SSH-302 Pakistan Studies

Early Cultures
South Asia was a radically different world during the millennia before it took on its modern
character. For most of its history, South Asia was thinly populated. Its countless small
communities were widely scattered. In ancient and medieval times, much more of the land was
covered by forests full of wild animals than by farms, villages, towns, and cities. Entering into
the history of this vast pre-modern world provides us with a critical perspective on the novelty
of modernity. To understand history inside South Asia, we must escape the confines of modern
boundaries that enclose and separate civilizations to explore a wider world within which these
boundaries have been invented, contested, defended, and redrawn historically. The political
boundaries of South Asia have changed dramatically at various points in time. It is therefore
most appropriate to study South Asia as a huge open geographical space in southern Eurasia,
rather than imagining it to be a fixed historical region with a single territorial definition.
Humans may have lived in South Asia for half a million years. Ruins of their activity for much of
that time are preserved in so many places that we can surmise that the earliest human settlers
lived in virtually every feasible ecological position. They all would have migrated from
somewhere else at some point in time, but some places have been continuously occupied since
the eighth millennium BCE, when agro-pastoral settlements were established.
Recent findings suggest that Harappan cultural production may have continued into the first
millennium BCE alongside settlements that are distinguished by later archaeological finds of
Painted Grey Ware pottery. If we toured South Asia around 2000 BCE, we would certainly want
to begin with its impressive cities along the Indus, which boasted advanced hydrology and
architecture. But we would soon find that South Asia’s scant prehistoric human population was
composed primarily of hunters, gatherers, herders, and farmers, who lived in tiny and, typically,
temporary settlements. Wild animals – including elephants, tigers, deer, and buffalos –
outnumbered humans many times over. Dry, wet, high altitude and coastal climates offered
different kinds of opportunities for human communities. Harappa is now the oldest we know.
The pre-Harappan culture was succeeded by the Indus Civilization. _ The Indus-Civilization was
a unique product of a slowly growing and changing civilizational process that was occurring
from the eighth millennium through the third millennium in north-western India, including the
Indus and the Indus basins, in which the West Asian, Turanian and Central Asian cultures had
some role to play but generally in the field of economic interaction and not so much in social,
cultural, religious and ideational fields. The Indus civilization grew out of this culture’s
technological base, as well as its geographic expansion into the alluvial plains of what are now
the provinces of Sind and Punjab in contemporary Pakistan and Northern India.
Indus Valley Civilization
South Asian history has no one beginning, no one chronology, no single plot or narrative. It is
not a singular history, but rather many histories, with indefinite, contested origins and with
countless separate trajectories that multiply as we learn more about the past. In recent
decades, history’s multiplicity, antiquity, and ambiguity have become more complicated as
scholars have opened new perspectives on the past and made new discoveries. Having the
issues of objectivity and subjectivity, the historians have embarked upon the mission of
discovering the discursive and archeological answers to the question; what we know and how
do we know about the history of this region of ancient civilization. To the east of Mesopotamia,
beyond the Iranian plateau and the mountains of Baluchistan, the Asian continent projects
sharply southward below the Himalayan mountain barrier to form the Indian subcontinent.
The earliest evidence of a settled, Neolithic way of life on the subcontinent comes from the
foothills of Sind and Baluchistan and dates to about 5500 B.C.E., with evidence of barley and
wheat cultivation, baked brick dwellings, and, later, domestication of animals such as goats,
sheep, and cows, and, after about 4000 B.C.E., metalworking. The subcontinent’s earliest
literate, urban civilization arose in the valley of the Indus River sometime after 2600 B.C.E. and
by about 2300 B.C.E. was trading with Mesopotamia. Known as the Indus valley culture (or the
Harrapan civilization, after the archaeological site at which it was first recognized), it lasted only
a few centuries and left many unanswered questions about its history and culture. The region’s
second identifiable civilization was of a different character. Dating to about 1500 B.C.E., it is
known as the Vedic Aryan civilization—after the nomadic Indo-European immigrant people, or
Aryans, who founded it, and their holy texts, or Vedas. This civilization endured for nearly a
thousand years without cities or writing, but its religious and social traditions commingled with
older traditions in the subcontinent— notably that of the Indus culture—to form the Indian
civilization. Archaeologists discovered the existence of the Indus culture at the site of Harappa
in the 1920s. Since then, some seventy cities, the largest being Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro,
have been identified over a vast area from the Himalayan foothills west and south on the coasts
of the Arabian Sea. This urban civilization had bronze tools, writing, covered drainage systems,
and a diversified social and economic organization. Because it disappeared before 1500 B.C.E.
and its writing is still not deciphered, it remains the least understood of the early river valley
civilizations. Archaeological evidence and inferences from later Indian life, however, allow us to
reconstruct something of its highly developed and once thriving culture.
Indus culture was also remarkably constant over time. Because the main cities and towns lay in
river lowlands subject to flooding, they were rebuilt often, with each reconstruction closely
following the previous pattern. Similarly, the Indus script, known from more than 2,000 stamp
seals and apparently using both pictographic and phonetic symbols, shows no evidence of
change over time. This evidence of stability, regularity, and traditionalism has led scholars to
speculate that a centralized government, perhaps a conservative (priestly) theocracy rather
than a more unstable royal dynasty and court, controlled this far-flung society.
The cities of both Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro apparently had populations of more than 35,000
and were meticulously designed on a similar plan. To the west of each stood a large, walled
citadel on a raised rectangular platform about 800 by 1,400 feet in size. The drainage system
that served these facilities was an engineering feat unrivaled until the time of the Romans,
nearly 2,000 years later. The economy of the Indus state or states was based on agriculture.
Wheat and barley were the main crops; rice, peas, lentils, sesame, dates, and cotton were also
important. Cattle, dogs, cats, goats, sheep, and fowl were raised, and elephants and water
buffalo were likely used as beasts of burden. The Indus valley people wove cloth from cotton,
made metal tools, and used the potter’s wheel. Among the most striking accomplishments of
the Indus culture are fine bronze and stone sculptures. Other evidence of the skill of Indus
artisans includes copper and bronze tools and vessels, black-on-red painted pottery, dressed
stonework, stone and terra-cotta figurines and toys, silver vessels and ornaments, gold jewelry,
and dyed woven fabric. Indus stamp seals, which provide the only examples of the still not
deciphered Indus script, also bear representations of animals, humans, and what are thought to
be divine or semi divine beings. Similar figures are also found on painted pottery and engraved
copper tablets. Indus civilization disappeared. It is not clear whether its demise was related to
the warlike Aryan invaders who may first have appeared in the upper Indus about 1800 B.C.E.
and later used their horse-drawn chariots to subdue indigenous peoples and move across the
north Indian plains. Some scholars think it was destroyed by abnormal flooding (perhaps from
careless damming of the Indus), changes in the course of the Indus, collapse of military power,
or a long period of desiccation even before the Aryans arrived. Regardless of cause, the Indus
culture disappeared by about 1700 B.C.E. and remains too shadowy for us to measure its
proper influence. In a nutshell, this civilization has made the modern world astonished by the
very development they had made so earlier in the art of sophisticated human living.
Vedic Aryans
The Harappans lived in cities and had a well-organized trade and craft activities. They also had a
script which we have been so far not able to decipher. However, around 1900 BC these cities
began to decline. A number of rural settlements appeared afterwards. These rural settlements
show continuity of certain Harappan elements. Around the same time, we find archaeological
evidence of the arrival of new people known as Aryans or Indo-Aryans on the outskirts of the
Harappan region. The age they owned is known in history as the age of Vedic Aryans or the
Rigveda period. In other words, we know more about the Aryan culture that effectively “re
founded” Indian civilization around 1500 B.C.E. Yet unlike Indus civilization, it was not urban
and left neither city ruins nor substantial artifacts beyond tools, weapons, and pottery. Virtually
our only source of knowledge about ancient Aryan life is the words of the Vedas, the Aryan
sacred texts—hence we know the culture as “Vedic.” Careful studies have shown that the Vedic
texts reflect two stages of development in terms of literature as well as social and cultural
evolution. The Rigveda which is the oldest Vedic text reflects one stage of social and cultural
development whereas the other three Vedas reflect another stage. The first stage is known as
the Rigveda period or Early Vedic period and the later stage is known as the Later Vedic period.
The early Vedic Aryans lived in the area known as sapta-sindhu meaning area of seven rivers.
This area largely covers the northwestern part of South Asia up to river Yamuna. The seven
rivers included Sindhu, Vitasta (Jhelum), Asikni (Chenab), Parushni (Ravi), Vipash (Beas),
Shutudri (Sutlej) and the Sarasvati. In this area the Rigveda people lived, fought battles, grazed
their herds of cattle and other domesticated animals. In nutshell the early Vedic society was
tribal and basically egalitarian. Clan and kinship relations formed the basis of the society and
family was the basic social unit. Social divisions based on occupations had started but there was
no caste division and their economy was mainly pastoral and cow was the most important form
of wealth. Agriculture had secondary importance in the life of the Early Vedic people.
Later Vedic Era
The Aryans initially lived in the region drained by seven rivers Septa Sindhu roughly covering the
modern states of Punjab, and Harayana. Subsequently they also occupied the region drained by
Ganga, Yamuna, Sarayu, Ghaghra, and Gandaka roughly covering the modern states of eastern
Uttar Pradesh and western Bihar. The Aryans, who were mainly cattle herders, became
agriculturists later, and assisted by the knowledge of iron technology they were able to
establish larger settlements in the Ganga- Yamuna doab region. The changes in the material
and social life during the later Vedic period led to changes in the political sphere as well. A
rudimentary army too emerged as an important element of the political structure during this
period. All these lived on the taxes called bali, the shulka, and the bhaga offered by the people.
The chiefs of this period belonged to the kshatriya Varna and they in league with the
Brahmana’s tried to establish complete control over the people in the name of dharma. That in
the later Vedic period agriculture had become an important activity of the people. Changes in
the material life naturally resulted in a change in their attitude towards gods and goddesses too.
Continuous interactions with the local non-Aryan population also contributed to these changes.
Buddhism
Buddhism and Jainism are two religions which evolved during the post Vedic Age. There were
many reasons why the birth of these religions became imminent during a phase where friction
between different sections of the society took center stage. During the Vedic age, i.e. 1500 –
600 BC, the society was divided into 4 major groups or Varna’s called the Brahmans, the
Kshatriyas, the Vaishya’s and the Shudras. The people of the lowest race were deprived of
many fundamental rights and were exploited by those of the higher Varna’s. This continued
through the post Vedic age also and subsequently the condition of the shudras became so
deteriorated that it led to an uprising. They were not allowed to take up Vedic studies and were
classed as untouchables. The shudras were treated as a group which was meant to provide
services to the higher Varna’s of the society. The Brahmans were considered to be the highest
Varna or section of the society. So they tried to dominate all the other Varna’s including the
Kshatriyas (second highest position in the society) which led to a spark between the two. The
friction thus created between the Brahmans and the Kshatriyas became one of the major
factors in the birth of a new religion, Buddhism. Vardhamana Mahavira and Gautama Buddha
belonged to the Kshatriya race. They were against the dominance of the Brahmans and
objected the practices followed by them.
Gandhara Civilization
Gandhara is the name of an ancient kingdom (Mahajanapada), located in modern day northern
Pakistan and parts of eastern Afghanistan. Gandhara was located mainly in the vale of
Peshawar, the Potohar plateau and on the Kabul River. Its main cities were Purushapura
(modern Peshawar), literally meaning “City of Man”, Varmayana (modern Bamyan) and
Takshashila (modernTaxila). The Kingdom of Gandhara lasted from the early 1st millennium BC
to the 11th century AD. It attained its height from the 1st century to the 5th century under the
Buddhist Kushan Kings. The Hindu term Shahi is used by history writer Al-Biruni to refer to the
ruling Hindu dynasty that took over from the Turki Shahiand ruled the region during the period
prior to Muslim conquests of the 10th and 11th centuries. After it was conquered by Mahmud
of Ghazni in 1021 CE, the name Gandhara disappeared. During the Muslim period the area was
administered from Lahore or from Kabul. During Mughal times the area was part of Kabul
province. The Gandhāri people were settled since the Vedic times on the banks of Kabul River
(river Kubha or Kabol) down to its confluence with the Indus. Later Gandhara included parts of
northwest Punjab. Gandhara was located on the northern trunk road (Uttarapatha) and was a
centre of international commercial activities. It was an important channel of communication
with ancient Iran, India and Central Asia. he boundaries of Gandhara varied throughout history.
Sometimes the Peshawar valley and Taxila were collectively referred to as Gandhara and
sometimes the Swat valley was also included. The heart of Gandhara, however, was always the
Peshawar valley. The kingdom was ruled from capitals at Pushkalavati (Charsadda), Taxila,
Purushapura (Peshawar) and in its final days from Udabhandapura (Hund) on the Indus.
According to the Puranas, they were named after Taksha and Pushkara, the two sons of Bharata,
a prince of Ayodhya. Gandhara had played an important role in the epic of Ramayana and
Mahabharata. Ambhi Kumar was direct descendant of Bharata (of Ramayana) and Shakuni (of
Mahabharata). It is said that Lord Rama consolidated the rule of the Kosala Kingdom over the
whole of the Indian peninsula. His brothers and sons ruled most of the Janapadas (16 states) at
that time. The primary cities of Gandhara were Purushapura (now Peshawar), Takshashila (or
Taxila) and Pushkalavati. The latter remained the capital of Gandhara down to the 2nd century
AD, when the capital was moved to Peshawar. An important Buddhist shrine helped to make
the city a centre of pilgrimage until the 7th century. Pushkalavati in the Peshawar Valley is
situated at the confluence of the Swat and Kabul rivers, where three different branches of the
River Kabul meet. Though the marks and ruins of Gandhara civilization can be found throughout
in Northern Pakistan, its heritage has been saved more in true form in Taxila, Peshawar and
Swat valley. According to Wikipedia, evidence of Stone Age human inhabitants of Ghandhara,
including stone tools and burnt bones, was discovered at Sanghao near Mardan in area caves.
The artifacts are approximately 15,000 years old. This Civilization is primarily a symbol of
human development in the area of human knowledge, religion, art and history for the world to
come to great extent.
Alexander’s Invasion
In the fourth century B.C. the Greeks and the Iranians fought for the supremacy of the world.
Under the leadership of Alexander of Macedonia, the Greeks finally destroyed the Iranian
empire. Alexander conquered not only Asia Minor and Iraq but also Iran. From Iran he marched
to India, obviously attracted by its great wealth. Herodotus, who is called father of history, and
other Greek writers, had painted India as a fabulous land, which tempted Alexander to invade
this country. Alexander also possessed a strong passion for geographical inquiry and natural
history. He had heard that on the eastern side of India was the continuation of the Caspian Sea.
He was also inspired by the mythical exploits of past conquerors, whom he wanted to emulate
and surpass. The political condition of north-west India suited his plans. The area was parceled
out into many independent monarchies and tribal republics which were strongly wedded to the
soil and had a fierce love of the principality over which they ruled. Alexander found it easy to
conquer these principalities one by one. Among the rulers of these territories, two were well
known Ambhi, the prince of Taxila, and Porus whose kingdom lay between the Jhelum and the
Chenab. Together they might have effectively resisted the advance of Alexander. But they could
not put up a joint front; the Khyber Pass remained unguarded. After the conquest of Iran
Alexander moved on to Kabul, from where he marched to India through the Khyber pass and
reached the Indus. Ambhi, the ruler of Taxila, readily submitted to the invader, augmented his
army and replenished his treasure. When he reached the Jhelum, Alexander met from Porus
the first and the strongest resistance. Although Alexander defeated Porus he was impressed by
the bravery and courage of the Indian prince. So he restored his kingdom to him and made him
his ally. Then he advanced as far as the Beas river. He wanted to move still further eastward but
his army refused to accompany him. The Greek soldiers had grown war weary and disease
stricken. The hot climate of India and ten years of continuous campaigning had made them
terribly home-sick. They had also experienced a taste of Indian fighting qualities on the banks of
the Indus, which made them desist from further progress.
The most important outcome of this invasion was the establishment of direct contact between
India and Greece in different fields. Alexander’s campaign opened up four distinct routes by
land and sea. It paved the way for Greek merchants and craftsmen, and increased the existing
facilities for trade. Although some Greeks living on the north-west India even before the
invasion of Alexander, the invasion led to the establishment of more Greek settlements in these
areas. The most important of them were the city of Alexandria in the Kabul region, Boukephala
on the Jhelum, and Alexandria in Sindh. Although the areas were conquered by the Mauryas
the settlements were not wiped out, and some of the Greeks continued to live in this area,
under both Chandragupta Maurya and Asoka. Alexander was deeply interested in the
geography of the mysterious ocean which he saw for the first time at the mouth of the Indus.
By destroying the power of petty states in north-west India Alexander’s invasion paved the way
for the expansion of the Maurya empire in that area. According to tradition Chandragupta
Maurya, who founded the Maurya empire, had seen something of the working of the military
machine of Alexander and had acquired some knowledge which helped him in destroying the
power of the Nandas.
Maurya Dynasty

