people's best interest.

Nowadays, in addressing this

issue, we are hindered by hindsight and evolutionist and
functionalist thinking that regards change as reaction to
The power of prestige: existing social problems. Binford (1983:221), for
example, states: "When I am faced with a question such
competitive generosity and as why complex systems come into being, my first reac-
tion is to ask what problem people were attempting to
the emergence of rank solve by a new means." As will become clear, we disagree
with this perspective. The development of social
societies in lowland inequality was neither a problem nor a solution. Rather,
it was a long-term, unexpected consequence of many
Mesoamerica individuals promoting their own aggrandizement.
Briefly, we argue that the transition from egalitarian
to rank societies was a process that occurred on a
JOHN E. CLARK and regional scale under special historical and techno-
MICHAEL BLAKE environmental circumstances. The engine for change
was self-interested competition among political actors
vying for prestige or social esteem. We refer to such
political entrepreneurs as "aggrandizers," paralleling
Introduction Hayden and Gargett's (1990) term "accumulators."
Explanations of the origins of institutionalized social Over time, some aggrandizers became chiefs with
inequality and political privilege must resolve the central institutionalized authority. Parlaying temporary prestige
paradox of political life - why people cooperate with into legitimate authority was the key process.
their own subordination and exploitation in non-
coercive circumstances (Godelier 1986:13). In the fol-
lowing pages we address this paradox for an archaeo- Primary assumptions
logical case from Mesoamerica. Our view of the origins of social inequality rests on
The first chiefdoms in lowland Mesoamerica, the several propositions concerning human action, the for-
focus of this discussion, appear to have developed some mation of factions, and the creation and deployment of
3300 years ago among the Mokaya in the Mazatan physical and social resources. Our most critical assump-
region of Chiapas, Mexico, during the first part of the tions concern culture, society, and individual behavior.
Early Formative, 1550-1150 BC (all dates are in radio- Social systems are regularized practices. They lack
carbon years). This period also witnessed the adoption reason, purpose, or needs and are incapable of adapt-
of maize agriculture in the coastal lowlands, the found- ation (Giddens 1979:7). Only the actors within a system
ing of sedentary villages, the adoption of ceramic tech- share these attributes and are capable of adaptive
nology, a rapid population increase, and the beginnings response. Purposive, motivated action becomes the
of patronized craft specialization. point of articulation between structure and the human
To explain these developments, we first offer a general agent (Vincent 1978; Giddens 1979; Callinicos 1988).
model for the development of hereditary rank distinc- Importantly, such action often sparks unintended con-
tions as the outcome of competition among political sequences for the system.
actors vying for prestige and social esteem. We then It is clear that actors are constrained by past practice
apply this model to the issues of technological and (history of system and structure) and opportunities for
demographic change in the development of social future practice (e.g., available technology, physical and
inequality in the Mazatan region. social environment, personal social networks, etc.). Each
actor knows a great deal about his/her social system and
its constraints and limits under varying circumstances -
Resources, prestige and privilege even to the extent that (s)he can manipulate aspects of
It is difficult to imagine why people would voluntarily the system for personal advantage. We presume a
submit to non-egalitarian political systems. Despite this primary motivation of self-interested action based upon
perception, the institutionalization of political privilege culturally bound rational choice (i.e., "minimal ration-
may have been quite simple; it may at first have been in ality," see Cherniak 1986). Obviously, individual
17

