographic Health Survey data and found that early marriage often
increased the chances of domestic violence by 11.8%, though women from higher-income house-
holds tended to not face as much domestic violence. Apart from these, the victims also face
financial hardships, legal difficulties such as the non-registration of such marriages, and problems
in availing themselves of government schemes, particularly as they relate to the ownership of
Valan and Srinivasan 215

property. These are the limitations of the present research. To the best of the knowledge of the
researchers, no study has been undertaken to arrive at an understanding of the key issues faced by
victims of child marriage.in India, especially from a legal standpoint.

Routine activity theory and child marriage

The present research is an attempt to explain the problem of child marriage in light of certain
victimological theories, though there is no specific theory that exclusively addresses either chil-
dren as victims of crime in general or victims of child marriage in particular. This section endea-
vours to link child marriage with routine activities theory. Fattah (2000) contended that the
formulation of victimological theories is often from the wealth of victimization surveys and, to
date, with the exception of a few countries, there are no comprehensive statistics that help for-
mulate theories. Very few victimology theories have evolved from the literature surveyed, and
include the lifestyle-exposure model of Hindelang, Gottfredson, and Garofalo (1978), the routine
activity theory of Cohen and Felson (1979), the opportunity model of Cohen, Kluegel, and Land
(1981), and ‘the Dutch model’ associated with Van Dijk and Steinmetz (1980).
The routine activity theory (RAT) developed by Cohen and Felson in 1979 was initially
intended to explain property crimes. Later, however, scholars of victimology began applying this
theory to explain various kinds of victimization, including domestic violence in different contexts
(Kennedy and Forde, 1990; Franklin et al., 2012; Felson, 1997; Mannon, 1997; Waldner and Berg,
2008; Wyckoff, 2008). Child marriage is being examined here in light of the RAT in the belief that
the theory helps one understand the possibility of a young girl becoming a ‘suitable target’ as a
victim of child marriage, in order that appropriate interventions be put in place to thwart the
practice. Understanding the elements that constitute the ‘absence of a capable guardian’ makes
it easier for policy makers to enact policies that reduce the child marriage rate. Cohen and Felson
(1979) proposed that crime is a result of three major convergence factors: a ‘motivated offender’, a
‘suitable target’ and the ‘absence of a capable guardian’. For a crime to occur, all three elements
are essential. As far as child marriage is concerned, the process of victimization can be explained
from two dimensions. The first dimension explains the occurrence of child marriage. A slew of
social factors, including a lack of schooling, poor economic status, culture, teenage pregnancies,
affairs2 and peer group pressure make the child a potential target. There are factors that equate to
the ‘absence of a capable guardian’ and automatically culminate in child marriage. These include
the fact that laws prohibiting child marriage have not been forcefully implemented, parental
decisions to get their daughters married early, and abusive husbands. Apart from the RAT, the
opportunity model proposed by Cohen et al. (1981) can also be used to explain the practice of child
marriage, though the lifestyle-exposure model proposed by Hindelang et al. (1978) fails to explain
the practice of child marriage.
An extensive review of the literature shows that numerous studies have been carried out on the
different dimensions of child marriage, its causes, and its impact on women. These studies have
brought to light the link between child marriage and trauma, as well as the concomitant abuse and
exploitation faced by women who were married as children. The existing literature makes it
evident that scarcely any scientific studies have been carried out on child marriage in the Indian
state of Tamil Nadu, and very few from a victimological perspective. In view of the above, it was
proposed to undertake research in the state of Tamil Nadu to determine the causes of child
marriage; ascertain the nature and extent of issues such as education, health, financial standing,
216 International Review of Victimology 27(2)

legal awareness and various forms of abuse; and, finally, apply the routine activities theory to
explain the process of victimization.

Methodology
Population and sample
Married women aged 25 and below were chosen as the population of the study. The choice
underlying the selection of women under 25 was dictated by the fact that recently married, younger
women were more likely to recollect their experiences in greater detail than those married longer.
UNICEF’s 2012 report on the District-Level Household and Facility Survey (DLHS-3) (Interna-
tional Institute for Population Sciences, 2017b) revealed that the practice of child marriage is
prevalent in six northern districts of Tamil Nadu, including Vellore, Thiruvanamalai, Krishnagiri,
Namakkal, Dharmapuri and Salem, and in a few southern districts like Theni. For the purpose of
the present research, one area highly prone to child marriage (Vellore district) and the one least
prone to it (Tiruvannamalai district) were chosen. The Jawadhu Hills (geographically spread over
both districts) and Yelagiri Hills (spread across Vellore district) were preferred, as the practice of
child marriage is rife in these areas. The researchers used a snowball sampling technique that may
be considered a non-probability sampling procedure, but the researchers were approaching indi-
viduals about a sensitive subject that required a certain level of trust. The researchers began with a
small pool of respondents who in turn introduced the researchers to other women who met the
essential requirements of marriage. As noted earlier, the researchers detailed the confidentiality,
voluntariness and anonymity of their responses. A sample of 252 respondents were identified for
the study.

