When Considering Infants and Jar Burials in The Middle Bronze Age Southern Levant

Ägypten und altes TestamenT 90
Tell it in Gath
ÄAT 90
Studies in the History
Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday

Studies in the History and Archaeology of Israel
Tell it in Gath
and Archaeology of Israel
Essays in Honor
of Aren M. Maeir
on the Occasion
of his Sixtieth
Birthday
Edited by Itzhaq Shai, Jeffrey R. Chadwick,

Louise Hitchcock, Amit Dagan, Chris McKinny,
and Joe Uziel
www.zaphon.de Zaphon
ÄAT-90-FS-Maeir-Cover.indd 1 11.09.2018 19:49:09

ÄGYPTEN UND ALTES TESTAMENT
Studien zu Geschichte, Kultur und Religion Ägyptens und des Alten Testaments
Band 90
Gegründet von Manfred Görg

Herausgegeben von Stefan Jakob Wimmer und Wolfgang Zwickel
Tell it in Gath
Studies in the History

and Archaeology of Israel
Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir

on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday
Edited by Itzhaq Shai, Jeffrey R. Chadwick,

Louise Hitchcock, Amit Dagan, Chris McKinny
and Joe Uziel
Zaphon
Münster
2018
Photographie auf dem Einband: Copyright Griffin Aerial Imagery
Ägypten und Altes Testament, Band 90
Tell it in Gath:Studies in the History and Archaeology of Israel:

Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday
Edited by Itzhaq Shai, Jeffrey R. Chadwick, Louise Hitchcock, Amit Dagan,

Chris McKinny and Joe Uziel
© 2018 Zaphon, Münster (www.zaphon.de)
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of the publisher.
Printed in Germany
ISBN 978-3-96327-032-1
ISSN 0720-9061
Printed on acid-free paper

CONTENTS
List of Contributors ................................................................................................................................... x

Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ xiii
Ahuva Ho
Over Two Decades of Friendship, Fieldwork, and Comradery with Aren Maeir ............................. xvi
Section 1: The Rising Urban Entities: Studies in the Early Bronze Age of the Southern Levant
Pierre de Miroschedji
Metrology and Early Bronze Age Urbanization in the Southern Levant: Some Additional Notes ...... 2
Haskel J. Greenfield, Jeremy A. Beller and Thomas E. Levy
Butchering Technology During the Early Bronze Age I: An Examination of Microscopic
Cut Marks on Animal Bones from Nahal Tillah, Israel ..................................................................... 20
Alexander Joffe
Notes on Early Bronze Age Commensality ....................................................................................... 41
David Ussishkin
A Note on the Fortifications of Tel Poran .......................................................................................... 71
Ayelet Levy-Reifer and Yitzhak Paz
Tel Yarmouth, its Environs and their Reflection on the Urban Landscape of the Shephelah
in the Early Bronze Age III ................................................................................................................ 77
Section 2: “and the Canaanite was then in the land”: The Middle and Late Bronze Age
Beth Alpert Nakhai
When Considering Infants and Jar Burials in the Middle Bronze Age Southern Levant ..................100
Nava Panitz-Cohen, Robert A. Mullins, Arlette David and Ariel Shatil
A Late Middle Bronze IIB Burial from Tel Abel Beth Maacah: A Northern Perspective
on the Hyksos Phenomenon ..............................................................................................................129
Amihai Mazar
Middle Bronze Syro-Anatolian Cylinder Seals and Impressions from Tel Beth Shean ....................153
Jeffrey R. Chadwick
Hebron in Early Bronze Age III and Middle Bronze Age II: Fortification Walls in Area I.3
of the American Expedition to Hebron (Tell er-Rumeide) ...............................................................167
Wolfgang Zwickel
The Late Bronze Age in the Northern Jordan Valley ........................................................................187
Peter M. Fischer and Teresa Bürge
A Levantine Vessel from a Late Cypriot Tomb at Hala Sultan Tekke..............................................194
Yuval Gadot, Sabine Kleiman and Oded Lipschits
A Tale of Two Cities: Tel Azekah and Tell es-Safi/Gath during the Late Bronze Age ....................206
Section 3: “We are come down to bind thee, that we may deliver thee into the hand of the
Philistines”: The Origins, Material Culture and Interactions of the Philistines
Joseph Maran
Goliath’s Peers: Interconnected Polyethnic Warrior Elites in the Eastern Mediterranean
of the 13th and 12th centuries BCE .....................................................................................................223
vi CONTENTS
Rona S. Avissar Lewis

A Matter of Perception: Children in Pre-Israelite and Philistine Houses in the Iron Age I ..............242
Shirly Ben-Dor Evian
The Egyptianised Ivories from Philistia: Style, Function and Identity .............................................254
David Ben-Shlomo
Judah and the Philistines in the Iron Age I and IIA ..........................................................................269
Celia J. Bergoffen
The Ashdoda Figurine as an Anthropomorphized Chair ..................................................................283
Seymour Gitin and Baruch Brandl
An Iron Age II Cache of Phoenician Jewelry from Tel Miqne-Ekron ..............................................294
Louise A. Hitchcock
‘All the Cherethites, and all the Pelethites, and all the Gittites’ (2 Samuel 2:15-18) –
An Up-To-Date Account of the Minoan Connection with the Philistines.........................................304
Linda G. Meiberg
Decorative Motifs on Philistine Pottery and their Connections to Crete ..........................................322
Irit Ziffer
Philistine Head Cups Once More ......................................................................................................336
Maura Sala
Beyond Dagon: Resilience and Entanglement of Canaanite Backgrounds in Sacred Buildings
and Cult Practices of Early Iron Age Philistia ..................................................................................352
Philipp W. Stockhammer
Rethinking Philistia as a Contact Zone .............................................................................................375
Section 4: “And there went out a champion out of the camp of the Philistines”:
Entering the Third Decade of the Tell es-Safi/Gath Archaeological Project
Suembikya Frumin, Yoel Melamed and Ehud Weiss
Current Vegetation of Tel Tzafit .......................................................................................................386
Amit Dagan and Joe Uziel
Surveying the Survey: A Contemporary View on Past Results ........................................................414
Cynthia Shafer-Elliott
Coming Home Again: Household Archaeology at Judahite Gath.....................................................424
Shawn Zelig Aster
The Historical Background of the Destruction of Judahite Gath in 712 BCE...................................436
Yigal Levin
“Tell it Not in Gath” (Micah 1:10): What is Gath Doing in a List of the Destroyed
Towns of Judah? ...............................................................................................................................445
Section 5: “Then Hazael king of Syria went up, and fought against Gath, and took it”:
The Aramean Realm
Erez Ben-Yosef and Omer Sergi
The Destruction of Gath by Hazael and the Arabah Copper Industry: A Reassessment...................461
Shira Gur-Arieh
Siege Matters: Insights from the Zakkur Inscription and Other Ancient Sources
on Ancient Near Eastern Siege Warfare............................................................................................481
André Lemaire
Remarks on the Early Use of Aramaic in Egypt ...............................................................................493
CONTENTS vii
K. Lawson Younger, Jr.

