Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1
HUI CHI FUNG 19th Applicant (19th Respondent)
and
Notes:
1. All emphases are added except when otherwise stated.
2. [A/1/2/§3] refers to Record Part A, Tab 1, Page 2, Paragraph 3.
1
For avoidance of confusion and for consistency of references adopted in judgments below, the 24
Applicants are referred to the Applicants in this Printed Case.
2
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
(in alphabetical order)
3
A. INTRODUCTION
2
CA Judgment, §156 [A/5/210-211]
3
CA Judgment, §§242-248 [A/5/249-251]
4
CA Judgment, §§156-164 [A/5/210-213] The phrase “no more than necessary” has been used to
refer to the 3rd step of the proportionality analysis as well as the standard of scrutiny that is to be
adopted in applying the proportionality analysis. It is not an issue that “no more than necessary”
standard in this context means “no more than reasonably necessary”: Hysan, §83. Regarding the
standard of scrutiny, the issue is whether the standard of scrutiny should be “no more than necessary”
or “manifestly without reasonable foundation”: see CA Judgment, §158 [A/5/211].
4
(2) Question 2: Whether s.3(1)(d) of the PFCR is constitutional, in
particular whether the restriction imposed by s.3(1)(d) of the PFCR
on the freedom of expression, of assembly and demonstration and
the right to privacy is proportionate to the aim sought to be achieved;
5
Questions 1, 2 and 4 of the Respondents’ Notice of Appeal [A/54/555-557]
6
Question 3 of the Respondents’ Notice of Appeal [A/54/555-557]
5
and base their case entirely on the proportionality assessment of s.3(1)(c)
and (d) of the PFCR 7.
5. At the outset, it should be emphasized that s.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR
apply the restrictions to authorized public assemblies / processions that are
entirely peaceful. Unauthorized public assemblies / processions, whether
peaceful or otherwise, are covered by s.3(1)(b) of the PFCR, and unlawful
assemblies, which are not peaceful by definition, are covered by s.3(1)(a)
thereof. The overall effect of s.3 of the PFCR is to prohibit the wearing of
masks in all public assemblies / processions, authorized, peaceful or
otherwise. The only justification put forward by the Government to impose
such blanket restrictions to lawful and peaceful public assemblies /
processions is the flimsy and speculative ground that such restrictions may
possibly prevent, avert or minimize the risk of outbreaks of violence, even
when there is no evidence, no sign, and no reasonable suspicion of any such
outbreaks or risk of outbreaks in any of such assemblies or processions. In
other words, the PFCR as drafted is intended as a form of pre-emptive
criminal justice. The burden, if it could be discharged at all, must be very
7
Respondents’ Case, §§14-24.
8
CA Judgment, §156 [A/5/210-211]
6
onerous. Both the CFI and the CA have had no hesitation in rejecting such
an argument.
7
enforced and used to arrest persons alleged to be in
contravention 9.
(b) S.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR impose restrictions which curtail
the exercise of these fundamental rights in a substantial
manner.
(c) S.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR also have the effect of a near-
blanket prohibition against the wearing of facial covering
while participating in completely lawful and peaceful
activities without any mechanism for a case-by-case
assessment of the risk of any specific gathering developing or
turning into a violent one. In this respect, the Respondent
9
See 2nd Affirmation of Kwok Wing Hang, §56 [B/XX].
8
erroneously classified the prohibition of facial covering as “pre-
emptive and preventive measures to avert or minimise the
known risk of outbreaks of violence”. 10 The prohibition is,
indeed, all embracing.
(e) Accordingly, s.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR restrict the freedom
of expression and the right of peaceful assembly in a
disproportionate manner, fails to strike a fair balance and is
unconstitutional.
10
Respondents’ Case, §16(5).
