Institute, Inc

Institute, Inc.
Everyday Drama: Impression Management Of Urban Gypsies

Author(s): Carol Silverman
Source: Urban Anthropology, Vol. 11, No. 3/4, Urban Gypsies (FALL-WINTER 1982), pp. 377-398
Published by: Institute, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40552982
Accessed: 27-10-2015 18:48 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Institute, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Urban Anthropology.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 128.42.202.150 on Tue, 27 Oct 2015 18:48:16 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Everyday Drama:
Impression Management Of
Urban Gypsies
Carol Silverman
DepartmentofAnthropology
of Oregon
University
ABSTRACT: Successful interaction with non-Gypsies is a key element of Gypsy ad-

aptation to urban contexts. Close proximityto non-Gypsies, economic dependence
on them, and divergent cultural values all point to the need forGypsy manipulation of
the impression non-Gypsies receive. Differentperformances are required forvarious
non-Gypsy audiences, such as landlords, truantofficers,and fortune-tellingcustom-
ers. This paper explores the negotiation of impressions among Rom Gypsies. Var-
ious performances such as "passing" as a non-Gypsy, playing up stereotypes, and
enacting the role of fortune-tellerare analyzed froma dramaturgical framework sug-
gested by Goffman.
Duringthe past century,Kalderash and Machwaya Rom1 Gypsies

have adapted wellto lifein urbansettingsinthe UnitedStates. Adaptation
has involvedtwo complementaryprocesses: (1) preservingthe the Gyp-
sy/non-Gypsy boundaryby maintaining a distinctivein-groupculture,in-
cluding language, values, and beliefs,and (2) crossing the Gypsy/non-
Gypsy boundaryto negotiatea viable niche withinthe non-Gypsymilieu.
This paper deals withthe process of boundarycrossingas a performance
enacted forsurvival.Successful interaction
strategically withnon-Gypsiesis
crucialforsurvivalbecause Gypsiesdepend economicallyand materially on
non-Gypsies.Gypsies earn moneyand procuregoods such as food,cloth-
ing,shelter,and luxuryitemsfromnon-Gypsies;in returntheyprovideser-
vices such as fortune-tellingand body and fenderrepairof cars fornon-
Gypsies. Economics inexorablyties the Gypsy to the non-Gypsy,since
profit-makingexchanges are permissibleonlywithnon-Gypsies,according
to Rom tradition.2
377
ISSN 0363-2024, ©1982 The Instituteforthe Studyof Man, Inc.
378 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 11(3-4), 1982
When Gypsies interactwithnon-Gypsies,theyhave variousmotives

forinfluencing the impressionreceived.To lawyers,theymaybe interested
in demonstrating theircredibility
as Americancitizens;to welfareworkers,
theirvictimization as an afflicted to fortune-telling
minority; customers,their
spirituality.By controlling the communicative situation,theycontrolwhat is
perceivedby the "audience." Gypsies are highly inperformance,
skillful de-
'
finedas 'theactivity ofa givenparticipanton a givenoccasion whichserves
to influencein any way any of the otherparticipants"(Goffman1973:15).
Different performancesare requiredforfortune-telling customers,forland-
lords, truantofficers,forwelfareworkers,etc. Various "impressions,"
for
"faces," or "identities"are managed bycommunicating highlyselectivein-
formation.Furthermore,Gypsies are highlyskilled in face-shifting. Of
course, thisoccurs inallgroupsand individuals, buttheGypsieshave devel-
oped thisprocess to an art,are quiteconscious and reflexive about it(Ruby
1982:2-11), and have used itas a tacticforsurvivalinhostileenvironments.
The urbancontextparticularly highlightsthese performancesbecause of
the dailyinteraction withand close proximity of non-Gypsies.Ina rhetorical
framework, we may view impressionmanagementas an organized tech-
nique ofcontroland persuasionwhichfacilitatesthe crossingof ethnicand
social boundaries(Burke1969).
AmericanRom in the UrbanLandscape
The Rom may be foundineverymajorcityof the UnitedStates. The

densityofRom populationina particulararea depends on theopportunities
forexploitationofhumanresourcesinthatarea. As Salo pointsout,Gypsies
do not relyon the naturalenvironment to providefortheirneeds (1983:6).
They do not grow theirown food and do not transform raw materialsinto
tools,clothing,and shelter.Rathertheymake theirlivingfromthesocial en-
vironment, specificallyfromthe non-Gypsypopulationamong whom they
live.Thus theyhave neverlivedisolatedfromnon-Gypsiesand have always
interactedeconomicallywithnon-Gypsies.
WithintheAmericancontexttherehas been a significant change inoc-
cupations over the last centuryparallelingthe urbanizationof the Rom. In
the decades afterthe Rom firstarrivedinthe 1880s, theyfollowedtheirno-
madic European trades, includingcoppersmithing, and dealing in
refining,
horses (formen)and beggingand fortune-telling (forwomen).Theycamped
inthecountrysideand interactedmostlywiththe ruralpopulationbutwould
regularlyventureintothecitiesto sell theirservices and buyneeded goods.
As horse traveldeclinedand the car began to dominatethe Americanmar-
ket,the Rom became dealers in used cars and body and fenderrepairmen
whichtheystillcontinuetoday.Whenstainlesssteel replacedcopper and tin
Silverman EVERYDAY DRAMA 379
items,metalworking skillsbecame obsolete. Onlya fewolderRom stillre-tin