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 18 John E. Clark and Michael Blake
motivations, desires, and reasons for action cannot be the
same for everyone (Callinicos 1988). Where numerous
people pursue self-interests, their interaction is char-
acterized by frequent conflicts of interests, internal social
tensions, and social constraints on behavior.
Specifically, in emergent chiefdoms or transegalitarian
societies, we postulate the necessary presence of ambi-
tious males (aggrandizers) competing for prestige within
a regional setting.l Aggrandizers do not strive to become
chiefs; the end result of political competition cannot be
foreseen by participants in the system. Aggrandizers
simply strive to become more influential. It is the suc-
cessful deployment of resources and labor that ulti-
mately ensures the social and political longevity of an
aggrandizer, and only certain environments can sustain
such behavior on a regional scale and a chronic basis
(Hayden and Gargett 1990).
Competition for "prestige" consists of rivalry for con-
tinual public recognition by supporters (with access to
their resources). Prestige is maintained by establishing a
coalition of loyal supporters, or a faction (Salisbury and
Silverman 1977; Bailey 1977). In this view, vying for
prestige is the equivalent of competing for people or
their labor power and support (Binford 1983:219; see
also Sahlins 1968:89-90; Gulliver 1977:44; Silverman
1977:72; Price 1984). It also involves competition over
the "management of meaning" and "interpretation of
behavior and relationships" (Cohen and Comaroff
1976:102); this probably relates to the emphasis on
oratory among tribal leaders (Clastres 1977).
Although our argument requires the presence of a
particular personality type, we consider psychology a
constant. Ambitious individuals are probably present in
most societies. The presence of such individuals is a
necessary but insufficient condition for the transition to
non-egalitarian systems.
Structure and social system
We assume that "all social systems, whatever their struc-
ture, contain the seeds of inequality" (Josephides 1985:1;
see also Beteille 1977). We do not view social evolution
as unfolding from inner forces, but we do maintain that
all egalitarian systems mask fundamental structural
contradictions which necessitate leveling mechanisms to
assert egalitarianism (Woodburn 1982; Matson 1985;
Lee 1990).
Cohen (1974:78) argues that all social systems involve
hierarchy, which suggests the presence of leadership with
attendant prestige, no matter how ephemeral. In egalita-
rian groups, hierarchy is likely to be based on age,
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gender, and aptitude. Rivalries for temporary hier-
archical positions develop among many of those with
requisite ability to fill them. In addition to social differ-
entiation, all societies require a system of social evalu-
ation (Beteille 1977:9). These two necessary conditions
for any society lay the basis of social inequalities.
In our model we assume egalitarian groups or commu-
nities where great latitude exists in the degree to which
individuals may maneuver for prestige, that is, societies
in which prestige is possible, personal ambition is
allowed, and agents have control over the fruits of some
of their labor. The deployment of resources (or property)
as actors see fit involves usufruct rights within a defined
territory (Sack 1986, Hayden 1990).
Two more specific aspects of structure and social
system inform our model. The first concerns biological
reproduction. We concur with Friedman and Rowlands
(1978:204) that "reproduction is an areal phenomenon
in which a number of separate social units are linked in a
large system" (see Wobst 1974). Furthermore, we
assume patrilocality, with patrilineal descent favored but
not strictly necessary (cf. Allen 1984; Coontz and Hen-
derson 1986).
Environment and technology
Considerations of the environment should acknowledge
actors with conventional perceptions and constructions
of their "world" in symbolic interaction with other
people and objects (Blumer 1969:11). In short, "nature"
(including resources, physical features, and concepts of
space and distance) is subject to interpretive shifts and
even manipulation by interested individuals within a
given social system (Sack 1986; Helms 1988).
Using these resources, aggrandizers compete for
"prestige"; competition over physical resources is not an
end in itself. Nature is handed a passive role in this
process. Resources and technology circumscribe indi-
vidual choice but otherwise neither impede nor promote
social competition or development.
Only certain kinds of environments and resources will
sustain escalating exploitation by aggrandizers.
Resources must be accessible, productive, and relatively
immune to normal environmental perturbations (Coup-
land 1985:219; Matson 1985) - characteristics of r-
selected species, such as fish, rodents, and cereals
(Hayden 1986, 1990). Resource availability and produc-
tivity determine potential levels of accumulation for
social display and competition. In addition, the periodi-
city and extent of resource shortfalls is critical to the
development of political inequality on a permanent basis.

The environment must be productive enough to
support a rapidly growing labor force, the followers
attached to an aggrandizer. In other words, aggrandizers
fair best in "intensifiable habitats" (Price 1984:225). Of
course, the elasticity of a habitat to labor influx varies
according to basic technology, social relations of pro-
duction, and subsistence techniques.
Any transition to a non-egalitarian system requires
the emergence of new practices as a necessary prelude to
structural change. And these must be maintained and
financed long enough to make the practices habitual
(Berger and Luckmann 1966; Bourdieu 1977). There-
fore, factional leaders must have access to important
resources continuously over a period of years or even
decades (Binford 1983:219; Earle 1987:294). One or two
bad seasons can undo years of public posturing, faction
building, and prestations, with loss-of-face and
depletion of stored resources and social credits.
While resource productivity and reliability act as
relaxed restraints on individual action, they alone cannot
explain the specific location, timing, or extent of social
development. An equally important consideration is the
geographic configuration of resources and physical
features which channel communication and social inter-
action.
Demography, social interaction, and rank
Demographic increase does not and cannot force people
to invent and adopt non-egalitarian social formations
(Netting 1990). Although there is a strong correlation
between population size and level of sociopolitical com-
plexity (Cohen 1985; Keeley 1988), we view population
as a necessary precondition or threshold phenomenon.
Population must reach a certain size and density before
the complex social interactions that lead to the emer-
gence of rank can occur.
Both intra- and inter-community interactions are
essential in faction building (see Spencer, Chapter 3).
Interaction within (1) the community, (2) the region, and
(3) various regions (the area) includes both positive and
negative social discourse, from trade and marriage to
warfare (Price 1977, 1984). Cooperation and com-
petition are complementary principles. To compete
effectively, aggrandizers require the cooperation and
support of indebted clients, probably including many
kin, and other patrons or trade partners. Competition is
undertaken to maintain or enlarge this cooperative unit
or interest group.
Effective competition at the community level requires
aggrandizers to traffic outside their home communities
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The power of prestige 19
and establish significant ties to individuals elsewhere,
preferably other aggrandizers who also seek outside con-
tacts. The physical and social resources and knowledge
thus gained allow an aggrandizer to compete more
effectively within his own community. The aggrandizer
capitalizes upon innovation and risk taking (Schmookler
1984:28). Enhancing prestige through innovation
depends on an aggrandizer's ability to convince
potential beneficiaries/clients of the value of his
innovations.
The conversion of external resources into social lever-
age locally requires (near) exclusive access to outside
goods, material, or information (Gosden 1989). This
also allows the aggrandizer to operate partially outside
the sanctioning norms of his local group, where local
norms are more ambiguous and easier to manipulate.
Our model presumes a plurality of structurally similar,
autonomous social groups or communities within a
region and a complex web of rivalry and cooperation
among aggrandizers and their supporters, in what has
been called "peer polity interaction" (Renfrew and
Cherry 1986).
Even the first steps of an aggrandizer's career involve
interaction both within and beyond his home commu-
nity. Building renown commences in the nuclear unit of
production. An aggrandizer first accumulates deploy-
able resources by the sweat of his brow, and through the
efforts of his wife (wives) and children. The more wives
and children the better (Coontz and Henderson 1986).
Since intensified resource procurement is a consequence
of increased labor input, it follows that larger families
may produce larger surpluses to invest in prestige com-
petition. Multiple wives also provide the aggrandizer
with a larger group of affines for exchange partnerships
(Strathern 1966:360). In addition, multiple wives engen-
der more offspring who later become a source of
additional alliances (Redmond, Chapter 4).
The potential for social development of a community
is a function of its access to social resources, notably
people in neighboring communities and kinship struc-
tures. Such access depends upon relative topographic
position within the region (Johnson 1977:492). Some
basic features of the landscape (e.g., mountains,
canyons, and rough ocean) will inhibit travel and com-
munication to some areas; other features (e.g., mountain
passes, fords, and navigable rivers) funnel social contact
into specific areas. Inherent potential for travel, coupled
with distribution of critical resources, delimits settle-
ment locations, sizes, population densities, permanence,
and future growth. Some communities will be central
and others peripheral to critical natural and social
 20 John E. Clark and Michael Blake