The Aramean Ancestor Cult at Tell Ḥalaf (Gōzān) during the Kapara Period: Tomb 1
and the Tempelpalast.........................................................................................................................506
Section 6: “are they not written in the book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel?”:
New Perspectives on the Biblical Accounts
Marvin A. Sweeney
Balaam in Intertextual Perspective ....................................................................................................534
Gershon Galil
The Formation of the Book of Joshua ...............................................................................................549
Thomas Schneider
The Stigma of Submission: Reassessing Sisera’s Fate in Judges 5:25-27 ........................................562
Chris McKinny
Pressing On: Identifying the “Other” Gath and Its Implications for Understanding
the Border between the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah .....................................................................577
Itzhaq Shai
Amon, Son of Manasseh ...................................................................................................................595
Section 7: “And the staff of his spear was like a weaver’s beam; and his spear’s head weighed
six hundred shekels of iron”: Textual and Archaeological Research of the Iron Age
Brent Davis
Literacy in Cyprus and the Levant in the Early Iron Age: Continuities from the Bronze Age .........603
James W. Hardin and Jeffrey A. Blakely
An Alternate Interpretation of Iron Age Tell en-Negila: The Relationship between
Tell el-Hesi and Tell en-Negila .........................................................................................................612
Ido Koch
Late Iron Age I Southwestern Canaanite Multi-Facet Stamp-Amulets: Innovative Imagery
and Interpreted Egyptian Heritage ....................................................................................................632
Deborah Cassuto
Unravelling the Time for War: A Note on Seasonality, Weaving and the Fall of Ḥazor ..................653
Lily Singer-Avitz
The Iron IIB Pottery: On Typological Differences between the Regions of Judah and Israel ..........663
Norma Franklin
The Kushite Connection: The Destruction of Lachish and the Salvation of Jerusalem ....................680
Assaf Kleiman, Paula Waiman-Barak and Israel Finkelstein
A Cypro-Archaic I Amphora from Megiddo ....................................................................................696
Stefan Jakob Wimmer
Palestinian Hieratic in Non-Hebrew Context: Egyptian Numerals and Special Signs
in Regions Neighboring Israel...........................................................................................................709
Section 8: “Whenever a theory appears to you as the only possible one, take this as a sign that
you have neither understood the theory nor the problem which it was intended to
solve”: Methodological Approaches to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East
Dvory Namdar, Anat Cohen-Weinberger and Sharon Zuckerman (z”l)
Towards a New Understanding of MB IIB Cult Practices: Analyses of Seven-Cupped Bowls
from the Shrine of Nahariya ..............................................................................................................723
Joseph Yellin
The Origins of Tel Batash-Timnah Pottery of the Late Bronze Age.................................................747
viLi CONTENTS
Dan Cabanes
The Role of Phytolith Analysis in Levantine Archaeology...............................................................759
Kate Raphael and Amotz Agnon
Earthquakes East and West of the Dead Sea Transform in the Bronze and Iron Ages .....................769
Ruth Shahak-Gross
Micromorphological Insights into Construction Materials and their Manufacture Technology
at Tell es-Safi/Gath ...........................................................................................................................799
Adi Eliyahu-Behar and Naama Yahalom-Mack
Metallurgical Investigations at Tell es-Safi/Gath ..............................................................................811
Elizabeth R. Arnold and Haskel J. Greenfield
Understanding Animal Movement and Urban Provisioning through the Integration of
Zooarchaeology and Isotopic Analyses: A Case Study from Early Bronze Tell eṣ-Ṣâfī/Gath,
Israel ..................................................................................................................................................816
Oren Ackermann
Life on Nari (Calcrete) Outcrops: A Base for Ecological and Human Systems in the Judean
Shephelah ..........................................................................................................................................839
Section 9: “It’s interesting to see that people had so much clutter even thousands of years ago.
The only way to get rid of it all was to bury it, and then some archaeologist went and
dug it all up”: Reports on Archaeological Excavations and Finds
Roi Shavit, Gabriel Mazor, Ianir Milevski, Steven A. Rosen and Ofer Marder
Biq’at ‘Uvda 2: A Timnian Site in the Southern Negev ...................................................................859
Hamoudi Khalaily, Karen Covello-Paran and Ofer Marder
Lithic Traditions and Formal Tools of an Early Pottery Neolithic Site: Tel Yosef as a Case Study 881
Shira Albaz
Simple Choices or Hidden Meaning: Understanding Patterns in the Raw Materials of Bead
Production throughout the Bronze Age .............................................................................................901
Estelle Orrelle
Refashioned Sherds – Lost in Classification .....................................................................................911
Josephine A. Verduci
The Final Cut: Symbolic Acts of Destruction in the Ancient Near East ...........................................928
Yosef Garfinkel and Saar Ganor
Khirbet al-Raʿi near Lachish .............................................................................................................943
Samuel R. Wolff and Steven M. Ortiz
Roll the Dice: Iron Age II Gameboards and Playing Pieces from Tel Gezer ....................................956
Liora Kolska Horwitz, Eitan Tchernov (z”l) and Omri Lernau
The Archaeozoology of Vered Yericho, an Iron Age II Fortified Structure in the Kingdom
of Judah .............................................................................................................................................966
Ester Eshel, Nahshon Szanton and Joe Uziel
An Iron Age II Inscription from the City of David .........................................................................1008
Section 10: “Discover how to visit the past and bring yesterday's stories into our lives today”:
Various Other Studies
Jennie Ebeling
Representations of Ancient Daily Life in Early Excavation Reports ..............................................1018
Adrian J. Boas
Return to the Holy City: Historical and Archaeological Sources on the Frankish Presence
in Jerusalem between 1229 and 1244 ..............................................................................................1028
CONTENTS ix
Angelika Berlejung
Social Demarcation Lines and Marriage Rules in Urban Babylonia and Their Impact
on the Golah ....................................................................................................................................1051
Color Plates .........................................................................................................................................1078