vats and mixingbowls forthe immigrant bakeries and candy factoriesof
New York'slowereast side. Today the preferred patternamong Rom is for
the womento providethe majorportionofthe incomethroughfortune-tell-
ing,withthe men supplementingthe cash intakethroughcar repairand
sales, roofing,and paving.
Occupationalflexibilityhas been, and continuesto be, a primestrate-
gy forRom survival. man or woman who knows manyskillswhichhe or
A
she can cleverlymarketis greatlyadmired.Infact,a Rom typically engages
in multipleoccupations duringhis/herlifetime. The choice of occupation is
governed by the needs of the customerpopulation,profitability, tradition,
and the requirementsof being Rom.3Variousservices are tailoredto par-
ticularregionsofthecountry.Forexample,incitiesofthe East wherethere
is constantfoottraffic,such as New York,Boston, Philadelphia,and Wash-
ington,fortune-tellingprovidesthemajorsource ofincome.IntheLos Ange-
les area, wherethereare strictlaws governingfortune-telling and less foot
traffic,used car repairand sales and real estate providea large portionof
the income.
The urbanizationofthe Rom began as earlyas theturnofthe century
when variousgroups began to spend the wintermonthscampinginvacant
lotson theoutskirtsofcities(Salo 1983:1 1). A largenumberofRom flocked
to thecitiesduringthe 1920s and 1930s to take advantage ofvariousrelief
programs(Gropper1975:20-1), and remainedtherebecause of gas ration-
ingand because of increasingbusiness opportunitieswithinthe city.Pres-
ently,the Rom are more sedentary than when they camped, but they
change residenceoftenand travelextensivelyto visitotherRom. Nomadism
and sedentismare alternatestrategiesfornegotiating theeconomicand so-
cial niche(Silverman1979:306; Salo and Salo 1977:92).
ContemporaryurbanRom do not live in ghettos or Gypsyneighbor-
hoods, but ratherliveinterspersedamong the non-Gypsypopulation.The
densityofRom intheurbanenvironment is governedbya varietyoffactors,
the mostimportant ofwhichis occupationalopportunity. Forfortune-telling,
the Rom seek a large customerpool and a good locationfromwhichto
reach them.A good fortune-telling locationmeans a busy,well-trafficked
street(preferably withpedestriantraffic),easy access to publictransporta-
tion(forthe customersto use), and availability of shopping.Rom prefera
street-levelstorefront formaximumvisibility to pedestrians;second-story
locations,however,are quite commonin New YorkCitydue to the prohibi-
tive rentsof street-levelstores. Rom rarelylivein large apartmenthouses
unless theycan renta first-or second-floorfront-facingapartment.Insubur-
ban areas, Rom occupy houses and erect large signs whichare visibleto
automobiletraffic.
parlors)are usuallysituatedinthemorerun-down
Ofisi(fortune-telling
areas of cities inhabitedby working-classpeople or minorities. A few for-
tune-tellers have successful businesses inexclusiveareas of cities,forex-
ample,theeast 50s of New YorkCity.Inthe Northeasttheycater mostlyto
the lower socio-economicclasses, includingBlacks, Puerto Ricans, and
otherCaribbeanpeoples, buttheycan also be foundinItalian,Greek,Irish,
Hungarian,and Slavic neighborhoods.In the southwesttheycater to the
Chicano population.
Competitionforhumanresources,such as fortune-telling customers,
is regulatedintheAmericancontextthroughthe mechanismofterritoriality.
A particular kingroupmayobtaincontrolofan area forfortune-telling byoc-
cupyingallthechoice locationsinthatarea and maintaining effective
regula-
tionofcompetition.Ifanyonewants to establisha new location,permission
must be obtained fromthe male elder who "administers"the area. In
Tampa, Floridain1977, one clan effectively "owned" theentirecity.In New
YorkCity,during1976-1979, a "three-blockrule" was in effect,meaning
thatno ofisacould be establishedwithina threeblockradiusofanotherofisa
withoutpermissionof the contiguous families.This rule was repeatedly
brokenand contested at krisa(councilsof respected males whichare as-
sembled to arbitrateconflictamong the Rom).ARom rarelycall inthe local
police to evictcompetitors.
Otherfactorsinfluencing urbansettlementpatternsare the laws af-
fectingGypsiesand theattitudeofthelocal authorities.Forexample,within
thecitylimitsofLos Angeles,thereis a law prohibiting erectingsignsforfor-
tune-telling. This law was enforcedquite strictlyduring1977-1978, greatly
inhibitingbusiness. Rightoutsidecitylimits,however,signs were permitted
and fortune-tellers proliferated.Many municipalitieshave ordinances re-
strictingGypsy settlement or requiring on
costlylicenses forfortune-telling;
the otherhand,theymayrarelybe enforced.
The mostcommonurbanresidentialarrangementis to occupya living
area contiguousto the workingarea. The frontroomis the ofisa whilethe
back rooms are Gypsysocial space. The backyard,alley,or nearbylot is
used formetalworking. Uponoccupyingan urbandwelling,theRom tendto
remodeland converttheexistingspace accordingto Rom tradition and aes-
thetic.5An ofisa willbe builtifnone exists. Gypsies oftentear down walls
and enlargedoorwaysto make roomslargerand combinerooms.The ideal
is to create a wide open space suitableforthe largesocial gatheringswhich
occurfrequently inRom homes. One such home inBrooklyn, New Yorkwas
a convertedpool hall.The spatialmodelseems to be takendirectly fromthe
outdoorcampsite,withthe caravans parkedina circle,defining the bound-
ary betweenin-groupssocial space and non-Gypsyspace. Similarly, inthe
urbansetting,thereis oftena greatdifference betweentheinsideofa house
(or apartment)and itsoutwardappearance. Althoughtheremaybe garbage
strewnoutside,insidethe homes are usuallyquite clean and opulentlyfur-
nished.Afterextensiveremodeling,manyGypsyresidences are no longer

desirableto non-Gypsy occupants and insteadtheyare passed alongto oth-
er Gypsyfamilies.The same residences have thususuallyhoused a succes-
sion ofGypsyfamilies.
The urban contextnecessitates continualdailyinteractionbetween
Gypsyand non-Gypsy.Besides theiroccupational contact withnon-Gyp-
sies, Gypsies also acquire food,clothing,furniture, and virtually
all of their
materialculturefromnon-Gypsies.Food and materialgoods are talked
about endlesslyby contemporaryRom, who compare, evaluate, and com-
pete witheach otherwithstatus symbols such as gold jewelry,opulent
clothingand furniture,and cars. Theyshop at stores whichseem appealing
to themor whichhave been recommendedbyotherRom or inwhichthey
have established preferential treatment.For example, in Brooklyn,New
York,thereare a numberof Greek coffeeshops and Jewishdelicatessens
whose reputationsare disseminatedthroughthe Gypsyverbalnetwork.
Despite extensiveeconomiccontactwithnon-Gypsies,social contact
is prohibited.
Maintaining thesocial (and ritual)purityofthein-groupis a pre-
occupationamong the Rom, whose ethnicidentity predicatedon preserv-
is
ing the insider/outsider boundary (Silverman 1979).6 This boundary,
moreover,is deliberatelynegotiatedaccordingto therequirements ofthein-
teractivesituation.
Strategies forInteractionwithNon-Gypsies
A Gypsy'sverysurvivalamong non-Gypsiesoftendepends on hisabil-

ityto conceal as wellas exaggerate hisGypsinessat appropriatetimes.Itis
sometimesnecessaryfora Gypsyto submergehisGypsyethnicity because
itis a social and politicalstigma.ForcenturiesGypsies have been at the bot-
tom of the non-Gypsysocial hierarchy (Salo and Salo 1977:17). Non-Gyp-
sies have viewedthemas dirty, irresponsible,and promiscuousthieves,and
have refrainedfromdealing withthem; landlordshave refusedto rentto
them;shopkeepershave refusedto sell to them,customershave refusedto
buy fromthem.Generally,non-Gypsieshave restrictedtheirtransactions
withGypsiesto fortune-telling and to servicetrades.
In addition,some Rom culturalvalues contradictbasic Americancul-
turalvalues and are a source ofconflict.Forexample, mostAmericanRom
do not believe in integratedpubliceducation and preferto keep theirchil-
dren at home. Thus, truantofficersare continuallytryingto locate Gypsy
children.Also, because the fortune-telling business is illegalin manydis-
trictsor requirescostlylicenses, problemsarise withlocal police. Inorderto
minimizeconflictand discrimination, Gypsies have become particularly
at
adept concealing their In
Gypsiness. fact,a largepartof behavingappro-
priately as a Gypsy involves knowingwhento conceal one's Gypsiness.
An important and frequentGypsyperformanceis "passing" as a non-

Gypsy.Gypsies deliberatelyconceal theirethnicity to avoid confrontations
withand harassmentby truantofficers,landlords,the police, and the wel-
fare department;they pass as Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Armenians,
Greeks, Arabs,and as otherlocal ethnicsinorderto obtainjobs, housing,
and welfare.Gypsies usually report themselves as members of other
groups to census takers,causing Gypsycensus statisticsto be extremely
unreliable.Gypsies have developed the skillsof passing so wellthatmany
Americansare unawarethatthereare any Gypsies inAmerica.
Passing involvesadoptingthepersonalfrontofa non-Gypsy, including
appearance, demeanor,language,names, and governmentpapers. Forex-
ample, when lookingforan apartment,one Gypsywoman dressed likea
non-Gypsy:she used pale make-upto lightenherskin,wore a blonde wig,
removedhertraditional headscarf,and wore "American"dress, whichwas
shorter,moretailored,and more subdued in color thanher usual clothing.
She spoke onlyin English,not in Romanes (thetraditional Rom language),
and censored her usual ample sprinkling of profanity. In fact,she admon-
ished herchildrenforcursinginfrontofthe realestate agent when normally
theircursingwouldhave gone unnoticed.Whenscoutingforan apartment,
anotherGypsywomansent herdaughteralong withthisauthor,ratherthan
go herself.She was afraidofbeingrecognizedas a Gypsy:'Tell themyou're
sisters,you'reJewish,and givethemyourname. Tellthemyourgrandmoth-
er does some sewing business inthe house. Don't tellthemwherewe live.
They'reprejudicedagainstGypsies." Inthiscase, a non-Gypsycontactwas
used as a front.
I was oftenwarned not to tellthe neighbors,the fortune-telling cus-
tomers,or the storekeepersthatthe family was Gypsy.I was even warned
not to tellthe Black maidforfearshe would quit.Gypsyfortune-telling ad-
vertisementssometimesincludethestatement"I am nota Gypsy"because
customersmaybe afraidof Gypsies. Even youngchildrenare aware ofthe
girlwarnedme, "Don't tellthe customers
need to pass; an eleven-year-old
we're Gypsies.Theydon'ttrustGypsies.Say we're Greek." AnotherGypsy
said, "Down at the FountainbleuHoteltheywouldn'tlet inGypsies. So we
said we were Puerto Ricans; theydidn't know the difference."Similarly,
whentravelingintheSouth,a Gypsywoman successfullyimitateda South-
ern accent whenevershe dealt withnon-Gypsies,so thatthe family would
appear less conspicuous: "Howdy,suh, you got any o' dem fotunetella's
roundhere?" Inaddition,Romanes itselfpasses as anotherlanguage; when
asked whattheyare speaking,GypsiesusuallyanswerRomanian,Greek,or
Yugoslavian.
Namingis anotherstrategythatGypsies use in passing. To the non-
Gypsyworld,a Gypsyis knownby several names, all different fromhow
he/sheis knownamong Gypsies.7A person knownas Docha Lee to Gyp-
sies becomes Dorothyor Shirleyor Rosie or Mrs. Williamsor MotherWil-

