Involuntary Migration

and Resettlement
 Also of Interest
Vietnamese Americans: Patterns of Resettlement and Socioeconomic Adap-
tation in the United States, Darrel Montero

Illegal Immigration, Shelby D. Gerking and John H. Mutti

Studies of the Third Wave: Recent Migration of Soviet Jews to the

United States, edited by Dan N. Jacobs and Ellen Frankel Paul

Japanese Americans: Changing Patterns of Ethnic Affiliation Over Three

Generations, Darrel Montero

Acculturation: Theory, Models, and Some New Findings, edited by Amado

M. Padilla

Migration and the Labor Market in Developing Countries, edited by R.

H. Sabot

Emigration and Economic Development: The Case of the Yemen Arab Re-
public, Jon C. Swanson

Jewish Assimilation in Modern Times, edited by Bela Vago

The Chicano Experience, edited by Stanley A. West and June ~acklin

Temporary Alien Workers in the United States: Designing Policy from

Fact and Opinion, Sidney Weintraub and Stanley Ross
 A Westview Special Study
Involuntary Migration and Resettlement:
The Problems and Responses of Dislocated People
edited by Art Hansen and Anthony Oliver-Smith

Involuntary migration occurs when there has been, or will be, a

catastrophic change in people's environment and they have little or
no choice but to relocate. Causes range from natural disasters to
sociopolitical upheaval (war, revolution, pogrom) and even to planned
changes (dams, atomic experimentation, urban renewal). Although there
are excellent studies of specific instances of forced migration, this
book is the first to address the broad scope of issues and the wide
variety of contexts in which migration and resettlement schemes have
occurred. The authors investigate the responses of dislocated people
facing dislocation and resettlement and ask specifically: What are
the common stresses of dislocation and resettlement? What are the
patterns of individual and group reactions and strategies as people
respond to the stresses and opportunities of relocation? What signif-
icant similarities and differences exist among situations of involun-
tary migration and how do these pressures relate to those faced by
people who move voluntarily?

Dr. Art Hansen is assistant professor of anthropology at the

University of Florida, where he is affiliated with the Centers for
African Studies, Latin American Studies, and Tropical Agriculture.
He has done research on rural development in Bolivia, the Dominican
Republic, Zambia, and Malawi and has studied Cuban refugees in Miami.
Dr. Anthony Oliver-Smith is associate professor of anthropology at
the University of Florida and is affiliated with the Center for Latin
American Studies there. His research and writings focus on socio-
cultural responses to externally forced change in the Andean area.
Involuntary Migration
and Resettlement
The Problems and Responses
of Dislocated People

edited by Art Hansen

and Anthony Oliver-Smith

~~ ~~o~1~;n~~~up
LONDON AND NEW YORK
First published 1982 by Westview Press, Inc.

Published 2018 by Routledge

52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 1982 Taylor & Francis

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or
by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
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permission in writing from the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for
identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Main entry under title:
Involuntary migration and resettlement.
(A Westview special study)
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. Emigration and immigration. 2. Refugees. 3. Land settlement.
I. Hansen, Art. II. Oliver-Smith, Anthony.
JV6318.ISS 1982 325'.2 81-19687
ISBN 13: 978-0-367-02243-3 (hbk) MCR2
Contents

List of Figures and Tables ••...••...••...•...•.•••..•....••...••..• ix

Acknowledgments .•...•.•.••••••••••....••.•.•...•..•.•••......••.••. xi

1. Introduction. Involuntary Migration and Resettlement:

Causes and Contexts, Anthony Oliver-Smith and Art Hansen .••••.• 1

PART 1
RESETTLEMENT DUE TO POLITICAL UPHEAVAL

2. Self-Settled Rural Refugees in Africa: The Case of

Angolans in Zambian Villages, Art Hansen ••••.......•.•••••••.. 13

3. Women and Men as Refugees: Differential Assimilation

of Angolan Refugees in Zambia, Anita Spring .•••...•....••..... 37

4. Halfway to Nowhere: Vietnamese Refugees on Guam,

G. S. Morrison and Felix Moos ................................. 49

5. Vietnamese Refugee Resettlement: Denver, Colorado,

1975-1977, James A. Pisarowicz and Vicki Tosher ....•.••.••.••. 69

PART 2
RESETTLEMENT DUE TO NATURAL DISASTERS

6. Here There Is Life: The Social and Cultural Dynamics

of Successful Resistance to Resettlement in
Postdisaster Peru, Anthony Oliver-Smith ......•.••........•••.• 85