The Maurya Empire was a geographically extensive Iron Age historical power in ancient India,
ruled by the Mauryan dynasty from 321 to 185 BC. Originating from the kingdom of Magadha in
the Indo-Gangetic plains (modern Bihar, eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bengal) in the eastern side
of the Indian subcontinent, the empire had its capital city at Pataliputra (modern Patna). The
Empire was founded in 322 BC by Chandragupta Maurya, who had overthrown the Nanda
Dynasty and rapidly expanded his power westwards across central and western India taking
advantage of the disruptions of local powers in the wake of the withdrawal westward by
Alexander the Great’s Greek and Persian armies. By 320 BC the empire had fully occupied
Northwestern India, defeating and conquering the satraps left by Alexander.
In the last weeks of 327 BCE, the Macedonian king Alexander the Great invaded the valley of
the river Kabul, and in the next months, he conquered Taxila, defeated the Indian king Porus at
the river Hydaspes, and reached the eastern border of the Punjab. He wanted to continue to
the kingdom of Magadha in the Lower Ganges valley, but his soldiers refused to go any further,
and Alexander was forced to go south. Many Indians now resisted the invaders. By the end of
325, the Macedonian king had left the area of what is now Karachi, and his admiral Nearchus
was forced out of Patala. Alexander’s conquests had been spectacular, but he had not
conquered India. On the contrary, not even the Punjab and the Indus valley were safe
possessions of his kingdom. Before Alexander had died in 323, he had redeployed nearly all his
troops west of the Indus. For the first time, he had lost part of his empire. On the other hand,
his invasion changed the course of Indian history. In Taxila, a young man named Chandragupta
Maurya had seen the Macedonian army, and – believing that anything a European could do an
Indian could do better – decided to train an army on a similar footing. In 321, he seized the
throne of Magadha. The Mauryan Empire was born.

Chandragupta was a pupil of a famous Brahman teacher, Kautilya. Once Chandragupta had
conquered the Nanda throne, he invaded the Punjab – and he was lucky. In 317, one of
Alexander’s successors, Peithon, the satrap of Media, tried to subdue the leaders of the eastern
provinces, who united against him. This civil war offered Chandragupta the opportunity he
needed and he was able to capture Taxila, the capital of the Punjab. When the situation in
Alexander’s former kingdom had stabilized, one of hissuccessors, Seleucus, tried to re-
conquered the eastern territories, but the war was inconclusive, and the Macedonian offered a
peace treaty to Chandragupta. The latter recognized the Seleucid Empire and gave his new
friend 500 elephants; Seleucus recognized the Mauryan Empire and gave up the eastern
territories, including Gandara and Arachosia (i.e., the country northeast of modern Qandahar).
Finally, there was epigamia, which can mean that either the two dynasties intermarried, or the
unions of Macedonians/Greeks with Indians were recognized. Chandragupta had now united
the Indus and Ganges valley – a formidable empire. There was a secret service, there were
inspectors, there was a large army, and the capital at Patna became a beautiful city. His adviser
Kautilya wrote a guide to statecraft which is known as Arthasastra. A Greek visitor,
Megasthenes, gives a very strange description of the caste system (accepting seven instead of
the usual four classes of people), and it is likely that he describes an attempted reform. This is
certainly not impossible, because Chandragupta turned out to be not deeply attached to
orthodox Brahmanism. According to the ancient scriptures of the Jainists, the king abdicated at
the end of his life in favor of Bindusara, and converted to the Jaina faith; he died as an ascetic,
having fasted to death.

Bindusara was the son of Chandragupta. His reign lasted a quarter of a century, until 272, but of
the three great Mauryan emperors, he is the least known. For example, he is mentioned as the
man who conquered “the country between the two seas” (i.e., the Bay of Bengal and the
Arabian Sea), which suggests that he conquered central India, but the same deeds are ascribed
to his son Ashoka. Indeed, Ashoka, who succeeded his father Bindusara in 272, was a great
conqueror, and the first to unite the Indian subcontinent, except for the extreme south.
However, the emperor came to hate war after he had seen the bloodshed of the conquest of
Kalinga in eastern India, and he converted to Buddhism. He wanted to establish dhamma, ‘the
law of justice’, everywhere in India and Arachosia. It seems that Ashoka was sincere when he
proclaimed his belief in ahimsa (non-violence) and cooperation between religions (“contact
between religions is good”). He never conquered the south of India or Sri Lanka, which would
have been logical, and instead sent out missionaries -as far away as Cyrenaica- to convert
others to the same beliefs, and sent his brother to Sri Lanka. He erected several stupas,
founded Buddhist monasteries, softened the harsh laws of Bindusara and Chandragupta,
forbade the br utal slaughter of animals, and organized a large Buddhist council at Patna, which
had to establish a new canon of sacred texts and repress heresies. After the death of Ashoka,
the Mauryan Empire declined. In c.240, the Bactrian leaders -who were of Greek descent-
revolted from their Seleucid overlords, and although king Antiochus III the Great restored order
in 206, the Bactrian leader Euthydemus declared himself independent within a decade. Not
much later, the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom expanded into Drangiana and Gandara.
Gupta Dynasty
The most powerful Indian states rose to its north, about 500 years after the Mauryas were the
Guptas, who united much of India. Gupta emperors organized a strong central government that
promoted peace and prosperity. Under the Guptas, who ruled from A.D. 320 to about 540,
India enjoyed a Golden age, or period of great cultural achievement. Gupta rulers were
probably looser than that of the Mauryas. Much power was left in the hands of individual
villages and city governments elected by merchants and artisans. Trade and farming flourished
across the Gupta Empire. Farmers harvested crops of wheat, rice and sugarcane in cities,
artisans produced cotton cloth, pottery and metal ware for local markets and for export to East
Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia. The prosperity of Gupta India contributed to a
flowering in the arts and learning.Under Gupta rule, students were educated in religious
schools. However, in Hindus and Buddhist centers, learning was not limited to religion and
philosophy. The large Buddhist monastery was the Nalanda, which attracted students from
many parts Asia, taught mathematics, medicine, physics, languages, literature and other
subjects. During Gupta times, many fine writers added to the rich heritage of Indian literature.
They collected and recorded fables and folk tales in the Sanskrit language. In time, Indian fables
were carried west to Persia, Egypt and Greece.
Eventually, Gupta Indian declined under the pressure of week rulers, civil war and foreign
invaders. From Central Asia came the white Huns, a nomadic people who overran the weekend
Gupta Empire, destroying its cities and trade. Once again, India split into many kingdoms. It
would see no other great empire like those of the Mauryas or Guptas for almost 1,000 years.
Muhammad Bin Qasim
There are both long and short term causes for the conquest of India. Arabs had trade with India
and Eastern Asia. The trade was carried through sea rout; the rout was unsafe due to the
plunder of the Pirates of Sindh. The Arab rebels also get refuge in Sindh. Thus the Umayyad
wanted to consolidate their rule and also to secure the trade rout. During Hajjaj’s governorship,
the pirates of Debal plundered the gifts of Ceylon’s ruler to Hijjaj and attacked on ships of Arab
that were carrying the orphans and widows of Muslim soldiers who died in Sri Lanka. Thus
providing the Umayyad Caliphate the legitimate cause, that enabled them to gain a foothold in
the Makran, and Sindh regions. The Umayyad caliphate ordered Muhammad Bin Qasim to
attack over Sindh. He led 6,000 Syrian cavalry and at the borders of Sindh he was joined by an
advance guard and six thousand camel riders and with five catapults (Manjaniks). Muhammad
Bin Qasim first captured Debal, from where the Arab army marched along the Indus. At Rohri
he was met by Dahir’s forces. Dahir died in the battle, his forces were defeated and
Muhammad bin Qasim took control of Sind. Mohammad Bin Qasim entered Daibul in 712 AD.
As a result of his efforts, he succeeded in capturing Daibul. He continued his Victorious Progress
in succession, Nirun, fortress (called Sikka), Brahmanabad, Alor, Multan and Gujrat. After the
conquest of Multan, he carried his arms to the borders of Kigdom of Kashmir, but his dismissal
stopped the further advance. Now Muslims were the masters of whole Sindh and a part of
Punjab up to the borders of Kashmir in the north. After the conquest, he adopted a conciliatory
policy, asking for acceptance of Muslim rule by the natives in return for non-interference in
their religious and cultural practices. He also established peace with a strong taxation system. In
return he provided the guaranty of security of life and property for the natives. Hajjaj died in
714. When Walid Bin Abdul Malik died, his younger brother Suleman succeeded as the Caliph.
He was a bitter enemy of Hajjaj’s family. He recalled Mohammad Bin Qasim from Sindh, who
obeyed the orders as the duty of a general. When he came back, he was put to death at the age
of twenty.
Mahmood Ghaznavi
Mahmood Gaznavi was born in 971 AD, in khurasan. Mahmood Ghazni was the son of Abu
Mansur Sabuktigin, who was a Turkish slave soldier of the samanid ruler. In 994 Mahmood
joined his father in the conquest of Ghazni for Samanid ruler, it was the time of instability for
Samanid Empire. In 998AD Mahmood took control of the Ghazni and also conquered Qandahar.
In 1001 AD, he started his military companies, which were lasted before his death in 1030 AD.
Mahmud’s campaigns seem to have been motivated by religious zeal against both the Fatimid’s
Shiites and non-Muslims; Buddhists, Jains and Hindus. Mahmood of Ghazna was one of the
undefeatable military commanders of the World. He attacked South Asia seventeen times
successfully and went back to Ghazni every time with a great victory. He fought against the
forces of Jaipal, Annadpal, Tarnochalpal, Kramta and the joint forces of Hindu Rajas and
Maharajas but all of them were forced to flee away from the battlefield due to Mahmood’s war
strategy as a general.
The military campaigns of Mahmood Ghaznavi made him controversial personality in the
history of South Asia. Mahmood of Ghazni destroyed important Hindu shrine- Krishna
Janmabhoomi Temple (known as Kesava Deo Temple) in 1017 AD along with several other
Hindu and Buddhist temples in the holy city of Mathura. Mahmud of Ghazni destroyed and
looted one of the most sacred temples of Hindus- Somnath Temple in 1025 AD killing over
50,000 people who tried to defend it. Due to this Mahmood Ghaznavi is considered as a looter
and plunder by the most of the non-Muslims of South Asia.
Mahmood of Ghazna became the sign of respect and bravery for South Asian Muslim and is
considered as their Hero. Mahmood weakened the power of the neighboring rulers as they
could not attack over the newly established Muslim state. The booty of war was used to
consolidate the power of the state. After the conquest of Multan and Lahore, Mahmood made
Punjab a part of his empire in 1021. He also established his provincial headquarters at Lahore.
Ghazni and Lahore become the center of learning and culture. Thus Mahmood established a
strong Muslim empire, which was lasted for hundreds years. He also exposed the weakness of
Hindu rajas, which enabled the Muslim leaders to conquer India in future. These all made him
the Hero for the Muslims of South Asia. Mahmood of Ghazna was a great patron of learning.
Firdosi the poet, Behqi the historian and Al-Biruni the scholar and scientest were associated
with his court. Ghazni became one of the most important and beautiful cities of the Islamic
world. Lahore also became a great center of learning and culture.
Muhammad Ghauri
Prior to the battles, Muhammad Ghauri had managed to launch minor ghazwa's (AKA military
expeditions) into north-west Hindustan, with plans for further ghazwa's into Hindustan to take
much larger portions of the land. This was done in order weaken nearby threats to his Sultanate
and to keep his Sultanate with a steady supply of wealth from these conquered lands as well as
facilitate the spread of Islam in the region. Since these small portions of north-west Hindustan
existed on the frontier of Prithviraj's territory, he marched with a large army to meet
Muhammad Ghauri at Tarain, in an attempt to halt Muslim expansion into Hindustan. The exact
size and composition of both army's isn't entirely known, but what is known is that Muhammad
Ghauri did bring a larger army with him than Prithviraj Chauhan did, with both sides also
bringing plenty of horses and elephants with them.
The Battles of Tarain were two battles fought between the Ghurid Sultanate under Muhammad
Ghauri and the Chahamana dynasty under Prithviraj Chauhan, near the town of Tarain in
Haryana, Hindustan Prithviraj Chauhan and his brother Govind Tai had been promptly executed
after the battle was over, and Muhammad Ghauri was now able to launch further ghazwa's into
Hindustan, eventually extending his Sultanate all the way to the Bengal. What made these
ghazwa's different to previous ones conducted by the likes of Mahmud Ghaznavi was that the
Muslims now permanently occupied large portions of Hindustan rather than simply raiding it
every once in a while. It was these conquests that then laid the foundations for further Muslim
rule across Hindustan for the next several hundred years, through dynasties such as the Khilijis,
Mughals or Mysoreans.
Mughal Administration