liams or Sister Jackson, depending on the non-Gypsyaudience. Gypsy
names forthenon-Gypsyworldare created ina varietyofways. EasternEu-
ropean names may be Americanized:Stefanovichbecomes Johnson.For-
tune-tellers'names are continuallygenerated and changed (see later
discussion).Inaddition,manyGypsieshave adopted exactlythesame com-
monAmericannames; thereare probablyhundredsofGypsies named John
Miller.Whena truantofficersentersa home lookingforJohnMiller, six boys
may claim that title,hopelesslyconfusing the case. Furthermore, Gypsies
use a multiplicity One Gypsyfamily
ofnames to avoid visibility. maylisttheir
apartmentunderone name, the telephoneunderanother,and the fortune-
tellingbusiness underyetanother.The argumentmay be extended to ad-
dresses: because manyurbanRom are semi-nomadic,addresses change
continuously. Thismultiplicity makes Gypsieshardto identify and trace,pro-
ducingpreciselytheeffectsthe Gypsyseeks. InWesternsociety,a name is
an indeliblemarkwhichrarelychanges. For Gypsies, on the other hand,
changeable Americannames are a strategythey use to remaininvisible,
concealed, and untraceable.
As an aid to adaptingto thelocalenvironment, Gypsiesoftenexternally
adopt theinstitutionalized religionofthe localitywhileesotehcallymaintain-
ingtheirown folkbeliefsystem.8Theyknowwellhow to accommodate their
"outward" beliefsto those predominantin the localitiesin whichtheyre-
side. InEurope,Rom have professedIslamand variousformsofChristianity
at varioustimesand places. InAmerica,theyprofessCatholicismor Eastern
OrthodoxChristianity, dependingon locationand availability. For example,
Gypsies willusuallytelltheirnon-Gypsyneighborstheyare Catholicifthey
are livingin an Italianor Irishneighborhood;they,in fact,willengage a
Catholicpriestforbaptismand burial.On theotherhand,ifa Russian Ortho-
dox funeralparloris willingto host a Gypsyfuneral,the same Gypsies may
claimto be Russian Orthodox.They use whateverinstitutionalized religion
serves thembest at a giventimewhilemaintaining theirown traditional Rom
beliefs.
Anothercommonstrategyindealingwithnon-Gypsiesis evasiveness
in providing outsiderswithpersonaland in-groupinformation. Rom are ex-
tremelysuspiciousofnon-Gypsieswho show an interestintheirlives,what-
ever themotive.9Inthe beginningofmyfieldwork, mynaivequestions were
metwithstares,laughter,and lies. I was toldnotto ask so manyquestions;
any conversationI initiatedin an effortto procureinformation fromthem
turnedintoa session inwhichI was questioned bythem.Evasiveness may
develop intoopen hostility, as one researcherreports:"As I timidly walked
intoone ofthese ofisas(fortune-telling parlors),I blurtedout, 'I'm doinga bit
ofresearchon Gypsiesand hope youwillhelpme out.' The womanglaredat
me and announcedcoldly,'I'm Hungarian,'and then,as ifto stop myinevita-
ble questions she turnedto me and said, 'Who sent you? Wherewere you
born? Are you married?Do you have any children?Are you workingfora
newspaper? Did the police send you?...Get out of here- can't you see I'm
busy?'" (Esty 1969:125). Gypsies have a vested interestinpreservingtheir
secrets and can hardlybe persuaded ofthe benefitsarisingfromoutsiders'
knowledgeof them(Salo and Salo 1977:4). Thus, performancesbecome
important notonlyforcommunicating butalso forcon-
desired information,
cealing in-groupculture.
Stillanotherface whichRom enact is thatofthe afflicted For
minority.
an audience of welfareworkers,grantingagencies, and Internal Revenue
Service auditors,a Gypsywillemphasize his/her povertyand thediscrimina-
tionand prejudicehe/shesuffers.10 One Gypsywoman, upon enteringthe
PatientAidofficeofa largeNew YorkCityhospitalwhereherhusband was
I
just admitted,burst into tears, exclaiming,"So many problems, don't
knowwhatto do. I'm a fortune-teller, I don't knownothing.I'm a poor Gyp-
sy, don't know how to read. I looked forthe '75 tax returnforan hour-
didn'tknow itwas 7975. He gets a blue check witha birdin the corner.I
don't know ifit's a social securityor what...I don't knowwhat I make from
the customers. My husband is disabled. We got no birthcertificates,we
were borninthecamps. I don'tknowwhenwe came to N.Y.We got no mon-
ey inthebank.We paid thelast $1 000 forlastyear's doctors." Althoughthe
contentand thefeelingshe presentedwere bothbasicallygenuine,the de-
sired effectwas achieved because of the emotiondeliberatelyinvestedin
the performance.
Finally,a Gypsywilltryto winthetrustofnon-Gypsyofficials (e.g., po-
licemen,lawyers,landlords,social workers)by performing as a "friend"in
orderto alleviatepotentially tense relations.Performing as a friendinvolves
offering food, and
drink, invitations to Gypsy events such as saints' day
celebrationsor weddings.At these events,itis hoped thatthe officialswill
evaluate Gypsiesas well-dressed,law-abiding,and family-oriented citizens.
Forexample,a local realestate agentwas invitedintoa Gypsyhomeforcof-
fee and cake, was flattered, sold a coffeetable fora fractionofitscost, and
persuaded to hidefromthe landlord thefactthatthefamily was Gypsy.Simi-
larly,Sutherland writes,"To the Rom, personal contact and influencewith
the social workeris the most important conditionforgettingwelfare.They
believethatthe way the social workerfeels about themand the amountof
pressuretheygive to herwillaffectthe expediencyand availability of their
cheque" (1975:76-77). These beliefscontinuebecause theyprovidepracti-
cal results.
The legendaryGypsy"Kings,"infact,providean excellentexampleof
menwho cultivatevaluablecontactswithnon-Gypsy officials.The "King" is
usuallya respectedGypsymanwhose majoractivity is publicrelations,that
is, shuttlingback and forthbetweenlocal authoritiesand Gypsies. He may
helpsecure housing,fortune-telling parlors,or licenses,and helparrangefor
welfare,medicalcare, and legal services. His status may be expressed as
1 '
'a culturalbroker' or "hingepersonnel"because he has controlofthejunc-
tures between the Gypsyand non-Gypsysystems. Because he is familiar
withtheworkingsofnon-Gypsyauthority, he serves as a mediatorbetween
Gypsy and non-Gypsy culture.He knows whom to contact,whatto say,and
how to act and manipulatethe non-Gypsy.As one informant said: "King
means he had the powerwiththe policemen....People were afraidof him."
The knowledgeand contacts a kingpossesses are highlyvalued in Gypsy
society,and thisis the source of his respect and power.
The King'spower,however,is by no means absolute; rather,itfluctu-
ates quitereadily, and Gypsiesonlyconsultthe Kingwhentheyfeelitis nec-
essary. In actuality,no one Gypsy holds absolute authoritywithina
community, city,or state.11Whendealingwithnon-Gypsies,however,Gyp-
sies willsometimesclaim"so-and-so is the King" inorderto procureprivi-
leges forthe King's family.For example, the status of Kingand Queen is
invokedwhensecuringhospitalroomsor visitingprivilegesand space infu-
neralhomes or cemeteries.One informant said, "AnyGypsywho entersa
is a
hospital automatically King.Theyget better treatment."AnotherGypsy
related, "There's no such animal in the Gypsy race as a King....It's just
some person who wants to be glorified.But you go to the newspaper
in
morgues New York and get old papers and everytimea Gypsydied he
was King.Therehas got to be 1000 Kings. ...He could have been penniless,
didn'thave a dime,butwhen he died he was King....That's just garbage."
Gypsies deliberatelytend to perpetuatethe stereotypeof the Kingin
orderto inflatethe powerand romanticism ofthe Gypsies. The Kingis pre-
sented as the rightful and respected representativeof the Gypsy people
wheneverthereis some advantage inappearingas a unified, organized,and
stratifiedsociety.Forexample,in1981 JohnEllisof Portlandwas invitedto
Ronald Reagan's inauguration because he was "KingoftheWesternNorth
AmericanGypsies"; he said he woulduse theopportunity to ask Reagan to
place Gypsies on the same level as other minoritiesand make available
grantsand funds(Hallman1981 ). Thus we see thatnon-Gypsystereotypes
of Gypsiesare sometimesemployedbyGypsies themselvesinthe creation
of a particularimpressiontheywishto give.12
Thus farwe have examinedvariousstrategiesperformedby Gypsies
when interacting withnon-Gypsies.Some of these have been face-to-face
(e.g., passing, actingthe role of friend),whileothersincludemore behind-
the-scenemanipulation. Allstrategies,however,involvecontrolofcommuni-
cation byaccentuatingcertainfactsand concealingothers,withthe motive
of facilitatingthe crossingof the Gypsy/non-Gypsy boundary.Let us now
examine one performance,fortune-telling, and its dramaturgicaldimen-
sions.
Fortune-telling
Fortune-tellingis the most widespread and traditionaloccupation of