WHEN CONSIDERING INFANTS AND JAR BURIALS IN THE
MIDDLE BRONZE AGE SOUTHERN LEVANT
Beth Alpert Nakhai
INTRODUCTION 1
With great pleasure, I dedicate this article to Aren Maeir, whose work on the Middle Bronze Age and on
burials (among many things) is renowned. Oddly, perhaps, our first connection was through our fathers,
both physicians. Aren’s father, Dr. David Maeir, and my father, Dr. Seymour Alpert, became close
friends when they worked together at Yeshiva University’s Albert Einstein College of Medicine in the
Bronx, New York. Their friendship continued after the Maeirs moved to Israel, and my father relished
visiting Dr. Maeir on his many trips to Jerusalem. This article, then, serves as a tribute to Aren, and to the
blessed memory of our fathers.
The custom of burying infants in storejars has been identified in the archaeological record from
as early as the Pottery Neolithic. It became increasingly common in the Chalcolithic and never fell
completely out of favor. In the Levant, the infant jar burial (IJB) remained a revered funerary custom
into the Iron Age and beyond. The era in which it was most popular, however, was the Middle Bronze
Age, during which time IJBs could be found at sites ranging from Syria to the eastern Nile Delta; most,
however, are found in the southern Levant. 2 MBA jar burials typically contained a single infant of less
than one year of age, but occasionally they also contained a second infant or a very young child. 3
Frequently, one or more small vessels were placed in the pithos together with the infant, and sometimes
small objects such as a scarab or a blade were included. The jars themselves were standard domestic
pithoi. The burials were most commonly intramural, set under the floors of houses and courtyards, but
on occasion IJBs were deposited in communal tombs.
Scholars investigating MBA infant jar burials contextualize them within the broader study of
Canaanite mortuary treatments, understanding that they were the product of adult communities. There is
nothing childlike about the burial of a child; rather, it is the beliefs and traditions of the adult community
that are expressed in child burials (Garroway 2012: 99-100). In this way, mortuary analysis of society’s
very youngest members differs from the archaeology of children and of childhood, which focuses on
identifying the young and reconstructing their lives through recourse to those archaeological remains that
1
I wish to thank the editors of this volume, Itzick Shai, Louise Hitchcock, Joe Uziel, Amit Dagan, and Jeff Chadwick,
for inviting me to contribute to it, and the reviewers whose comments helped me to improve my work.
2
Dating schema for the MBA, and the terminology used to describe its subdivisions, are much debated. The MBA
spans the 20th to mid-16th centuries BCE. IJBs are found throughout the MBA but were more popular in its later
phases. Here, the MBA is treated as a whole. For a summary of recent discussions, see Sharon 2014: 53-55, table
4.3; for an argument in favor of a higher chronology, on the basis of recent radiocarbon dating see Höflmayer et al.
2016a; Höflmayer et al. 2016b.
3
As used in medical literature, “Fetal refers to unborn infants, perinatal death refers to infants born alive but dying
between birth and seven days, neonatal includes birth to one month, and infant is restricted to 0–12 months” (Smith
and Avishai 2005: 84). Here, however, these terms are used loosely due to the lack of consistency within the
scholarly literature. See Halcrow and Tayles 2008: table 1, for the biological stages of a child’s life; see also
Garroway 2012: 95-97.
CONSIDERING INFANTS AND JAR BURIALS IN THE MBA 101
speak to their lived experiences. 4 Burials of children are “…a reflection of adult remembrances of
specific children, and also ideals and conceptions of childhood generally held by members of a particular
culture” (Baxter 2005: 94). Furthermore, burials under the floors of houses and courtyards are viewed as
expressions of social structure and of family structure. 5
A range of explanations seeks to illuminate the IJB. They include infanticide; kinship affiliations
and the social status of the deceased’s kin group; social reproduction; cohesion networks; religious
beliefs; increased interest in the younger generation; the relationship between jars, wombs, and fertility;
female and mother goddesses; and, a mechanism by which a child born too early can be sustained to term
and brought back to life, even reborn. These explanations emphasize the fact that burying IJBs under the
floors of houses and courtyards underscores the desire to keep dead babies close to home. Still, the
reasons why this was desirable in the MBA, an era that favored extramural burials, remains subject to
discussion. Little attention has been paid to the treatment of the child as a child, the consideration of that
child’s value to family and society, the matter of what was lost in consequence of that child’s early death,
and the role of women in the burial of their children. It is, therefore, valuable to consider the treatment
of deceased infants and to contextualize that treatment by reference to expectations for those infants, had
they matured into productive members of their families and larger social units. Also valuable is the
consideration of gender roles within homes and in mortuary customs.
AN OVERVIEW OF CHILD BURIALS IN THE NEAR EAST 6
While the jar burial is best recognized as a component of MBA mortuary practice, there are many earlier
examples of special burial treatments for infants and children in the Levant. 7 The earliest known child
burials date to the Middle Paleolithic (Tillier 2008). 8 The custom of burying infants and the very young
in storejars originated as soon as pottery was produced, that is, in the Pottery Neolithic (7th-5th millennium
BCE). The first sites at which jar burials have been identified are found in the northern Levant; the
influence of this burial form was soon seen in the Balkans and in the southern Levant (Bacvarov and
McSweeney 2011: 400). 9 Even when Neolithic burial grounds were situated outside of settlements, some
4
Childhood as a legitimate field of study is just over half a century old, its origins in Philippe Ariès’s 1960 l’Enfant
et la vie familiale sous l’ancien régime (English trans. Ariès 1962). The archaeology of childhood is an emerging
field. For overviews, including reviews of scholarship, see Sofaer Derevenski 1997a; Baxter 2005; Lillehammer
2005; Lewis 2007: 1-19; Garroway 2012: 95-99; Parker 2013: 21-39; Uziel and Avissar Lewis 2013: 270-73;
Lillehammer 2015. For the bioarchaeology of childhood, including approaches to cultural, social and biological
childhood, see Halcrow and Tayles 2008.
5
In his review of ethnographic and archaeological approaches to mortuary practices, B. Bartel noted that the first
study linking burial traditions with kinship structure was that of N. D. Fustel de Coulanges, in his 1864 La cité
antique: étude sur le culte, le droit, les institutions de la Grèce et de Rome. Among the first studies linking grave
goods and other aspects of burial practices with age, sex and social status was J. Lubbock’s 1882 The Origin of
Civilization and the Primitive Condition of Man (Bartel 1982: 33, 36).
6
The burial of infants and young children comprises the least well known type of Levantine burial, regardless of era.
7
For child burials from prehistory to modern times, see Catalano 2015.
8
For the earliest known human burials, beginning with Neanderthals, see Andrews and Bello 2006: 14-15. Their
discussion includes the special treatment of children in the Upper Paleolithic and the first burials under house floors,
which occurred concomitant with the establishment of permanent settlements in the Neolithic.
9
Burial in silos occurred even earlier in the Levantine Neolithic than did burial in storejars (Bacvarov 2006: 102-
103), and IJBs appeared in the Levant before they appeared in southeast Europe (Bacvarov 2006, 2008). There,
infant burials were often secondary, the bodies sometimes dismembered before decomposition was complete
(Bacvarov and McSweeney 2011). For a discussion of broad trade exchanges and the cultural spheres to which the
transmission of burial traditions can be related, see Streit 2016: 181.
102 B. A. NAKHAI
among the young received intramural burials (Mcgeorge 2013: 1-2). 10 In Cyprus, child burials have been
excavated in Late Pre-Pottery Neolithic Khirokitia (Le Mort 2008); in Turkey, at Neolithic Çatalhöyük
(Moses 2008); 11 and, in Jordan, at Pre-Pottery Neolithic Beidha (Kirkbride 1966: 23, pl. 13A). This burial
custom accords with those as far inland as Mesopotamia (Streit 2016: 177-79; see also Getzov and Nagar
2002).
In Turkey of the Chalcolithic-Early Bronze Age, infants, children, and adults were buried in jars
and interred in the ground (for Alishar Hüyük, see Schmidt 1932: 72-78; van der Osten and Schmidt 1932:
1-34; for Kenan Tepe, see Hopwood 2008). IJBs have been uncovered at Chalcolithic Tell el-Kherkh, in
northwest Syria (Al-Shorman and Khwaileh 2011: 93-96). North of the Habur River in eastern Syria,
infant and child burials at Tell Nustell date to the late 4th-early 3rd millennium Five young children were
buried in jars and two infants were buried between two bowls, under house floors or courtyard surfaces;
all showed signs of severe nutritional distress which had begun during pregnancy. Similar burials were
found at nearby Tell Abu Hgaira (Seeden 1991: 694; Seeden and Wittwer-Backofen 1994: 113, fig. 6).
Somewhat later, a young girl adorned in jewelry was buried at Nustell, together with three small pots
(Seeden 1991: 693-94, fig. 7). 12
Farther south, IJBs have been uncovered at a number of Chalcolithic sites (5th–
mid-4th millennium). At Byblos, 2059 (98%) of the 2097 burials uncovered in the intramural necropolis
were jar burials, most interred at some distance from living quarters. Only 5.5% of the jar burials were
under house floors and an even smaller percentage was in the vicinity of houses. The 33% that were
infant burials were interred vertically; the 67% that were adult burials were interred horizontally. Within
the jars, 35% of the bodies were positioned so that their heads faced the opening and 21% were in a
contracted position. The jars, many of which were decorated, had been made for storage and repurposed
as funerary urns. The deceased were buried with a rich assortment of objects (Artin 2008, 2010). 13
In Jordan, IJBs were found at Chalcolithic sites, including Abu Hamid. 14 At Teleilat Ghassul,
some rooms in houses contained more than one jar burial and the children interred in them were as old as
eight years of age (Smith et al. 2006: 338-39; Al-Shorman and Khweileh 2011: 93-96). In Israel, IJBs
were uncovered at Chalcolithic sites including Tel Dan, Qatif, Teluliot Batashi, Tel Tsaf, Qatif Y-3, Tel
Te’o, and Nahal Zehora (Gopher and Orelle 2005; Faerman and Smith 2008; Orrelle 2008; Streit 2016). 15
At Gilat, a ritual center in the Negev Desert, some neonates and very young infants were buried in jars in
domestic settings. Those buried without jars were interred in fills or pits, on their own or with older
members of the community (Smith et al. 2006). IJBs were discovered, as well, at Chalcolithic-EB I Beth
Yerah (Maisler, Stekelis and Avi-Yonah 1952: 229). At Tel Kabri in the northern Israel, three EBA (mid-
4th–3rd millennium) jar burials set under floors contained the remains of between one and three children
of different ages (Scheftelowitz 2002: 28-29, figs. 4.11, 4.12; Faerman et al. 2002: 383). At Tell en-
10
For Neolithic burials in the Levant, see Croucher 2012: 55-56; Streit 2016.
11
At Neolithic Çatalhöyük, neonates and infants were buried in baskets specially woven to serve as funeral
containers (Moses 2012: 61-63).
12
For child burials in Syria, Mesopotamia and Egypt in the 3rd-2nd millennium BCE, see Garroway 2014: 204-17.
For Western Asia and Egypt from the Natufian through the 1st millennium BCE, see Mcgeorge 2012: 6-9.
13
For MBA burials in Lebanon, see Charaf 2014. For Syria and Lebanon, see Hallote 1994: 112-46.
14
For burial traditions in Jordan from the Natufian to the Persian period, see Al-Shorman and Khwaileh 2011. For
child burials in Jordan in the 3rd-2nd millennium BCE, see Garroway 2014: 199-204. Al-Shorman and Khwaileh note
that in Jordan, IJBs only became popular at the end of the MBA (2011: 100).
15
For burial traditions in Israel from the Neolithic through the Roman period, see Callaway 1963; Hallote 2001: 69-
101; Nagar and Eshed 2001.
Naṣbeh, an IJB was discovered in an EBA tomb (McCown 1947: 74; Zorn 1988: 39 top photo). In many
instances, small items such as beads and small vessels had been placed in the pithoi. 16
In the Late Bronze Age (1550-1200 BCE), the popularity of IJBs lessened and they were utilized
primarily at sites that exhibited continuity with the MBA. At LBI Tell ‘Arqa in northern Lebanon, some
infants were buried in tombs successively constructed under houses, while others were buried in jars
(Charaf 2005: 232-34). 17 An IJB containing a 36-week old fetus from LBII Tell es- Sa‘adiyeh in Jordan
was one among a number of child burials. Elsewhere in the cemetery, fetuses, infants, and children were
sometimes interred with adult women. In some instances, their skeletons showed evidence of bone
abnormalities, including spina bifida (Tubb, Dorrell and Cobbing 1996: 22-23). 18 At Megiddo, the
number of IJBs dating to the LBI was small when compared with those of the MBA (Guy 1938: 80-81,
87). The frequency of IJBs diminished over time and by the end of the LBA, they had become an
uncommon form of burial (Gonen 1992: 20-21, 98-123).
Infrequent as IJBs were in the Iron Age (1200-587 BCE), they were most common in the Iron I
(1200-1000 BCE), reflecting the roots of this funerary tradition deep within local Canaanite culture
(Bloch-Smith 1992: 31-33, 160-64, 185-86, 220-21; for Iron Age burial traditions, see Abercrombie 1979;
Bloch-Smith 1992; Hallote 2001; Kletter 2002; Schmitt 2012). At the Philistine site of Tel Miqne-Ekron,
IJBs were found in an Iron I context (Mazow 2014: 143-44; for Philistine infant burials of the Iron I,