resources. So too, some people are more centrally placed

than others vis-a-vis various social and physical
resources and can avail themselves of this advantage.
Thus, some aggrandizers will be better placed than others
to mobilize resources. Those with the most numerous or
strongest ties to different outside resources should be
best off.
The settlement pattern may be linear or non-linear (or
open). In linear settlement systems, each aggrandizer has
unimpeded access to only one or two significant neigh-
boring groups, as shown in Fig. 2.1. In open settlement
A. Unrestricted = 4.4 systems, however, potential for interaction varies sig-
nificantly from center to periphery; a community's terri-
tory can border the territories of two to six neighboring
groups. Note the difference in mean interaction between
linear and open systems shown in Fig. 2.1. Centrally
placed aggrandizers within open settlement systems
enjoy an advantage with more possibilities for inter-
B. Linear x=l.7 group alliances and for manipulating the ambiguities of
several different systems for their own benefit.
We expect social change at focal points of regional
social interaction, or in the central sectors of open settle-
ment systems. Rank societies emerge within a network of
interacting groups. One society does not hoist itself from
one social level to another; the process involves the
simultaneous emergence of a network of chiefdoms from
a network of interacting chiefs. In this sense, all pristine
developments are secondary developments dependent on
outside resources, alliances, and events. However, the
process is irreversible in most instances. Because social
competition is elevated to a new level among a plurality
of like units, there is no practical way to reverse the
process - and little incentive for doing so. Structural and
systemic changes shift the conditions for future develop-
ment and possibilities for action.

Perks, persuasion, and clientage

Returning to the question of the emergence of institu-
tionalized inequality, why would individuals in a subor-
dinate position surrender their liberty, equality, and
fraternity to a non-egalitarian system? Traditionally,
two answers have been proposed, one emphasizing vol-
untary "social contracts" and the other stressing "coer-
cion" (Service 1975). Both proposals have serious
flaws.
Theories of coercion often stress the importance of
warfare and conquest in the construction of social
inequality. Raiding does play an important role in
Fig. 2.1 Measures of interaction in unrestricted (A) emerging systems of inequality as one way that leaders
and linear (B) networks. can gain reputation and undercut the prestige of rivals