Rom women.Itis notonlytheirprimary means ofearningmoney,butalso it
is the way of beinga Gypsywoman and of acquiringprestigiousskills(An-
dersen 1979). As one Gypsyput it,"For a woman not to be able to read a
palmis an insult."EverymajorAmericancityhosts fortune-tellers. Theyare
called "readers and advisers" because predictingthe futureformoneyis
illegal.In New YorkCityalone, thereare hundredsoffortune-tellingparlors.
Customersare drawnexclusivelyfromthenon-Gypsypopulation.Since for-
tune-telling seems to strikea responsivechordindiversecultures,itcontin-
ues to be indemand in urbanas wellas ruralsettingsamong manyethnic
groups.
Fortune-tellingactuallyincludeselementsof folkpsychotherapyand
folkhealing.Itis a psychologicalartwhichrequiresquick characterevalua-
tionbased on theappearance, speech, and mannerofthe customer,plus a
flairforperformanceand manipulation.Shrewd readers knowa greatdeal
about thefears,desires,and needs ofthehumanpsyche.As one explained,
In New York I used to be so exhausted after a fullday at the ofisa- believe me, sit-
ting there hour after hour hearing the same stories, the same problems. Everyone
thinks they're different,but they have the same problems. All they need is confi-
dence and strength and a friendand that's what I am. They need to know they're not
crazy. I tryto help people get strength. Of course there's the money, but I believe I'm
helping them.
A reader ideallytriesto establish a steady relationshipwiththe cus-

tomer.It may be in person, by telephone,or by mail.Some readers have
steady customersforperiodsas longas tenyears.
Fortune-tellinginvolvesimpressionmanagementon a numberof lev-
els: establishingand maintaining one's roleand reputation,creatinga per-
formancespace, manipulating language, handlingprops,and coordinating
thedemands ofmultipleroles(e.g., fortune-teller, wife,and mother).The im-
pression which is managed is the fortune-teller's as a spiritualist.
credibility
Her image is moldedto fitthe stereotypicalpopularassumptionsof what a
fortune-tellershould ideallybe: religious,spiritual,powerful,exotic,erotic,
wearinglong colorfulskirts,gold earrings,and speaking witha foreignac-
cent. Here is anotherinstanceof how Gypsies perpetuateand manipulate
non-Gypsystereotypes.A two-wayprocess is at work:publictaste dictates
theirimage,plustheymoldpublictaste to depend on whattheyoffer. Gypsy
the preconceptionsof the customerswhilestaginga perfor-
readers fulfill
mance thatseems uniquelydesigned forthecustomer.13
The physical boundary between the Gypsy world and the non-Gypsy
world is converted to an advertising space for fortune-telling.Thus, the
storefrontor apartment window is painted with horoscope charts and tarot
illustrationsand filledwith astrological and religious literatureand symbols
to prove the reader's connections withthe church and the supernatural. The
fortune-tellermay sit at the window in a low-cut dress, and, witha seductive
wink,beckon the street trafficto enter. However, the promise of seduction is
never actualized, for there is a strict cultural taboo against intimacy with
non-Gypsies. The faked promiscuityis merelya lure.
Advertisements forreaders are printedin local newspapers and maga-
zines and also distributedas handbills on street corners (see figures 1 and
2).14 The overall objective of the advertising is to legitimizethe reader's pro-
fession and establish her credibilityto the potential customer. This is ingen-
iously accomplished by tailoring her image to fitthe belief system of the
customer population. First, the reader creates a name and an image by
adopting a specialized status, either religious, such as Sister, Mother, Bish-
op, or Reverend; maternal, such as Mrs. or Mother; exotic, such as Madam;
or intellectual,such as Professor. Her proper name may also evoke religios-
ity,as in Angelina, Christina, Divine, Eve, Mother Glory, Lady Madonna,
Mother Temple, Sister Mary,or Mother Veil. Her name may also include cre-
dentials such as "Bishop V.M. Jones D.D. Ms.D." These letters attest to her
education and experience just as the titles help to generate awe and main-
tain social distance between the reader (as performer)and the customer (as
audience).15 The audience can thus be held in a state of mystificationin re-
gard to the performer(Goffman 1973:67).
Alternately,the reader's name may evoke the ethnicityof the customer
population, for example, "Mrs. Montez" from a Spanish neighborhood or
"Miss Martell,the Hungarian Lady" froma Hungarian neighborhood. Since
many customers in New York City are Black or West Indian, readers often
use common Black names (such as Parker or Johnson) and claim Southern,
African,or West Indian origins.The places of originare associated withpow-
er and the cultures evoked are known to have effectivefolk healing tradi-
tions. Examples include: Mrs. Thomas - West Indian born spiritualist;the
Wonder Woman of Louisiana Mother Helen; and Mother Nile - Africanheal-
er and advisor. Readers may claim still more exotic origins and evoke the
religiosityand power of the Holy Land, India, or the American Indian, as in:
Mrs. Rachael - Miracle Lady fromJerusalem; Madame Naru from India;
Reverend Pocahontas, known throughout the South; and Reverend Sister
Navajo - Indian Healer. On the other hand, readers may claim familiarity
and choose a name like Ann or Jones in order to dispel fears of exoticism
and power. One reader uses the name Mother Kennedy to capitalize on the
faithpeople had in President Kennedy. Her logo is "Kennedy has helped our
people once, Kennedy can do itagain."
FIGURE 1
M MRS.ANDREWS
'SSJGIFTED
SPIRITUALIST
INDIAN
HEALER. ADVISOR
READER.
YOU HAVE PRAYED TO GOD FOR HELP AND IN RECEIVING THIS
PAMPHLET YOUR PRAYERS ARE BEING ANSWERED
WithGod's Giftof power,MRS. ANDREWS could lead you to
the Door of HAPPINESS & SUCCESS
Friends,we urge you to see this ReligiousHoly woman healer,God's messenger
who guaranteesto heal the sick and the ailing,to removeall sufferingand bad
luck from your body. Withthe help of God, she will show you your enemies.
She is a religiousand holy woman who will show you withyour own eyes how
to removesorrow,sicknessand pain, and all bad luck. Whatyour eyes see your
heartmustbelieve,and thenyour heartwill be convincedthat this is the religious
holy woman you have been lookingfor. The touch of herhand will heal. If you
are overcome with troubleand conditionsthat are not natural,I can, withGod's
help, removethem; Overcome Spells, Bad Luck and Evil Influences.Remember
I am a true Psychic,bornwithpower,and I will help you. Withthe help of God,
I havebroughttogethermanyin marriageand reunitedmanywho wereseparated.
Don't deny yourselfhappiness; for GOD helps those who help themselves.
STOP denyingyourselfand come to see MRS. ANDREWS today fortomorrow
may be too late.
I had failed in my businesson I was lefton my back suffer» I was a habitual drunkard.I
account of evil influenceand ing froman incurabledisease, had lost my loved ones
bad friends.People were talk- There was no hope until I because of drinkingand bad
ing of me but thank God I heard of and saw this holy luck but thank God I heard
heard of this holy woman. woman. Thank God forher. of this holy woman and went
One visitto her and I am a I am well. to see herand now I have my
businessmantoday. loved ones back and have
stopped drinkingand I am
happy and healthy.
LOCATED IN A REFINED NEIGHBORHOOD