9
B. QUESTION 3: THE APPLICABLE STANDARD OF SCRUTINY
BEING “NO MORE THAN REASONABLY NECESSARY”
7. It is not disputed that in considering the standard of scrutiny, there are three
aspects to consider, namely (i) the nature of the right and the degree to
which it has been encroached on; (ii) the identification of the relevant
decision-maker; and (iii) relevance of the margin of appreciation: Kwok
Cheuk Kin v Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs (2017)
20 HKCFAR 353 at §38. The CA applied the same principle in deciding
the applicable standard of scrutiny 11.
11
CA Judgment, §§242-248 [A/5/249-251]
12
Leung Kwok Hung, §§1-2.
10
10. The CFI13 and the CA14 duly recognised the cardinal importance of these
rights; they 15 also acknowledged that s.3(1) of the PFCR imposes
restrictions which curtail the exercise of these fundamental rights in a
substantial manner16.
11. Against the warning of the CFI that “the restriction imposed by the PFCR
is … not to be trivialised as a minor inhibition on mask-wearing during
demonstration”, the Respondents made various arguments in an attempt to
downplay the degree of encroachment of these rights, namely (i) the phrase
“facial covering” has a confined meaning; (ii) a defence of reasonable
excuse is available; (iii) the wearing of facial covering is not the core of
the rights/freedoms 17. These arguments are flawed:-
13
CFI Judgment, §148 [A/1/79]
14
CA Judgment, §161 (describing the rights as “fundamental”) [A/5/212]
15
CFI Judgment, §148 [A/1/79]; CA Judgment, §161 [A/5/212]
16
The Applicants made detailed submissions on the extent to which s.3(1)(b) of the PFCR substantially
restricts fundamental rights in §§188 and 190 of the Applicants’ Case in FACV 6&7/2020.
17
Respondents’ Case, §11.
11
should not in itself be deemed to signify violent intent.”18. The full
protection of the right of peaceful assembly depends on the
protection of a range of rights, including the right to privacy. 19 There
are also numerous legitimate reasons why a person would like to
wear a mask in exercising his legitimate right to peaceful assembly,
such as the fear of doxxing, let alone public health concerns 20.
18
See also: Venice Commission, Guidelines on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly (3rd ed) at §153 (“No
blanket or routine restrictions on the wearing of masks and face-coverings. The wearing of masks
and face coverings at assemblies for expressive purposes is a form of communication protected by
the rights to freedom of speech and assembly. It may occur in order to express particular viewpoints
or religious beliefs or to protect an assembly participant from retaliation. The wearing of masks or
other face coverings at a peaceful assembly should not be prohibited where there is no demonstrable
evidence of imminent violence. An individual should not be required to remove a mask unless his/her
conduct creates probable cause for arrest and the face covering prevents his/her identification.”);
African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, Guidelines on Freedom of Association and
Assembly in Africa at §81 (“The right to freedom of expression in the context of assemblies protects
the manner in which assemblies are conducted as well as the paraphernalia used, including flags,
masks, symbols, banners, posters and other objects as well as their content.”) and Office of the
Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights,
Protest and Human Rights, Protest and Human Rights – Standards on the rights involved in social
protest and the obligations to guide the response of the State at §88 (“Bandanas, masks, hoods, caps,
backpacks, and other types of clothing and accessories are very common at public demonstrations.
These items cannot be considered sufficient indicators of a threat of violence, nor can they be used
as grounds for the dispersal, arrest, or repression of demonstrators. The IACHR has stressed that,
in a democracy, States must act based on the lawfulness of protests or public demonstrations and
on the assumption that they do not constitute a threat to public order.”)
19
General Comment No.37 at §§98-99.
20
As recognized in the CFI Judgment, §155 [A/1/83]
12
inoperable and is open to arbitrary application, especially when this
definition applies to peaceful and lawful assemblies / processions.
The loose definition of facial covering and its potential for the
exercise of arbitrary power call for a stricter standard of scrutiny of
“no more than reasonably necessary”.