Research instrument
The research instrument used to collect data for the current research is a structured interview
schedule, constructed to procure data for variables relating to child marriage. A pilot study was
conducted among 30 participants in Vellore district and a preliminary analysis made. Further, the
researchers had discussions with eminent scholars, experts and practitioners in the field. After
obtaining inputs from the experts and based on the results of the pilot study, the interview schedule
was modified. Certain items were added and others deleted. The finalized interview schedule
comprised a total of 40 items. The questions in the research instrument were prepared by the
authors. The variables covered included the profile of the respondents, details pertaining to mar-
riage, and information on victimization relating to education, health and abuse. Approval was
obtained from the Doctoral Research Committee of the University of Madras for data collection
from the respondents.

Method of data collection

Prior to the commencement of the interview, participants were briefed on the objectives and
purpose of the study; assured that information collected from them would be kept confidential
and only used for the purpose of the research; and given the option to stop at any time they wished.
The researchers were accompanied by a female social worker who assisted in the collection of
information pertaining to issues, challenges and the kind of abuse the respondents experienced. All
the participants were given the name and affiliation of the researchers and requested to contact
Valan and Srinivasan 217

them in case of concerns/questions about the research, and participants’ oral consent was obtained
(India as a nation only as recently as 2005 began to assign Ethics Committees’ regulatory respon-
sibilities on clinical research. To date, human subject protection is voluntary and self-regulated –
see Thatte and Marathe (2017). A total of 305 respondents were approached for the study, of whom
252 consented to participate.
The regional language, Tamil, was used to elicit data that were consolidated, processed for
analysis and analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software version
20.1. Descriptive statistical analyses such as simple frequency and cross-tables were generated to
present the findings of the study.

Findings and Discussions

Profile of the respondents and their families
A majority of respondents (46%) were in the age group 2225 years, and close to 26% were below
18 years of age. An overwhelming percentage (78.6%) of respondents were from the Scheduled
Tribes and 11.1% were from the Scheduled Castes, which is in line with the findings of a study by
Pandya and Bhanderi (2015) in Gujarat, revealing that far more individuals from the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes in rural villages tend to become victims of child marriage than those
from the upper castes. With regard to the religion practiced, a majority of respondents (93.3%)
were Hindus and 6.3% were Christians.
A profile of the respondents’ families was constructed using variables such as age, gender,
education, occupation and income of the respondents’ spouses, children and parents. The findings
showed that a significant percentage (29.4%) of the respondents’ spouses were aged 21 and below.
Most (36.9%) of the respondents’ spouses were in the age group 22–25, and around 30% in the age
group 26–29. With respect to the age of respondents’ children, around 47% (with children ranging
from 1–4 years) were aged below 3 years, and around 10% fell into the age group 6–8 years. It is to
be noted that around 2% of respondents had more than three children, despite the respondents’
current age being only 25 or under. With respect to the occupation of the respondents’ spouses,
around a third (36.5%) were engaged as daily wage labourers and 33.3% in agriculture and related
occupations. In regard to the educational status of the respondents’ spouses, 38.1% had a secondary
school education and only 4% had been to college. With respect to the income of respondents’
spouses, around 40% earned Rs.201–300 (US$3–4) a day and around 11% Rs.400 and above
(>US$5).
A significant percentage (44%) of respondents’ mothers were in the age group 40 and under,
indicating that the mothers were also married as children. In all, 29.4% of respondents’ fathers
were in the age group 46–50. In terms of the occupation of respondents’ parents, the majority
(59.9% (Father) and 65.0% (Mother)) were engaged in agricultural and related occupations, and a
small percentage (22.6% and 24.2%) as daily wage labourers. With respect to the educational
standing of the respondents’ parents, an overwhelming percentage (70.6% and 82.9%) reported
having had no formal education, A small percentage (11.5% and 7.9%) had had a primary edu-
cation, and a minimal percentage (3.6% and 1.2%) a secondary school education. In terms of
parental income, it was learnt that a considerable percentage (69% and 89.3%) of the respondents’
parents earned Rs.200 (US$4) and below, and around 15% Rs.201–300 (US$6) a day. This
finding makes it clear that a majority of the respondents’ parents have low socioeconomic standing
and three-fourths have had no formal education, which explains their undue haste in getting their
218 International Review of Victimology 27(2)