Take LexingtonAve. Exp. 4 or 5 or No. 6 Local to th & LexingtonAve.
Walk 1 block East to 3rd Ave. and 1 block South to th Street & 3rd Ave.
No. 18 Bus to th & 3rd Ave., Walk South to th «• 3rd Avenue.
THIRD AVENUE
Cornerof th Street 1 FlightUp Ring Bell
Open Daily and Sunday 9:00 am to 9:00 pm
BY APPOINTMENT ONLY
Telephone: 7345592
FIGURE 2
SPEAKSENGLISHANDSPANISH
y^^lHPy /
PROFESSOR CARMEN ¿&%Zì0
E.S.P. / Psychologist / Claravoyant / Astrologist
^***"^| v(j
Psychic Reader / Healer / and Advisor LwJv
Guarantees to solve marriage, love, business, drug, alcoholic, family, health and
epileptic problems.
Professor Carmen offers several types of readings you may avail yourself to such
as: Tarot Cards / Crystal Ball,/ Mind, Palm, and Spiritual Readings
and many, many more. All readings guaranteed to your satisfaction.
- GRAND OPENING SPECIAL -

QÍvl/*)
All $10.00 readings- now $2.00
f'|Aj<;0/*j
CALL FOR ANAPPOINTMENT V5=J j: 3
ff^
((•${$ Te|- r&r'f
/*Q
''k. (V2block South of Blvd.) ' ^

Mk^f /
^""^^" West Los Angeles, California '^ v^/
OPEN 9:00 a.m. - 6:00 p.m. /^^l
MONDAY thruSATURDAY (closed Sunday)
HABLA INGLES Y ESPAÑOL

AdivinadoraAfricana
CARMEN
Claravidente / Astrologista
Directamente de Africa a la ciudad de Los Angeles, llego Carmen, trayendo consigo

poderes sobre naturales, para ayudar a la humanidad del mundo.
En sus viajes, através del mundo, Carmen a ayuado a hombres y mujeres, en problemas
de drogas, liquor, negosio, familia y salud.
Problemas Como:
• Te a abandonado un ser amado? (Sea hija o hijo, esposo o esposa, amigo o
familiar.)
• Tu negosio te esta dejando en las ruinas? (Estas fracasando o perdiendo dinero.)
• Tienes tu un amigo o familiar con problema de drogas, liquor o mental.
Y otros que aqui no e esqurito.
Carmen, usando la bola de crystal, las cartas y su mente te dira tu pasado, presente y
porvenir. Carmen te sacara hechiserias, maldiciones y salaciones. Carmen to arrancara
de raiz tu mala suerte, rompera las cadenas que te atan a la probresa y la miseria.
Carmen devolvera salud, tranquilidad y felizidad en la vida tuya, de tu familia y amigos.
Visitala hoy y acaba con tus problemas mañana. y- ,
LLAME PARA ACER CITA
/ Z»'
^ block South of
(1/2 Blvd.) /^^ /
OO8 V^
Horas de oficina: 9:00 a.m. - 6:00 p.m.

^^^^H^^^^^
LUNES a SÁBADO (cerradolos domingos) ^^^H3B^^
A certain amount of playfulness and reflexivity enters the process of

creating the reader's image. One Gypsy woman had me read aloud to her all
the advertisements forfortune-tellingin BRONZE THRILLS magazine. She
found some of theme extremelyentertaining,especially "Mother Zulu, Afri-
can healer, she was born in a littleAfricanvillage where she spent her young
life." "It would be fun to play a trickon her. Go to the U.N. and ask her to
show her naturalization papers. She would turnwhite!" A Gypsy man sug-
gested "Sister Key Foods" as a familiarname everyone could spell.
Like her name, the powers a reader possesses are also tailored to fit
the belief systems of the locality;these powers are described in the precise
vocabulary and code of speech of the customer population. For example,
when advertising to a Black population, the reader claims "to overcome
spells, voodoo, and evil spirits," powers claimed by Black folkhealers. Simi-
larly,fora Hispanic population, the reader offersto remove spells caused by
brujería (witchcraft)and males espirituales (evil spirits), powers claimed by
the Latin curandera (Gordon 1972:1 01 ). Of course, the entirereading is con-
ducted inthe customer's language. Gypsy women know enough of the local
languages to tellfortunesinthem. In Europe this may require facilityinfiveor
six languages; in the United States, Spanish and English usually suffice.
Handbill variants may be seen as cultural translations which are re-
composed according to the class and ethnicityof the customers. In Green-
wich Village, New York City,for example, readers use Peter Marsh mod-
type horoscope signs and call themselves "horoscope and tarot readers"
to keep up withthe modern trends of a youthful,mysticallyoriented popula-
tion. Recently,a reader in Greenwich Village adopted the title"Ms. Ray" to
conform to currentfeministtrends. In an effortto appear scientific,another
reader converted a printedmedical alert about breast cancer to a handbill,
as follows:
Should You Have A Mamogram? Should You Have A Reading?
This question haunts many This question haunts many men
women today. Conflicting state- and women today. Conflicting
ments, innuendos, and conclu- statements and concusions have
sions have been presented. Learn been presented. Learn the facts as
the facts as they apply to you and theyapply to you and then make up
then make up your mind. Don't be your mind. Don't be mislead by
mislead by half-truths,which may half-truths which may turn you
turn you away fromthe breast ex- away from your luck, your health
amination you need. You may lose and your peace of mind. You may
a golden opportunityto save your- lose a golden opportunityto save
self fromserious trouble. yourself from serious trouble. Are
you unlucky,sick...
It is ironicthat the Gypsy woman, who was totallyilliterate,took the