including an IJB, see also Birney and Doak 2011). Some IJBs are known from the Iron II (1000-587
BCE; for Dothan, see Free 1956: 46; Master et al. 2005: 102, 112-115, figs. 10.48, 10.49, 10.51). 19 At
Phoenician sites along the Lebanese coast, burial jars contained the cremated remains of infants and
children. In the Al-Bass cemetery at Tyre, for example, funerary urns contained the cremated remains of
children age twelve and older (Aubet 2010). The Phoenicians retained the tradition of cremation when
they settled in Carthage, Tunisia. There, thousands of funerary urns containing the cremated remains of
the very young were buried in special cemeteries (7th century BCE–2nd century CE; Stager 1980; Stager
and Wolff 1984). 20
AN OVERVIEW OF MBA BURIALS IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT
In the MBA of the southern Levant (c. 2000-1550 BCE), burials were of two basic types: tombs that were
constructed of stone (intramural masonry structures and extramural tumuli); and, tombs that were cut into the
earth (including intramural and extramural pits, caves, and chambers with shafts [on tell slopes or in burial
grounds removed from settlements]). 21 These tomb types exhibited a number of variations, only some of which
were unique to a single type of tomb. Burial locations were split almost equally between those that were
intramural or on the slopes of tells, and those that were in cemeteries removed from settlements. Indeed, a
single settlement often included more than one type of burial (Hallote 1994, 1995; Ilan 1995, 1996). In the
16
For further discussion of EBA tombs in Canaan, see Ilan 2002.
17
For burials in Neolithic-Bronze Age Greece and Crete, see Mcgeorge 2012: 1-6; Schofield 2014. For intramural
IJBs in LBA Crete, see Schofield 2014.
18
For a diachronic study of burial traditions that span the LB IIB-Iron IIA at Tell es-Sa‘idiyeh, Jordan, see Green
2009, 2014. For Iron Age adult burials in storejars at Sahab in Jordan and in the lowlands of Israel, see Kletter 2002.
For adult jar burials in early 1st millennium BCE Japan, see Mizoguchi 2005.
19
For Iron Age Cyprus, see Steel 1995.
20
For recent bibliography on the Tophet in Phoenician Carthage, see Smith 2015: fn. 3.
21
For MBA burials in the southern Levant, including Syria and Lebanon, see Hallote 1994. For MBA burials in
Lebanon, see Charaf 2014. Many funerary rituals did not leave traces in the archaeological record and therefore are
not considered here. The literature that treats these rituals is extensive (see, inter alia, Ilan 1995: 132-36; Brody
2010: 135).
104 B. A. NAKHAI
MBA, in contrast to earlier periods, individuals of different ages could be (and often were) buried in the same
location (Nagar and Eshed 2001: 31-32).
Regardless of tomb type and location, for MBA Canaanites the tomb was understood as the home
for the dead, meaning that a co-residential family unit was likely interred in an individual tomb; in this
way, tombs, like houses, marked territorial claims (Hallote 1995: 115-17). Burials were primary and most
commonly multiple bodies were interred, whether simultaneously or successively, within the same tomb.
Men and women of all ages, and children too, were buried in all types of tombs. In some instances, an
IJB was included within a burial cave (Smith 1981: 324-25). There was no single orientation of the body,
nor were bodies always laid out in a single position (Gonen 1992; Hallote 1994: 58-72; 1995; Ilan 1998;
Baker 2012: 21-26, 171-75). 22 Foreign influences, particularly Egyptian, were sometimes in evidence. 23
Over the course of the MBA, as society became increasingly stratified and complex, grave goods
changed accordingly. Early on, they highlighted weaponry and tools but later, luxury items such as
elegant ceramic vessels, scarabs, toggle pins (used to fasten burial garments), jewelry, ivory inlay from
furniture (and occasionally even pieces of furniture) were typical to burial assemblages. Stone tools,
especially mortars and bowls, were also included (Ebeling 2002). So too was pottery, but over time there
was a shift from quotidian to luxury vessels (Hallote 1994: 74-83, figs. 8-14; Baker 2012: 21-56, appendix
B; Cohen 2014; Kletter and Levi 2016). In some instances, grave goods were intentionally mutilated or
“killed.”
In the MBA, jar burials were not the only means of interring society’s youngest. Throughout
that period, the primary burial types, masonry-built tombs and tombs cut into the earth, were also
employed, most commonly for children above three years of age. For examples, see, inter alia, Beth-
Shean (Mazar 2007: 200; Applbaum and Mazar 2007: 294-95); Dothan (Free 1953: 18, fig. 1; 1956: 46);
western Galilee (Getzov and Nagar 2002); Jericho (Nigro 2009: 367, fn. 9); Kabri (Scheftelowitz and
Gershuny 2002: 29-31; Kempinski and Scheftelowitz 2002: 48-53); Lachish (Tufnell 1958); Sasa (Ben-
Arieh 2004; Smith 2004a); Tell el-Far‘ah (de Vaux 1962: 249-50); Tel Qasile (Nagar 2006a); and, Tel
Zahara (Cohen and Więckowski 2014). 24
Of course, in any era, those who died through acts of violence or natural disasters might not be
buried at all. One common consequence of violent death, whether due to war, murder, execution, or
natural disaster was the abandonment of bodies wherever they lay (for a child in Mesolithic Sweden who
was killed by an arrow, see Lillie 2008: 33-34; for Chalcolithic Alishar Hüyük, see Osten and Schmidt
1932: 1; for LBII Lachish, see Smith 2004b; for Roman Pella, see Smith 1981: 320; for Roman Judaea,
see Ilan 1999: 208-11).
INFANT JAR BURIALS OF THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE
Increasing in popularity throughout the MBA, IJBs are found at 20% of MBIIA sites but at 32% of MBIIC
sites. They are found under the floors of 17% of MBA houses (Hallote 1994: 58; 1995: 102; 2001: 37;
see also Stiebing 1970). 25 Their varied characteristics reflect the diversity of funerary customs in the first
22
At Tel Dan, the deceased person’s head usually faced the tomb opening (Ilan 1995: 127-28).
23
For MBA burials in Egypt, see Hallote 1994: 147-66.
24
For the burial of three infants in a wooden coffin that had been placed in a rock-cut tomb under the surface of an
MBA palace at Qatna, Syria, see Flohr et al. 2013.
25
A study of child burials from 58 sites in Canaan and Israel from the EBI-Iron II, which examined 443 child burials,
found that jar burials were the most popular way to inter infants, and that cave burials were the most popular way to
half of the 2nd millennium BCE. These include: their location (under surfaces or walls, or in open areas);
their position (burial jar placed horizontally or vertically); the extent to which the jar was intact (whole,
missing the upper end, or intentionally mutilated [“killed”] by a hole punched through it); the number of
bodies in the storejar (most commonly one but occasionally two); the age of the children interred (most
commonly infants but occasionally children up to three years of age); 26 the contents of the jar (pottery
[most commonly juglets; Ilan 1995: 127], small grinding stones [including pestles], perforated basalt
weights, and hammerstones [Ebeling 2002: 150], ceramic stoppers, blades, scarabs and small pieces of
jewelry); and, the fact that at some sites, some infants were buried in jars under homes and courtyards,
while at others, they were buried with family members in masonry or pit tombs.
Since the first articles delineating the jar burial and discussing its presence at a handful of sites
in the southern Levant (Sellin 1904: 32-37; Wood 1910; Maisler 1935), the list of sites with IJBs has
continued to grow, making the task of amassing a complete list nearly impossible (Ilan 1996: 248-49). 27
Therefore, the list that follows is illustrative rather than inclusive: Acco (Dothan 1990); Aphek (Kochavi
1975: 28; 1977: n/p [2 photos from Area A]); Beth Shean (Mullins and Mazar 2007: 111; pls. 17, 22, 26);
Dothan (Free 1953: 18; Master et al. 2005: 53); Gezer (Masterman 1903: 415, 424: Macalister 1903: vol.
2, fig. 486; 1912: vol. 2, fig. 477; Dever 2014: 19-20, 35-43, figs. 26-27; Dever, ed. 1986a: 15; Dever, ed.
1986b: pl. 1, 67); Hazor (Yadin 1957: 38-41, 122, pl. 31C; Yadin et al. 1958: 125; Yadin et al., 1960: 76-
86, pls. 7, 27-29; Yadin 1961 et al.: pls. 147:2, 3; 167:8, 296:11; 1972: 29-31, 48-49, pl. 6); Hebron
(Negev and Gibson, eds. 2001: 224-25); Kabri (Kempinski and Scheftelowitz 2002: 46-48; Faerman et
al. 2002: 388-91); Kamid el-Loz (Wagner-Durand 2014: 52-58); Megiddo (Guy 1938: 57-62, 80-81, 137;
Loud 1948: figs. 294, 297, 298, 300, 318, 333 [2 IJBs], 336 [2 additional children buried under an IJB],
338, 357 [2 infants in burial jar], 358; Harrison 2004: 19-21, figs. 77, 87); 28 Sidon: (Ogden and
Schutkowski 2004; Doumet-Serhal 2003a, 2010: 118-21); Ta‘anach (Sellin 1904: 32-37, 68; Lapp 1964:
19-20); Tel Dan (Ilan 1995: 126-27; 1996: 248-49); Tell el-Far‘ah ([N]; de Vaux 1948: 572, 576, figs. 12,
15; 1957: 570, pl. 9b); Tell el-Ghassil (Doumet-Serhal 2003b: figs. 9-10); Tel Mevorakh (Stern 1984: 46-
53); Tel Miqne-Ekron (Meehl et al. 2006: 44, fig. 2.9B); Tel Qasile (Nagar 2006a); and, Tell el-Wawiyat
(Nakhai et al. 1993: 1500). 29 In Egypt, IJBs are found at Hyksos sites and as such, they provide evidence
for the Hyksos’ Canaanite roots (for Tell el-Maskhuta, see Redmount 1995: 188; for Tell el-Dab‘a, see
van den Brink 1982: 19-20, 28-29; see also Hallote 1994: 152-64; Bietak 1996: 45, fig. 37, pl. 19C ). 30
WHY BURY INFANTS IN STOREJARS?
As noted above, the meaning behind this funerary custom is interpreted variously: as evidence for child
sacrifice (Orrelle 2008); as a metaphor for the womb, be it human or divine (van der Osten and Schmidt
1932: 17-21; Ilan 1995: 135; Hallote 1994: 60; 1995: 102; 2001: 38; Kulemann-Ossen and Novák 2000;
inter children (Garroway 2014: 218-44). At MBA Tel Dan, IJBs were the most common type of interment; according
to Ilan, this reflects their popularity throughout the MBA (1995: 126-27).
26
In early Anglo-Saxon England (5th-7th centuries CE), burial rituals changed once children reached two-three years
of age. These older children were buried with grave goods in single graves; as age increased, so too did the quantity
of grave goods (Stoodley 2000: 459).
27
The MBIIA cemetery at Gesher in the Jordan Valley, at which no infant burials were uncovered, stands as an
exception to the popularity of IJBs (Garfinkel et al. 2007: 56, 65, 68 fn. 13).
28
Loud (1948) also depicts many interments of children at Megiddo, both with and without adults.
29
For additional sites with MBA IJBs, and for additional bibliography, see Hallote 1994: appendix B pt. 1, appendix
B pt. 2; Garroway 2014: Table 12.
30
These burials stand in contrast with traditional infant burials in pharaonic Egypt. During the New Kingdom (1500-
1100 BCE), for example, infants and young children from the village of Deir el-Medina were buried at the base of
the necropolis, while adolescents and adults were buried farther up the slope (Meskell 2000).
106 B. A. NAKHAI
Bacvarov 2006: 102; Orrelle 2008; Boeyens et al. 2009; Garroway 2014: 240-42; Wagner-Durand 2014:
57-58); as a way to return the deceased baby to her or his prenatal state (Bendann 1930: 273; van der
Osten and Schmidt 1932: 17-21; Wagner-Durand 2014: 57-58); as a way to situate the deceased baby for
rebirth (Garroway 2014: 240-42); as a way to guard the family against too close of an emotional
attachment (Gonen 1992: 20); as symbolic of seeds and the regeneration of the land (Washbourne 2000:
197-98; Boeyens et al. 2009); as a way to care for the deceased child (Hallote 2001: 37); as a means by
which dead children could be kept within the community (Streit 2016: 180) or with the mother (Tyler
1921: 125-26 [with reference to the burial of infants under floors in the Neolithic of northern Europe]);
as a way of articulating the symbolic link between mothers, fertility, and home (Boeyens et al. 2009); and,
as child-sized coffins (Wood 1910). While it would be shortsighted to argue for a univalent explanation
of MBA IJBs, and while it is likely that for individuals and communities some combination of these
factors might well have prevailed, it does seem clear that the integration of the deceased child into the
living community, an integration that recognized the lost potential of that dead child to her or his family
and household, was a significant factor in this extraordinary burial custom.
THE INTEGRATION OF CHILDREN INTO SOCIETY
Across a wide range of locations and moments in time, children are integrated into society at different
ages and through varied rites of initiation or rites of passage. 31 In some settings birth, weaning, 32 or
growing teeth might mark the point at which a baby is considered a member of the community. In other
settings, community membership is marked by naming, baptism, surviving the first month of life (Ucko
1969: 270-71; Finlay 2000; Halcrow, Tayles and Livingstone 2008: 392; Gillott 2009: 195-96; Mcgeorge
2013: 11-13), becoming old enough to contribute to the household (Steinberg 2013: 17; Garroway 2014:
243-46), or becoming old enough to drink wine (age three for boys in Classical Athens; Elia and Meirano
2015: 311). In the Hebrew Bible, Levitical law provided periods of seclusion for both newborn boys
(seven days; Lev 12: 2-3) and newborn girls (fourteen days; Lev 12: 5). After this period of seclusion,
they were integrated into their families (for a discussion of the discrepancy between the length of
seclusion for girls and for boys, see Nakhai 2008: 261; Ackerman 2014: 5-11). Additionally, Levitical
law prescribed the social integration of boys through the ritual of circumcision at eight days of age (Gen
17; Lev 12: 2-3; for discussion, see Ackerman 2014: 11-13). In some societies, children could not be
integrated into the adult community because they had not yet borne children and thus could not be
reckoned as ancestors (Gillott 2009: 195). Elsewhere, young children could be buried in ancestral tombs
by virtue of their position in the family lineage (see Porter 2002 for MBA Syria).
IJBs reflect the idea of social integration, the relationship between the very young and
personhood. Consider the nature of the jar burial, in which the skeletal remains of an infant or young