Age at marriage

38

Less than 14
15–16
136
78 17–18

Figure 1. Age at marriage (n ¼ 252).

children married early. Research conducted around the world has substantiated this finding, clearly
establishing that girls belonging to the poorer sections of society are most likely to get married
early (Jain and Kurz, 2007; Michael and Srinivasan, 2016; Pandya and Bhanderi, 2015; Svanemyr
et al., 2015; UNFPA, 2013; UNICEF, 2009).

Details of marriage
With regard to age at marriage, more than half the respondents were married between the ages of
17 and 18 (Figure 1). In other words, only 15% were married when very young (under 14). This
could be the result of increased awareness among people on the ill-effects of child marriage,
particularly on the health of young mothers and their children. A study conducted in Bangladesh
in 2006 by Schuler et al. brought to light certain reasons for the reduced number of child marriage
cases in the recent past. Norms encouraging child marriage and childbearing have eroded, with a
changed ideology towards girl children setting in. Further, the study also found that people are
now well aware of the costs and risks of early marriage and childbearing (Schuler et al., 2006).
The findings clearly established that around 72% of respondents did not know the age of their
husbands before marriage. It may be inferred, then, that prior to marriage, the respondents were
not permitted to talk to their prospective husbands and gather so much as basic demographic
information; or the girl might have met the groom but was not permitted to ask him his age. As a
result, following the marriage, these respondents were unable to negotiate with their husbands on
matters relating to sex, household decisions and childbearing. Similar findings are also seen in
previous studies (Anagol-McGinn, 1992; Parsons et al., 2015; UNICEF, 2001, cited in Schuler
et al., 2006). Another significant finding shows that for 72.6% of the respondents, their hus-
band’s family had made no demand for a dowry; it may be inferred, then, that a major reason for
child marriage is the act of dispensing with the formality of an otherwise mandatory dowry.
Previous studies have also established that the absence of a dowry is a key driver of child
marriage (Jain and Kurz, 2007; Michael and Srinivasan, 2017; Pandya and Bhanderi, 2015;
Svanemyr et al., 2015; UNFPA, 2013). Hence, it is established that in only 1 out of 10 cases
of child marriage is there a demand for a dowry, because of which parents are only too willing to
get their daughters married early.
In regard to the state of Tamil Nadu, other than parental decisions, poverty, and a lack of interest
in schooling, a recent factor in child marriage was found to be early love affairs, as acknowledged
Valan and Srinivasan 219

Table 1. Difficulties/challenges faced due to a lack of education.

Response Count (n ¼ 246) Percentage (%)

No difficulties 71 28.9
Unable to secure better employment 137 55.7
Unable to teach children 77 31.3
No exposure 91 37.0
No access to a better standard of living 59 24.0
Unable to approach government offices 114 46.3
(Multiple-option questions).

by 40.1% of all respondents. This study found that in most cases, girls involved in love affairs
tended to conceive early, owing to a lack of awareness of contraceptive use, or eloped with the boy,
resulting in early marriage. The finding is in line with the explanation on ‘chastity’ offered by
Bicchieri et al. (2014), dealing with parental anxiety concerning the ‘purity’ of the girl child. The
parents believe that keeping the girl child at home indefinitely after she attains puberty will pose
problems, since she might get romantically involved and shame the family; hence the urgency on
their part to get their girls married young.