ideas behind the words on a printedpage and applied them to her own per-
formance domain, where they would again appear in print.
The handbill in figure2, fromVenice, California,provides an excellent
example of culturaltranslation. It is bilingual(English and Spanish) and bicul-
tural (middle-class white and lower-class Chicano), and the Gypsy has ap-
pealed to the beliefs of each culture. The English portion of the bill boasts
that the reader is a "Psychologist, clairvoyant,astrologist, psychic reader,
healer and advisor." The English-speaking population in this area consists
of white students and senior citizens, and the language used to appeal to
them is quite erudite:
Professor Carmen offersseveral types of readings you may avail yourselfto, such as
tarot cards, crystal ball, mind, palm and spiritual readings and many, many more. All
readings guaranteed to your satisfaction.
The Spanish portion of the handbill,on the other hand, appeals to the
problems of lower-class Chicano people in theirown language and speech
code. It translates:
AfricanFortune-teller- Carmen - Clairvoyant/Astrologist. DirectlyfromAfricato the

cityof Los Angeles, she brings with her supernatural powers in order to aid the peo-
ple of the world. ...Have you been abandoned by a lover (son or daughter, husband
or wife,friendor relative)? Do you have a friendor relative withdrug, liquor,or mental
problems?... Carmen can take away witchcraft,curses, and bad luck. Carmen can
pull up your bad luck by the roots, can break the chains that fasten you to poverty
and misery.Carmen returns health, tranquility,and happiness to your life,your family
and your friends. Visit her today and end your problems tomorrow.
This handbill,then, presents two sets of ascribed problems fittingtwo

separate customer populations. It is amazing how astutely Gypsies per-
ceive the values of the local cultures surroundingthem, considering the fact
that they remain totallyseparate socially. Through years of fortune-telling,
the reader becomes familiarwiththe typicalfears and problems of each cus-
tomer population. Furthermore,the Gypsy's occupational role as performer
depends precisely on these skills.
The fortune-telling process itselfis verydependent on spatial arrange-
ments formanipulationof the Gypsy/non-Gypsyboundary. Firstly,the read-
ers need to be forewarned of the entrance of customers. Some make it
known that theyare onlyopen when theirelectric signs are turned on. Most
encourage customers to phone ahead. In fact, most Rom homes have two
telephone numbers: one for the fortune-tellingbusiness and one for in-
group Gypsy communication. A thirdnumber may also be used forthe auto-
mobile business (Matt Salo, personal communication). When a Gypsy picks
up the fortune-tellingtelephone, English and the fortune-tellingname are
used; for the "Rom phone," Romanes is spoken; for the "car phone,"
males answer, English is spoken, and the automobile business name is

used. Most Rom men willnot pick up a ringingfortune-tellingphone; itis not
theiroccupational sphere. Ifa customer arrives withouttelephoning, there is
usually a bell to ring("Ring here forSister Divine") or directions to knock on
the door forthe reader. On the other hand, ifother Rom come to visit,they
will probably walk rightin without ringingor knocking. Thus, the communi-
cative signals fornon-Gypsies and Gypsies are different.
As mentioned previously,the fortune-tellingparloris most often a stor-
efrontor front-facingapartment withthe family'slivingquarters in the back.
The reading room is curtained offfromthe rest of the livingspace, creating a
performance space and allowing forprivacy between reader and customer
and maximum control of the setting. In the ofisa, the reader surrounds her-
self with the material culture of spiritualism:statues and pictures of saints
and gods, crosses, incense, candles, picture of shrines, bibles, prayer
books, crystal balls, and decks of cards. The religious items are drawn from
a variety of institutionalized religions: Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox,
Protestant, Jewish, Muslim, Buddhist, as well as fromthe folk religions of
the Caribbean countries, Mexico, Greece, and Italy.Quasi-religious objects
such as photographs of John Kennedy may also be considered lucky or
powerful. These, too, findtheirplace in the reading room side-by-side with
pictures of the saints.16 Withinthis eclectic array,customers can findwhat-
ever god or symbol they believe to be powerful.Furthermore,these symbols
are the props of the fortune-tellingexchange: candles are purchased by
customers for the reader to burn in his or her name; amulets are given or
sold to provide good luck or to work sympathetic or contagious magic; in-
cense is burned to cleanse the customer or exorcise an evil spirit.All of this
equipment dramatizes what is being done forthe client by translatingideas
into tangible objects (Goffman1973:30-32).
The reading itself is a dyadic formulaic interchange which involves
questioning of the customer, calling forthaffirmativeresponses, locating the
source of the problem, and initiatinga plan of action, all the while buildingup
confidence inthe power of the reader to solve the problem.17It is performed
face-to-face in hushed tones ina somewhat darkened atmosphere. The reg-
ular duties of wife and mother are temporarilysuspended for the fortune-
teller's performance. At an early age, children are trained not to interrupt,
not to shout, and not to have the television on too loudlywhen a reading is in
progress.
A young girl's childhood involves continual exposure to fortune-telling;
this is her training."Playing" reader is a common pastime of 7 to 8 year-
olds. By the time she is 13 to 14 years old, a Gypsy girlis competent as a
performer.In fact, "Sister Wilson" may be a 14 year-old girljust as easily as
a 70 year-old grandmother, depending upon who is available to give the
reading. To prepare forthe role, young girlsare often transformedintoolder
women withthe aid of make-up,high-heeledshoes, and matureclothing.

For readingsover the telephone,younggirlshave an even easier task of
performing.
The "backstage" arena ofthehome remainshiddenfromthecustom-
er's gaze. Here,normalGypsyactivities,such as cookingand entertaining,
continueto take place. The differencebetween "on stage" and "back-
stage" behavioris oftenquite striking. The fortune-tellerand herfamily are
politeand endearing to the customers in the customer's language. When
theyswitchintoRomanes, however,profanity abounds, along withhumor-
ous remarksand code names forthe customers. Romanes gives Gypsies
the freedomto say anythinginthe customer's presence withoutfearof be-
ingunderstood.Thus a fortune-teller mayalmostsimultaneously enact the
roleof motherand the roleoffortune-teller, theformerinRomanes and the
latterin English;code-switchingprovidesthe flexibility. In addition,in the
backstage arena, grotesque caricaturing of the customer and jokingtakes
place. Again, having an exclusive in-grouplanguage, plus an in-group
space, fostersthisactivity.
The typicalspatial arrangementof a Gypsyhome, withits front-and
backstage areas, can be seen as an adaptationto urbanlife,whichhelps
facilitatethe enactmentof performances.When Gypsies camped outside
citiesand traveledincaravans, contactwithfortune-telling customers(and
in
non-Gypsies general) was sought on excursions to the cityor by setting
up a booth at a carnival.The camp was an exclusivelyGypsyterritory, al-
most neverenteredby non-Gypsies,and viewed by them as a dangerous
place protectedby barkingdogs. Most contemporaryRom, on the other
hand, liveindenselypopulatedsections of cities interspersedamong non-
Gypsies. The physicaldistance,then,between Gypsyand non-Gypsyhas
significantlynarrowed.Today,urbanGypsiesliveinor neartheirfortune-tell-
ingparlors,and non-GypsiesenterGypsyterritory. The divisionofthisterri-
tory into front-and backstage areas thus becomes crucial for the
maintenanceof the Gypsy/non-Gypsy boundary.(Language and extra-lin-
guisticbehavioralso contributeto preservingand manipulating the bound-
ary).As Goffman writes,"We lead an indoorsocial life.We specialize infixed
settings,inkeepingstrangersout,and ingivingthe performer some privacy
inwhichto preparehimselfforthe show" (1973:244).
Urbanlifemaybe seen as a variegatedmatrixwhichhas placed Gyp-
sies incontinuouscontactwithnon-Gypsies.This contacthas created new
possibilitiesforthe performanceof fortune-telling; besides the fixedurban
o//sa,many otheropportunities arise forfortune-telling.Forexample,a Gyp-
sy womanexplained,"This carpetwasn't too expensive because, whenwe
wentto Atlantato thefactoryto get it,I tolda couple offortunesto thesales-
ladies inthe waitingroomand so theyknocked off$100 here and there."
Similarly,at the motelat whichshe was staying,the same woman passed
out handbillsamongthemaidsand waitressesand did readingsinthemotel