(3) Even if s.4 of the PFCR provides for a narrow defence of reasonable
excuse, it does not amount to sufficient protection to the innocent
protestors for the reasons that (i) an innocent participant of
assemblies, meetings and/or processions (or a passer-by who is
present at the place where the assemblies take place 21 ) may be
subject to arrest and detention which involves deprivation of liberty;
and (ii) s.4 of the PFCR imposes an evidential burden on that person
to provide reasonable excuse for his wearing of the mask. In any
event, whether there is a defence of reasonable excuse has no bearing
on the standard of scrutiny to be applied. A defence applies ex post
facto after an offence has been committed.
21
See the Applicants’ Case on Question 4 in FACV 6&7/2020.
13
(for want of better terms) expertise and experience, and it is part of their
constitutional duty to protect these values or concepts.”
14. In the present case, this Court is similarly tasked with this constitutional
duty to protect the fundamental freedoms of expression and peaceful
assembly, as the CA recognised22.
15. In fact, the mode of making regulations under the ERO – being enacted by
the CEIC without the usual safeguards of ordinary legislative process
and/or public consultation 23 and taking immediate effect 24 – demands a
stricter standard of scrutiny. It is incumbent on the courts to exercise their
supervisory jurisdiction over the Executive as required by the system of
checks and balances, especially so when the PFCR is not an
uncontroversial piece of legislation. In 2017, when the Government was
asked on the subject of the enactment of anti-mask legislation, the then
Secretary for Security acknowledged the existence of both positive and
negative views in the community and thus the necessity of prudently
looking into and carefully considering the various potential impacts that
anti-mask legislation may bring25. The Government also explained they
were exploring the issue of anti-mask legislation including “the specific
provisions of relevant law overseas, their legislative background, scope of
regulation, accepted exceptions, previous decided cases, verdicts and
sentencing and how they strike a balance between the legislative intent and
issues like personal privacy and other rights” and ended with an
acknowledgment of the complexity of the issues with far-reaching
impact 26. Thus, when the enactment of the PFCR eventually escaped the
22
CA Judgment, §162 [A/5/212-213]
23
KWH-1, §§13 and 17 [B/XX]
24
KWH-1, §13 [B/XX]
25
KWH-42 [B/XX]
26
KWH-42 [B/XX]
14
usual safeguards of ordinary legislative process and/or public consultation,
the courts as goalkeeper should subject the PFCR to close scrutiny.
16. Further, when enacting the PFCR, no one outside the Executive Council
has any idea what (if any) careful consideration of various potential
impacts took place in the making of these regulations beyond what is stated
in the LegCo Brief. Evidence of the deliberation process within the
Executive Council has not been adduced. There is no factual or other basis
for according any kind of margin of discretion to the Executive other than
the bare assertions made in the LegCo Brief 27 and/or the Respondents’
submissions.
17. Quite contrary to the Respondents’ contention, there are actually numerous
established authorities reaffirming that the courts are both constitutionally
and institutionally well-placed to make proportionality assessments in
respect of public order matters including legislation relating to the
maintenance of law and order: Leung Kwok Hung (supra.) and more
recently Cheung Tak Wing v Director of Administration [2020] 1
HKLRD 906 at §§95-101. It has been held that the courts will not be
institutionally disadvantaged so long as it is armed with information as set
out in the evidence adduced by the respondents, and therefore there is no
need to adopt the less stringent test of “manifestly without reasonable
foundation” 28 . The question here is whether the encroachment of
fundamental rights imposed by s 3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR is outweighed
by the social benefit of the prevention of crimes and/or restoration of public
order. This is the kind of balancing exercise that the courts routinely make.
27
KWH-1, §§14-16 [B/XX]
28
Cheung Tak Wing (supra.), §101.
15
18. In the present case, the Respondents filed extensive evidence including
expert evidence 29 to provide the Court with the relevant information in
assisting the Court to conduct the proportionality assessment. The
evidence presented to the Court included expert evidence which was not
available at the time when the CEIC made the PFCR30. Therefore, the
Court is equally, if not better, placed to make the subject decision. Having
considered all evidence adduced, there is no conceivable difficulty for the
Court to fully appreciate the alleged unprecedented situation at the time of
enactment of the PFCR and the ramifications (if any) on public order,
which is within the “expertise and experience”31 of the Court.