child were kept intact to a degree that was not possible in inhumations in the more typical MBA burial
chambers. The jar burial ensured the child who had not yet undergone rituals of initiation would retain
her or his physical integrity and in that way, some degree of personhood. For older children, who had
undergone a ritual of initiation, the potential of physical harm to the corpse posed less of a problem,
thereby allowing for their interment in cemeteries or rock-cut tombs.
31
For mortuary practices from an anthropological perspective, see, inter alia, Binford 1971; Molleson 1981; Bartel
1982. For site-specific studies, see Naumov 2007 (Neolithic sites across the Balkans); van Rossenberg 1995 (Bronze
and Iron Age sites in Italy). For the value of ethnographic studies for the analysis of ancient mortuary remains, see
Ucko 1969; Parker Pearson 1999: 21-44; Porter 2002: 2-4; Keswani 2004: 6-21; Maeir 2015.
32
Three years was the typical age for weaning (Gruber 1989). In 2nd millennium Sidon, solid food was not introduced
into the diet until between 18-24 months of age (Doumet-Serhal 2010: 120).
Differences in mortuary custom dependent on children’s age and social integration are seen in
settings beyond Western Asia (Lillehammer 2005: 21-25). For example, in a tomb with Neolithic and
Early Bronze Age remains in Fourknocks, County Meath, Ireland, the bodies of children younger than
five were relegated to a passageway and other secondary locations rather than placed in the primary tomb
chamber. The only child buried with a funerary offering was eight years old (Finlay 2000: 413-16).
Copper and Bronze Age burials in the Jarama River Valley in the Iberian Peninsula included only
individuals older than one year of age (Almela et al. 2015). A study of Copper Age burials in Hungary’s
Carpathian Basin identified traditions concerning grave goods that differed for children under and over
five years of age. The younger cohort received few grave goods; for the older cohort, not only were grave
goods included in the burials, but both grave goods and body position were linked to gender, signifying
the community’s recognition of changing social roles and contributions (Sofaer Derevenski 2000: 392).
In Anglo-Saxon England (5th-7th centuries CE), children under 2-3 years of age were not accorded
burials like those for children above that chronological threshold. Not until the very youngest children
had passed through the period of danger associated with the first years of life were they given full
consideration as members of society (Stoodley 2000: 465). Until recently, the unbaptized young in
Roman Catholic Ireland were buried in cemeteries separate from the rest of the community; the liminality
of their spiritual state was reflected by the liminal location of their interment (Finlay 2000: 407-13).
Just as special burial treatments for infants and small children were not unique to the ancient
Near East, so too were they not restricted to antiquity. Ethnographic studies document both child
cemeteries and infant jar burials in more recent times. 33 A twentieth century CE infant burial ground was
discovered near Tell Nustell, in eastern Syria. Until the nearby village was abandoned in the 1970s, its
Sunni Muslim inhabitants buried stillborn and very small babies in a small raised area in the wadi. The
graves were unmarked, thereby ensuring that the burial ground would not be visible to outsiders (Seeden
and Wittwer-Backofen 1994: 114). It is, perhaps, not surprising to learn that church parish records from
the last half millennium, and contemporary census data drawn from a number of countries, indicate not
only that many stillborn babies and infants who died quite young were not formally buried, but also that
their deaths were not even officially reported (Smith and Avishai 2005: 87).
BURIALS AND MBA SOCIAL STRUCTURE
The Middle Bronze Age was an era dominated by socially stratified communities living in autonomous
city-states dispersed throughout the Levant. Those who dominated palace and temple dominated not only
the massively-walled cities but also their rural hinterlands. At the same time, ties of kinship created webs
of unity among local populations, even in the face of disparities in economic and social standing (Ilan
1998; Nakhai 2001: 81-118; Charaf 2014; Cohen 2014). Furthermore, the international nature of this era
and the widely-shared expressions of society made evident through a koine material culture suggest
interconnectedness among elites.
In Canaan as elsewhere, mortuary practices reflected the complexities of society, at least for the
elite. 34 They were buried with grave goods that were beyond the reach of most people (Hallote 1995;
33
For Egypt, see Meskell 2000 and references therein. For sites in Europe, the Mediterranean, western Asia, and
more, see Lewis 2007: 20-37; see also articles in Bacvarov, ed. 2008. For IJBs in southeast Asia, see Halcrow,
Tayles and Livingstone 2008: 392, fig. 8; references in Perry and Joukowsky 2006: 173. For southern Africa, see
Boeyens et al. 2009.
34
According to Binford (1971), the Human Relations Area Files (http://hraf.yale.edu) indicate a correlation between
the complexity of social structure and the variety in mortuary rituals.
108 B. A. NAKHAI
Ilan 1995). 35 Even in the isolated city of Jericho, the wealthy and socially important were interred in
ways that reflected their elite stature (Yasur-Landau 1992). Furthermore, in MBA tombs the expression
of kinship ties, articulated both through the inclusion of kin members in individual tombs and the
proximity of some tombs to residential structures, was as significant as the expression of wealth (Ilan
1995: 134-35), 36 even as the inclusion of grave goods reflected the social standing of the families of the
deceased. Insofar as the maximum population of the southern Levant at any given time in the MBA is
estimated at some 140,000-200,000 (Ilan 1998: 305), the aggregate number of dead throughout that era
cannot be reflected in the comparatively small number of bodies from known burial sites. One can
conclude, then, that only the elite were buried in intramural or extramural stone tombs, shaft chambers,
well-constructed caves, and intramural pit tombs. Most people, poor and unimportant, were buried in
extramural earthen graves now lost to the archaeological record. 37
FAMILY, SOCIETY, AND THE VERY YOUNG IN THE MBA
The relationship between society and its youngest dead is both personal (parent/child) and social
(society/individual); this relationship helps explicate the extent to which the very young were integrated
into MBA society. Each child had the potential to contribute to family and society at-large, and both
family and society at-large had expectations of those contributions. For those who died very young, those
expectations were never realized and their burial in storejars under house floors and courtyard surfaces
reflected their lack of social integration. It emphasized, as well, the fact that their loss was a loss to their
families and households rather than to the community at-large. That this lack of integration was not the
only option is made evident by the fact that some among the very young were buried in the communal
graves that were traditional in the MBA. What might account for the difference? Perhaps the health of
those interred in IJBs, whether stillborn babies, neonates, infants, or children up to three years of age, had
been too fragile for them to have undergone rites of social integration. Other infants and young children,
robust in health until their sudden death due to accident, malnutrition, or disease, would have undergone
initiation rites and therefore would have been eligible for burial with other family members, in masonry
or pit tombs.
35
At the same time, an aversion to the use of grave goods to symbolize status and wealth has been paralleled cross-
culturally and into modernity (Ilan 1995: 134); see also Ucko 1969: 265-68.
36
The placement of constructed and pit tombs under house floors in the later phases of the MBII is evidence of the
growing importance of the household in Canaanite society (Hallote 1994: 111). At Ugarit and other MBA and LBA
sites, those interred in intramural corbel-vaulted family tombs remained part of the households of the living.
According to Schloen, “In Ugarit the connection between the dead and the preservation of the family’s patrimony
was, if anything, even stronger, because of the presence of ancestors within the family dwelling itself” (Schloen
2001: 347). At late-3rd millennium BCE Titris Höyük in southeastern Turkey, one consequence of prominent
families newly exerting control over production and commerce was the abandonment of extramural cemeteries in
favor of intramural burials, set under house or courtyard floors. In some instances, these burials contained the
remains of infants and children, who often were interred in ceramic vessels (Laneri 2007).
37
The underrepresentation of infant and especially neonatal burials in the archaeological record can be attributed to
the fragility of bones, to their greater organic components, and to the misidentification of skeletal remains on account
of bioturbation of the soil and the absence of funerary goods (Halcrow, Tayles and Livingstone 2008: 372). In the
Levant, simple inhumations are rarely preserved in the archaeological record; in those instances, in which bones
might have been preserved, they are unlikely to be visible. For the challenges this presents, see Moses 2012: 59-60
(for Neolithic Çatalhöyük); Faust 2004: 175-76 (for Iron Age Israel).
CHILDHOOD DEATH IN ANTIQUITY
Demographic statistics indicate that in antiquity, some third of all infants did not survive their first year,
and nearly half did not survive past five years of age. 38 Among the factors that affected the survival of
mothers and their babies were maternal age and health, number of prior pregnancies, mothers’ occupation
and socio-economic status, and food insecurity. In addition, low birth weight, birth defects, and early
weaning imperiled survival. So, too, did physical trauma and acts of violence and abuse directed at
pregnant women and at their children (Molleson 1981; Ilan 1999: 208-11; Baxter 2005: 99-101; Smith
and Avishai 2005: 86; Lewis 2007: 81-183). Rampant unsanitary conditions led to the spread of infections
and disease, which contributed to the high rate of death among both infants and new mothers (Neufeld
1970: 419-20).
At Gilat, the Chalcolithic cemetery evidenced a high rate of infant and juvenile mortality. Few
people survived past age 40 and none lived to 50 (Smith et al. 2006: 341). Among the 31 individuals
interred in 19 burials at MBA Sidon, mortality was highest among infants and young children but low
among adolescents; as adults aged, they experienced a gradual decrease in mortality. This pattern
resembles mortality rates in other prehistoric burial grounds (Ogden and Schutkowski 2004). In the Late
Minoan cemetery at Armenoi, nearly a quarter of the 114 sub-adults died at or shortly after birth
(Mcgeorge 2013: 2). At Gezer, among the 88-plus individuals interred in the LBA Cave I.10A burial
tomb, 35% were children under twelve (Finkel 1988: 131). At Tell Rumeideh (Hebron), among the 53
individuals buried in the LBI-II tomb, 41 (77%) were children under fifteen years of age (Peleg and
Eisenstadt 2004). At the Byzantine-era cemetery of Ḥorbat Ma’aravim in the Negev Desert, the mortality
rate for children up to ten years of age was 40%; at birth, life expectancy was 26 while at 10, life
expectancy rose to 30 (Nagar 2006b). 39 Given mortality rates as high as these, it seems surprising that
IJBs were the least common type of burial in the MBA.
GRAVE GOODS FOUND IN MBA INFANT JAR BURIALS
Grave goods – both the objects themselves and the process of their deposition in tombs – lend themselves
to multivalent interpretations. They facilitate consideration of important subjects such as economy,
ethnicity, social status, gender, wealth, age, social integration, religious belief and ritual, the tangible
expression of grief, and more. Grave goods may include objects used by mourners to prepare the dead
for interment, objects left in graves by mourners as by-products of funerary rituals, and objects placed in
38
Even now, in traditional societies that lack access to modern healthcare, the situation is hardly different. “Scarcely
a household at Nustell [Syria] had not lost one or more of its children in the first five years of life, a phenomenon
observed as late as this century (1938) in a Lebanese Muslim mountain village” (Seeden and Wittwer-Backofen
1994: 113-14). For contemporary West Africa, see Mcgeorge 2013: 2; for contemporary Thailand, see Halcrow,
Tayles and Livingstone 2008: 384-96, fig. 3.
39
For additional bibliography on infant mortality, see Nakhai 2008: 258. For an overview of child mortality, see
Catalano 2015: 9-21. For the Mediterranean Basin, and especially Rome, in antiquity, see Schloen 2001: 122-27.
For mortality rates in Roman Judaea, see Ilan 1999: 195-214. For the age of death in Late Prehistoric Thailand, see
Halcrow, Tayles and Livingstone 2008: 384-96, fig. 3. For post-Roman England, see Molleson 1991. For mortality
rates for children age four and under, see Smith and Avishai 2005, and especially Table 2. For Late Minoan Crete,
see Mcgeorge 2013: 2. Analysis of the cemetery population of early Anglo-Saxon England (5th-7th centuries CE)
indicates that over a quarter of the population did not survive beyond age fifteen, and over a third not beyond age
twenty; additionally, many of the youngest children were not buried in the cemetery at all (Stoodley 2000: 457-58,
Table 1).
110 B. A. NAKHAI
graves to accompany the dead into the future. 40 In the MBA, when infants were buried in storejars, only
a few small objects were included as grave goods. 41 Most typically, they were small vessels (especially
juglets), blades or very small groundstone tools, and scarabs. Notably absent are weapons, ivory inlay,
jewelry, and toggle pins; such items, as already noted, were common in other types of MBA graves. In
practical terms, of course, the limited number of objects, their small size, and even their position alongside