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(Kirch 1984:197), seize booty that can be shared with
one's followers, or even obtain captives (Redmond,
Chapter 4). Of equal importance is the hostile
"meaning" attributed to the exterior social environment
and the increased prestige accrued by successful nego-
tiation in that domain. But theories based upon conquest
and subjugation are inappropriate for egalitarian soci-
eties (see Fried 1967:213-23; also Otterbein's 1985: Ch.2
for a cross-cultural study of war). On the other hand,
social contract theories are all teleological and/or func-
tional and thus logically flawed (see Dahrendorf
1968:165; Fischer 1970:155). In contrast to either of
these theories, we suggest that social inequality was an
unanticipated consequence of aggrandizers vying for
followers.
Aggrandizers cannot force anyone to join their group
or faction. Followers must be persuaded, coaxed,
cajoled, begged, bribed, and otherwise won over. Con-
sequently, aggrandizer strategies and tactics for per-
suasion must appear to conform to the self-interests of
their followers (Doob 1983:41; Bailey 1988; Spencer,
Chapter 3). Simply put, followers tag along because they
benefit from doing so, retaining the option of shifting
their loyalty to other aggrandizers should enough bene-
fits not be forthcoming (Wolf 1966:17). The most suc-
cessful aggrandizers are those who provide the most
physical, social, and/or spiritual benefits to the most
people on the most reliable basis. Thus, aggrandizers are
strongly motivated to increase rewards through
increased production and innovation.
Aggrandizers and followers, as social creditors and
debtors, construct complex webs of relationships as they
interact on different levels (see Lederman 1986). These
relationships are in constant flux and vary according to
the particular dyadic relationships considered. An
aggrandizer can be creditor to his group and at the same
time be indebted to other powerful partners (Strathern
1966). All successful aggrandizers begin as followers of
powerful patrons and acquire prestige from their pres-
tigious mentors.
The self-aggrandizing process is fundamentally a poli-
tical one based upon the simple principle of reciprocity.
We view personal generosity as the key competitive
process for forging a coalition of clients (Price 1984:224-
5). Aggrandizer gifts are eventually returned by their
followers in reciprocal exchanges. When this is not pos-
sible, unreciprocated benefits create obligations of social
indebtedness which become deployable social resources
themselves (Blau 1964; Sahlins 1968:88; Orenstein 1980;
Gosden 1989). Periodically aggrandizers must "draw on
the fund of good will" (Paynter and Cole 1980:66)
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The power of prestige 21
created by previous acts of generosity to mobilize labor
and resources. The most successful aggrandizers are
those who can maintain a positive balance of generosity
and "gift-credits" (Lederman 1986); they give more than
they receive. This puts them in a socially superior posi-
tion which, if sustained long enough, can lead to the
institutionalization of social inequalities (Friedman
1975; Hayden and Gargett 1990). Apical rank societies
or chiefdoms are clearly prefigured in the organization of
personal followings or factions.
Rank or chiefdom societies, however, can only be said
to be truly in place when special privileges get passed on
to the leader's heirs. "Attention to processes of consoli-
dation of power shifts the focus from individual actors to
families" (Vincent 1978:187). The general process of
establishing succession is clear. Men of wealth, renown,
and influence can create opportunities for favored
dependants, "to effect differential patterns of marriage
choice" (Wolf 1966:6). Strategies for passing benefits to
heirs may also involve creation of heritable wealth
through patronized craft production (Clark and Parry
1990) or monopolization of important outside resources
(Gosden 1989). Orenstein (1980:76) demonstrates that
"rules of inheritance" are the key; we would also add
marriage rules and arrangements (Friedman and Row-
lands 1978; Collier 1988). To become habitual, at least
two generations are probably needed to allow for the
socialization of the majority of a society's members to
the changed social reality.
Summary
Our model of structural transformation considers his-
torical antecedents (system and structure sensu
Giddens), environment and technology, scales of social
interaction, and human agency, action, and personality.
It focuses upon "action" rather than "reaction" (i.e., in
response to ecological variables). In particular, the main
motivation is the self-interested pursuit of prestige, or
competition for followers, using a strategy of competi-
tive generosity.
Forming a coalition is inherently competitive. Suc-
cessful competition involves elements of luck, chance,
personality, and mobilization of social and physical
resources over a continuous period. As the process
depends on an unpredictable concatenation of factors
and contexts negotiated in social interaction, we cannot
predict specific timing nor precise location of initial
occurrence within a generally favorable environmental
and demographic milieu.
 22 John E. Clark and Michael Blake

Late Archaic (Chantuto phase) shell middens in the

The Mokaya and the origins of rank estuary zone probably represent seasonal accumulations
Background from occupations by residentially mobile hunter/fisher/
The Mazatan region lies in the highly productive section gatherers (Voorhies 1976, 1990). Towards the end of the
of the southern Chiapas coast known as the Soconusco - Late Archaic the Chantuto people engaged in long-
an area long famed for its productivity (Voorhies 1990). distance exchange for highland Guatemalan obsidian
Mazatan consists of closely packed environmental (Nelson and Voorhies 1980).
zones, with a narrow, low-lying coastal plain sand- The Early Formative transition began about 1550 BC,
wiched between a linear beach/estuary complex and the or 200 years after the last reliable data on the Archaic.
formidable piedmont/Sierra Madre mountain range The Barra phase (1550-1400 BC) witnessed the founding
20-30 km inland (Fig. 2.2). Specialized hamlets were of sedentary villages, presumably with agriculture, and
located within the estuary system, but the largest Early the introduction of ceramics. We refer to these Early
Formative communities occupied the central strip of the Formative villagers as the "Mokaya," an indigneous
coastal plain, between 10-15 m above sea level. The term meaning "corn people." The estuary shell middens
plain is crossed by numerous abandoned river channels saw only minimal use after the Chantuto phase (Voor-
radiating in a semicircular fan; until twenty years ago hies 1976), perhaps as a consequence of a shift in the
these served as runoff channels during the rainy season settlement-subsistence system from residential mobility
and supported garden plots at the end of the dry season. to sedentism.
These seasonal rivers and streams divided the tropical Hints of rank distinctions first appear towards the end
forest into a patchy mosaic of trees, shrubs, small of the Barra phase, with more convincing evidence for
lagoons, and swamps, ideal for a great variety and the following Locona phase, beginning about 1400 BC.
density of small fauna. The abundance of game is impli- Briefly, the indicators of Locona rank systems are (1) a
cit in the Aztec name - Mazatan, "place of the deer." two-tiered settlement pattern comprising small villages
and hamlets centered around large villages, (2) elite and
non-elite domestic architecture (Blake, Clark, Feddema
et al. 1993), (3) differential mortuary practices, (4)
unequal access to sumptuary goods and long-distance
imports, (5) attached craft specialization centered
around elite housemounds, and (6) redistribution within
each large community (Clark 1991). Artisans made
ceramic vessels and figurines, elaborate carved stone
bowls that imitated fancy ceramic forms, greenstone
beads, and, perhaps, textiles and cordage.
The following events or processes are implicated in the
emergence of rank in the Mazatan region: (1) a shift
from residential mobility to sedentism; (2) increased
emphasis on agriculture, including the adoption of high-
land cultigens such as corn and beans; (3) the beginnings
of ceramic technology; (4) rapid population growth; and
(5) the beginning of craft specialization. Rather than
causal, these processes are probably all related as
secondary indicators of a more fundamental process of
prestige building and competitive generosity. In the
remainder of this paper we assess the roles of (1) popu-
lation pressure, (2) the adoption of ceramic technology,
and (3) the beginnings of agriculture in this process as it
evolved in the Mazatan area.