Education and health-related victimization

The findings have established that women who were married as children face challenges relating to
education, including dropping out of school, an inability to help their children with their studies, an
unwillingness to approach government offices, and a lack of sustainable employment opportunities
(Table 1). Despite the fact that 47.2% completed secondary school, they were still married before
the age of 18. Several scholars (Raj et al., 2014) have argued that providing secondary school
education would reduce the chances of girls getting married young. On the contrary, UNICEF
(2012) found that women who had had primary school education are less likely to get married
young than those who had not. Hence, it is argued that providing education alone does not stop girls
from getting married young. When the reasons for dropping out of school were compared, it was
found that 32.5% cited marriage as the sole reason, followed by housework (56.5%) and a lack of
opportunity (52%), respectively. A notable percentage (17%) stated that their husbands encour-
aged them to continue studying further, which corroborates the findings of previous studies (Dahl,
2010; UNICEF, 2012; Raj et al., 2014; 2015; Sekine and Hodgkin, 2017). A serious challenge
brought on by a lack of education is the inability of these women to help their children with their
lessons, as reported by 29% of the respondents (n¼121). The findings of Sekhri and Debnath
(2014) revealed that a one-year delay in the age of marriage of these mothers increases the
probability of their children being able to read a one-page short story by 3.5 percentage points
and decreases the probability of not being able to read anything at all by 0.8 percentage points.
Further, as argued by researchers Dobash et al. (1992), Kabeer (2005), and Mabsout and Van
Staveren (2010), girls with little education who were married early experience impeded economic
development. Hence, it can be inferred that there is a link between a lack of education and facing
challenges while helping their children with their education.
Around 58% of the respondents self-reported feeling healthy overall, despite a few adverse
effects of child marriage on their health. The findings showed that around 50% had their first child
220 International Review of Victimology 27(2)

Figure 2. Age at which respondents had their first child.

when they were under 18, and 6.3% were under 15 (see Figure 2). However, certain previous
studies have determined that conception at an early age adversely affects women’s health (Brown,
2012; Erulkar, 2013; Gaffney-Rhys, 2010; Hindin and Fatusi, 2009; Presler-Marshall and Jones,
2012; UNPFA, 2005). As argued by scholars around the world, health issues relating to child
marriage include a high rate of abortion/miscarriage during pregnancy. The findings of the present
research revealed that 36.5% of respondents had experienced an abortion/miscarriage, 51.2% were
anaemic, and 43.7% had gynaecological problems. These findings are in line with those of pre-
vious studies (Anagol-McGinn, 1992; Lee and George, 1999; Schuler et al., 2006; UNICEF, 2008),
showing that children born to young mothers are more prone to health and related issues (Lee and
George, 1999; Pandya and Bhanderi, 2015; Shaw et al., 2006). Confirming these findings, the
present study has established that 64.1% of the respondents’ children are malnourished and under-
weight, and 33.3% have a chronic illness. Another major finding of the present research reveals
that around 56% of the respondents reported an inability to negotiate with their husbands to
postpone their pregnancy, which reinforces that of studies conducted around the world (Anagol-
McGinn, 1992; Bhatti and Jeffery, 2012; Sathar and Kiani, 1998). With regard to contraceptive
use/birth control, it was found that a majority (64.7%) used no contraceptives, though 59.9% were
aware of the methods practised. Those who used contraceptives (35.3%) used condoms, copper Ts
and birth pills. Previous studies have also shown that despite significant awareness on contra-
ceptive use, it is still low (Chimbiri, 2007; Kamal, 2012; Pullum et al., 2005; Williamson et al.,
2006).

Forms of abuse
Studies conducted around the world have conclusively established a link between child marriage,
domestic violence and health outcomes (Ackerson and Subramanian, 2008; Heise, 1994; Sarkar,
2008; Silverman et al., 2008; Rao et al., 2015; Vlachovd and Biason, 2005). Girls who marry early
are at greater risk of inter-personal violence than those who do not (Corroborating these findings,
the present study found that around 53% of the respondents faced verbal abuse, while a third were
psychologically abused and around 20% were physically abused. When the respondents were
asked to speculate on the circumstances surrounding the abuse, the reasons they gave were in the
areas of household issues (89.7%), financial difficulties (44.9%), problems in childcare (25.7%)
Valan and Srinivasan 221

Figure 3. Explaining child marriage in light of routine activity theory (RAT) (Felson and Cohen, 1979).

and an inability to cope with married life (16.9%). Hence, these responses provide support for these
young girls internalizing blame for the interpersonal violence against them.