corpses within burial jars, were all dictated by the size of the burial containers. 42 Both the storejars and
the objects deposited in them served as symbols of identity, marking the lives that these dead infants
would no longer be able to live. 43
The presence of quotidian vessels and tools in burials reflected those expectations held by family
and society that, for the young, would remain unfulfilled; for elders, they marked the accomplishments
rendered possible by longevity. The accumulation of objects represented by grave goods is seen as
marking the “accumulation of time” for individual human beings (Sofaer Derevenski 2000: 400). For the
very young, the “accumulation of time” refers not to the life already lived but rather to the life yet to be
lived, the accumulation of future time, as it were. As such, the grave goods buried with children signified
loss, what the deceased children would neither accomplish nor provide for their natal families. From a
young age, children played important roles in the sustenance of the family and it is the fulfillment of these
roles and responsibilities that is mourned and marked by the placement of utilitarian objects in burial
storejars.
“KILLING” BURIAL JARS AND GRAVE GOODS
The custom of intentionally mutilating or “killing” objects, particularly objects used in ritual ceremonies
or placed in burials, is relevant to the study of IJBs. A broad consideration of Canaanite and other
traditions reveals that in some settings, pottery was ritually broken at the end of a religious ceremony in
order to desacralize it and ensure that it could not be reused. Occasionally, objects such as weapons, tools,
cultic figurines, and model shrines were similarly damaged and buried. Broken or not, objects that had
been used for sacred rituals were often buried in favissae, refuse pits for deconsecrated cultic
paraphernalia. In the southern Levant, the tradition of ritual breaking and burying began as early as the
Chalcolithic period (Ussishkin 2014: 20-22). Breaking pottery and burying it in favissae was common in
southern Canaan in the MBA (Nakhai 2001: 100-107) and LBA (Nakhai 2001: 129, 147, 150-51, 160).
Favissae are known, as well, in New Kingdom Egypt (Nakhai 2015a: 9), Iron Age Israel (Nakhai 2001:
178-79), and Philistia (Nakhai 2014b: 183; Kletter, Ziffer and Zwickel 2006), and in Phoenicia and
Cyprus in the Persian period (Nakhai 2014b: 173).
40
For recent scholarship on grave goods, see Ekengren 2013; see also Crass 2001. For grave goods and offerings in
modern and ancient Greece, see Håland 2014: 265-349. That valuable resources, burial urns or bowls, were included
in pre-Columbian infant and child burials at Barrio Monserrate, Puerto Rico, is understood to mark the extent of their
families’ grief (Gillott 2009).
41
For grave goods in child burials in Canaan and Israel from EBI-Iron II, see Garroway 2014: 224-38.
42
According to Ilan, when grave goods are included in IJBs, the most common configuration is a juglet near the
mouth of the dead child and a “talismanic” scarab (1997: 433). Discussing an LBI intramural brick tomb cut into a
courtyard floor at Ashkelon, Brody (2010) suggests that the juglet near the mouth of the child had been placed there
for the child’s nourishment. In storejar burials, however, the placement of juglets and other grave goods would have
been limited by the physical constraints incurred when inserting objects into a container already tightly filled by a
human body.
43
In a Muslim mountain village in Lebanon in the late 1930s, where “…pottery vessels continued to serve as main
food containers, specific traditions survived associated with a belief in the positive power emanating from the
household’s storage jar. Thus, girls on first menstruation embraced the large-bellied flour jar in an attempt to ensure
their future status as mother” (Seeden and Wittwer-Backofen 1994: 113-14).
“Killed” pottery and objects are also found in burials. In some cases, the storejar employed for
an IJB had a hole punched through its side (inter alia, Tell el-Wawiyat [Nakhai, Dessel and Wisthoff
1993]; Hazor [Yadin et al. 1961: pl. 167:8]; Megiddo [Guy 1938: fig. 148]). In addition, mutilated objects
were sometimes placed in tombs of the MBA and later periods. For example, in some Megiddo tombs
spanning the MBA-Iron I, metal weapons (arrowheads and daggers) that had been bent to “kill” them
were placed into small holes in the walls or floors of burial chambers (Guy 1938: 88-89, 137-38).
Additional examples of this practice in antiquity are found among the Villanovans of northwest
Italy, the Athenians of the 10th-8th centuries BCE, and the Mycenaeans, in an elite burial in the Mochlos
cemetery (Soles 1999). Consideration of “killed” jars in contexts beyond the ancient Near East expands
the range of interpretations for this ritual act. For example, at the Melora Saddle site in a Bantu region in
South Africa, the burial of an infant in a “killed” jar is related to the symbolic relationship between pottery
and the uterus. That is, “…the hole in the base of the burial jar was clearly aimed at ensuring that the
mother would become pregnant again, thus restoring her fertility, stabilising the social order, and ensuring
that the rains would come” (Boeyens et al. 2009: 235). Elsewhere, jars or other objects accompanying
the dead or serving as burial containers were broken at the time of interment in order to facilitate the
release their spirits; the spirits of the objects were then free to accompany the spirits of the deceased into
the afterlife. In the Mimbres region of New Mexico (American Southwest), pottery and sometimes
metates (grinding stones) were ceremonially “killed.” At Point of Pines on the San Carlos Indian
Reservation in Arizona (American Southwest), “killed” jars were used as funerary offerings and as burial
containers for cremations. A jar containing cremated remains might be covered by a bowl with a hole
punched through it. At Snaketown (Arizona), vessels were “killed” by being shattered; at the Paloporado
site (Arizona), they were “killed” by having holes punched through them (Robinson 1958). Elsewhere,
the “killing” of artifacts is associated with pollution (the need to separate the dead and their possessions
from the living) and with enabling possessions to travel together with the dead (Parker Pearson 1999:
260).
In the southern Levant, those storejars utilized for Middle Bronze Age IJBs, which were ritually
“killed” and then used as burial containers, should be seen within the broader context of grave goods.
Like grave goods, they were symbols of the identity of the deceased, and markers of social expectations
for those young children whose lives had ended. Insofar as grave goods were understood to accompany
the deceased into the next world (Baker 2012: 33-56; Ilan 1995: 136), they became, symbolically, the
property of the deceased at the time of their deposition in the grave. 44 “Killing” objects ensured that they
could be reclaimed neither by the family of the deceased nor by others who might later gain access to the
tomb. 45 Viewed from another perspective, because “killing” objects rendered them nonfunctional, “killed”
objects symbolically correspond to the deceased, who also lack functional value for the living. These
factors highlight the economic value of grave goods in all kinds of burials, and underscore the sacrifice
that their permanent deposition entailed. When considering IJBs, they additionally highlight the matter
of children’s economic value.
44
With older individuals, those objects that were ritually “killed” and placed in tombs represented markers of social
expectations fulfilled; for adults, these “killed” objects, like other grave goods, were likely to have been their property
while they were alive.
45
For the suggestion that valuable grave goods might, at some later point, be retrieved from tombs, see Kletter and
Levi 2016: 23.
112 B. A. NAKHAI
THE ECONOMIC VALUE OF CHILDREN
Like the children who have died, burial jars and the grave goods placed in them also represent sacrifices
on the part of children’s families. While the deaths of children may have evoked sorrowful feelings, 46
those deaths also represented what in modern parlance might be considered the “loss of future earnings.”
Neither the children, nor the burial jars, nor the grave goods in the burial jars, were resources still available
to families and households. It is obvious that children interred in IJBs were too young to have been
economic boons to their families, but as they grew they would have become so. They would have been
sons and daughters whose hard labor was essential to their families’s economic well-being and stability;
sons who brought wives and their wealth and skills into their families; daughters who contributed to their
families until they moved from natal to marital home. They would have worked in myriad occupations
that would have helped to sustain their families and communities. 47 The tools interred with these children
are understood, then, to represent those with which the dead children would have produced food and other
essentials for their families, had they lived long enough to do so.
CHILDREN AND WORK IN THE CANAANITE ECONOMY
While the responsibilities of adolescents and adults for the physical and economic sustenance of their
families and social groups is obvious, the responsibilities of children have received less consideration.
Throughout the second and 1st millennium BCE, society was based on clan and familial ties; the extended
family unit was the social unit par excellence. Human existence rested on the twin pillars of agriculture
and animal husbandry, and it was in their requisite tasks and responsibilities that most people were
engaged. The land and those subsistence strategies necessary for surviving on it were life’s constants.
Regardless of the chronological gap between the MBA (for which there are few texts) and the Iron Age
(for which the Hebrew Bible provides a wealth of information), little change transpired in the structure of
either society and or the subsistence economy. The fact that Israel’s Iron Age population included many
people of Canaanite ancestry, with origins in this same land, underscores continuity and facilitates the
cautious utilization of material in the Hebrew Bible for the purpose of discussing the economic value of
children in the MBA. 48
That children, even very young children, were trained to contribute to the domestic, agricultural,
and pastoral economies is unsurprising. In Europe, children had been trained in flint knapping as early
as the Mesolithic (Finlay 1997), and in the Mesolithic and Neolithic (and in hunter-gatherer societies in
general), they procured resources and engaged in other subsistence tasks from an early age (Lillie 2008:
40-41). On the island of Esnay in Scotland’s Outer Hebrides, children undertook responsibilities related
to fish, cattle and flocks, and to planting and harvesting. By the time they entered their second decade,
46
See Zelizer 1985: 22-26 for pre-nineteenth century European and American considerations of child death that were
detached and lacked any expectation of extensive mourning or funerary rituals. For an ethnographic study of the
wide range of emotions experienced within a modern Brazilian community in response to the many deaths of young
children, see Scheper-Hughes 2004.
47
For the importance of children as producers in, and contributors to, their household economies, see Sofaer
Derevenski 1997b: 490-91; Baxter 2005: 97; Halcrow and Tayles 2008: 201-202; Garrido-Pena and Herrero-Corral
2015; Padilla Fernández and Chapon 2015; Arboledas Martínez and Alarcón García 2015. For children’s work
responsibilities in the Canaanite household, see Ebeling 2016b: 470. For the Israelite family as an economic unit,
see Steinberg 2013: 45-63. For the role of Israelite women in educating young children to become productive
members of the household unit, see Ebeling 2010: 43-60; Meyers 2014: 135-39.
48
See, inter alia, Stager 1985, for the value of integrating archaeology and the Hebrew Bible to study social structure
and the subsistence economy.
their skeletons were already damaged by the strenuous jobs with which they were tasked (Sofaer 2006:
140). One sees, even today, the very young at work in homes, in fields, and with livestock. 49 The need
to put children to work in the fields provided the rationale for the happy custom of summer vacations
from school in the United States and elsewhere. That even very young children contribute to agricultural
and other economies is made apparent by modern legislation regulating or outlawing child labor. 50
Changing mortuary rituals surrounding child death can be linked to changing ideas of children’s value in
the labor force (Zelizer 1985: 113-37; see also Taylor 2013: 15-21).
Children were valued as contributors within the subsistence economy, helping to sustain their
families (Taylor 2013: 27-28, 65-67). 51 They contributed in other ways, as well. In Mesopotamia and in
Iron Age Israel, they served as debt-slaves, children whose parents placed them in service within
households to which the parents were indebted (Exod 21:2-11; Garroway 2014: 114-40). They also
served in Mesopotamia and Iron Age Israel as slave children and as hired laborers (Lev 25: 39-46;
Steinberg 2013: 57-58; Garroway 2014: 141-58). Therefore, the death of children represented a loss that
was not only personal but also economic. Even when those children who died were not yet old enough
to have been integrated into the community and put to work, their loss represented the loss of future
earnings. When burying them, their parents symbolized this loss by sacrificing the tools with which those
children would have been associated when they had grown. Seen this way, a storejar was not only a burial
container, but also a container that reflected the agricultural economy to which most people were tied as
producers, processors, and consumers of comestibles. The small objects placed in IJBs were not only
offerings but also sacrifices, underscoring what was lost with the death of the child.
Consideration of the MBA storejar, whether “killed” or not, as a symbol of nourishment, of