Population pressure
As presented by Carneiro (1970), population pressure on
Fig. 2.2 Environmental zones of the Mazatan region. limited resources provokes agricultural intensification

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and, later, when this temporary measure proves inade-
quate, wars of conquest and subjugation. In this view,
the transition to institutionalized inegalitarianism occurs
within a circumscribed zone once the limits of its carry-
ing capacity are exceeded.
Our hypothesis of competing aggrandizers turns
Malthus on his head. The objective of competitive gener-
osity is to attract more followers to one's locale and to
foment rapid population growth, including local
increases in family sizes and fertility rates. The emer-
gence of rank is coupled with strategies that bring more
people into a zone that is well below carrying capacity
(see Kirch 1984). Rank emerges in regions able to absorb
this increased population without deleterious effect.
Increase in local population is achieved through
mechanisms such as promoting immigration, younger
marriage, a higher birth rate, or even the capture of
slaves. In the Mazatan area, competition among aggran-
dizers for secondary wives could have effectively lowered
the age of marriage for women, and consequently
increased the fertility rate (see Hayden 1992). We expect
the emergence of rank societies to occur well below
carrying capacity. The process as we see it results from a
long-term distribution of benefits rather than the exer-
cise of naked force.
Radiocarbon years be
Fig. 2.3 Population estimates for the Mazatan region
during the Early Formative period. Estimates are based
upon a 50 km2 survey block.
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The power of prestige 23
The uniformity in subsistence tools and remains
during the Early Formative suggests that the carrying
capacity of Mazatan was virtually constant throughout
this period; it may even have increased slightly as the
number of fallow fields increased (creating a greater
"edge" effect), and with genetic improvements in cul-
tigens such as corn (Kirkby 1973). Survey data for the
zone provide the basis for the demographic estimates
shown in Fig. 2.3. This population curve is based upon
the estimated hectares of occupation per phase for a
50 km2 survey block of 100 percent coverage. As
Fig. 2.3 demonstrates, the first major shift in popula-
tion corresponds to the emergence of rank societies,
countering the predictions of population pressure
advocates. Interestingly, the next major change antici-
pated another important political shift in the zone -
from a network of simple chiefdoms to a single para-
mount chiefdom.
Had the transition to rank society been prompted by
population pressure, one would expect it to have taken
place at or shortly after the peak of demographic growth
(i.e., near carrying capacity). Wars of conquest, as
argued by Carneiro (1970), merely reshuffle usufruct
rights of critical resources rather than provide a basis for
additional growth. In contrast, population growth as
part of the transformation process should evince rapid
change to the degree that nascent leaders compete for
followers. The Mazatan data support the notion of
population growth as outcome of social complexity
rather than cause.
Although settlement survey coverage of adjacent areas
is not complete, available data suggest that during the
Early Formative period the Mazatan area was ringed by
uninhabited or sparsely occupied land, signaling the
absence of any environmental or social circumscription
and, of equal importance, some population movement
from these areas into the Mazatan region.
Ceramic technology
Technological and ecological explanations of the origins
of Mesoamerican ceramics cannot account for the tech-
nical and aesthetic sophistication of the early ceramics
from coastal Chiapas and Guatemala. Barra-phase
ceramics (Fig. 2.4) from the Mazatan area are currently
the earliest securely dated examples (1550-1400 BC) in
Mesoamerica, but these thin-walled, hard ceramics are
finely finished and elaborately decorated (bichromes,
trichromes, incised, grooved, carved, fluted, and
gadrooned). This assemblage is clearly well developed,
suggesting an origin and development elsewhere. Alter-
natively, some investigators conjecture that earlier, less
 24 John E. Clark and Michael Blake
Fig. 2.4 Reconstruction of Barra vessels from the Mazatan region.
complex ceramics will yet be found in the Soconusco
region.
Were these early ceramics a local development, or
were they brought in from elsewhere? Both Coe (1960)
and Lowe (1975) speculate about Central or South
American origins. But with the benefit of more complete
assemblages from Mazatan and the areas to the south,
we now recognize only vague similarities between the
Mazatan pottery and pottery from Central and South
America. Notable, however, are (1) the apparent tempo-
ral progression of the earliest ceramic assemblages as
one moves northward from Ecuador to Mesoamerica
(Hoopes 1987) and (2) the stylistic dissimilarities among
adjacent early assemblages.
The Central and South American data suggest that the
earliest Mokaya did adopt the basic ceramic technology
from people to the south. Central questions, then, are (1)
why they chose to adopt pottery when they did, (2) what
functions the pottery served, and (3) how the process of
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adoption occurred. We argue that the adoption of
ceramics was a result of competition among aggran-
dizers who brought in foreign technology and products
as part of their pursuit of prestige.
To place this hypothesis in perspective, we need to
consider probable historical antecedents to the adop-
tion of ceramics. First, we postulate the presence of
numerous aggrandizers within the Mazatan region and
a dynamic egalitarian network - a society of complex
hunter-fisher-gatherers (see Price and Brown 1985).
Second, these hunter-fisher-gatherers inhabited the
zone for at least 2000 years prior to the adoption
of ceramics (Blake, Clark, Voorhies et al. 1993).
Undoubtedly, the adaptation of these archaic Chantuto
foragers to their tropical coastal environment already
included viable container technology and food prepar-
ation techniques. The adoption of ceramic technology,
therefore, involved the replacement of some perishable
containers with ceramic vessels. Attributes of the first