The Mughal administration was quite different from those of their predecessors i.e. the sultans.
The Mughal emperors bore the title emperor. This was evident that they wanted to practice an
unanswerable authority over their subjects. Jalal-ud-din Akbar declared himself as an arbiter
while Aurangzeb Alamgir acted as a strong orthodox Muslim ruler. The Mughal administration
was basically divided into three types which are as following:
The central administration
The military administration
The revenue administration
In the central administration the emperor was the head of the state having unlimited power of
formulating laws, he was the Chief Executive and the military commander. The emperor was
the final despot and his law or order was the final rather he was considered as the shadow of
God on earth as in the case of Jala-ud-din Akbar. Though the emperor enjoyed unlimited
powers and authority yet he used to take into consideration the advices given by the court
officials or nobility which had great influence over the state politics. The Mughals were quite
sensible in terms of using the loyalties of their nobility unlike the sultans mostly came under the
influence of their nobility and usually lost their power into their hands.
Under the emperor were the ministers who were appointed for different state tasks and
assisted the ruler. Each state department had its minister who was further the head of junior
ministers and assistants. There was the prime minister who was responsible for the overall
state running.
For a convenience in administration the provinces were being divided into several Sarkars or
districts which had the Foujdar (military officer), the Amal Guzar (finance minister), the Bitikchi
(assistant of the Amal Guzar), the Khazandar (treasurer) of the district. The districts were
further divided into Parghanas. The important officials were the finance minister, the treasurer,
the village Patwaries and the clerks. The city administration was run by a Kotwal, whereas the
village was administered by the local villagers.
The Military administration or the Mansabdari system was the backbone of the Mughal Empire
which started in its crude form from Zahir-ud-din Babur till its refined form in the reign of Akbar.
The Mughal army was divided into three types. The first category was of the Mansabdars and
their soldiers. Each Mansabdar kept his own army according to his rank and managed the
recruitment, training and salaries of the soldiers. The second category was of the Ahadi soldiers
and they were the soldiers of the ruler. The third type was of the Dakhili soldiers who were
being appointed by the ruler himself but were put under the charge of the Mansabdars. The
Mughal army was divided into infantry, the cavalry, the war elephants and the navy. Akbar is
known for his most efficient Mansabdari system. It was encountered by many defects in the
later Mughal era due to inefficiency of the later rulers and the corruption of the officials.
The finance administration was heavily concentrated upon the collection of the revenues which
were basically the loot of the war, the trade taxes, the annual tributes and the land revenues.
The largest source of income was in fact the land revenue which was initiated by Babur and
strengthened by Akbar.
The Mughal administration was a very new experience for the locals of India who had never
undergone such system before. The emperors were very enthusiastic about introducing new
policies in their kingdom. Akbar is said to be a great emperor among the Mughals who had
focused on every state institution including the defense, finance, religion and the society. His
policies were carried out by his son but the later Mughals were not so enthusiastic as their
ancestor and yet their power continued to decline and ultimately the Europeans were able to
grab power from Mughals and they also carried out the same state policies of Mughals but with
certain modification.
The Mughal society was like a pyramid on the top of which was the emperor and the nobility
followed by the middle class whom was a very minute population and the last and most heavily
concentrated was the poor class. The emperor though not belonging to the local community
enjoyed the power of a despot with an unparalleled status among the others.
The middle class consisted of the professionals and the traders and the merchants. They were
the skillful class which was able to lead a successful if not luxurious life. They had good relations
with the emperor and nobility and belonged to the indigenous population of the state. The
lowest and the most deprived class of the social pyramid was the poor class. This section
comprised of the major section of the population and was present in masses. This class was
socially marginalized and had very scarce facilities of life. They had inadequate food and
clothing. They were assigned with petty jobs which acquired heavy physical work with long
work hours and very little wage. They were the peasants and used to remain financially
deprived.
The Indian society under the Mughal rule used to live a moderate life and was not very
extravagant as in the context of middle class. As Hindus were in heavy majority so the traditions
like satti and jouhar were in vogue. The culture of child marriage, dowry and prohibition of
second marriage was so strong that even the Muslims living in India were influenced by these
trends. Jala-ud-din Akbar did make an attempt to bring social reforms in the society by
synthesizing good things of all existing religions of that time but the masses were reluctant to
follow this reform better known as din-i-illahi. Aurangzeb also brought social reform in the
state but it was based upon Sunni orthodoxy and targeted masses belonging to other religions.
It may be observed that the Indian society under the Mughals was divided on the bases of
religion and wealth but the local people did share some common traditions. The Mughals left a
great impact on the society in terms of art, literature, food and dressing. With the advent of the
Europeans in the sub-continent, whole society suffered a great set back in terms of economy as
they were deprived of their former jobs. But the Europeans also adopted the Mughal
administrative structure with some amendments hence it can be concluded that the Mughals
left a great impact on the Indian land.
East India Company
The East India Company evolved from a small enterprise run by a group of City of London
merchants, which in 1600 had been granted a royal charter conferring the monopoly of English
trade in the whole of Asia and the Pacific. Company business was overseen by a central
administration in London based around the twenty-four elected members of the Court of
Directors and a number of specialized committees of the Court.
The East India Company developed beyond a purely commercial enterprise when war between
Britain and France spread to India in the mid-1740s. The Company established military
supremacy over rival European trading companies and local rulers, culminating in 1757 in the
seizure of control of the province of Bengal.
In 1765, the Mughal Emperor granted the Company the diwani (the right to harvest the
revenues of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa), which provided funds to bolster the Company’s military
presence in the sub-continent. Further territorial acquisitions in India during the late eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries cemented the change in the Company’s role from mere trader
to a hybrid sovereign power.
The Company’s mercantile monopoly came increasingly under attack and its commercial
operations were at first scaled down by Parliament after years of pressure from the free trade
lobby and then wound up completely by the Charter Act of 1833. The Company continued in its
imperial role until 1858 when, in the aftermath of the military and civil rebellion in the north of
the sub-continent, the Government of India Act transferred its powers to the India Office, a
department of state. The EIC was finally dissolved on 1 June 1874, after shareholders received
compensation from Parliament.
Battle of Plassey
The battle of Plassey was the most important and decisive battle fought between the British
east India Company and Nawab of Bengal Siraj-ud-Daula that took place on June 23, 1757. The
battle marks the inception of the English rule in India. The company’s forces under the
command of Robert Clive won a landslide victory over young Nawab’s forces establishing a
permanent sway over Bengal that expanded over entire Indian sub-continent in next hundred
years. It was preceded by Nawab’s taking possession of Calcutta in 1756 and the notorious
Black Hole incident. The battle was fought during the Seven Years War and was a mirror image
of the European colonial rivalry that was manifested in French sending help to Nawab against
the company. Whatever, the numerical superiority of the Bengali forces fell short of the well
organized and better equipped company’s forces. The company’s position was further succored
by the hacked conspiracies with the nobility. Ultimate result was the execution of Siraj-ud-
Daula and installation of Mir Jafar as puppet Nawab.
Battle of Buxer
The battle of Bauxer was a significant event in the history of India that proved beyond any
doubt and was a demonstration of the British military superiority over the Indians. It
strengthened the foundations of the company’s rule in India that was laid by the battle of
Plassey. The battle of Bauxer was fought on October 22, 1764 on the bank of river Ganges in
Bengal between the forces of the British East India Company and the combined strength of Mir
Qasim, Nawab of Bengal, Nawab Shuja-ud-Daula, Nawab of Oudh and Shah Alam, the Mughal
Emperor. However, the predominant numerical superiority of the native forces proved helpless
and the British emerged victorious.
Nadir Shah’s Invasion
Nadir Shah’s invasion of India left the most tumultuous and destructive mark on the Mughal
history of India. He invaded India in 1739. Nadir Shah known for his brutal and inhumane
behavior inflicted irretrievable damage to Mughal rule. This invasion is marked as one of the
colossal calamities of the period. After Nadir Shah’s accession to the throne he abandoned his
conquests of Turks and Russians and got interested in Mughal provinces of Qandahar and Kabul.
On 24th of March 1738 he recovered Qandahar, and then he advanced towards Ghazni and
Kabul. Muhammad Shah was ruling Delhi when Nadir shah started advancing towards India;
Mughal administration was very skimpy and relaxed at that time. Another event which
compelled Nadir Shah to invade India was that emperor of India refused to return the escapees
who took refuge in Mughal Empire. All of these things were considered as insults so in order to
take revenge from Mughal authorities first of all he attacked Lahore by crossing Indus River at
point of Attock. After capturing Lahore, he started to advance towards Delhi which was the
center of Mughal power at that time.
The purpose of Nadir shah’s invasion is composed of two dimensional aspects first is to take
revenge of insults inflicted by Mughals and second because of his ambitions, he was told about
the wealth of India which excited him and made him to attack India. On 16th February 1739 he
reached Sarhind whereas in a response to his invasions Muhammad shah reached Karnal with
80,000 army men. He was first offered an protection of 20 million rupees but the internal
enemies of Mughal government told Nadir Shah not to accept this amount because it was very
low. After that he denied and battle of Karnal was fought between Nadir Shah and Mughal
forces. He killed 20,000 to 30,000 citizens. Similarly, Delhi was looted and plundered by Nadir
shah and his army at that level that after Nadir shah’s invasion and sack of Delhi left Mughal
Empire so weak and meager that Mughals were not able to regain their strength and fight
against other enemies.
Third Battle of Panipat
Third battle of Panipat has great significance in the history of South-Asia, this battle occurred in
the mid of 18th century. This battle was a colossal defeat for the Marathas which is
unprecedented in Indian history. The time period in which this battle was fought is of great
importance, because this is the time when sub-continent was going through a transitional
phase. The course and history of South-Asia changing, it was the time in which the glory of
Mughal Empire was about to fade away, other powers in sub-continent were emerging in order
to replace the Mughal rulers. French, British, Sikhs, Marathas and other independent groups
were rising to claim the throne which was about to be vacated by Mughals due to their
inefficiency and apathetic behavior. Third battle of Panipat occurred when the Mughal Empire
was disintegrating due to weakness of central power many skirmishes, uprisings, revolts, and
battles took place at that time.
Carnatic Wars
The Carnatic Wars refers to a series of military conflicts between the British East India Company
and French East India Company along with the role played by the Nawab of Carnatic and the
Nizam of Hyderabad. Three wars were fought between 1745 and 1763. The immediate result of
these wars was that struggle for power in India between the French and the British was over
the French influence was doomed forever and British were able to consolidate their foothold in
India.
Annexation of the Punjab
Raja Ranjit Singh established an independent Sikh kingdom in Punjab. But after his death in
1839, the political turmoil and instability that visited Lahore watered the British appetite to
expand into the Punjab. In the absence of any capable leadership, a situation existed that was
highly vulnerable to interference from outside. As a result, two Anglo-Sikh wars were fought
that sealed the fate of Sikh empire in the Punjab. Though very patriotic but less disciplined Sikh
army could not withstand the onslaught of the British, the Punjab fell into the British hands and
was annexed into the British empire in India. This annexation was not an isolated event but a
sequel in the long chain of events following the death of Raja Ranjit Singh. It was, however, a
demonstration of the deliberate act of wanton aggression on part of the British in India
Causes of 1857 War
There were many causes of the War of Independence of 1857. They can be divided into political,
religious, military, economic and social causes. The East India Company was aiming to annex all
the states of India like Avadh, Tanjore, Jhansi, Satara, etc. That’s why they introduced systems
like Doctrine of Lapse by which Indian states could be taken over by the Company in case there
was no male heir to the throne of the state. This provoked the rulers like Nana Sahib, the
adopted son of Peshwa and Lakshmi Bai, the Rani of Jhansi. The Company also declared that
after the death of the then Mughal emperor, Bahadur Shah Zafar, his family had to move out of
the Red Fort and his successors were also forbidden to use the title of emperor. All these
attempts alienated both Hindu and Muslim Indians who realized that the White men were
intending to devour their lands.
The people of India at that time were highly concerned about their religion and religious rites.
For them the most sacred thing was their faith. But when they realized that the Company was
promoting Christianity in their land they became furious. In fact, the Christian missionaries all
over India were being patronized by the British government and in 1855 the priests like E.
Edmund professed that the whole of India should be under one religion, i.e., Christianity.
Similarly, the introduction of some social laws added fuel to fire. For instance, the English
government banned Satti (Hindu practice of burning the widow along with the dead body of her
husband), and allowed the widows to remarry. Such legislations badly hurt the feelings of
Hindus. In the military setup they introduced some regulations that injured religious sentiments
of the Indians. For example, under the military rules the Indian soldiers were forbidden to have
beards or wear turbans or put tilaks on their foreheads. These regulations made Indians realize
that their faiths were in danger.
Whenever the English annexed any state of India into their domain they dismantled its army
and dis employed the local soldiers. Thus after having been enslaved the second shock the local
soldiers had to bear was unemployment that made them despise the foreign invader. Besides,
the English invariably maintained discrimination between their soldiers and the Indian soldiers
in respect of salaries and fringe benefits with the result that the disheartened soldiers made up
their minds to fight against the English.
There were economic causes as well. During the rule of the Mughals, not only the Muslims but
also the Hindus would be appointed on all important positions but by the English the Muslims
and the Hindus both were deemed as untrustworthy and consequently all the higher posts
were held by the White men. The natives were either turned jobless or appointed on lower
levels of the state departments. The East India Company that was eager to amass wealth out of
the trade considered India no more than a field of producing raw materials for the industries of
England. The subsidiary system with additional taxes even on uncultivated lands added fuel to
the fire and economically devastated the common Indians.
In addition to these reasons there was an immediate cause that coerced the Indians to go for
war. In the words of Lord Canning, Lawrence and Syed Ahmed Khan it was, indeed, the most
significant cause. For a new Enfield rifle introduced in the early period of 1857 the magazines
were covered with some animal fat that was supposed to be either of cow or a boar. Before
using these magazines, they were to be cut by teeth. Since the cows were sacred for the Hindus
and pigs were haram for the Muslims both of them refused to carry such rifles. But their English
officers used force that offended the Hindus and Muslims alike and thus all these causes
instigated the war in India to which we call the War of Independence 1857.
War of Independence is an important landmark in the history of Sub-Continent. This War was
fought in 1857 by Indians against the British in order to get rid of their domination. It is also
given names as Indian Rebellion, Indian Mutiny as well as Indian Revolt. The main causes of the
War were political, social, economic, military and religious. It was an extreme effort made by
Indians, but they failed due to certain reasons including mutual jealousies, disunity, and lack of
central leadership etc.
This war was not spread throughout India but it was limited to few areas mainly Meerut, Delhi,
Kanpur, Lucknow etc. The main event which became the immediate cause of the war was the
refusal of the Soldiers to use the grease covered cartridges (greased with fat of pig and cow) on
January 23, 1857. At the same time, an Indian soldier killed two British officers at Barrackpore,
when he was forced to use greased cartridges. He was arrested and hanged to death on April 8,
1857. This news spread as fast as jungle fire
Failure
The foremost cause was the sudden start of the war in confusion, without any preparation or
proper planning. Secondly since there was an extreme lack of communication and coordination
among various groups of freedom fighters who started their uprising according to their own
wishes, it became easy for the English troops to curb the revolt of different areas on by one.
Thirdly there was no experienced leader among them to lead the Indian soldiers. They had
declared Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah Zafar, their leader but instead of warfare he was
devoted to poetry and was too old and incompetent to lead the revolutionaries.
Fourthly, English troops were modern and strikingly advanced not only in warfare but also in
new ways of swift and speedy communication. They did not have to cross long roads and
grounds to deliver a message or order but could simply wire it with a few minutes. The Indians
on the other hand were devoid of such means. That’s why they utterly fell behind and got
defeated.
Another major reason was the treachery of Sikhs who had been grudgingly fighting against
Muslims for a long time. The East India Company took advantage of their feeling of antipathy
and aroused them towards their own countrymen. Sikh states like Patiyala and Jind helped the
English troops in crushing the native disturbance in Punjab. In the North-West Frontier Province
there were certain feudal lords like the Wali of Swat displayed their loyalty to the foreign rulers.
Even in the Indian army there were some traitors like Moulvi Rajab Ali and Mirza Elahi Baksh
who were honored and awarded with wealth for providing information to the Crown about
whereabouts of the Indian Emperor.
Congress
Events like the passage of the Vernacular Press Act in 1878 and the Ilbert Bill of 1882, as well as
the reduction of the age limit for the Civil Services Exams in 1876 resulted in a wave of
opposition from the middle class Indians. Consequently, some of them came together and
formed a number of small political parties that came out in the streets for protests and rallies.
The British foresaw the situation resulting in another rebellion on the pattern of the War of
Independence of 1857. To avoid such a situation, the British decided to provide an outlet to the
local people where they could discuss their political problems. In order to achieve this goal,
Allan Octavian Hume consulted the local Indian leaders and started working towards the
establishment of an Indian political organization. He invited the convention of the Indian
National Union, an organization he had already formed in 1884, to Bombay in December 1885.
Seventy delegates, most of whom were lawyers, educationalists and journalists, attended the
convention in which the Indian National Congress was established. This first session of Congress
was presided over by Chandra Banerjee and he was also elected as the first president of the
organization.
To begin with, Congress acted as a 'Kings Party'. Its early aims and objectives were:
1. To seek the cooperation of all the Indians in its efforts.