19. Having regard to the constitutional duty and institutional capacity of the
Court, as well as the identity of the decision maker, the Applicants submit
that the standard of “wide margin of discretion” is not applicable to the
present case. The right in question is a fundamental one, namely freedom
of expression and assembly and important not only for society but each
individual. The nature of the activities concerned does not involve the
balancing exercise and allocation of scarce public resources or
financial/economic/social policies or political issues that are more
appropriate to be resolved by the democratic process, which is what this
factor of institutional capacity is primarily about. 32
20. The Applicants’ position is also supported by case authorities. The CFA
and the English courts have consistently applied the standard of “no more
29
Namely: (i) Affirmation of Cheung Tin Lok [B/XX]; (ii) Affidavit of Chui Shih Yen, Joceline
[B/XX]; (iii) Affidavit of Tsui Pui Wang Ephraem [B/XX]; and (iv) the Second Affidavit of Chui
Shih Yen, Joceline. [B/XX]
30
See Affidavit of Tsui Pui Wang Ephraem, §5 [B/XX] (“I was first approached by the Department
of Justice on 16 October 2019”)
31
Fok Chun Wa (supra.) at §81
32
Hysan (supra.), §§89-96
16
than reasonably necessary” in the context of restrictions to right of peaceful
assemblies / processions:-
(1) In Leung Kwok Hung v HKSAR (supra.) at §93, the CFA applied
the standard of “no more than is necessary” in the proportionality
analysis balancing the need of public order and the freedom of
assembly.
33
Respondents’ Case, §§6-8.
34
Respondents’ Case, §§9-10.
17
concerned with public order only – this is implicitly accepted by the
Respondents 35. Once the Court is armed with the evidence provided
by the Respondents, it is not institutionally disadvantaged in making
the proportionality assessment.
(2) As to the alleged temporary nature of the PFCR, there are two points
in reply. First, as a matter of fact, the PFCR is by no means
“temporary”. It is factually incontrovertible that this alleged
“temporary measure” has been in force for more than one year
despite the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic which necessitates the
wearing of facial covering and the CE’s own speech on 30
September 2020 that the National Security Law restored stability.
Second and in any event, while a temporary duration may be a
relevant factor in considering whether a measure is “no more than
necessary” it is difficult to see why it is relevant to the determination
of the standard of scrutiny. So long as the PFCR remains in force,
the restrictions imposed by s.3(1) of the PFCR on the rights and
freedoms of expression and assembly remain substantial and impacts
every single person in Hong Kong. There is no logical reason why
the Court should adopt a lower standard merely because a drastic
measure is supposed or intended to last for a short time as the activity
in question remains the same. In addition, falling short of a
declaration of the existence of public emergency which permits
derogation from the BOR pursuant to s.5 of the HKBORO, measures
which restrict fundamental rights should be subject to the same
degree of scrutiny however urgent or temporary they may be. In the
premises, the Court should not take into account the alleged
35
Respondents’ Case, §7, in which the Respondents only made reference to the “underlying
implications and ramifications of public security and order”.
18
“temporary” nature of the PFCR in determining the appropriate
standard of scrutiny.
22. The Respondents further sought to justify s.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR as
preventive measures, that is, measures taken before there is any outbreak
of disorder. However, s.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR do not require even a
reasonable suspicion or assessment that the peaceful assembly would be
anything but peaceful. The restriction is sweeping in nature, as it is
imposed on all occasions even when there is not a remote risk of outbreak
of disorder. As set out above this amounts to a pre-emptive measure on the
manner and form of lawful public meetings and processions, when the law
already provides sufficient criminal sanction and censure for unlawful
ones. The courts should be more vigilant in scrutinizing measures that are
allegedly purely of a preventive or speculative nature and which impose
criminal liability.