TECOMATES
89.4 %
Fig. 2.5 Percentages of vessel types in the Barra ceramic assemblage.
ceramic vessels suggest they served a specialized func-
tion.
All Barra ceramics are finely made, flat-bottomed
tecomates or deep incurved bowls (Figs. 2.4 and 2.5). To
date, no plain, unslipped, undecorated vessels have been
recovered. Ceramic vessels mimic gourd forms (Lowe
1975; Marcus 1983a). We suggest these first ceramic
vessels copied then extant fancy gourd vessels. All the
techniques used to embellish the surface of Barra pots
are still used today to decorate gourds (see Lathrap
1977). Such techniques may have been used initially to
decorate gourds and only later transferred to the new
ceramic medium.
We postulate that aggrandizers borrowed foreign
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The power of prestige 25
ceramic technology for personal advantage in displays of
competitive feasting. The aggrandizers might have sent
someone to the pottery-producing areas to learn the
techniques (or gone themselves) or, alternatively, spon-
sored a potter to come to the Mazatan region.
But if ceramic technology was brought in fully devel-
oped, how do we explain the differences in pottery styles
in the borrowing area (Mazatan) and the donor area
(Central America)? If gourd vessels (which may have
been elaborately decorated and expensive) were already
functioning in a competitive sphere of public/ritual
display, the containers most likely imitated by ceramic
forms would have been stylistically elaborate and
socially bounded already. That is, vessel style would
 26 John E. Clark and Michael Blake

Fig. 2.6 Reconstruction of Locona vessels from Mazatan region.

already have been socially meaningful or semantically technology that previous investigators found puzzling. It
complex within special social contexts (cf. Steinberg would explain (1) the timing of the adoption, (2) vessel
1977). Producing these vessels in a new and more expen- style or exterior decoration, (3) vessel forms, (4) work-
sive medium (fired clay) would have enhanced their manship, (5) the general function of these first ceramic
value but not tampered with meaningful social conven- vessels, and (6) the development of ceramics during the
tions. In contrast, the direct transfer of foreign vessel following phases. Timing was dictated by the heightened
forms and styles would not have been immediately level of social competition in Mazatan. Vessel style and
meaningful, in traditional conventions, and may have forms were predicated upon the style and forms of the
been of less value to those seeking prestige through con- non-ceramic ritual/feasting vessels already functioning
spicuous consumption. McCracken (1987) demonstrates in competitive social displays; all that changed was the
that material codes, unlike language codes, lack genera- base material and some processes of surface manipu-
tive capacity or combinatorial freedom. To recombine lation and finish. The sociopolitical functions of pottery
the stylistic elements into a new form is to render them also account for the superior quality of the first vessels
meaningless. The material code (or combination of (they were preciosities) and the unexpected absence of
elements) must be known in advance to be culturally plain, utilitarian vessels. Functions later relegated to
meaningful in social interaction. Consequently, different plain pottery continued to be performed, in the Barra
social messages are conveyed by local and foreign styles. phase, by gourds or jicaras, net bags, and baskets.
Technological transfer in a milieu of competing Unslipped pottery became more common during the
aggrandizers can account for those aspects of ceramic following Locona phase, a time when techniques of

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PLATES
and
DISHES
Fig. 2.7 Percentages of vessel types in the Locona ceramic assemblage.
ceramic manufacture were more widely known and con-
sequently less "expensive," and probably when the use
of ceramic vessels in competitive displays had lost its
novelty.
Barra vessels do not appear to have been designed or
used for cooking; instead, they are appropriate for pre-
paring and serving liquids (Figs. 2.4 and 2.5).2 Large
quantities of fire-cracked rock, dating to the Barra and
early Locona phases, may indicate non-ceramic-vessel
cooking techniques such as roasting and/or stone
boiling. But during the Locona phase (Fig. 2.6), cooking
wares were introduced, and the frequency of fire-cracked
rocks declined. In sum, we suspect that ceramics were
initially adopted more for their power to impress others
in competitive social displays than for their culinary
potential in food preparation.
We argue that the first Barra ceramics mimicked func-
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The power of prestige 27
tionally specialized gourd vessels and that the range of
forms increased with time as ceramic technology was
applied to other functions. We would expect to see an
increasing diversity of functional types over time and a
greater range of execution (fancy vs. plain pottery). In
addition, the per capita consumption of functionally
analogous vessels should remain constant between
phases. All these trends are evident in Barra phase (Figs.
2.4 and 2.5) and Locona phase (Figs. 2.6 and 2.7)
ceramics.
Ceramic diversity increased through time with a
Locona-phase proliferation of fancy dishes and plates as
well as relatively plain tripod tecomates, perhaps used
for storage and/or boiling. Consumption rates between
phases, as gauged by ceramic counts per volume of
excavated fill, remained remarkably constant for highly
polished, slipped, decorated tecomates (Table 2.1). The
 28 John E. Clark and Michael Blake