2. Eradicate the concepts of race, creed and provincial prejudices and try to form national unity.

3. Discuss and solve the social problems of the country.

4. To request the government, give more share to the locals in administrative affairs.

As time went by, the Congress changed its stance and apparently became the biggest
opposition to the British government. Its founding members proposed economic reforms and
wanted a larger role in the making of British policy for India. By 1907, however, the Congress
had split into a moderate group led by Gopal Krishna Gokhale, who sought dominion status for
India, and a militant faction under Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who demanded self-rule. In 1920 the
Congress began a campaign of passive resistance, led by Gandhi, against restrictions on the
press and political activities.
Although the Congress claimed to represent all Indians, many Muslims, fearful of the vast Hindu
majority, began to withdraw from the Congress. The Congress was divided on approaches to
economic reform; the conservatives favored cautious reform while the leftists, of which
Jawaharlal Nehru was a leader, urged socialism. The great strength of the organization was
shown in the provincial elections of 1937.
At the outbreak of World War II, the Congress voted for neutrality. When India came under
Japanese attack, the Congress demanded immediate concessions from Great Britain toward a
democratic government in return for cooperation in the war effort. The British responded by
outlawing the organization and arresting its leaders. In the 1946 elections to the Indian
constituent assembly, the Congress lost the Muslim vote to the Muslim League; it reluctantly
accepted the partition of the Indian subcontinent and the formation of the state of Pakistan.
Muslim League
The formation of Muslim League opened new doors for Muslim politicians who now had an
independent platform of their own to work for their own good. Still there were some Muslims
like Jinnah and Johar who believed that the unity of Hindus and Muslims alone could help figure
out the solutions of the problems that India and the Indians were facing. That’s why Jinnah
joined Muslim League as well in 1913 when he was still a member of the Congress. He tried to
become the bridge between the two major political parties of India at that time.
After the creation of the Indian National Congress and its time as a ‘representative’ party for
the people of the Indian sub-continent, there was felt a need to reassess its claims at unbiased
representation. From the very start of its existence the Congress had shown clear its interest to
safeguard the rights of Hindus, alone. Some of the Congress leaders adopted a revolutionary
policy to establish Hindu Raj in the sub-continent under the guise of a national movement. The
Muslims of India were greatly disappointed by the anti-Muslim stance that the Congress
seemed to have adopted. The events following the partition of Bengal and Urdu-Hindu
controversy strengthened the desire of the Muslims to organize themselves politically as
separate community. The birth of All India Muslim League at Dacca on 30th December 1906
came as an expression of that desire.
Knowing the circumstances which led to the formation of Muslim league was not difficult to
make out what it aimed to. However, the Muslim league laid the following points as its
objectives.
1. To create among Muslims the feelings of loyalty towards British Government and to remove
misconception and suspicious.
2. To Safeguard the political rights of the Muslims and to bring them into the notice of the
Government.
3. To prevent among the Muslims, the rise of prejudicial feelings against the other communities
of India.
It was being felt from the beginning that the All India Muslim League would not achieve
considerable success without winning the British Public opinion to its side. Therefore, Syed
Ameer Ali organized the branch of Muslim league at London.
After the acceptance of the demand of separate representation in the Minto Morely reforms, it
was common sense to have political party to fight elections for Muslim representation.
Whatever may have been the effects of Muslim league, but it made clear that the interests of
Muslims must be regarded completely separate from those of the Hindus. Any fusion of both
the communities in future was not possible. It steered the ship of Muslim destiny safely
through of Political chaos and turmoil to the safer harbour of Pakistan.
Jinnah’s ideology and political struggle (DR H A RIZVI)
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a statesman of extra-ordinary caliber who changed
the course of history of Indian Sub-continent by leading the political struggle for the
establishment of Pakistan as an independent state. His leadership and political discourse
attracted much attention of historians and political analysts of the pre-and post-independence
period.
Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah's most outstanding contribution to history and politics was the creation of
a new nationalism what was later described as the "Two Nations Theory" that challenged the
Congress Party led nationalism that projected India as "One Nation." As an alternate Pakistan
nationalism, it had to have a basis different from the Congress Party nationalism. Jinnah argued
that the Muslims of the Sub-continent were not a community; they were a nation with their
own "outlook of life" and "outlook on life", based on their distinct religio-political and cultural
identity derived primarily from Islamic teachings, civilization and history. He invoked the right
of self-determination for the Muslims of British India in view of the failure of the Hindu-
dominated Congress Party to appreciate the impact of Islamic identity, culture and history on
the Muslim mindset and its refusal to provide constitutional and legal assurances for the
protection of the Muslim identity, rights and interests in independent India.
Jinnah neither subscribed to the classical Marxist distinction between religion and politics nor
did he advocate religious domination of the state. He attempted to create, what Sir Agha Khan
Third described in February 1950, a unity between the conservative and the progressive
elements among the Muslims. He believed that the Quaid was "essentially a modern man to
bring about this Spiritual and Intellectual Unity" in these two trends. Jinnah was inspired by the
principles and teachings of Islam that emphasized social justice and equality. He viewed Islam
as a civilization, culture, social order and an ethical foundation of the society rather than a set
of puritanical legal injunctions. Like modernist Muslims of his era he believed that Islamic
teachings and principles of social justice, fair-play and equality could be combined with modern
notions of democratic governance, constitutionalism, civil and political rights, rule of law and
equality of all citizens irrespective of religion, caste, ethnicity or region.
Pakistan was established on the basis of the "homeland" concept to secure the future of the
Muslims of British India. There is no statement by Jinnah or any resolution of the Muslim
League in the pre-independence period that Pakistan was needed because Islam was in danger
in British India. Rather, it was the threat of insecurity of the future of the Muslims of British
India that led Jinnah and his colleague to demand a separate state.
The Quaid's statements also do not support the notion of an Islamic-ideological state enforcing
Islamic injunctions on fundamentalist lines as regulative, punitive and extractive commands.
The Islamic teachings and principles were to serve as the ethical basis of the society and a
source of inspiration in a society where the pre-dominant majority was Muslim. In other words,
the idea of the state patronizing religious orthodoxy and extremism was alien to Jinnah's
thought-process.
In the post-independence period, the Islamic political parties were the first to raise the slogan
of establishment of an Islamic state on traditional lines with an emphasis on literalist
interpretation of the religious text. These parties argued in the post Jinnah period that the
Ideology of Pakistan was the Ideology of Islam and that Pakistan was created for Islam. The
demand of religious political parties for an Islamic state aimed at enabling them to stage a
political comeback after refusing to support Jinnah's political struggle for the establishment of
Pakistan.
The military regime of General Yahya Khan invoked the term of Ideology of Pakistan at the
official level for the first time. It was the military government of General Zia-ul-Haq that invoked
Islamic orthodoxy to legitimize his rule and it used the state apparatus to enforce religious
orthodoxy and militancy. Even Quaid’s famous slogan Unity, Faith, Discipline has been changed
to Faith, Unity, Discipline.
Jinnah's references to various Islamic idioms like Islamic principles and teachings, the Holy
Quran, the Sharia, Islamic history and the earliest period of Islam in his speeches and
statements were re-interpreted by the Zia government and its Islamist supporters to justify the
military regime's policy of 'Islamization' on orthodox and fundamentalist lines. Most of these
interpretations were out of context and did not take into account the mindset and disposition
of Jinnah.
Muslim Political Demands If we return to the political struggle of the Muslims in the post 1857
period, it is clear that the main goal of their leadership was to protect and advance Muslim
identity, rights and interests in the context of the modern state system the British established in
India during 1857-1947. There was no change in the objective over the years but they changed
their strategies keeping in view the changed political context and their collective political
experience. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and his colleagues based in Aligarh advised the Muslims to
concentrate on modern education and avoid active involvement in politics. They wanted
Muslim youth to acquire modern education so that they get the opportunity to advance their
career and compete effectively as the British introduced competitive recruitment to
government services and gradually initiated the electoral process.
A major change in the strategies of the Muslim elite took place in 1906, when they demanded
separate electorate for the elections of Muslim representatives to the assemblies. They
established the All India Muslim League in December 1906, as a platform for educated Muslims
for presenting their collective demands to the British government for protection and
advancement of their distinct Muslim cultural and political identity, rights and interests.
Jinnah first joined the Congress Party in 1906 and became a member of the Muslim League in
1913. He maintained the membership of these two parties until 1920, when he decided to quit
the Congress Party and devoted fully to the cause of the Muslim community. During these years,
he was known as the 'ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity' and worked for evolving a political
formula for accommodation between the two communities by ensuring constitutional and legal
guarantees for Muslim representation in the legislatures, cabinets and government jobs.
The Muslim League and the Congress Party agreed in a political arrangement in 1916, popularly
known as the Lucknow Pact, 1916, to provide constitutional guarantees and safeguards for
ensuring effective Muslim representation in legislative bodies. The safeguards for the Muslims
included separate electorate for the Muslims to elect their representatives and reservation of
one-third seats in the central legislature for the Muslims. At the provincial level, religious
minorities more given slightly more seats than their number qualified them in the provincial
legislative assemblies. This meant that non-Muslims got more representation in Muslim
majority provinces. In return, additional representation was made available to the Muslims in
Muslim minority provinces.
These measures aimed at confidence building among religious minorities, ie Muslim in non-
Muslim majority provinces and non-Muslims in Muslim-majority provinces. The Muslim
demands for separate electorate and one-third seats in the central legislature, were also
accepted by the Congress. However, these safeguards were rejected by the Congress Party in
what was titled as the Nehru Report (1928) that formulated proposals for the new constitution
for India.
Jinnah, in his address to the Muslim League session in Delhi in March 1929, gave a rejoinder to
the Nehru Report so far as the interests and rights of the Muslims in the future constitutional
arrangements for India. He presented 14 points as the Charter of Muslim demands calling for
federalism in India, separate electorate for the Muslims, reservation of one-third seats for the
Muslims in central legislature, electoral weightage to religious minorities but the Muslims could
not be reduced to minority in Muslim majority provinces, Sindh be separated from Bombay and
established as a province, and constitutional reforms should be introduced in North West
Frontier Province and Baluchistan. Most of these points were repeated by the Muslim League in
the Roundtable conferences (1930-32).
Until 1937-39, the Muslim League was supportive of a federal system for India with
constitutional guarantees for the distinct Muslim socio-cultural identity, rights and political
interests. The underlying assumption was that in a federal system the Muslims could have the
governments of their choice in Muslim-majority provinces and that in Muslim minority
provinces, their effective representation in the legislature would enable them to protect their
rights and interests.
What changed the Muslim League approach to the problems and issues of the Muslims in
British India was the dismissive attitude of the Congress Party towards the Muslim League after
the 1937 provincial elections in which the Muslim League performed poorly. Another factor
that made the Muslim League leadership conscious of the problems of the Muslims even in a
federal system was their bitter political and economic experience in the non-Muslim majority
provinces where the Congress established its provincial governments. The Muslim socio-
cultural identity and their rights and interests as members of the society and aspirants for
government and semi-government jobs came under heavy pressure due to the discriminatory
policies of the Congress provincial ministries (1937-39). The dismissive attitude of the Congress
Party towards the Muslim League and the treatment of the Muslims by the Congress provincial
ministries alienated the Muslim elite and the Muslim League from the notion of federalism for
the future of India; they began to explore the option of a separate homeland for the Muslims to
secure their identity, rights and interests.
It was after Jinnah's return from England in 1934 and especially after 1937, when he initiated
the re-organization of the Muslim League, he started using Islamic idiom and references in his
political discourse. He viewed Islamic teachings and principles as relevant to national identity
formation and their political mobilization.
Jinnah's statements in the post-1938 period began to describe the Muslims of British India as a
nation. In 1939-40 onwards he talked of a separate homeland comprising the Muslim majority
provinces like the Punjab, NWFP, Sindh, Balochistan in the northwest and Bengal in the east.
While invoking Islamic teachings and principles, culture, civilization and historical experience to
articulate Muslim national identity and a homeland for them as a district nation, Jinnah never
suggested a religious Islamic State as advocated by Islamic political parties.
There was a strong territorial basis to the demand for a separate Pakistani state. The four
Muslim majority provinces in northwest were territorially linked which made it possible for the
Muslim League to demand a separate homeland. Had there been no concentration of Muslim
population in these provinces, demand for separate homeland would not have materialized.
Therefore, it is important to protect Pakistan's territorial identity against the pressures built by
those who do not recognize Pakistan's primacy as a nation-state or do not respect its territorial
boundaries.
Pakistan is a territorial state based on the homeland concept for the Muslims of South Asia.
However, it was never conceived as a homeland for all Muslims of British India. Given the fact
that a section of Muslim political elite opposed the establishment of Pakistan, it was recognized
that the Muslims would continue to live in India who were advised by Jinnah to be loyal to the
Indian state.
Non-Muslims in Pakistan Jinnah and other Muslim League leaders knew that non-Muslims
would be Pakistan's citizens. The Lahore Resolution (March 1940) that formally proposed a
separate homeland for the Muslims of British India, carried a clear stipulation for the protection
of the religion, culture and rights of non-Muslims. The subsequent resolutions of the Muslim
League repeated this assurance. The most categorical commitment of equal citizenship for all
irrespective of religion and that the state would not engage in a religion-based preference while
dealing with its citizens was given in Jinnah's first address to the new constituent assembly of
Pakistan on August 11, 1947. He referred back to this speech in October 1947 to dissuade the
non-Muslims from leaving Pakistan. Non-Muslims were given representation in the first federal
cabinet of Pakistan.
If the objective was to create a religious and Sharia-based state, Jinnah and the Muslim League
should not have accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan (I946). Further, the Muslim League favored
the inclusion of the whole of the Punjab and Bengal in Pakistan because these were Muslim-
majority provinces. Had this proposal been accepted by the British, Pakistan would have had a
large non-Muslim population. Jinnah especially invited the Sikh leadership to join Pakistan. If
the Muslim League leadership and Jinnah were in favor of a large number of non-Muslims to
staying-on in Pakistan, they could not think of creating a puritanical Islamic state in Pakistan.