female fertility, of the uterus and the process of reproduction, also has relevance. 52 Insofar as the storejar
symbolized the mother, then its permanent transformation from household container to burial container
might imply that the mother, like the child, was dead. She may have died in childbirth or as a result of
postpartum complications; her death may even have been a causal factor in that of her child’s. 53 Here,
too, the ramifications of loss and death would have been not only personal but economic, as well.
CONCLUSION: WOMEN AND INFANT JAR BURIALS
A concluding discussion considers the matter of agency, as it pertains to IJBs. Researchers, whether
archaeologists, anthropologists, sociologists, or practitioners of some other academic discipline, consider
burials as a way to view society, social relations, family relations, gender relations, religious beliefs, and
the like. However, as previously noted, the only people whose ideas and beliefs are expressed in burials
are the people who do the burying; the dead have no voice in their own interments. If those people are a
49
For ethnographic discussions of nineteenth-twentieth century CE Palestinian and other women contributing to the
agricultural workforce, see Meyers 2013: 50-52, 136-39; Ebeling 2016a. Both sources note that children often
participated alongside their mothers.
50
For the United States in the nineteenth-twentieth centuries see, inter alia, Zelizer 1985: 56-112; see also Steinberg
2013:11-25.
51
In the Hebrew Bible, see Exod 2: 16; Prov 10:5; Jer 7:18. Jeremiah 5:17 likens sons and daughters to harvest and
food, flocks and herds, vines and fig trees, thus underscoring the importance of children to nutritional sustenance.
52
Two unusual storejars used for infant burials at Chalcolithic Alishar Hüyük each displayed a pair of breasts on its
exterior surface (Plot XVIII, Skeleton X2, X3; van der Osten and Schmidt 1932: 17-21, figs. 16-17). The breasts
highlight the idea of the storejar as a source of nourishment.
53
The skeleton of a young woman who died with a fetus still in her, from the Late Minoan cemetery of Khania in
Crete, highlights the dangers of pregnancy and childbirth (Mcgeorge 2013: 2).
114 B. A. NAKHAI
small group within society – male religious leaders, for example – then it is male religious leaders and
not society at-large whose ideas and beliefs are being expressed. It is, therefore, essential to consider the
matter of agency – who controls the mortuary process and who makes burials happen – in order to
determine whose ideas and beliefs are being expressed in those burials.
Inasmuch as burials offer insights into social relationships, and the study of burials offers the
opportunity to explore the construction of gender (Sofaer and Sørensen 2013: 527-28; articles in Arnold
and Wicker, eds. 2001), the study of IJBs offers the opportunity to explore not only the roles of children
in Canaanite households, but also the relationship between mothers and their children. Women managed
domestic space on a daily basis (for women managing the private sphere in LBA Ugarit and Iron Age
Israel, see Marsman 2003: 709; for women in the domestic economy in Ugarit, see Wilson 2013: 82-101;
for women managing the private sphere in Iron Age Israel, see Ebeling 2010; Meyers 2013). This fact
suggests that it was women, as well, who decided upon the usage and placement of IJBs. The use of
materials from the domestic larder, including storejars and small objects, for infant burials, indicates that
it was women who allocated domestic resources under their purview for the purpose of burying their
children. Expressed differently, it was women who determined the work that children would do in the
household and when their babies died, it was women who symbolically prepared them for that work.
Women (mothers, if alive; if not, other female heads of household) had agency when it came to burying
infants and very young children in storejars under the floors of their homes and courtyards.
Women had responsibilities relating to domestic religion, to the enactment of the domestic cult
(Nakhai 2011, 2014a, 2015b: 92-96; Meyers 2013: 147-70; Albertz 2012). As they had ritual
responsibilities in the sphere of life, so too they had ritual responsibilities in the sphere of death, and thus
they engaged in mortuary rites that accompanied the dead to their resting places. 54 These responsibilities
are represented in a wide range of texts, images and figurines from LBA Ugarit and Mycenae, from
Mesopotamia and Pharaonic Egypt, from Philistia, Cyprus, and Greece; they are also noted within the
Jewish community in Persian-period Elephantine (Marsman 2003: 509-25, 616, 642-43, 729; Schmitt
2012: 436). They are documented, as well, in both the Hebrew Bible and the material culture of Iron Age
Israel (see, inter alia, Nakhai 2014a). According to the Hebrew Bible, women’s funerary responsibilities
included: serving as professional mourners who chant laments for the deceased (Gen 38:14; 2 Sam 11:26,
21:10; Jer 9:16-19 [including mothers teaching dirges to their daughters], 31:15; Joel 1:8), participating
in family rituals at burial sites; preparing and sharing the funerary meals that were part of burial
ceremonies (including those venerating ancestors) and annual memorial commemorations (Deut 26:13-
14); 55 serving as necromancers or sorcerers (Exod 22:17; Deut 18:10-11; 1 Sam 28:3-25); and perhaps
(so Ebeling 2010: 140), preparing the dead for interment (Num 19:11-13). They would, as well, have
woven the sackcloth worn by mourners (inter alia Gen 37:34, 2 Sam 3:31, Isa 22:12). Women, of course,
mourned the dead, using traditional rites and rituals (2 Sam 12:24, 21: 7-10; Jer 31:15). That at least
some of these traditions and concomitant responsibilities were quintessential components of Israelite life
is made evident by the fact that they continued to be valued in Roman-era Judaism and in Early
Christianity. They reverberate in the New Testament, as well as in non-canonical Jewish texts and
rabbinic texts from the Hellenistic and Roman eras (for women and the care of corpses, chanting of
54
For a discussion of Israelite funeral rites, see de Vaux 1961: 56-61. For additional biblical references and for
discussions of the biblical material, see Bloch-Smith 1992: 109-132; Corley 2010: 44-56; Schmitt 2012; Meyers
2013: 175-76; Olyan 2014. For female mourners in ancient and modern Greece, including family and friends of the
deceased and professional lamenters, see Håland 2014: 190-264.
55
For the “cult of the dead” or marzeaẖ in LBII Ugarit, see Schloen 2001: 342-47. For the possibility of women’s
participation in the marzeaẖ funerary banquet in LBII Ugarit, see Wilson 2014: 134-37.
laments, participation in other rituals of mourning, responsibility for and participation in funerary meals,
and visiting tombs and burial grounds, see Corley 2002: 107-40; 2010 [especially 44-63]). 56
In MBA Canaan (as in Iron Age Israel), 57 women prepared at least some bodies for interment.
They prepared meals for funerals and annual commemorations, 58 and they participated in funerals as
family members or as professional mourners. 59 Given the nature of the grave goods interred with the
deceased, whether in family tombs or in IJBs, it clearly was women who selected those goods –talismanic
scarabs, beads, juglets and other small vessels, and even the burial jars themselves. Given women’s
authority in matters of the home, in childbirth, childcare and the raising of children, and in the education
and training of children in modes of domestic production, it clearly was women who selected the place –
whether inside their homes or in their courtyards – for the interment of burial jars containing the bodies
of those very young children whose loss reverberated within the family, but not yet within the community
at-large. Given women’s authority in matters of domestic religion, women clearly had a role in funerals
and in any later commemorative ceremonies. In brief, women’s agency in the domestic setting was a
critically important factor in the Middle Bronze Age tradition of intramural burials of infants in storejars.
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When Considering Infants and Jar Burials in The Middle Bronze Age Southern Levant