Table 2.1. Consumption of tecomates during the Early domesticated maize were still not fully sedentary agri-
Formative, based upon the minimum number of individual culturalists at this time (MacNeish 1964; Flannery and
(MNI) pots. MNI calculated by refitting and analyzing Marcus 1983c; Flannery 1986); Mesoamerican corn was
rim sherds not that productive 4000 years ago. In line with our
model, we suggest that maize may have been adopted as
Tecomates Barra phase* Locona phase* a status food and not as some sort of far-sighted, pre-
historic agricultural improvement project. We should
MNI MNI/m3 MNI MNI/m3 not assume that plants were imported to Mazatan 4000
Fancy, slipped 74 9.7 118 10.0 years ago for reasons having to do with their function
Grooved 6 0.8 44 3.7 today.
Plain 0 0.0 44 3.7 We have argued that Barra ceramics were designed for
liquids, presumably liquids with ritual significance and
Total 80 10.5 206 17.4 prestige value for the giver. Maize may have been part of
this complex, introduced to the coastal area prior to the
* based upon 7.5 m3 of deposit. adoption of ceramics primarily for making corn beer, or
** based upon 11.8 m3 of deposit. chicha. Alternatively, it may have been used with choco-
late or as a drink in its own right such as atole; atole is
still an important ritual drink in Chiapas. Hayden (1990)
smaller proportion of fancy tecomates in the Locona argues that the domestication of plants and animals
ceramic assemblage (Fig. 2.7) results from the addition resulted from their deployment as status foods. While
of new forms, including utilitarian tecomates, rather this may not explain the development of agriculture, it
than a decreased use of fancy tecomates during the may explain the spread of some cultigens. Use of corn as
Locona phase. a ritual ingredient, or as an alcoholic beverage could
explain (1) the initial importation and special cultivation
Beginning of agriculture of this unproductive highland cereal, (2) the rarity of
The first clear evidence of agriculture in the Mazatan seed-processing implements, and (3) the minor contri-
region consists of domesticates brought in from the bution of maize in the overall diet during the Early
highlands. This may be another example of aggrandizers Formative period.
appropriating materials from outside areas in their
never-ending quest for self-promotion (see Hayden
1990). Domesticated corn and beans were both clearly Summary and conclusions
present in Mazatan by Locona times, and we suspect Our explanation of the emergence of permanent social
that these highland cultigens were first brought into the inequality from egalitarian sociopolitical structures rests
area during the Late Archaic. But several lines of evi- on six propositions:
dence suggest that maize may not have been very impor-
tant in the diet. We cannot evaluate the importance of 1. Egalitarian social systems contain the seeds of per-
beans at this time. manent social inequality in their structure of age, kin,
Corn cobs in Locona deposits are quite small (3-4 cm gender, and aptitude distinctions.
long) and not very productive. Our analysis of C13/C12 2. The development of permanent social inequality is an
ratios from twenty-eight human bone collagen samples unanticipated consequence of individuals pursuing
spanning the Late Archaic to Late Postclassic periods self-interests and personal aggrandizement.
show that maize (or other C-4 plants) was not a sig- 3. Temporary positions of prestige become hereditary
nificant part of the diet until the Middle Formative and legitimate positions of authority under limited
Conchas phase (c. 850-650 BC). For all Early Formative social and natural environmental conditions.
samples, the stable carbon isotope ratios are as low as 4. These changes result from the purposive action of
those for hunter/fisher/gatherers in many other regions individuals pursuing individual strategies and
of the world (Blake, Chisholm et al 1992). agendas within the structural constraints of their cul-
We suggest that the adoption of maize may have been tural system.
linked to the adoption of ceramic technology. Clearly, 5. The engine of change is competition for prestige -
maize was imported into a system already self-sufficient constituted as public recognition of status, rights, and
in basic foodstuffs. Even the highland peoples who responsibilities - among a network of aggrandizers.