It can be safely concluded that the major objective of the Muslim political struggle in British
India was to protect and advance Muslim cultural and civilizational identity, their interests and
rights. They changed the methods and strategies over time to achieve this goal that remained
constant in 1857-1947. The decision in 1940 to seek a separate homeland was the result of
their political experience that the Congress Party would not provide any specific constitutional
guarantees and safeguards for Muslim identity, rights and interests in one federal India. The
Muslims were alienated from the federal model by 1939-40 and demanded a separate and
independent homeland of Pakistan. After articulating the notion of Muslim nation in British
India and the need of a separate homeland for them, Jinnah and the Muslim League engaged in
popular mobilization for the demand for establishing Pakistan. By 1946, the demand for
Pakistan had become the most favored slogan at the common person level. Had the Muslim
League not showed its electoral support in the 1946 elections, its demand for Pakistan would
not have become credible.
The founders of Pakistan conceived it as a modern, democratic, constitutional state with an
emphasis on the rule of law and equal citizenship for all. However, they did not altogether
reject the role of teachings and principles of Islam and Muslim historical experience as a source
of inspiration for the society and the people of Pakistan, who predominantly Muslim. Other
qualities of Pakistan included socio-cultural and religious pluralism and no tolerance for
religious extremism and terrorism. Any attempt to turn Pakistan into a puritanical religious
state and a violence afflicted society distances it from Jinnah's political ideals.

Final syllabus SSH-302 Pakistan Studies

The newly created state of Pakistan formed its first constituent assembly in August 1947.
Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah took oath on 15th August 1947 and became the first Governor General of
Pakistan. He exercised a great amount of influence on the provincial, as well as, central affairs.
The first cabinet of Pakistan was also created by Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah, after a continuous search
for talented administrators. The first cabinet of Pakistan took oath on 15th August 1947. It
included the following members:
Liaquat Ali Khan Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Defense
I.I. Chundrigar Minister for Commerce, Industries and Works
Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar Minister for Communications
Raja Ghazanfar Ali Minister for Food, Agriculture and Health (In December he was shifted to
Refugee Rehabilitation).
Jogendra Nath Mandal Minister for Labour and Law
Ghulam Muhammad Minister for Finance
Fazlur Rahman Minister for Interior, Information and Education
In December Muhammad Zafrullah Khan was inducted as Minister for Foreign Affairs and
Common wealth relations and Abdus Sattar Pirzada was given the portfolio of Food, Agriculture
and Health.
The First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan came into existence under Indian Independence Act
1947, at the time of independence. Its roots went back to 1946 when elections for constituent
assembly of United India were held to decide the destiny of All India Muslim League. First
meeting of constituent assembly of united India was held on 19th December 1946, but Muslim
League boycotted it since they demanded a separate constituent assembly for Pakistan. With
the acceptance of 3rd June plan a separate constituent assembly was formulated for Pakistan.
The inaugural session of the first constituent assembly of Pakistan was held in Karachi in August
1947. Mr. J.N. Mandal was elected as temporary chairman of Constituent Assembly of Pakistan.
Subsequently Jinnah was selected as the president of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, on
11th August 1947 and Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan as its Deputy President. The Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan functioned from 1947 to 1954 and involved two major parties—the
Muslim League representing all Muslims with the exception of few and The Congress Party
representing the twelve million Hindus in Pakistan.
There were 69 members in the constituent assembly; this number was increased to 79 later in
order to give representation to princely states and refugees. The mode of elections was on the
basis of separate electorates. There was a clear majority of Muslim League in the Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan, with 60 members out of the total 79. The second major party was
Pakistan National Congress with 11 members; and the third party was Azad Group with 3
members, a number which later decreased to 1. The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was not
able to work properly because its seats remained empty and some members migrated to India.
Members of Constituent Assembly of Pakistan were simultaneously allowed to take seats of
Provincial assembly or they can be Chief Ministers or members of Central or Provincial Cabinet.
Under the Indian Independence Act Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was given two tasks – to
prepare a Constitution and to act as the federal legislature. The functions of central legislature
under the Government of India Act 1935 were granted to the Constituent Assembly. As a
constitution making body it was completely independent. The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
could amend the independence act by a simple majority and pass laws; moreover, no law could
be made without its approval. Every bill that was passed needed to be signed by the President
of Constituent Assembly of Pakistan.