room.Likewise,whenvisiting thehospital,Gypsywomenpass out handbills
among the nurses and attendants.One woman always gives a handbillto
herdriverwhentakinga taxi.Anotherremarked,"I liketo go and pay billsat
the telephonecompanybecause thereare lots of people there.I pass out
billsin line." These opportunitiesare seized because Gypsies are so at-
tunedto performanceas a strategyof survival.In addition,close proximity
has heightenedthe sense of performanceand created innovationsintradi-
tionalperformance roles.
Furthermore, success in performing fornon-Gypsiesis an important
means ofgainingrespectand prestigefromotherGypsies. Forthisreason,
Gypsywomen spend hourson the telephoneor in person recountingsuc-
cessfulfortune-tellingperformances.Success is measured notonlyby ma-
terialgain,butalso bycreativity.A creativeperformanceis worthbragging
about even thoughone always runsthe riskof imparting trade secrets to
competitors.This is trueof performancesforlawyers,welfareworkers,po-
licemen,Gypsyresearchers,etc., as well as forcustomers.This reflexive
attitudetowardperformanceserves to highlight its artisticexpressive di-
mensionsinadditionto itsfunctional role.
The Question of Belief
In examiningthe various performancesof Gypsies fornon-Gypsies,

the question of beliefand sincerityinevitably arises. Do Gypsies sincerely
believe inthe impressionsfosteredbytheirown performances,or are they
cynics,beguilingaudiences and professingno beliefintheiracts? The an-
swer is complex and bringsup the issue of performancewithinin-group
Gypsyculture.Fortune-tellers oftenjoke about how gulliblenon-Gypsies
are. Yet Gypsies themselves oftenconsult elder Gypsy women who are
knownto be expertsindreaminterpretation, card reading,and folkhealing.
Similarly, willburnincense to exorcise an evilspirit
just as a fortune-teller
froma customer,thesame fortune-teller as a motherwillburnincense ifher
own childhas a nightmare about thedevil.
In addition,the beliefinthe powerof words,whichis so important in
fortune-telling,is also foundamong Gypsies. This is evidenced by the in-
groupuse ofcurses, protectivephrases,and euphemismsforevilspirits(Sil-
verman1979:180-182). Furthermore, the readingroom,whichis filledwith
religioussymbols,is not onlysacred to the customers;itis also sacred to
Gypsies. Photographsofdeceased relativesare displayedthere;a menstru-
atingwomanwillsometimesrefrain fromentering;marime(ritually unclean)
objects such as underwearshould neverbe placed there;religiousstatues
withinare dusted witha rituallyclean cloth.18Also,theeclecticarrayofspiri-
tual objects whichaid infortune-telling is also used byGypsies themselves

forgood luck.Membersof the same family can be foundwearingCatholic
crosses, Eastern Orthodox Crosses, stars of David, and Moslem crescent
moons; one person may even wear all of these consecutivelyor simulta-
neously. Itis believedthat good luckand power can come fromthesymbols
of anyreligion.
We see, then,that Gypsies sometimes use the same performance
techniquesforGypsies as theydo fornon-Gypsies.Performance,indeed,
as "presentationofself" is a concept whichpervades everyaspect of Gyp-
sy life,and is not limitedto boundarycrossing(Goffman1973). Withinthe
Gypsysocial sphere,Gypsies also perform, communicating an impression
of themselvesas generous,prosperous,admiredbyothers,and respectful
of age, sex, power,taboos, ancTtherulesof Rom culture.Theytryto enter-
tainlavishly,givehugefeasts,and buyexpensiveclothing, food,and cars. In
otherwords,theydemonstrateand displaytheirGypsyface to an audience
ofGypsies.19Atthesame time,fornon-Gypsyaudiences, theymaybe play-
ingtheroleof "King"whenhospitalized,"afflicted minority"whenapplying
forwelfare,"local ethnic"whendealingwithlandlords,and "Indianhealer"
when seekingfortune-telling customers.
Summary
The contemporary urbanmilieuprovidesa significant contextinwhich

to examineimpressionmanagementofAmericanRom.The Rom work,trav-
el, and live interspersedamong the non-Gypsypopulation.They interact
withnon-Gypsieson a dailybasis, providing services such as fortune-telling
and car repairforincomeand obtainingmaterialgoods forcash. Theytravel
extensivelythroughthe citybycar,eat inrestaurants,attendmovies,shop
buycemeteryplots,and, ingeneral,partake
instores,use hospitalfacilities,
ofthelifeofthecity.However,inspiteofconstantinteraction, theymaintain
social separationfromnon-Gypsies.Whilecrossingthe boundaryintothe
non-Gypsyworld,theypreservethe integrity ofthatboundarybyupholding
theirown worldview.Moreover,they remaininvisibleto the non-Gypsy
population.
Impressionmanagementis a techniqueof persuasion used by Gyp-
sies whencrossingtheboundaryintothenon-Gypsyworld.Close proximity
of non-Gypsies,economicdependence on them,and divergentculturalval-
ues all pointto theneed forGypsymanipulation ofthe impressionnon-Gyp-
sies receive. Differentperformancesare enacted for various non-Gypsy
audiences, such as governmentofficials,realestate agents, neighbors,and
fortune-telling customers. Language, appearance, demeanor, and props
are manipulatedso that the audience receives selective information. By
396 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 1 1(3-4), 1982
controllingthe communicative channels, Gypsies earn a greater degree of

freedom of action which allows them to survive in a potentiallyhostile atmo-
sphere. The techniques of impression management have become tradition-
al modes of behavior for the Rom. Although the specific characters and
settings of Gypsy/non-Gypsy interaction have changed, this boundary-
crossing behavior appears to remain constant. Furthermore, within the
Gypsy world we also findample evidence of performance inthe formof pub-
liclydemonstrating adherence to in-groupvalues and beliefs.
Impression management, then, is part of the verytexture of Gypsy life.
A Gypsy's survivaldepends on knowing which performance role to enact to
which audience in which setting. For Gypsy as well as non-Gypsy audi-
ences, impressions are creatively managed not only to achieve desired re-
sults, but also because being a Gypsy means cultivating the ability to
performskillfully.
NOTES
1 Henceforth, the word

Gypsy refersto these Rom. Fieldwork was conducted among approxi-
mately ten extended families (200 persons) from 1974-1979. Fieldwork took place at three
main New York City locations in Brooklyn, Manhattan, and Queens, with supplemental work
in Philadelphia and Los Angeles. The author also traveled throughout the southeastern
states with one family.The sampling goal was to combine geographically comparative data
with an in-depth study of one family.The resulting data documented: (1 ) differentGypsies in
differentcities, (2) differentGypsies in parts of the same city,(3) the same three families in
differentcities, while traveling or visiting (4) the same familyin the same location for two
years. The comparative approach on the one hand provided a wide data base and on the
other hand underlined the difficultiesof generalizing about Gypsies. All data were validated
through multipleobservations, compared withthe extant literature,and discussed with oth-
er Gypsy scholars.
The author's role at various times was that of English tutor, maid, babysitter, photogra-
pher, and household member. Data were generated through participant observation in daily
and ceremonial life. Extensive field notes were taken, and taped recordings were made of
musical and narrative events. Few formal interviews were conducted due to theirobtrusive
nature. Photographs were taken and copies distributed to informants; the author also con-
ducted slide shows to investigate public presentation and evaluation of self and others.
2 For an
analysis of Rom economic organization, see Salo 1 981 .
3 The
requirements of a Rom occupation include portability,self-management, littlecontact
with non-Gypsies, and adherence to rules of the taboo system. (See Silverman 1979:227-
228 and Salo 1981.)
4 In New York
City in 1978, an interestingquestion arose in relation to the issue of territorial
ity
and advertising. Should territorialrightsalso apply to subways in which the Rom advertised
by distributing handbills? Apparently, one fortune-tellercomplained that the subway line
which transported her customers was inundated by handbills from another fortune-teller.
The conflictwas resolved by dividing the subway line.
5
They often replace the entire kitchen area, especially countertops and sinks, to avoid ritual
contamination fromprevious non-Gypsy occupants. (See Silverman 1979:109).
6 As FredrikBarth
points out, the boundary between ethnic groups is instrumental in defining
each group vis-a-vis others (1 969:1 5).
7 Rom reckon descent