7. Pastoral Nomad Settlement in Response to Drought:

The Case of the Kenya Somali, James L. Merryman •••..•••.•..•. 105

8. Posthurricane Resettlement in Belize, Joseph 0. Palacio ••••.. 121

vii
viii

PART 3
RESETTLEMENT AS AN ELEMENT OF PLANNED CHANGE

9. Involuntary Migration and Government Policy:

Population Displacement in South Africa,
Brian M. du Toit •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••••••• 139

10. The Fort McDowell Yavapai: A Case of Long-Term

Resistance to Relocation, Sigrid Khera and
Patricia S. Mariella •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••.•••• 159

11. A Reservation for the Nambiquara, David Price •••••••••••••••• 179

12. Resettlement in the Zande Development Scheme,

Conrad C. Reining •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• •••••••••••••••• 201

13. Favela Removal: The Eradication of a Lifestyle,

Janice E. Perlman •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• •••••••••••••••• 225

14. The Papaloapan Dam and Resettlement Project: Human

Ecology and Health Impacts, William L. Partridge,
Antoinette B. Brown, and Jeffrey B. Nugent ••••••••••••••••••• 245

PART 4
CONCLUSION

15. From Welfare to Development: A Conceptual Framework

for the Analysis of Dislocated People, Thayer Scudder
and Elizabeth Colson •••••••.•••••••••••••••••••• ••••••••••••• 26 7

Bibliography .••••••••••••••••••••••••••• •••••••••••••••.•••••••••• 289

The Contributors •••••••••••••••••••••••••••• •••••••••••••••••••••• 313

Index •••••••.•••••••••••••••••.•• •••••••••••••.•••••••••••••• ••••• 317

Figures and Tables

Figures
2.1 Zambia and neighboring states (map) ••••••••••••••••••••••••. 18
2.2 A rapidly constructed refugee village •••••.•.•••••.•••.••••• 25
3.1 A refugee woman conducts a spirit possession ritual
to cure a settler woman ..................................... 44
4.1 These camp facilities were set up on Guam to receive
the influx of refugees from Vietnam in 1975 ••••••••.•.••.••• 51
5.1 Simplified model of immigrant adaptation ••••••..••.•••••••.. 80
6.1 Peru and the Department of Ancash (rnap) .•••••••••••••••••••• 87
6.2 Existing cities and relocation sites in the
Callej6n de Huaylas (map) ••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 91
6.3 The provisional housing, originally designed to last
two years, was still in use four years later •••••.••••••.••• 95
8.1 Belize (map) ...••••.•...••.••..••..•••....••••••••••.•..•.. 124
11.1 Nambiquara (Nagarottu) woman and children, 1979 ..••.••••••• 181
11.2 The Nambiquara region (map) .••••••.••.•.•..••••.••••••••.•. 185
11.3 Village movements, 1969-1977 (map) .••.•••••••...••.••.••••• 191

Tables
2.1 Numbers of refugees in Africa (1976) •.•••••.•••••••.••••••.• 16
2.2 Shifts in village population 1971 to 1972 •••••.•••••.•••••.• 20
2.3 Angolan refugees in Zambia (year-end totals) ..•••.••.....•.. 24
2.4 Migration status of settlement population (1971) •...•..•.••• 27
9.1 Families affected by Group Areas Act (by end of 1971) •••••• 149
14.1 Percent distribution of sample by site and Gomez Class •••.• 255
14.2 Distribution of malnutrition in the samples •••.•••••••••••• 255
14.3 Diversity of G6mez Classifications ..•••••••.•..••...••.••.• 255

ix
Acknowledgments

The editors would like to thank the individual authors of the

articles for their cooperation in the production of this volume. We
would also like to thank the University of California Press for per-
mission to publish Chapter 13 by Janice Perlman, Northwestern Uni-
versity Press for permission to publish Chapter 12 by Conrad Reining,
and the Center for Migration Studies for permission to publish Chap-
ter 2 by Art Hansen. Thanks are due as well to a number of people
at the University of Florida, including H. Russell Bernard and
Elizabeth Eddy, for their support during their respective tenures as
chair of the Department of Anthropology; Carol Bates and Beth Scott
for the production and design of many of the graphics, proofreading,
and bibliographical work; and Mary Fearn, Robin Goepfert, and Darla
WHkes for typing the numerous drafts through which this volume
passed. To all involved, our thanks.