The progress of the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan can be summed up as follows:
12 March 1949 – Objectives Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly on aims and
objective of future constitution. This report was well received by the citizens of Pakistan.
7 September 1950 – the interim report of Basic Principles Committee was presented to the
constituent assembly. This step however marked as the beginning of decline in the popularity of
the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. This report was criticized mainly by East Pakistan.
6 October 1950 – interim report of the committee on Fundamental Rights of the Citizens of
Pakistan matters relating to Minorities was adopted by Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. This
report got a comparatively better response.
22 December 1952 – the final report of Basic Principles Committee was presented. This report
was also criticized, because of opposition in the Punjab.
7 October 1953 – Constitutional impasse was over and formation of federal legislature was
resolved by the ‘Muhammad Ali Formula’. This report was widely welcomed and helped the
Constituent Assembly regain in popularity.
21 September 1954 – the Basic Principles Committees’ revised Report was approved by
Constituent Assembly of Pakistan.
The final sketch of constitution was prepared and the Constituent Assembly was near to the
completion of its purpose. But at this point the Constituent Assembly was suspended by the
Governor General Ghulam Muhammad, on 24th October 1954. He stated that the Constituent
Assembly had lost the confidence of the people; this ruined the efforts of the first Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan which had been working towards formulating a viable constitution for
seven years.
The committee, which was assigned the task to frame the Constitution, presented the draft Bill
in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on January 9, 1956. The bill was opposed by the Bengali
autonomists. Bhashai, the leader of Awami League in East Pakistan, even used the threat of
secession to press for autonomy and his party staged a walkout from the Assembly on February
29, when the Assembly adopted the Constitution. Later on, Awami League boycotted the
official ceremonies celebrating the inauguration of the Constitution. However, in spite of their
opposition, the Constitution was adopted and was enforced on March 23, 1956. With this
Pakistan’s status as a dominion ended and the country was declared an Islamic Republic of
Pakistan. Constituent Assembly became interim National Assembly and Governor-General
Iskander Mirza sworn in as the first President of Pakistan.
Iskander Mirza and Ayub Khan played key role in formulating defense and foreign policies and
were influential in pushing Pakistan to join CENTO and SEATO and granting military bases to the
United States. Both Mirza and Ayub were also jointly responsible for the political instability in
Pakistan during the 1955-58. They manipulated the political situation and took maximum
advantage of the divided house in the second Constituent Assembly They were involved in
palace intrigues and used their offices to play one political group against the other. It was
because of this that four Prime Ministers were changed in a short span of two years. They had
used threats of military takeover to political forces and pushed them to accept the unpopular
decisions like One Unit, parity and the mildest form of provincial autonomy. However, when
they realized that in spite of all the pressure the politicians were not ready to act completely
according to their wish, they decided to explore other options. In March 1957, East Pakistan
Assembly demanded radical form of autonomy for the provinces. This was followed by the
West Pakistan Assembly’s demand for the dissolution of One United. This compelled Mirza to
openly talk about the idea of “controlled democracy” in one of his press conferences. In a
nation-wide address, Mirza declared that parliamentary system was unsuitable for the country
and proposed a modified form of American system. His close friend, Dr. Khan Sahib, suggested
a “revolutionary council” with absolute powers to administer the country.
Many in Pakistan while discussing the reasons for the enforcement of Martial Law in the
country believe that it was the failure of Parliamentary system. They argue that the politicians
and the political parties of the country were not competent enough to run the affairs of the
state and thus failed to provide good governance. According to this school of thought
differences arose on the basic constitutional issues like role of Islam in Politics, Provincial
Autonomy and the distribution of powers between the East and the West Wing of the country
etc. They further claim that the bad economic conditions, due to both wrong policies as well as
lack of rains, which resulted in the lack of development as an important cause. However, a good
look at the history of Pakistan from 1951-1958 clearly indicate that the system collapsed less
because of the above mentioned reasons and more because to the mal intentions of the
establishment. First Ghulam Muhammad and then Iskander Mirza and Ayub Khan never
allowed to system to flourish. They tried their best to create hurdles in the process of
institutionalization so that their personal hegemony could prevail. It was on the initiative of the
establishment that the wrong policies like the creation of One Unit and the principle of parity
were introduced. They were afraid of the masses and thus always tried to delay the holding of
general elections in the country. Isn’t it an irony that those who in forced Martial Law declared
that the parliamentary form of government failed to work in Pakistan without having a single
general election in the country. Those who have studied even the basics of political science
knows that elections are the main prerequisite for parliamentary system.
After the military coup of 1958, Ayub Khan waited for some time with the intention of paving
public opinion in his favor. A legislative commission was established under the leadership of
Justice Shahaab-ud-din. The commission forwarded a report on 6th May 1961. Justice Manzoor
Qadir designed and drafted the entire constitution. Ayub Khan with the help of a presidential
ordinance enacted the new constitution on 8th June 1962. The constitution of 1962 was a one-
man show. It was designed for a single man. Apparently it gave many rights and securities to
the people but actually it deprived the people from all kinds of political rights and their
representation in the legislation.
Yahya Khan after becoming the Chief Martial Law Administrator in 1969 announced that he
would make it possible that free and fair elections will be conducted in Pakistan and a new
constitution will be made soon. For that reason, he introduced a Legal Framework Order in
March 1970 that determined principles for the future constitution of Pakistan. It also dissolved
the One-Unit scheme on 1st July 1970.
The results of first general elections of 1970 brought drastic changes in political setup of the
country. The religious parties were totally a failure because the public was less concerned about
being dictated by the government to spend their lives according to the teachings of Islam. The
results also confirmed the provincialism of Pakistan politics. The two major winners were the
PPP and the AL. The AL was first great majority party that secured 160 seats of National
Assembly out of which only seven candidates belonged to the West Pakistan. However, the AL
could not win a single provincial assembly seat from any of the west wing provinces. The PPP
won second great majority in the National Assembly. It got 81 seats out of 130 allotted to the
western wing but it did not have a single seat from the East Pakistan. The LFO had declared that
the National Assembly was responsible for making constitution within 120 days. And only after
the making of the constitution, the transfer of power to the provinces would take place. But the
great differences between the two major parties especially on issue of Six-Points Program were
a great hindrance in that process. Unfortunately, these differences were never resolved and the
end of the story was the division of the country into two sovereign states. Z. A Bhutto sworn in
as President and Chief Martial Law Administrator of separated Pakistan on December 20, 1971.
The constitution 1956 and 1962 failed to provide the aspired political stability to the country.
Both proved short lived and were replaced with the martial laws in the country. But the
subsequent years after imposition of martial law were highly tumultuous costing Pakistan its
eastern wing. The leftover country was first governed by a unique proposition of civilian Chief
Martial administrator till the interim constitution was adopted by the national assembly. The
assembly constituted a committee headed by Hafiz-ud-Din Pirzada to formulate the permanent
constitution for Pakistan. The committee did its work in shortest possible time and the national
assembly adopted the constitution unanimously.
President
There shall be a President of Pakistan who shall be the Head of State and shall represent the
"unity of the Republic." Article 41 in Chapter 1: The President of Part III:
The Constitution of Pakistan sets the principle qualifications that the candidate must meet to be
eligible to the office of the President.
A citizen of Pakistan.
A Muslim.
At least 45 years of age.
Qualified to be elected as member of the National Assembly.
Whenever the Aiwan-e-Sadr becomes vacant, the selection of president is done by the electoral
college, which consists of both houses of Parliament (the Senate and National Assembly) and
the four provincial assemblies. The Chief Election Commissioner has to conduct elections to the
office of the President in a special session. Voting takes place in secrecy. Each elector casts a
different number of votes. The general principle is that the total number of votes cast by
members of Parliament equals the total number of votes cast by provincial legislators. Each of
the provincial legislatures have an equal number of votes to each other, based on the number
of members of the smallest legislature, which is the Baluchistan Assembly (65 seats). The
constitution further states that election to the office of President will not be held earlier than
sixty days and not later than thirty days before the expiration of the term of the President in
office. The president is elected indirectly for a term of five years. The incumbent president is
eligible for re-election to that office, but cannot hold that office for more than two consecutive
terms. The president is required to make and subscribe in the presence of the Chief Justice— an
oath or affirmation that the president shall protect, preserve and defend the Constitution. The
President himself has absolute constitutional immunity from criminal and civil proceedings, and
no proceedings can be initiated or continued against him during the term of his office.
The Constitution discusses the possibility of an acting president. Certain office-holders,
however, are permitted to stand as presidential candidates in case of vacancy as the
constitution does not include a position of vice president: The Chairman of the Senate of
Pakistan or The Speaker of the National Assembly of Pakistan. The President may be removed
before the expiry of the term through impeachment. The President can be removed for
violation of the Constitution of Pakistan. The impeachment process may start in either of the
two houses of the Parliament. The house initiates the process by leveling the charges against
the President. The charges are contained in a notice that has to be signed by either the
Chairman or the Speaker National Assembly through a two-third majority. The notice is sent up
to the President, and 14 days later it is taken up for consideration. A resolution to impeach the
President has to be passed by the two-third majority. The Speaker National Assembly then
summons the joint session not earlier than seven days. The President has the right to defend
oneself. If the resolution is passed by the two-third majority at the joint session declaring that
the President is unfit to hold the office due to incapacity or is guilty of violating the Constitution
or of gross misconduct, then the President shall cease to hold office immediately on the passing
of the resolution.
Prime Minister
The Constitution of Pakistan requires that the Prime Minister be a member of the National
Assembly. As well as, one must:
be a citizen of Pakistan.
be a Muslim
be above 25 years of age
The candidates for the prime minister are members of the National Assembly or Senate who
were chosen through direct elections by popular vote following campaigning on the party
platforms. Usually, the leader of the majority party in the parliament retains the office of prime
minister, and forms the government either by coalition or by simple majority. The candidate
must retain the vote of confidence of the members of the parliament before being invited by
the President to form the government. The Prime Minister is required to make and subscribe to,
in the presence of the President, an oath or affirmation that they shall protect, preserve and
defend the Constitution.
The Prime Minister can be removed before the expiry of the term through a vote of no
confidence in the parliament. If the vote of no confidence is passed by the National Assembly
by not less than 20%, the Prime Minister ceases to retain the office. In addition, the Prime
Minister himself has absolute constitutional immunity from criminal and civil proceedings, and
no proceedings can be initiated or continued against him during the term of his office.
Some specific ministries/department are not allocated to anyone in the cabinet but the prime
minister himself. The prime minister is usually always in-charge/Chairman of:
Planning Commission
National Command Authority
National Security Council
Economic Coordination Committee
Cabinet Committee on National Security
The Prime Minister is vested with command authority over the Pakistani nuclear arsenals and
represents the country in various delegations, high-level meetings and international
organizations that require the attendance of the highest government office and also addresses
the nation on various issues of national importance.
Federal government
National Assembly & Senate
The main purpose for the creation of the Aiwan-e Bala (Senate) was to give equal
representation to all the federating units since the membership of the National Assembly was
based on the population of each province. Equal provincial membership in the Senate, thus,
balances the provincial inequality in the National Assembly and dispels doubts and
apprehension, if any, regarding deprivation and exploitation. The role of the Senate is to
promote national cohesion and harmony and to alleviate fears of the smaller provinces
regarding domination by any one province because of its majority, in the National Assembly.
The Senate, is a body which represents the provinces/territories of the country and promotes a
feeling of equality, peace and harmony, which is so essential for the growth and prosperity of a
nation. Thus, the Senate in Pakistan, over the years, has emerged as an essential organ and a
stabilizing factor of the federation. The Senate consists of 104 members, of whom 14 members
are elected by each Provincial Assembly, 8 members are elected from Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATAs) by the Members of National Assembly from these areas, 2 members, 1
woman and 1 Technocrat is elected from the Federal Capital by the Members of National
Assembly, 4 women and 4 Technocrats are elected by the members of each Provincial Assembly.
And 1 Non - Muslim Member is selected from each Province. The breakup of seats allocated to
each Province, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATAs), Federal Capital, Women and
Ulema/Technocrats. It is the responsibility of the Chief Election Commissioner to hold and make
arrangements for the Senate elections in accordance with the system of proportional
representation by means of a single transferable vote through electoral colleges. The term of
the members of the Senate is 6 years. However, the term of the first group of the Senators,
who shall retire after completion of first 3 years of the Senate, is determined by drawing of lots
by the Chief Election Commissioner.
Article 50 of the Constitution provides that the Parliament shall consist of president and the
two houses known as the National Assembly and the Senate. The National Assembly has an
edge over the Senate by legislating exclusively on money matters. With exception to money
bills, however, both the houses work together to carry out the basic work of the Parliament, i.e.
law making. The bill relating to the Federal Legislative List can be originated in either house. If
the House passed a bill through majority vote, it shall be transmitted to the other house. If the
other house passes it without amendment, it shall be presented to the President for assent. If
the bill, transmitted to the other house, is not passed within ninety days or rejected, it shall be
considered in a joint sitting to be summoned by the President on the request of the house in
which the bill was originated. If the bill is passed in the joint sitting, with or without
amendments, by the votes of majority of the members of the two houses, it shall be presented
to the President for assent. If the bill is presented to the President for assent, he shall assent to
the bill in not later than ten days. If it is not a money bill, the President may return it to the
parliament with a message requesting that the bill be reconsidered and that an amendment
specified in the message be considered. The parliament shall reconsider the bill in a joint sitting.
If the bill is passed again, with or without amendment, by vote of the majority of the members
present and voting, it shall be presented to the President and the President shall give his assent
within ten days; failing which such assent shall be deemed to have been given.
International Relations
India
Relations between India and Pakistan have been complex and largely hostile due to a number
of historical and political events. Relations between the two states have been defined by the
violent partition of British India in 1947, the Kashmir conflict and the numerous military
conflicts fought between the two nations. Consequently, their relationship has been plagued by
hostility and suspicion.
Bloody partition (1947): The two neighbors have shared a tense relationship ever since the
British divided the Indian subcontinent in a secular but mainly Hindu India and Muslim-majority
state of Pakistan. The partition sparked riots and communal violence across the region and led
to one of the largest human migrations in history.
Kashmir conflict (1947-48): India and Pakistan contested Kashmir — a Muslim-majority
kingdom ruled by a Hindu Maharaja — even before their independence from Britain. But the
dispute escalated after Kashmir ruler Hari Singh acceded Kashmir to India in return for New
Delhi's help to ward off attacks by an army of Pakistani tribesmen. The developments led to the
first full-blown war over Kashmir between the two countries. India dragged the Kashmir dispute
to the United Nations Security Council, which passed a resolution calling for a referendum to
decide the status of Kashmir. But the Security Council made the referendum conditional to the
withdrawal of Pakistani troops and reduction of Indian military presence to the minimum to
maintain law and order in the region.
Indus Water Treaty (1960): The dispute over the distribution of water erupted into crisis soon
after the partition of East and West Punjab. The partition of Punjab cut down the rivers and
canals that made Pakistan the lower riparian and India the upper riparian. The Indian
government several times made promises that she would not intervene and would not go
against the due right of Pakistan as a neighbor and the lower riparian. But in contradiction, they
always moved against the promises and many times threatened to cut the flow of the rivers.
India also interfered with the water of river on first April 1948 by cutting across Ravi and Sutlej
links only after six month of the independence. Pakistan was facing acute threat of shortage of
water and agriculture ruin. Pakistan gave proposal to solve the problem through the world Bank.
Thus on September 19th, 1960 an agreement was signed between two countries in Karachi that
is known as Indus Water Treaty. In this agreement the World Bank divided the whole reservoirs
into two parts. Beas, Ravi and Sutlej rivers were assigned to India while the rivers Chenab
Jhelum and Indus were granted to Pakistan. Whereas, Pakistan needed dams, barrages and
canals to make up the loss which was beyond Pakistan’s capacity and material strength to build.
So, it was also decided for the storage of water Pakistan would be helped to build dams,
barrages and at least seven link canals in which India would pay 200 million of the total cost of
the scheme, while the remaining amount would be given by the World bank, US, Canada,
Australia, New Zealand and other friendly states of Pakistan.
War (1965): Despite several attempts to solve the Kashmir dispute and deescalate tensions, the
two neighbors fought their second war over the contested region. The brief war ended with
yet-another UN-mandated ceasefire. Both sides returned to their previous positions.
War (1971): India and Pakistan fought their third war, this time over East Pakistan. The conflict
ended in a defeat for Pakistan and the formation of Bangladesh.
Smiling Buddha (1974):
Simla Agreement (1972): Following Pakistan's surrender in the 1971 war, Indian Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi and Pakistani leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto met and signed an agreement in the
Indian hill town of Simla. The ceasefire line in Kashmir is designated as the Line of Control (LoC)
and the two parties agree to resolve the dispute through negotiations.
SAARC:
Kashmir (1989): A pro-independence insurgency gathered momentum in India-administered
Kashmir following disputed state elections. The insurgency escalated over the next decade,
partly fanned by a violent crackdown by Indian troops. India accused Pakistan of supporting the
insurgents by providing weapons and training. Pakistan denied this claim.
CTBT-NPT-Nuclear devices tested:
Lahore Deceleration:
Kargil conflict (1999): The two neighbors, by now nuclear powers, entered into an armed
conflict after militants from across the LoC took control of key strategic positions in India-
administered Kashmir. India drove the militants out but blamed Pakistan for supporting the
incursion. The diplomatic gains made after a historic meeting in Lahore between the prime
ministers of the two countries were eroded and India broke off relations.
Agra Summit:
Indian Parliament attack (2001): Tensions between India and Pakistan reached a new high after
a terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament. India blamed Pakistan-based terror outfits for the
attack and deployed troops on its borders with Pakistan. Islamabad reciprocated. The standoff
ended after an international mediation.
Mumbai attacks (2008): Armed gunmen launched several attacks in India's financial capital of
Mumbai, killing more than 150 people. India blamed Pakistan for the attacks. But Islamabad
vociferously denied the Indian assertion that Lashkar-e-Taiba, the terror outfit behind the
attacks, was sanctioned by Pakistan's intelligence agency. India broke off all talks with Pakistan
after the attacks. New Delhi continues to maintain that "terror and talks" can't go together.
Surgical strikes (2016): Efforts by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Pakistani
counterpart Nawaz Sharif to relaunch talks came to an abrupt halt after an attack on an Indian
army base by a Pakistan-based terror outfit, Jaish-e-Mohammed. India retaliated to the killing
of 19 soldiers by launching "surgical strikes" on alleged terror camps on the other side of the
LoC. Pakistan denied India's claims.
India bombs targets in Pakistan (2019): India conducted airstrikes on an alleged Jaish-e-
Mohammed terror camp in Pakistan's Balakot. The attack came just days after the terror outfit
claimed responsibility for killing 40 Indian soldiers in a suicide attack in Kashmir.
Recent position (Kashmir):
Afghanistan
When speaking of Pak-Afghan relations, many often ignore the fact that the history of Pakistan
and Afghanistan did not start in 1979 when Pakistan armed the Mujahedeen to counter the
Russian invasion in Afghanistan but dates back to the years before that too. Pakistan and
Afghanistan have a history from 1947, since the former’s inception, until 1979 as well. In fact,
the long proxy war of 26 years perpetrated by Afghanistan in Pakistan promoting Pashtunistan
(1947-73) is one that many do not know about. Intentionally not acknowledging the pre-1979
history of Pakistan and Afghanistan may be intellectual dishonesty on our part. Bilateral
relations between the countries have been poor, beginning immediately after Pakistan became
independent in August 1947. Afghanistan's was the sole vote against Pakistan's admission to
the United Nations in 1947, due to Afghan discontent with the permanency of the Durand Line.
Afghanistan immediately laid irredentist claims over Pashtun-dominated territories within
Pakistan, and demanded renegotiation of the border with the aim of shifting it eastwards to the
Indus River, deep within Pakistani territory. Shortly after Pakistani independence, Afghanistan
materially supported the failed armed secessionist movement headed by Mirzali Khan against
Pakistan. Afghanistan's immediate support of secessionist movements within Pakistan
prevented normalized ties from emerging between the two states.
In 1952 the government of Afghanistan published a tract in which it laid claim not only to
Pashtun territory within Pakistan, but also to the Pakistani province of Baluchistan. Diplomatic
relations were cut off between 1961 and 1963 after Afghanistan supported more armed
separatists in Pakistan, leading to skirmishes between the two states earlier in 1960, and
Pakistan's subsequent closure of the port of Karachi to Afghan transit trade. Mohammed Daoud
Khan became President of Afghanistan in 1973, Afghanistan—with Soviet support—again
pursued a policy of arming Pashtun separatists within Pakistan.
The Pakistani military have accused Afghanistan of sheltering various terrorist groups which
launch attacks into Pakistan, while Afghan authorities have blamed Pakistan's intelligence
agency, the ISI, for funding warlords and the Taliban, and for basing terrorist camps within
Pakistani territory to target Afghanistan. There is considerable anti-Pakistan sentiment in
Afghanistan, while negative sentiment towards the Afghan refugees is widespread in Pakistan,
even in Pashtun-dominated regions.
However, former Afghan President Hamid Karzai (in office 2004–2014) has described Pakistan
and Afghanistan as "inseparable brothers", which is due to the historical, religious, and
ethnolinguistic connections between the Pashtun people and other ethnic groups of both
countries, as well as to trade and other ties. Each of the two countries features amongst the
other's largest trading partners, and Pakistan serves as a major conduit for transit trade
involving landlocked Afghanistan.
The Afghan jihad radicalized the tolerant and secular civil society of Pakistan. It brought
Kalashnikov and heroin culture. It produced myriad jihadi and sectarian outfits. It destroyed its
fragile infrastructure. It devastated its ecology and stripped naked its mountains and deserts. It
overwhelmed its meagre welfare system. It spread corruption and money culture on a scale
which was unknown before. One can go on and on and also count some pluses like any other
social phenomenon, but on balance minuses are huge.
9/11 changed the world. The epicenter of this change was Afghanistan. Again without the
logistic and political support of Pakistan, Taliban could not have been replaced so easily. But
there are question marks about the authority which was cobbled together. Even the sagacity of
the Bonn Conference is being questioned now in the West, while most Afghans were not happy
with this arrangement. Scapegoating is easiest thing and we all are adept at doing it. But the
reality is that it neither stabilized internal situation nor created conducive conditions for
regional peace. For Pakistan it also became a nightmarish scenario. Instead of feeling free of
past hangover, the security concerns again started emanating from Afghanistan. Afghanistan
also needed a scapegoat and the mindset in Afghanistan was congenial for it. Haqqani network
or no Haqqani network, Quetta Shura or no Quetta Shura, border remaining open or closed,
refugees remain in Pakistan or repatriated to Afghanistan – the blame game directed against
Pakistan invariably will continue. This is very unfortunate. This is the legacy of past. I do not
blame Afghanistan; the establishment in Pakistan also does not read the fine print of
relationship with Afghanistan. Instead of agreeing to all terms and conditions of the
international community, it should have put its concerns in clear terms to US. There would
have been no need of tolerating the presence of Taliban. Afghanistan and Pakistan need to
shed their past baggage. They should rethink over their policies, alter negatives in their
respective stances and come to a comprehensive understanding encompassing all issues and
concerns. To take ad hoc and half measures aimed at allaying the temporary apprehensions of
international community are not enough. Both need to sign and abide by a new treaty of
friendship and good-neighborliness -the premises of which should be in loud and clear terms
the recognition of each other territorial integrity and national sovereignty under the present
internationally recognized borders. Apart from political, religious, linguistic, social and
economic ties, the treaty must encompass a new commercial agreement and, foremost, a
water distribution accord – an urgent need of the hour and an oft-expressed irritant in
Afghanistan.
Iran
Pakistan sees Iran as an important neighbor that has geo-strategic location and with which
people of Pakistan share common faith, history. Iran, therefore, is a key element in Pakistan’s
foreign policy. Pakistan believes that maintenance of cordial ties with Iran is important for the
regional economic prosperity and security. Pakistan-Iran close relations are a source of strength
not only for both the countries but also for the region. In 1947, Tehran was quick to establish
brotherly relations with Pakistan, becoming the first country to recognize its independence
from the British Empire. Following the visit by Pakistan's prime minister, Liaqat Ali Khan,
diplomatic relations were established in 1948. The shah of Iran was the first state leader to visit
Pakistan in 1950. Iran was a natural ally and role model for Pakistan in being a secular,
centralized and western-oriented state. A major opportunity for collaboration between Iran
and Pakistan was provided by the U.S.-led Central Treaty Organization (CENTO), created in 1955.
While CENTO paved the way for cooperation in security matters, the desire for economic
cooperation was realized through the creation of the Regional Cooperation for Development
(RCD) in 1964 among Iran, Pakistan and Turkey. As a dependable ally, Tehran mediated
reconciliation between Afghanistan and Pakistan when tensions surfaced during the 1960s
owing to differences over the Durand Line demarcation. Tehran had also provided material and
moral support to Pakistan in its 1965 war with India. Particularly, in response to concerns from
India, the shah of Iran said, "Iran has no aggressive intentions… But it will not accept any
attempt to liquidate Pakistan”.
Relations between Iran and Pakistan remained friendly following the 1979 Iranian revolution,
which was soon followed by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Iran and Pakistan opposed the
Soviet move and, throughout the war, aided the anti-Soviet Mujahedeen to varying degrees.
However, the changing dynamics in Afghanistan affected Pakistan's relations with Iran.
Islamabad's support for the Sunni Taliban government (1996-2001) brought India and Iran
closer in an anti-Taliban coalition (e.g., supporting the Northern Alliance). This put Tehran and
Islamabad in two opposite camps. Pakistan supported the Taliban, which sprang from Pashtun
areas of Afghanistan, and Iran backed the Northern Alliance, comprised largely of non-Pashtun
groups such as Tajiks, Uzbeks, Turkmen and Hazaras.
The 2001 U.S.-led action in Afghanistan created new tension between Iran and Pakistan, as
Tehran saw Pakistan's support for the military operation as facilitating the presence of U.S.
forces in the region. In subsequent years, Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan met to address areas
of potential conflict, but the tripartite summits have failed to generate convergence among the
stakeholders.
Despite Shia-Sunni divisions, Islamic identity became an important factor in shaping Iranian–
Pakistani relations, especially after the Islamic Revolution in Iran.
There is no denying the fact that Pakistan-Iran relations received a serious setback in 1990’s
because of the wide and deep-seated policy differences between them concerning Afghanistan.
They virtually fought a proxy war in Afghanistan with Iran extending support to the Northern
Alliance and Pakistan backing the Taliban. The gulf of mistrust created by the clash of their
Afghanistan policies weakened Pakistan-Iran friendship and cooperation in different fields. The
climate of mutual mistrust and the state of limited cooperation has remained unchanged
despite some feeble attempts now and then to strengthen Pakistan-Iran relations. The U-turn in
its pro-Taliban policy, forced on Pakistan by the US in the aftermath of 9/11, provided an
opportunity to Islamabad and Tehran to overcome the mutual mistrust and set a new and
positive direction for their relationship. However, the gulf of mistrust was too wide and the
American pressure on Pakistan too great to allow them to take full advantage of that
opportunity.
The history of the Pakistan-Iran gas pipeline project is sufficient to drive home this point.
Pakistan is deficient in the domestic supply of natural gas whereas Iran, which has the second
largest gas reserves in the world and is in search of markets for its gas, is in a position to meet
Pakistan’s rapidly growing requirements for the import of gas. The project, therefore, is in the
best interests of both the countries, especially Pakistan which through its implementation can
have easy access to cheap and secure supply of gas. But the American sanctions against Iran
and pressure on Pakistan have prevented Islamabad and Tehran from completing the project
and making it operational. Whereas Iran has laid down the pipeline almost up to the Pakistan-
Iran border, Islamabad so far has failed to fulfill its responsibilities under the project. As a result,
the project, which can give a boost to Pakistan-Iran friendship besides providing us with the
much-needed gas, remains an unrealized dream. Hopefully, the implementation of the CPEC
will open the way for the successful completion of the Pakistan-Iran gas pipeline project.
Pakistan, in the immediate future, can lay down a gas pipeline linking the proposed LNG plant
at Gwadar with the country’s main gas pipeline network as part of CPEC projects underway in
the country. Later at an appropriate time, this pipeline can be quickly extended to link up with
the pipeline coming from Iran.
This is just one example of the heavy price that Pakistan has paid and continues to pay for
compliance with the unreasonable US demands. The security cooperation between Pakistan
and Iran has suffered even more because of the impact of strategic divergence between them.
Pakistan, despite some occasional problems, has remained aligned with the US, at least for
some limited purposes, even in the post-Cold War era in contrast with the intense animosity
between the US and Iran which has been subjected to the most onerous sanctions by
Washington. This factor brought defense cooperation between Pakistan and Iran virtually to a
standstill in a marked departure from the close cooperation between them in earlier days,
especially during the time of the Shah when both Pakistan and Iran were part of the Western
bloc led by the US. In addition, it allowed terrorist and criminal elements to operate across the
Pakistan-Iran border. Iran has complained from time to time about the terrorist activities in Iran
of Jaish al-Adl which is allegedly based in Pakistani Baluchistan. There are reports which claim
that some non-regional and regional intelligence agencies have been funding this terrorist
outfit.
India is fully aware of the importance of Pakistan’s friendship with Iran for the former’s security
and economic well-being. In view of its hostile designs against Pakistan, New Delhi has taken
full advantage of the alienation between Pakistan and Iran to strengthen its political, economic,
and security links with Iran and create misunderstandings between Islamabad and Tehran. India
has achieved considerable success in these efforts to the detriment of Pakistan and Pakistan-
Iran friendship. The arrest of Indian RAW agent Kulbhushan, a serving officer of the Indian navy,
on charges of involvement in terrorist activities in Pakistan, while being based in Iran, is just one
example of how India has exploited the vacuum created by Pakistan-Iran differences to its
advantage. General Bajwa’s visit to Tehran shows that Pakistan’s military establishment is
conscious of the dangers inherent in the continued alienation between Pakistan and Iran for
Pakistan’s security and economic well-being. Both Iran and Pakistan need to recognize that it is
in their enlightened self-interest to engage in mutually beneficial cooperation in economic,
defense, security, and cultural fields. It is encouraging that as a result of General Bajwa’s
meetings with the Iranian political and military leadership, the two sides have agreed to
cooperate with each other in combating terrorism and cross-border criminal activities, and in
promoting bilateral defense and security cooperation. It also makes sense for them to deal with
contentious issues such as Afghanistan on the basis of mutual understanding and
accommodation of each other’s point of view with the aim of finding common ground on which
they can cooperate. National reconciliation and a freely concluded political settlement among
the various Afghan parties, withdrawal of foreign forces, and non-interference in Afghanistan’s
internal affairs should be the guiding principles for durable peace and stability in that country.
China
People's Republic of China–Pakistan relations began in 1950 when Pakistan was among the first
countries to break relations with the Republic of China on Taiwan and recognize the PRC.
Following the 1962 Sino-Indian War, both countries has placed considerable importance on the
maintenance of an extremely close and supportive relationship. Since then, the two countries
have regularly exchanged high-level visits resulting in a variety of agreements. The PRC has
provided economic, military and technical assistance to Pakistan and each considers the other a
close strategic ally. Bilateral relations have evolved from an initial Chinese policy of neutrality to
a partnership that links a smaller but militarily powerful Pakistan, partially dependent on China
for its economic and military strength, with China attempting to balance competing interests in
the region. Diplomatic relations were established in 1950, military assistance began in 1966, a
strategic alliance was formed in 1972 and economic co-operation began in 1979. China has
become Pakistan’s largest supplier of arms and its third-largest trading partner. Recently, both
nations have decided to cooperate in improving Pakistan's civilian nuclear program. Favorable
relations with China is a pillar of Pakistan's foreign policy. China supported Pakistan's opposition
to the Soviet Union's intervention in Afghanistan and is perceived by Pakistan as a regional
counterweight to India and the United States. China and Pakistan also share close military
relations, with China supplying a range of modern armaments to the Pakistani defense forces.
China supports Pakistan's stance on Kashmir while Pakistan supports China on the issues of
Xinjiang, Tibet, and Taiwan. Lately, military cooperation has deepened with joint projects
producing armaments ranging from fighter jets to guided missile frigates. Chinese cooperation
with Pakistan has reached economic high points, with substantial Chinese investment in
Pakistani infrastructural expansion including the Pakistani deep water port at Gwadar. Both
countries have an ongoing free trade agreement. Pakistan has served as China's main bridge
between Muslim countries. Pakistan also played an important role in bridging the
communication gap between China and the West by facilitating the 1972 Nixon visit to China.
Pakistan has a long and symbiotic relationship with China. The long-standing ties between the
two countries have been mutually supportive. A close identity of views and mutual interests
remain the hallmark of bilateral ties. Since the 1962 Sino-Indian War, Pakistan has supported
China on most issues of importance to the latter, especially those related to the question of
China's sovereignty like Taiwan, Xinjiang, and Tibet and other sensitive issues such as human
rights.
The Chinese leadership has acknowledged Pakistan's steadfast support on key issues. Pakistan
helped China in reestablishing formal ties with the West, where they helped make possible the
1972 Nixon visit to China. Pakistan has collaborated with China in extensive military and
economic projects, seeing China as a counterweight to India and the United States. Pakistan has
also served as a conduit for China's influence in the Muslim world. China also has a consistent
record of supporting Pakistan in regional issues. During the Pakistan-Indian tensions in 2008, it
implied that it would support Pakistan in the event of a war. Pakistan's military depends heavily
on Chinese armaments, and joint projects of both economic and militaristic importance are
ongoing. China has supplied equipment to support Pakistan's nuclear program, and has been
accused of giving nuclear technology to Pakistan.
CPEC: Challenges and prospects
The China Pakistan economic corridor is an ambitious project that aims at changing the geo-
economic dynamics of Pak-China relations and augmenting the trading activity in the region. It
anticipates economic growth, meeting the energy shortfall requirements, employment
generation, foreign direct investment, infrastructure development, promotion of tourism and
others. The multi-billion project offers a long term investment in Pakistan involving the regional
countries as well. However, the project is being challenged by domestic controversies and
external opposition. In this scenario if these challenges are effectively tackled, it may lead to
economic interdependence that would be climacteric for peace and economic development for
the region. The vision behind CPEC is to improve the lives of people of Pakistan and China by
building economic cooperation, logistics and people to people contact for regional connectivity.
Moreover, it includes integrated transport and IT system, communication channels, agricultural
developments and poverty alleviation. Furthermore, it incorporates tourism, financial
cooperation, Human Resource Development and others. After the completion of the corridor, it
will become a primary gateway for trade among China, Africa and the Middle East. It is
expected that this corridor will help cut the 12000 kilometers route. There are myriads of
benefits of CPEC , that are stimulating the hope for bright future of the corridor, the journey
would not be without hurdles as there are several intrinsic and extrinsic challenges that are an
impediment to the churning out of CPEC.
The first and foremost challenge domestically is an absence of rule of law. The basic purpose of
rule of law is to provide security of life and free movement to people. "The World Justice
Project" (WJP) analyzed more 113 countries and Pakistan has been ranked 106th in terms of
rule of law experienced by the citizens, getting position on the above Afghanistan, Ethiopia,
Zimbabwe, Cameroon, Egypt, Cambodia and Venezuela. Without rule of law sustained
development remains an elusive goal; peace, investment, development is all linked with the
values of law.
The second major threat to the CPEC project is political instability in the country that has
become a serious problem in Pakistan. Political firmness is Pre-requisite for the economic
growth and development of the country. Uncertainty is ahead of Pakistan political crisis. No
Prime Minister could hold the office for 5 years since, after the independence 1947.
The third major obstacle to implementation progress of CPEC is an institutional imbalance.
Pakistan is a country where the military has ruled for around 35 years out of 70 years of her life.
Throughout all the three martial law regimes, the constitution of Pakistan was abrogated,
suspended or held in abeyance. Presently, the CPEC is facing tremendous security challenges. In
order to guarantee a secure environment for the CPEC development, the military is expanding
its power. This phenomenon significantly affects the civil military relations and civilian control
over the military that is challenging the process of democratic transition.
The fourth serious challenge which CPEC is facing is inter-provincial grievances. It is alleged that
Punjab gets lion's share in CPEC projects at the cost of other provinces. It fashioned rifts
between the federal government and the provinces. The major conflict was "The route change"
KPK government demurred that the Federal Government wants to build eastern route first
which passes through the central Punjab, despite the fact that eastern route is longer than
western route which would be costlier.
Fifth major challenge towards implementation of CPEC is the unrest in Baluchistan province.
Due to the fact that Gwadar port is located in province of Baluchistan the ongoing insurgency in
the provinces poses crucial challenges to the success of CPEC project. Consequently, the
benefits of CPEC investment can be accurately measured if its impact on terrorism can be
calculated.
Apart from domestic challenges, CPEC project implementation is facing several international
challenges as well.
The first and foremost external challenge to the corridor is India’s belligerent attitude towards
CPEC. Indian felonious demand is that Gilgit Baltistan is a disputed territory, therefore; route of
CPEC passing through that territory is unjustified (illegal). Another considerable concern within
India is that she sees Gwadar a deep-sea port as a part of China's “string of pearls” basis that
extends from its eastern coast to the Arabian Sea. China is also developing ports in Sri-Lanka
and Bangladesh. (that are considered a potential military challenge to India). The Recent arrest
of Indian agent Kulbhushan testifies the involvement of India in Baluchistan in particular and in
Pakistan in general.
The second challenge to the success of CPEC is Indo-Afghan nexus. Internal instability in
Afghanistan remained unruly for Pakistan. The roots of almost all terrorist related activities are
traced back to Afghanistan. Besides, India is making military bases in Afghanistan from where it
carries out terrorist activities.
The third major challenge in CPEC implementation is Chabahar port. Iran in cooperation with
India is developing chabahar port. India is investing billions of dollars in this project so as to
neutralize the potential of Gwadar port and curtail CPEC. It is in completion to Gwadar.
Fourth major obstacle is involvement of big powers. Two major powers United States and Japan
appear to be excessively uneasy with the fruition of multi-billion dollar project. The US is
making different policies to contain China. America considers rising China threat to its global
dominance. American support to India for the nuclear supplier Group (NSG) is also part of that
partnership. Their cooperation is not the only challenge for China but for also for Pakistan. On
the other hand, Japan is stressed because with the consumption of CPEC the distance amongst
China and its trading countries would reduce by as much as 9000 kilometers that will have deep
impact on Japan’s exports.
Despite formidable municipal and international challenges the benefits and prospects of CPEC
are extensive that are likely to come to fruition. If CPEC is appropriately coped, it from all
counts will prove a game changer; this project has potential to transform economic growth.
Besides, it gives hope of having regional cooperation, transit, trade, energy transformation and
others.
Firstly, the Pak-China economic corridor will boost the economy of Pakistan. Once China
Pakistan Economic corridor is completed; it will open doors to immense economic
opportunities not only to Pakistan but will physically connect China to its markets in Asia,
Europe and beyond.
Secondly, the project will encounter the energy shortage necessities of Pakistan. An acute
ongoing energy crisis is posing a serious dilemma for Pakistan.
Thirdly, CPEC is major driver of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Pakistan. It has been a dry
spell for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Pakistan. Our country did not attract FDI in the wake
of recent years. The country had received a meagre amount in 2015. Nonetheless, China
Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) became the major driving force in bringing FDI to Pakistan.
Fourthly, the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) will help Pakistan improve its
infrastructure. Under the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) banner, the work on several
infrastructure and development projects is in progress. Besides Industrial zones, several power
plants and road infrastructures are initiated in Pakistan.
Fifthly, CPEC initiative would immensely help in growing employment opportunities. CPEC
through employment generation would greatly help in addressing the grievances of
unemployed youth.
Sixthly, besides creating job opportunities China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) will have a
huge impact on tourism. The investment in Gwadar port and other infrastructure projects
through the China Pakistan economic corridor, tourism in the country is likely to increase in the
coming years
Seventhly, CPEC would act as a catalyst in regional connectivity. China imports 80% of oil and
does more than 70 percent of trade through the South China Sea and the United States. CPEC
would provide a land route to China. As these two countries are the primary beneficiaries of the
project. Besides CPEC will most certainly benefit the entire region connected to Pakistan and
China. Moreover, the CPEC will give China access to the Arabian Sea through Gwadar which will
significantly promote Chinese trade with countries in the Middle East, Africa and many
countries in Europe. Furthermore, CPEC will offer transit trade facility to the landlocked
Afghanistan and the Central Asian States.
Unequivocally this project will economically integrate the region and create interdependence.
CPEC has a great potential to bring progress prosperity and stability in the region. The China-
Pakistan Economic Corridor CPEC is harvesting greater attention around the world where more
and more state leaders are inclined to be part of this multi-billion-dollar project. Despite
Inevitable prospects of the corridor, there are certainly formidable threats and challenges to
suppress the success of the CPEC. But some carefully adopted steps would guarantee the
promising success of the CPEC.
First, China Pakistan economic corridor is facing several securities related threats. Moreover,
Political stability is imperative for the success of CPEC. Political stability is a must for the
development and progress. Pakistan peace and stability in Afghanistan is in its best interest as
the success of economic corridor project of China and Pakistan is greatly dependent on the
peace and stability in Afghanistan. Therefore, Pakistan needs to take Afghanistan into
confidence and affective steps can be taken to manage border so that terrorists’ infiltration
could be stopped inside the country.
Even though the project faces many challenges, which include, the absence of rule of law,
political instability, western interference in domestic affairs, perpetual political instability, and
lack of impartial accountability institutions. However, the prospects it presents are also massive
which include, economic boost, energy transformation, infrastructure development,
employment generation, regional connectivity and others. Moreover, coupled with these
opportunities Pakistan and China will get the maximum extract of this joint step of China
Pakistan economic corridor.