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6. Effective competition within one's community
requires that aggrandizers traffic outside their
respective communities and establish enduring ties
with individuals elsewhere.
These propositions have archaeological implications
that differ significantly from those generated by func-
tionalist/ecological approaches. Ecological approaches
see hierarchical, chiefly political organization as an
adaptive, structural response to social/ecological needs.
Therefore, to explain the change it is sufficient to docu-
ment the conditions or needs stimulating the adaptive
response. In contrast, we suggest that chiefdom emer-
gence must be explained in terms of the political process.
Anterior social structure as well as perceived environ-
mental constraints shape the emergent system. This
means that a great deal of variability may be expected in
the paths to permanent inequality taken by different
societies. Aggrandizers in different cultural-environmen-
tal contexts may employ some but not all of the various
options available. Although the broad outlines of struc-
tural change may be similar, specific conditions of
inequality will vary considerably from case to case as
each will have its own history.
But the focus on individual historical sequences need
not degenerate into a particularistic view of social
process that negates generalization and the search for
patterns. Our model for the transition to institutional-
ized inequality has several implications which can be
verified archaeologically for any test case. First, if the
emergence of hereditary inequality is indeed an unantici-
pated consequence of competition among aggrandizers
in transegalitarian systems, this transitional period from
egalitarian societies to chiefdoms should appear, archae-
ologically, neither egalitarian nor ranked. Many of the
standard trappings of chiefly societies will be absent
during the transitional period because they are still
unnecessary or, in some cases, not permitted. Once clear
evidence of hereditary inequality appears, the transition
is long past. On the other hand, if in emergent chiefdoms
constraints to wealth accumulation and public display
were undergoing modification, aggrandizers would be
allowed to produce and distribute subsistence and craft
items in excess of existing norms. Therefore, one might
find archaeological evidence of elaboration and experi-
mentation with status objects and social structures
which might become embedded in subsequent
chiefdoms.
Second, change would be rapid in transitional soci-
eties because innovation would be useful for competing
aggrandizers. In contrast, material culture, symbols, and
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The power of prestige 29
sociopolitical structure in both egalitarian societies and
developed chiefdoms would be more stable with an
emphasis on perpetuating the traditional bases of power.
As sociopolitical structures develop so does the sym-
bolism of chiefly power and inter-regional alliances.
Their very existence leads to conservatism, thereby
dampening their own rates of change. Elite competition
within a chiefdom or among chiefdoms takes place
within the newly established, legitimate symbol system
based upon a limited range of recognized status markers
(Anderson, Chapter 5). Radical and innovative change
in symbol systems accompany major social structural
changes.
Third, aggrandizers, like big-men and chiefs, must
control or maintain access to a large labor pool in order
to sustain the high levels of production that both demon-
strate and further their influence. Thus, an aggrandizer
will value all innovations that (1) attract more followers
and (2) increase production to sustain those followers.
Novelties, whether arising from emulation or invention,
will be valued, especially those items that can be con-
trolled, managed, or manipulated by aggrandizers.
In evaluating this model of chiefdom emergence we
reviewed three lines of archaeological evidence as they
relate to population dynamics, development of ceramic
technology, and adoption of agriculture. As noted, we
expect population growth and nucleation to occur
during the transition to non-egalitarian society. At the
very least, population should not remain stable or
decline within the region of the aggrandizer interaction
network as long as resources can be intensified and the
system does not collapse. Survey data for the Mazatan
region show significant population increase and nucle-
ation during the early part of the Early Formative
period. The first evidence of population growth is coeval
with the first indications for competition among aggran-
dizers, during the Barra phase. This suggests that popu-
lation growth and nucleation - and the increasing labor
pool they imply - could have been consequences of
social and political strategies.
New technology is another expectation for a competi-
tive political environment favoring innovation. In the
Mokaya case, the first use of ceramics began during the
Barra phase. These highly decorated and well-made
ceramic containers were probably first used in beverage
preparation and consumption as an adjunct to public
feasting rather than in utilitarian functions such as
cooking. Such activities would have been crucial for an
aggrandizer trying to attract, impress, and retain fol-
lowers.
Finally, the adoption of agriculture in coastal Chiapas
 30 John E. Clark and Michael Blake

suggests a sociopolitical dynamic quite different from Hayden, Peter Peregrine, Elizabeth Brumfiel, and John
those postulated for other parts of Mesoamerica. Maize Fox offered many constructive suggestions on previous
and bean cultivation in the highland valleys go back drafts of this paper, for which we extend our appreci-
several millennia before the Chiapas Early Formative ation. The second half of this paper is a modification of
period. By the Locona phase (c. 1350-1250 BC) in our paper presented at the Circum-Pacific conference.
Mazatan, maize and beans were used frequently enough
to enter the archaeological record. However, it was not
until the Middle Formative that maize became sig- Notes
nificant enough in the diet to influence the stable carbon 1 Our use of masculine pronouns is intentional. Female
isotope ratio in human bone collagen. One possibility is aggrandizers remain a theoretical possibility, but their
that aggrandizers adopted an agricultural complex as a minor representation in the ethnographic record
means of growing new foods, one of which (maize) could requires explanation. An aggrandizer's competitive
be used in making alcoholic beverages useful in competi- ability derives in large part from his immediate access
tive feasting. They may also have cultivated a range of to the productive labor of his wife (or wives) and
other plants of which we have no material evidence. children, a form of familial exploitation socially justi-
However, the faunal evidence clearly indicates that the fied by gender ideology. Schrijvers (1986:25-6)
Early Formative Mokaya were fishers, hunters, and observes that "women cannot achieve political power
gatherers. Hunter-fisher-gatherers in other highly pro- [since] women cannot marry wives to work for them
ductive regions of the world developed simple chief- and increase their wealth."
doms. The Mokaya appear to have done so also. Maize 2 Two objections to our interpretation of Barra teco-
cultivation may have initially been a dietary supplement mates as vessels used for brewing, storing, and/or
of greater political than nutritional value. serving liquids have been raised. First, tecomates are
Much more research remains to be done to under- poorly designed to pour or dispense liquids - but
stand the transition from egalitarian to permanently pouring liquids is not implicated in our argument.
ranked social organizations. We are confident, however, Some of the smaller tecomates could have been passed
that the avenues for inquiry suggested by a focus on among participants, or participants could drink from
transitional political processes differ substantially from one large tecomate with straws (illustrated by Katz
traditional functionalist/ecological approaches - and Voigt 1986:28, fig. 6a for the Tiriki of Kenya).
especially those that consider established, early chief- Small gourd tecomates are still used by Maya groups
doms. Once the transitional process began, the socio- in Chiapas for ritual drinking. The second objection,
political order became fundamentally different, both that large gourd tecomates are used today to store
from what it had been and from what it was to become. tortillas and so may have served this function in the
past, stems from a naive use of ethnographic analogy.
Acknowledgments The first clear evidence of tortillas in Chiapas dates
Our research was generously funded by the New World only to the Early Postclassic period, c. AD 1000. If
Archaeological Foundation of Brigham Young Univer- tortillas or tamales were involved with the function of
sity, then directed by Gareth W. Lowe. We are grateful these early ceramic vessels, we would expect to find
for the opportunity to undertake the Mazatan Project. evidence of a greater contribution of corn to the diet
Barbara Stark, Barbara Voorhies, Jim Brown, Brian and evidence of using vessels in cooking.

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