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Ägypten und altes TestamenT 90

Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday

Edited by Itzhaq Shai, Jeffrey R. Chadwick,

ÄAT-90-FS-Maeir-Cover.indd 1 11.09.2018 19:49:09

Gegründet von Manfred Görg

Studies in the History

Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir

Edited by Itzhaq Shai, Jeffrey R. Chadwick,

Ägypten und Altes Testament, Band 90

Tell it in Gath:Studies in the History and Archaeology of Israel:

Edited by Itzhaq Shai, Jeffrey R. Chadwick, Louise Hitchcock, Amit Dagan,

© 2018 Zaphon, Münster (www.zaphon.de)

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

Printed on acid-free paper

List of Contributors ................................................................................................................................... x

Rona S. Avissar Lewis

K. Lawson Younger, Jr.

Color Plates .........................................................................................................................................1078

Beth Alpert Nakhai

AN OVERVIEW OF CHILD BURIALS IN THE NEAR EAST 6

AN OVERVIEW OF MBA BURIALS IN THE SOUTHERN LEVANT

INFANT JAR BURIALS OF THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE

WHY BURY INFANTS IN STOREJARS?

THE INTEGRATION OF CHILDREN INTO SOCIETY

BURIALS AND MBA SOCIAL STRUCTURE

FAMILY, SOCIETY, AND THE VERY YOUNG IN THE MBA

CHILDHOOD DEATH IN ANTIQUITY

GRAVE GOODS FOUND IN MBA INFANT JAR BURIALS

“KILLING” BURIAL JARS AND GRAVE GOODS

THE ECONOMIC VALUE OF CHILDREN

CHILDREN AND WORK IN THE CANAANITE ECONOMY

Consideration of the MBA storejar, whether “killed” or not, as a symbol of nourishment, of

CONCLUSION: WOMEN AND INFANT JAR BURIALS

Andrews, Peter and Bello, Silvia

Faerman, Marina, Nebel, Almut, Angel-Zohar, Noa, and Smith, Patricia

Halcrow, Siân E. and Tayles, Nancy

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