A. H.
A. 0.-S.

xi
Involuntary Migration
and Resettlement
1
INTRODUCTION

Involuntary Migration and

Resettlement: Causes and
Contexts
Anthony Oliver-Smith
Art Hansen

This volume results from our common interest in the problems of

dislocated peoples and our commitment to a comparative case study
approach. We are social anthropologists who have lived among and
observed the resettlement of dislocated peoples. Art Hansen has
worked with rural refugees from an African war and spent some months
studying Cuban refugees in the U.S.A.; Anthony Oliver-Smith has
worked with victims of a disastrous South American earthquake and
avalanche that obliterated the town where his informants used --to
live. Both the refugees and the avalanche victims had experienced
uprooting and relocation and were coping with the consequent stresses
and the need to adapt to new or radically changed environments. In
extended conversations between us, with other faculty members, and
with graduate students, all began to appreciate the extent to which
the data and conclusions of each person's research complemented and
enriched those of the others. Although the places and peoples were
geographically and culturally distinct and the sociopolitical envi-
ronments and causes of dislocation were dissimilar, there emerged a
number of common concerns and processes.
In order to explore the emergent similarities in more depth and
with broader ethnographic coverage, we organized a symposium on the
topic of "Involuntary Migration and Resettlement: The Problems and
Responses of Dislocated Peoples" for the 1976 annual meeting of the
American Anthropological Association in Washington, D.C. Six case
studies about people in East and South Africa, the Andes, and the
southwestern U.S.A. examined specific instances of dislocation as the
result of sociopolitical upheavals, natural disasters, or planned
removals. Four discussants (Elizabeth Colson, Thayer Seudder, David
Maybury-Lewis, and Michael Horowitz) analyzed the cases that were
presented and compared them with their own research.
The central issues that the papers and the discussions addressed
were (1) characteristics of the stresses of dislocation and resettle-
ment, (2) patterns of individual and group reactions and strategies,
(3) similarities and differences among the cases of involuntary
migration, and (4) similarities and differences between, on the one
hand, cases of involuntary migration and, on the other hand, cases of
voluntary migration and urbanization. These issues and interests,
together with the desire to present a more varied set of cases, have

1
2

continued to dictate the selection and revision of articles for the

present volume. Five papers from the symposium (by Art Hansen,
Anthony Oliver-Smith, Brian M. du Toit, Anita Spring, and James
Merryman) have been revised and included in this book, and eight more
case studies have been added. Two of the original discussants
(Thayer Scudder and Elizabeth Colson) have summarized the lessons
from the cases and have presented some conclusions about the dynamics
of resettlement.