Muslim World
After Independence, Pakistan vigorously pursued bilateral relations with other Muslim
countries and made a wholehearted bid for leadership of the Muslim world, or at least for
leadership in achieving its unity. The leadership projected Pakistan as the natural leader of the
Islamic world, in large part due to its large manpower and military strength. A top-ranking
Muslim League leader, Khaliq uz zaman, declared that Pakistan would bring together all Muslim
countries into Islamistan – a Pan-Islamic entity. Such developments (alongside Pakistan's
creation) did not get American approval and British Prime Minister Clement Attlee voiced
international opinion at the time by stating that he wished that India and Pakistan would re-
unite. Since most of the Arab world was undergoing a nationalist awakening at the time, there
was little attraction to Pakistan's Pan-Islamic aspirations. Some of the Arab countries saw the
'Islamistan' project as a Pakistani attempt to dominate other Muslim states. Pakistan vigorously
championed the right of self-determination for Muslims around the world. Pakistan's efforts for
the independence movements of Indonesia, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco and Eritrea were
significant and initially led to close ties between these countries and Pakistan. However,
Pakistan also masterminded an attack on the Afghan city of Jalalabad during the Afghan Civil
War to establish an Islamic government there. Pakistan had wished to foment an 'Islamic
Revolution' which would transcend national borders covering Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central
Asia. On the other hand, Pakistan's relations with Iran have been strained at times due to
sectarian tensions. Iran and Saudi Arabia used Pakistan as a battleground for their proxy
sectarian war and by the 1990s, Pakistan's support for the Sunni Taliban organization in
Afghanistan became a problem for Shia Iran which opposed a Taliban-controlled Afghanistan.
Tensions between Iran and Pakistan intensified in 1998, when Iran accused Pakistan of war
crimes as Pakistani warplanes bombarded Afghanistan's last Shia stronghold in support of the
Taliban.
ECO
The Economic Cooperation Organization or ECO is an Asian political and economic
intergovernmental organization which was founded in 1985 in Tehran by the leaders of Iran,
Pakistan, and Turkey. It provides a platform to discuss ways to improve development and
promote trade and investment opportunities. The objective is to establish a single market for
goods and services, much like the European Union. The ECO's secretariat and cultural
department are located in Iran, its economic bureau is in Turkey and its scientific bureau is
situated in Pakistan. The nature of the ECO is that it consists of predominantly Muslim-majority
states as it is a trade bloc for the Central Asian states connected to the Mediterranean through
Turkey, to the Persian Gulf via Iran, and to the Arabian sea via Pakistan. The current framework
of the ECO expresses itself mostly in the form of bilateral agreements and arbitration
mechanisms between individual and fully sovereign member states.
OIC
The Organization of Islamic Cooperation is an international organization founded in 1969,
consisting of 57 member states, with a collective population of over 1.8 billion as of 2015 with
53 countries being Muslim-majority countries. The organization states that it is "the collective
voice of the Muslim world" and works to "safeguard and protect the interests of the Muslim
world in the spirit of promoting international peace and harmony". The OIC has permanent
delegations to the United Nations and the European Union. The official languages of the OIC are
Arabic, English, and French.
Recent development (Syrian/Yemen/Palestinian crisis)
Terrorism
Terrorism means any activity that creates fear and harassment among the people of a country
and the doers who create that problem are called terrorist. Terrorism is used for threat of
violence, a method of combat, or a strategy to achieve certain targets and aims to induce a
state of fear in the victim that is ruthless and does not conform to humanitarian rules.
Terrorism exists in Pakistan so it threatens its sovereignty and has crippled the economy. The
terrorist activities in Pakistan have led to the loss of capital and investors. Moreover, tourism
industry of Pakistan is also in a dying state and the threat of terrorism compels the government
to divert resources to security spending. It hampers the prospects of good governance.
The ongoing war against terrorism in Pakistan is a disappointment at all sides. It has caused in
closing industries, low agricultural production, no access to American and other European
markets, depreciation of rupee, rising public debt, no ray of hope for the settlement of long
standing Kashmir dispute, human losses in drone and other terrorist’s incidents. Moreover,
weakening of social fabric, weakening of the law enforcement institutions and a declining trend
in the life standard of the people.

