American Sociological Association

Springer

Competition and Cooperation in American Sociology

Author(s): Ellen Kay Trimberger
Source: The American Sociologist, Vol. 14, No. 2 (May, 1979), pp. 96-97
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27702370
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 COMPETITION AND COOPERATION IN AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY*

Ellen Kay Trimberger

Sonoma State University

The American Sociologist 1979, Vol. 14 (May):96-97

The editor asked for my "gut" reac publish in a wide range of journals and
tions to where sociology is and where it magazines that reach beyond the profes
should be going. That is what these com sion to a wider intellectual, political, and
ments are: personal observations, the public audience.
things I think about and discuss with my Lastly, I see somewhat less elitism in
friends. the profession of sociology today. New
While the editor asked for an emphasis graduate programs have been established
on the shortcomings of sociology, I wish (and some old ones refurbished) that com
to start by expressing some feelings about pete successfully for students with the
positive changes in the past ten years in "big four or five" graduate departments.
sociology as an intellectual enterprise and Sociologists working in nonelite, non
profession. research oriented departments do write,
Despite tokenism and continued dis publish, and gain recognition.
crimination, it is much easier to be a While the above developments make
woman sociologist today than itwas ten sociology a more satisfying profession for
years ago. The women's movement indi me, I do not believe they arise from an
rectly fostered intellectual and personal inherent pluralism of American society
support networks among women sociolo and culture, nor from the benevolence or
gists, not only in so-called "women's inherent wisdom of the sociological estab
fields," but also among women who work lishment. Rather, I believe they are the
in macro-, political- and other "men's" result of intense struggles in the society
sociologies. and the university in the 1960s?struggles
Secondly, there are competing which engulfed the profession. I also be
paradigms in sociology today that have a lieve that the recognition given feminists
legitimacy they did not have ten years and leftists has come because of the qual
ago. No longer do we have to debate only ity and rigor of their intellectual work,
Marxism versus functionalism, but we can which has led to superior insights into the
carry on important exchanges about vari working of society. Not that there has
eties of neo-Marxism and feminist been some major breakthrough to give a
analysis, to name only the two that most complete theoretical reorientation to
interest me. Despite continuing cases of sociology?but at least sociology is in
political tokenism and discrimination, touch with society. The fact thatwe expe
sociologists influenced by and working rience sociological inflations and
within these new paradigms have gained depressions?rapid growth in public inter
intellectual and professional recognition. est and student enrollments in times of
We have also seen the rise of a number of social upheaval and equally rapid declines
new journals within the discipline to dis in times of social conservatism?attests to
seminate this intellectual work, among our rootedness in history.
them, Theory and Society, The Insurgent In contrast, the aspect of professional
Sociologist, Berkeley Journal of Sociol life that most disturbs me is one that tran
ogy, and Politics and Society. Moreover, scends sociology as a discipline and seems
my sociological network can and does endemic to university and intellectual
life?and perhaps to all work in this soci
ety. It is a problem to which left intellec
* all communications to: Ellen Kay Trim
tuals and feminists are definitely not im
Address
Soc, Sonoma State Univ., Rohnert mune. This pervasive problem is indi
berger, Dept.
Park, CA 94928. vidual competitiveness, status seeking,

96

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 Studying the Corporation and the Corporate Elite 97

and anxiety about success. These per that recognition of the problem should
sonal traits?which are the product of lead to the attempt?with limited
values central to our culture reinforced expectations?to build cooperative work
through institutional practices?lead us environments that also provide personal
despite our critiques to actively partici support systems. Existing sociology de
pate in the commodity process. Our ideas partments could encourage and facilitate
and our personalities become com collective authorship, abolishing the prac
modities for sale. The personal result is tice current in many departmental hiring
alienation, anxiety and unhappiness, and and promotion procedures of asking au
declining intellectual creativity. The thors to indicate their individual contribu
sociological result is that critics of society tions. We could envision and encourage
reinforce the system. new enterprises in teaching, research, pol
To my knowledge there are only very icy planning, and publication that are not
tentative attempts in personal networks to "empires" for a dominant personality, but
discuss this problem, and almost nothing are truly attempts at collective work. In
in public discourse. Recognition of the this society at this time, collective work
problem could easily lead either to de must support the types of self
spairing determinism?capitalist economy development and achievement that occur
inevitably produces these personality simultaneously for a number of co
traits; or to a Utopian voluntarism?we workers through?and not at the expense
can all change our style. Rather, I believe of?cooperative endeavors.

STUDYING THE CORPORATION AND THE CORPORATE ELITE*

Michael Useem
Boston University

The American Sociologist 1979, Vol. 14 (May):97-107

Despite their decisive influence on American society, corporations and the corporate elite
remain little studied, with several unfortunate consequences. First, analyses of American
society, for lack of adequate prior research, have often incorporated "facts" of dubious validity
about the major companies and their primary owners and managers. Among the more notable
examples is the claim that ownership has been separated from control of the large corporation,
elite can no longer be characterized as a capitalist class. Second,
implying that the corporate
controversies over analytic questions of fundamental import remain unresolved, not because
they are unresolvable, but because the sustained research effort necessary for resolution has
not been undertaken. This problem is exemplified by the continuing and presently unresolvable
debate over whether the corporate elite is cohesive and capable of collective political action.

Finally, the research neglect prevents full understanding of the organization and policies of
other major institutions influenced by corporations and the corporate elite, such as higher
education and the arts. Thus, intensive study of corporations and the corporate elite is needed,
and among the topics deserving immediate attention are the internal organization and
integenerational reproduction of the corporate elite, the relationship between corporate elite
organization and corporate behavior, and the influence of corporations and the corporate elite
on public policies.

Explanations for the institutions of gation by sociologists inevitably demand

American Life deemed worthy of investi examination of those other institutions
with which they interact. More often than
* I am to Paul DiMaggio and Jerome not these latter prove to be the major
grateful
Karabel comments
for helpful on an earlier version business corporations and their top execu
of this paper. The paper derives from a research
tives and primary owners, whom I will call
project supported by the National Science Founda
tion (SOC77-06658). [Address all communications the corporate elite. Thus, for instance,
to: Michael Useem, Dept. Soc, Boston Univ., Bos college student alienation may be induced
ton, MA 02215.] by the bureaucratization of higher educa

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