MIGRATION AND FORCED MIGRATION

Before proceeding any further, the form of social action that is

called migration needs to be defined more exactly and, within that
definition, forced migration must be distinguished. For the defini-
tion of migration we rely on Mangalam (1968:8): "Migration is a
relatively permanent moving away of a collectivity, called migrants,
from one geographical location to another, preceded by decision-
making on the part of the migrants on the basis of a hierarchically
ordered set of values or valued ends and resulting in changes in the
interactional system of the migrants." The "relatively permanent
moving away" differentiates migration from population mobility; to be
considered a migration, a movement must include a relatively perma-
nent change of residence. This does not mean that the migrating
peoples must be normally sedentary, as seasonal transhumance of
nomadic peoples is considered a type of migration. The movement must
be geographical, i.e., it must be a physical movement of the body
through space.
Whereas the above elements are commonly included in definitions
of migration, Mangalam specifically called attention to other social
dimensions that are often overlooked, which is why his definition is
important for social scientists. One of these dimensions is collec-
tive. Migration is not a movement of isolated individuals but a
collective movement of peoples who are related, sometimes as fami-
lies, communities, or nations (ethnic or political), sometimes
through sharing status sets and normative orientations. Social
interaction and decision making are also recognized as essential
components of the total process (or set of processes) that is migra-
tion. As Mangalam noted, "Migrants have been treated largely like
inanimate bodies moving through physical space and time" (1968:6).
This is exemplified in a comment by Kunz (1973:131) referring to the
movement of refugees as kinetic, resembling "the movement of the
billiard ball: devoid of inner direction, their path is governed by
kinetic factors."! Our view of migrants (including refugees) is
quite different from that of Kunz. We agree with Mangalam that
migrants are, first and foremost, people in social units who think,
learn, perceive, decide, and act. Migration is one of those actions
and is undertaken as a consequence of the prior learning, perceiving,
and deciding that people do as individuals and in groups. At the
same time, of course, migration also affects the social and cogni-
tive worlds of the migrants, who must come to grips in some way with
the consequences of their actions. ·
 3

All migration implies some degree of prior relative deprivation,

People decide to move away because some needs or desires are not
being adequately fulfilled in their present location, Adequacy is a
question of perception, and there is a balancing of perceived depri-
vation and the chances for remedying that in various different envi-
ronments. Any type of migration, therefore, expresses a need or
desire to relieve or redress some problem or failure in the present
location (Wolpert 1966). Mangalam (1968:9) stated: "Thus, among
other things, both the existence of a high degree of deprivation of
one or more values of a collectivity and the blocking of almost all
the satisfactory means normally available to the collectivity to
overcome such deprivations are preconditions to a decision to
migrate,"
Within this general context, what we term forced migration has
been distinguished by several differing sets of criteria. Petersen
(1958) used psychological variables (individual power and motivation)
to modify the standard push and pull opposition in migration theory.
He noted (p. 258): "Some persons migrate as a means of achieving the
new. Let us term such migrations innovating. Others migrate in
response to a change in conditions, in order to retain what they have
had; they move geographically in order to remain where they are in
all other respects. Let us term such migration conservative."
Petersen established five broad classes of migration: forced,
impelled, primitive, free, and mass. In forced migration, migrants
do not retain any "power to decide whether or not to leave" (p. 261),
whereas in impelled migration, they retain some power. In both
classes "the migrants are largely passive" (p. 263), their will being
unimportant compared to the sociopolitical institutions that demand
and direct the population movement, Petersen mentioned four types of
forced and impelled migration: flight, displacement, the slave
trade, and the coolie trade. The first two types parallel two of the
categories of forced migrants in this book: refugees and targets of
planned removals, respectively, The third category in this book--
victims of natural disaster--is mentioned neither by Petersen nor by
most other theorists,2 Flight and displacement are described as
usually conservative movements. This assessment was endorsed by Kunz
in his definition of refugees--"It is the reluctance to uproot one-
self, and the absence of positive original motivations to settle
elsewhere, which characterizes all refugee decisions and distin-
guishes the refugee from the voluntary migrants" (1973:130),
Eichenbaum (1975) used different criteria, He considered migra-
tion to be a "function of volition" (p. 22) and the migration process
to incorporate two decisions about location, one decision concerning
the move away from the original place of residence, the second deci-
sion concerning the selection of a new place. The decisions are
either influenced or determined by society (outside agencies).
Totally voluntary decisions by individuals, i.e., those made com-
pletely independent of societal influence, are empirically non-
existent, as "in reality all decisions contain a superindividual
component; the individual is seen as an open system; his behavior is
subject to family upbringing, cultural biases, and other constraints
originating in his surroundings" (p. 22). Eichenbaum then created a
4

matrix with four empirical categories, which he labeled migrants,

refugees, allocatees, and slaves.