Causes,Effects,Remedies
Extremism
The spread of violent Islamist militancy is destabilizing Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the region.
Jihadist groups have been trained, funded, and harbored for decades in Pakistan, primarily
engaging in Afghanistan and Kashmir. Increasingly, this expanding network, including affiliations
with al Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban, has turned its sights on Pakistan itself. A vacuum of
governance and security in the tribal regions has fueled their proliferation, allowing them to
control territory in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and other parts of the
country, and launching attacks on political, civilian, and military targets throughout Pakistan.
Military engagement by Pakistani security forces has been unable to destroy or even contain
the insurgency, and unilateral U.S. airstrikes have strained relations and alienated the civilian
population.
Causes
Effects
Remedies

Unemployment
The foremost problem world is facing today is unemployment. The ratio of unemployment is
increasing rapidly due to lack of sources and when unemployment takes place so many crimes
are automatically being created. Pakistan the Asian country has plenty of problems in these
days and unemployment is one of those. Unemployment causes numerous problems for people
of nation. Pakistan has countless natural resources but problem is that resources are being
wasted since the independence of Pakistan in 1947. You may find many graduated, masters, IT
experts, engineers and doctors wondering about for job opportunities due to bad employment
system. The people of Pakistan are considered highly talented and hardworking in the world
and there is no value of talent in Pakistan therefore, it is the reason many of engineers, doctors,
Scientifics, technicians and accountants travel in foreign countries for earn their livelihood.
Causes
Effects
Remedies

Energy Crisis
Pakistan continues to go through an energy crisis which has only become more severe from
time to time. It is not just slowing down the economy but making life hell for the majority of the
citizens. The energy needs of Pakistan are around 15,000 to 20000 MW per day, however
currently it is creating only around 11,500 MW, rendering a shortage of 4000 to 9000 MW per
day.
With time, situation may have improved with the inauguration of many new projects and
power plants, however the overall problem remains the same.
Causes
Effects
Remedies