patriiineallyon two levels: the minimallineage and the clan (both known
as vitsa). In practice this translates into a system whereby Rom are identified by their first
name, plus their place in the kin network, plus their vitsa. Thus Docha, a married woman,
may be called Docha Blakeshi(B'akey's Docha, referringto her husband or her father), or
Milashi taj Georgeshi shej(M''a and George's daughter), or Jelenashi taj Sameshi bori (Helen
and Sammy's daughter-in-law), plus anda'l Adamuja (of the Adams, her husband's vitsa.)
8 The taboo
system, together with the set of beliefs related to the dead and the supernatural,
may be considered the tenets of Rom folk belief. For furtherexplication, see Sutherland
1975:255-288, Gropper 1975:108-122, Silverman 1979:195-264.
9 In the aftermathof World War II,
Gypsies who survived concentration camps refused to give
details about theirkin. "They were reluctant to impart any informationeven for indemnifica-
tion claims which could be used to trace and detain relations because they suspected perse-
cution would recommence" (Kenrick and Puxon 1972:188).
10 See Sutherland 1975:75-85 fordescriptions of performances for welfare workers.
11 As
previously mentioned, political authorityamong Rom rests in a kris, a council of respect-
ed male elders which is reassembled anew for each trial; enforcement of kris decisions is
accomplished through the force of public opinion. See Nemeth 1 974.
12 Music is another arena in which
Gypsies strategically endorse stereotypes. In Central and
Eastern Europe, Gypsies are famous fortheirskillas musicians; to play "like a Gypsy" is the
highest complement. The role of musician, however, is more than simply providing music; it
is a performance role excellence. Gypsy musicians artisticallymanipulate the emotions
par
of the non-Gypsy audience, making them cry,laugh, sigh, and dance, and pay for more.
13
Gypsies deliberately perpetuate stereotypes not only for profitbut also for protection: the
stereotypes come to forma kind of surrogate culture which Gypsies promote as a frontbe-
hind which theirin-group culture is concealed.
14
Newspapers chosen by readers are most often of the neighborhood or ethnic variety,e.g., in
New York City, THE AMSTERDAM NEWS, FLATBUSH LIFE, BIG RED. Magazines chosen
are of the sensational variety,e.g., TRUE CONFESSIONS, BRONZE THRILLS, SOUL, and
appeal to the less educated. For a detailed description and analysis of handbills, see Silver-
man 1980.
15 The title
"King" serves a similar purpose of generating respect and privilege.
16 Indeed, in
many European and Latin American countries, Kennedy has achieved virtual
sainthood.
17 1will not
explore the telling in detail. This had been analyzed by Andersen 1979 and in her
dissertation in progress.
18 The
system of taboos related to the separation of clean and unclean spheres is treated in
Silverman (1979:105-190).
19 The
in-groups display of "Gypsiness" is dealt with in Silverman 1979:49-225. The impres-
sion created when performingforthe Gypsy public is highlightedwhen compared to the lack
of performance in the private familyarena. Many rules of ideal behavior (including dress and
sexual taboos) are relaxed in the private sphere (Silverman 1979:66-71).
REFERENCES CITED
Andersen, Ruth
1979 Gypsy Fortune-telling: A Women's Tradition. Paper presented at Confer-
ence on Women and Folklore, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 23-25 March
1979.
Barth, Fredrik
1969 Ethnic Groups And Boundaries. Boston: Little Brown.
Burke, Kenneth
1 969 A Rhetoric Of Motives. Berkeley: Universityof California Press.
Esty, Katherine
1969 The Gypsies: Wanderers In Time. New York: Meredith.
Goffman, Erving
1973 The Presentation Of Self In Everyday Life. Woodstock, New York: Over-
look Press.
Gordon, William Phillips

1972 Gypsy Fortune-telling In Houston: The Study Of A Profession. M.A. The-
sis, Rice University.
Gropper, Rena
1 975 Gypsies In The City. Princeton, New Jersey: Darwin.
Hallman, Tom
1981 Reaqan Inaugural Draws Gvpsies. Oreqonian, 9 Januarv 1981 .
Kenrick, Donald and Grattan Puxon

1 972 The Destinv Of Europe's GvDsies. New York: Basic.
Nemeth, David J.
1974 Gypsy Justice In America. Journal Of The Gypsy Lore Society 1 :3-1 4.
Ruby, Jay
1982 A Crack In The Mirror:Reflexive Perspectives In Anthropology. Philadel-
phia: Universityof Pennsylvania Press.
Salo, Matt T.
1981 Kalderash Economic Organization. IN The American Kalderash: Gypsies
In The New World, Matt Salo (ed.). Hackettstown, New Jersey, pp. 71-97.
1 983 The Gypsy Niche In North America: Some Ecological Perspectives On The
Exploitation Of Social Environments. MS.
Salo, Matt and Sheila
1 977 The Kalderash In Eastern Canada. Ottawa: National Museum of Canada.
Silverman, Carol
1979 Expressive Behavior As Adaptive Strategy Among American Gypsies.
Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Folklore and Folklife, University of
Pennsylvania.
1 980 Rev. Sister Navajo: Reader And Advisor- Deciphering Gypsy Fortune-tell-
ing Handbills. New York Folklore 6 (1-2):29-43.
Sutherland, Anne
1975 Gypsies: The Hidden Americans. New York: Free Press.

Institute, Inc

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Institute, Inc

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Institute, Inc.

Everyday Drama: Impression Management Of Urban Gypsies

ABSTRACT: Successful interaction with non-Gypsies is a key element of Gypsy ad-

Duringthe past century,Kalderash and Machwaya Rom1 Gypsies

When Gypsies interactwithnon-Gypsies,theyhave variousmotives

AmericanRom in the UrbanLandscape

The Rom may be foundineverymajorcityof the UnitedStates. The

items,metalworking skillsbecame obsolete. Onlya fewolderRom stillre-tin

nished.Afterextensiveremodeling,manyGypsyresidences are no longer

A Gypsy'sverysurvivalamong non-Gypsiesoftendepends on hisabil-

An important and frequentGypsyperformanceis "passing" as a non-

sies becomes Dorothyor Shirleyor Rosie or Mrs. Williamsor MotherWil-

Fortune-tellingis the most widespread and traditionaloccupation of

A reader ideallytriesto establish a steady relationshipwiththe cus-

LOCATED IN A REFINED NEIGHBORHOOD

- GRAND OPENING SPECIAL -

''k. (V2block South of Blvd.) ' ^

HABLA INGLES Y ESPAÑOL

Directamente de Africa a la ciudad de Los Angeles, llego Carmen, trayendo consigo

Y otros que aqui no e esqurito.

Horas de oficina: 9:00 a.m. - 6:00 p.m.

A certain amount of playfulness and reflexivity enters the process of

It is ironicthat the Gypsy woman, who was totallyilliterate,took the

AfricanFortune-teller- Carmen - Clairvoyant/Astrologist. DirectlyfromAfricato the

This handbill,then, presents two sets of ascribed problems fittingtwo

males answer, English is spoken, and the automobile business name is

women withthe aid of make-up,high-heeledshoes, and matureclothing.

out handbillsamongthemaidsand waitressesand did readingsinthemotel

The Question of Belief

In examiningthe various performancesof Gypsies fornon-Gypsies,

tual objects whichaid infortune-telling is also used byGypsies themselves

The contemporary urbanmilieuprovidesa significant contextinwhich

controllingthe communicative channels, Gypsies earn a greater degree of

1 Henceforth, the word

7 Rom reckon descent

Gordon, William Phillips

Kenrick, Donald and Grattan Puxon

You might also like