Decision to Move from Original Place

Influenced by Determined by
Society Society

Influenced
by Migrants Refugees
Society
Decision to Move
to a New Place
Determined
by Allocatees Slaves
Society

The four labels are applied differently than in colloquial or estab-

lished scientific usage. According to Eichenbaum, refugees, allo-
catees, and slaves3 result from forced movements. Both refugees and
slaves are forced to move; both allocatees and slaves are forced to
settle in determined places. The category of refugees includes "all
forced moves brought about through social actions. Thus persons
moving because of religious or political persecution or the ravages
of war are placed in the same category as those moving because of
highway construction, river valley development, or eviction" (p. 28).
Again, victims of natural disasters are not mentioned under any cate-
gory.
Eichenbaum also described some general features of forced popu-
lation movements. These movements may often cause several kinds of
unprecedented population transfers: the first time that certain
types of people arrive in an area; the first time that all the indi-
viduals of a certain status or population leave an area; or migration
of unusually large numbers of people, often in an unusually rapid
manner. Forced movements are often closely connected with a con-
trolling social organization that overpowers individuals and directs
their movements in one way or another, whereas voluntary migration is
often less closely connected with such organizations. Finally,
forced movements are often closely associated with the existence of
cultural and racial differences in the society of origin.
In sum, forced migration is distinguished from voluntary migra-
tion by the diminished power of decision in the former, sometimes
reaching an extreme in which the forced migrants are totally power-
less. Although natural disasters are not mentioned by most theorists
as a cause of forced migration, the same element of powerlessness
applies. Another important distinguishing factor is the original
absence on the part of forced migrants of a desire or motivation to
leave their place of residence. A change or changes in the environ-
ment that are detrimental to the individual or collectivity deprive
the collectivity (or various members of it) of security and estab-
lish new, more dangerous conditions. People who would have remained
where they were under the earlier conditions now must leave or face
insult, injury, imprisonment, or death. Migration becomes a means of
 5

escaping from a threatening situation, but the forced migrant is more

oriented toward retention or reestablishment of past conditions than
the voluntary migrant. The balancing of cost and benefit in migra-
tion decision making is often crudely expressed in terms of push and
pull factors. Using that terminology, forced or involuntary migra-
tion occurs because of the strength of the push element.

PERSPECTIVE

The thirteen case studies in this book and the concluding

chapter explore the internal social and economic dynamics of disloca-
tion, migration, and resettlement. These are studies of decision
making and social process. The focus in each case is the series of
problems that confront dislocated peoples and the ways they cope or
find solutions in order to continue as individuals, families, and
collectivities. Each author presents people as actors rathex than as
targets or clients, and therefore, each study reveals the inner force
and direction of people who are all too often seen as totally power-
less and totally dependent. This local human dimension is often
overlooked by planners and policy makers who deal with the "big
picture" or handle the logistics of relief. Because of this neglect,
their well-meaning efforts often become another distressing force
with which forced migrants must contend. Although this volume is
designed to clarify some conceptual issues about social process and
adaptation to stress, the authors hope that the information and con-
clusions presented here will contribute to more sensitive and effec-
tive policies in an era in which human populations are frequently
uprooted.
The emphasis in this collection of articles is on social process
rather than on current events or enduring structures. Although each
of the cases is dramatic and many of them have been the subject of
journalistic reporting, the chapters of this book probe beneath the
surface drama to analyze the stresses of relocation, the means and
forms of adaptation to new or changed environments, and short-term
and long-term impacts of forced migration and resettlement on indi-
viduals and communities. The authors demonstrate how, in Weber's
(1964: 110) words, "sociological analysis both abstracts from reality
and at the same time helps us to understand it, in that it shows with
what degree of approximation a concrete historical phenomenon can be
subsumed" under more general concepts.
Weber also declared that "the specific task of sociological
analysis, or • • • of the other sciences of action, • • • is the
interpretation of action in terms of its subjective meaning" (1964:
94). The chapters of this book focus on people faced with making
decisions about coping with the often overwhelming problems pre-
sented by dislocation and resettlement. In most cases the authors
are not concerned with evaluating the effectiveness of these deci-
sions, but with understanding them as rational, goal-oriented
behavior and as attempts to develop effective (consistent with their
own perceptions of well-being) coping mechanisms to deal with varied
stresses. Much of the work on migration is restricted to demo-
graphic, physical, and biological criteria and measures (Mangalam
6