Application of routine activity theory

As stated elsewhere, routine activity theory can be applied to explaining the process of child
marriage. The findings of the current research show that all the three elements essential for
committing a crime are present, and Figure 3 below explains the process of child marriage in light
of routine activity theory.
As discussed earlier, three elements in all, in the form of ‘a motivated offender’, ‘a suitable
target’ and the ‘absence of guardianship’, are determinants for a crime to occur, since a motivated
offender is invariably present in these cases. As far as a ‘suitable target’ is concerned, the results of
the present study have established that in the case of child marriage, a suitable target is identified
on the basis of a few variables, such as the parents’ poor economic status (69%), the victims opting
to become school dropouts (63.9%), affairs (40.5%), culture (52.8%), peer group pressure (34.9%)
and a tendency to become pregnant early (49.2%). In connection with the ‘absence of guardian-
ship’, it was found from the study that 75% of the respondents’ parents themselves played a vital
role in deciding their daughters’ marriage. As a consequence of child marriage, the perpetrators of
all forms of abuse are husbands and in-laws (53%), which equates to acting as the ‘absence of
guardianship’. The status of the non-registration of such marriages (66.7%) is a sign of the weak
enforcement of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006 (with reported cases of 357 in
222 International Review of Victimology 27(2)

20172018 and conviction rate of less than 5% in 2018), and the Tamil Nadu Registration of
Marriage Act 2009. To elaborate, it can be argued from these findings that certain factors, such as
parents unilaterally fixing the marriage of their young daughters, lure potential offenders to
approach the parents for the hand of a minor daughter in marriage. Another notable factor is the
non-registration of such marriages, particularly in rural areas, at the state government’s registrar’s
offices. Marriage requires that husbands protect their wives, but around 53% of the perpetrators of
abuse in child marriage are husbands, a factor that equates to the ‘absence of capable guardian-
ship’. Child brides accept such victimization as part of life and shrink from lodging a complaint. It
was found (74%) that the stigma attached to tendering a complaint against their husbands, resulting
in a fear of ruined lives, causes them to turn a blind eye to such misdemeanours. The three factors
above render the young victims particularly vulnerable and put them in harm’s way. Hence, it is
strongly argued that the routine activity theory may be applied to explain the prevalence of child
marriage in India.

Conclusion
In line with the chosen objectives of the present research, an appropriate tool was prepared. Data
were collected from the target population using the said tool and analysed. The outcome of the
analysis has helped realize the objectives of the present research. The study confirmed that children
as young as 14 and under were being married. Based on the findings, it is concluded that the
practice of child marriage is prevalent among socially and economically poor families in certain
rural areas of Tamil Nadu, such as Vellore and Thiruvanamalai districts. The results of the study
have established that a lack of interest in education, affairs, parents’ decision to get their daughters
married young, poverty and peer group pressure are the chief causes for child marriage in the state
of Tamil Nadu. The findings have shown that the respondents of the present research, namely, rural
women who were married as children, have faced specific forms of verbal, psychological and
physical abuse, along with economic exploitation.
The proposed research is an attempt to fill the gap in explaining the practice of child marriage in
light of routine activity theory. It is thus proved that the RAT can also be applied to explain the
process of victimization through child marriage. From the findings of the present research, a few
recommendations are made. These include policy making, strengthening community-based orga-
nizations, creating gender sensitization, conducting victimization surveys and aiding microfinance
institutions/schemes such as women’s self-help groups (SHGs) in financial sustenance, creating
awareness through appropriate study material at school and utilizing community policing services
to curb the practice of child marriage. From the point of view of the RAT, it is recommended that
government has to consider the factors contributing to a ‘suitable target’ and bring in policies to
address all the factors such as parent poor socio-economic status, dropping out of school, affairs,
culture, peer group pressure and early pregnancy. It is believed that if the interventions are
effectively carried out and prevent the girls from being a ‘suitable target’, then this harmful
practice will diminish in a short while. It is also recommended that parents of young girls be
sensitized to the ill effects of child marriage, raising legal literacy levels among rural women for an
understanding, on their part, of legal rights and remedies in case of abuse by their husbands or
in-laws, and offering sex education to avert teen pregnancies. Further, it is recommended that the
state government takes necessary steps to ensure 100% registration of marriages, as well as the
reporting of child marriage cases. Apart from these, extensive research needs to be conducted on
the economic, sexual and legal victimization of the young women involved. Another limitation of
Valan and Srinivasan 223

this research is its non-inclusivity, in that it does not make a comparative study of women who
were married after 18 years of age.

Notes
1. Khap panchayats are socio-political groups, usually comprising upper caste and elderly men from the Jat
community, which are united by geography and caste. They consolidate their position and power, cov-
ering an area comprising a cluster of villages, and lay down the law. They are bodies with no legal
standing whatsoever (see https://www.lawteacher.net/free-law-essays/constitutional-law/khap-pan
chayat-law-essays.php).
2. Most parents in India do not, as a general rule, support a daughter’s love affair. As a result, couples elope,
get married privately and start living together.

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