1968). This volume addresses the human meaning of forced migration

as expressed in social action (flight, resistance, reorganization,
and so on). After the cameras and reporters have departed, and the
attention of the mass audiences everywhere has turned to other events
and arenas in this world of instant but fleeting imagery, the up-
rooted and resettling people remain to cope with the old and new
problems of their lives. We hope that lessons from their lives will
remain with us.
Mangalam has noted that "study of a migrating collectivity
provides the behavioral scientists with a natural laboratory situa-
tion to observe changes in human behavior under varying conditions"
(1968:18). The thirteen cases and concluding chapter are reports
from that laboratory, providing primary data and concepts to permit
social scientists and others to understand the actual processes by
which people and groups respond to other people and events in their
environment. Part of the disciplinary advantage of anthropology
"lies in our powers of observation out there where change is happen-
ing today, and not in producing secondary data by deduction and
extrapolation" (Barth 1967:661). Instead of aggregating this primary
data to obtain average responses, customs, or enduring structures,
anthropologists need to determine the forces, perceptions, and rela-
tionships that generate social forms.
When these forces, perceptions, and relationships arrive at some
balance, they continue to generate the same forms or some steady
trend. When the balance is disturbed, new forms or trends are
generated. "What we see as a social form is, concretely, a pattern
of distribution of behavior by different persons and on different
occasions. • • • this empirical pattern • • • must be regarded as an
epiphenomenon of a great variety of processes in combination, and our
problem as social anthropologists is to show how it is generated"
(Barth 1967:662). In the cases of social change in this volume, the
authors note a series of events and induce from these specific events
a set of processes. The outlined processes are not, however, simply
ways in which life changes; many are also modes of renewal and
institutionalization. Thus, these studies of social changes approach
"society in such terms that we see how it persists, maintains itself,
and changes through time" (Barth 196 7: 661).

OUTLINE

The book is divided into three sections according to the estab-

lished tradition that categorizes forced migration situations by the
type of causal agent: (1) wars and other forms of sociopolitical
unrest produce refugees,4 as well as other people who are uprooted
but remain within the boundaries of the nation; (2) natural disasters
sometimes produce victims who are dislocated and resettled; and (3)
planned or administrative removals freque~tly affect targeted popula-
tions in the name of development.
There is considerable variation among these three causal agents
and among specific cases within each category in terms of the unex-
pectedness, frequency, extensiveness, and rapidity of onset of stress
as well as the certainty and severity of the consequences if the
 7

affected people do not migrate. Some stressors are cyclical and may
be anticipated, such as hurricanes in the Gulf Coast and the Carib-
bean (Chapter 8). The great variation in rapidity of onset of stress
is clear when the gradual perception of drought over years (Chapter
7) is compared with the almost simultaneous threat and impact of an
earthquake and avalanche (Chapter 6). Some stressors--wars,
droughts, and some disasters--affect entire regions; others are more
selective and affect only specific localities. Similarly, some
stressors affect whole populations (entire ethnic groups, as in the
cases presented in Chapters 11 and 12); others apply only to particu-
lar minority groups within a relatively undisturbed larger society
(Chapters 9 and 13). The severity of the stress and the urgency of
action can vary from acute situations, such as earthquakes, hurri-
canes, or wars, to cases of gradual, increasing stress applied by
political pressures in which initial responses take the form of
attempts at negotiation to forestall resettlement action (Chapters
10, 13, and 14).
Each study focuses on the perceptions and actions of one or more
specific ethnic or community populations. The laboratory is global,
as ecological and cultural factors present important variations.
Chapters 2, 3, 7, 9, and 12 describe situations in various parts of
East and Southern Africa; Chapters 6, 11, and 13 report on South
America; Chapters 8 and 14 on Central America; Chapters 5 and 10 on
North America; and Chapter 4 describes the fundamentally liminal
location, "Halfway to Nowhere," of refugees in transit on Guam. Four
of the cases are urban and eight are rural; du Toit in Chapter 9
covers both contexts.
A wide variety of sociocultural contexts and sociopolitical
levels are described: Khera and Mariella (Chapter 10) and Price
(Chapter 11) deal with reservations for indigenous populations;
Merryman (Chapter 7) with the settlement of nomadic pastoralists;
Hansen, Spring, Reining, and Partridge, Brown, and Nugent (Chapters
2, 3, 12, and 14) with the resettlement of peasants and small
farmers; Oliver-Smith, Palacio, du Toit, and Perlman (Chapters 6, 8,
9, and 13) with urban resettlement; and Morrison and Moos (Chapter 4)
and Pisarowicz and Tosher (Chapter 5} deal with essentially the same
mixed set of Indochinese people in a camp and a city respectively.
All of the cases presented in this volume involve forms of
successful, if difficult, adaptation to forced resettlement or its
threat. This is by no means to suggest that the resettlement pro-
grams adhered to any absolute standard of fairness or justice, but
rather that once faced with the facts of resettlement, regardless of
their harshness, the groups in question suffered through at least the
initial stages of the resettlement process and adapted or are
adapting to their changed conditions. Although the cases do speak
for themselves, certain types of responses are not shown. Resistance
to relocation was seen in a number of cases, but it was successful in
only one (Chapter 6). In that case, it is noteworthy that strategy
was greatly affected by the "politics of inertia" rather than armed
resistance in the form of military or guerrilla tactics. Similarly,
there are no cases of severe social disorganization, resembling the
tragic situations of the Ik (Turnbull 1972) or the Kaingang (Henry
1964) in which resettlement or contact resulted in conflict, social
8

disintegration, and death. However, the potential of sociocultural

disintegration is real for a number of the groups discussed in this
volume, as their successful passage through the resettlement process
is still far from complete. Further, although these cases are not
studies of assimilation, particularly regarding the political
refugees, the potential necessity for at least pattial assimilation
into host populations is real.
Each study focuses on the perceptions and actions of a specific
ethnic or residential population; the array of cases is used by
Thayer Scudder and Elizabeth Colson to develop in their summary
chapter a framework of generalizing questions on the problems and
responses of resettled populations. Initially, at the most general
level, they ask if it is possible to perceive forced resettlement in
terms of a set of distinct adaptational forms corresponding to prob-
lems encountered at different points throughout the entire process.
More specifically, how do people perceive and respond to either
danger or the threat of resettlement? How do they decide on their
destination if a degree of choice is allowed? Why do some leave and
others stay, and what are the social, psychological, and other
situational factors that influence the decision? Once the process is
under way, how do people recognize and handle the loss and depriva-
tion experienced during resettlement? How do they establish them-
selves in the new place? What are the coping strategies developed?
What are the processes of (1) alienation from accustomed place and
community, (2) consensus and conflict among the dislocated themselves
and between them and other people, and (3) incorporation or absorp-
tion into a new environment and, sometimes, a new social world? Are
there marked differences in responses according to age, sex, or
socioeconomic categories? What associational or group responses are
presented?
Once the resettlement program has been accomplished in terms of
the physical relocation of the population, what potentials for
improved living conditions and further infrastructural and socio-
economic development exist for resettled populations? Are they good
candidates for further social and economic change and development or
are they reluctant and recalcitrant participants at best? Should
further development efforts be undertaken during the resettlement
process or at some later point when adaptation to the new circum-
stances has been reached? What criteria can be used to determine
when full adaptation is complete? And finally, what are the policy
implications of the present state of knowledge about resettlement and
resettled populations and what are research needs for more effective
and enlightened policy toward resettlement as a solution and the
problems faced by resettled populations? We hope this volume will
enhance our understanding of some of these problems and provide at
least a basis for addressing these questions about one of the most
pressing social problems of the current era.
 9

NOTES

1. See Chapter 2 for more discussion.

2. The Somali discussed by Merryman in Chapter 7 are an example
of primitive migration in Petersen's classification, but the cases
discussed by Oliver-Smith (Chapter 6) and Palacio (Chapter 8) are not
covered under any of Petersen's classes.
3. The category of slaves includes all peoples who are uprooted
and moved totally 'vithout recourse to their decisions" (Eichenbaum
1975:33): for example, people in jails, prisons, and hospitals;
young children moved by their parents or adoption agencies; the
Japanese in the u.s.A. who were interned during World War Two
(Leighton 1945).
4. Refugee in this instance is used as defined in Chapter 2.
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