36
Respondent’s Case, §12
19
relevant to any of the three considerations laid down by this Court in Kwok
Cheuk Kin (supra.), and therefore should only be relevant to the
application of the proportionality test if at all.
24. The Applicants’ answer to Question 3 is “No”. The CA did not err in
adopting the standard of “no more than [reasonably] necessary”, being the
appropriate standard of scrutiny, in assessing the proportionality of s.3(1)
of the PFCR.
20
C. QUESTIONS 1, 2 AND 4: S.3(1)(c) AND (d) OF THE PFCR
UNCONSTITUTIONAL
25. S.3(1)(c) and (d), together with s.3(2), of the PFCR, make it an offence for
anyone to use any form of full or partial facial covering at a public meeting
or public procession. They create restrictions on the right to privacy and
the freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly as protected by HKBL
27 and BOR 14, 16 and 17.
26. For the reasons submitted below37, the Applicants submit that s.3(1)(c) and
(d) of the PFCR are unconstitutional.
27. At this juncture, it is worth restating some trite principles which are
relevant for the assessment of proportionality of the restrictions of the
freedom of peaceful assembly.
28. First, for freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly which are of
cardinal importance, “the courts must give such a fundamental right a
generous interpretation so as to give individuals its full measure” and
“restrictions on such a fundamental right must be narrowly interpreted” 38.
37
In addition to the Applicants’ Case on Questions 4 and 4A of FACV 6&7/2020.
38
Leung Kwok Hung (supra.), §16.
21
30. Third, an individual does not cease to enjoy the right to freedom of
peaceful assembly as a result of sporadic violence or other punishable acts
committed by others in the course of an assembly / procession if the
individual in question remains peaceful in his or her own intention or
behaviour. Furthermore, the possibility of persons with violent intentions,
not members of the organising association, joining the assembly or
procession cannot take away that right: Kudrevicius and Others v
Lithuania (2016) 62 EHRR 34 at §94.
31. In assessing the proportionality of s.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR, one
should not lose sight of the facts that prior to the coming into force of the
PFCR, both the participation in a public meeting and/or public
procession as defined in the POO, and the wearing of facial coverings in
such meetings or procession were not only perfectly lawful but also the
manifestation of the freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. As
submitted in §11(1) above, the wearing of facial coverings may simply be
part of the expressive element of a peaceful assembly and/or worn to
protect the peaceful protester against reprisals by those with opposing
views.
32. The unduly wide restrictions created by s.3(1) of the PFCR were
extensively canvassed in the Applicants’ Case in FACV 6&7/2020, in
particular the submissions on Question 4 (§§171-185) as well as Question
4A (§§187-194) in the context of unauthorized assembly (s.3(1)(b) of the
PFCR). The submissions therein, specifically those in §191 apply mutatis
mutandis to the proportionality assessment of s.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR.
33. In fact, the added vice of s.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR lies in the
imposition of a near-blanket prohibition of the wearing of the facial
22
coverings in assemblies and/or processions which by definition are orderly
and peaceful39. Bearing in mind that there is a line to be drawn between
peaceful assemblies / processions and those that involving violence, and
that an individual does not cease to enjoy the right to freedom of peaceful
assembly as a result of sporadic violence or other punishable acts
committed by others, any restrictions on the freedom of freedom of
assembly requires even more cogent justification. The fact that identical
restrictions are imposed on both unlawful assemblies and lawful and
peaceful meetings and processions calls for close scrutiny.
34. The Respondents’ justifications of s.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR essentially
boil down to two grounds: (i) the restrictions amount to pre-emptive and
preventive measures to avert or minimise known risk of outbreaks of
violence 40; (ii) the restrictions facilitate identification of perpetrators of
violence41. Neither ground justifies restrictions of the freedom of peaceful
assembly in the present case.
39
See also SAS v France (2015) 60 EHRR 11 at §139; Yaker v France, Communication No
2747/2016 (17 July 2018) at §§8.7 and 8.8.
40
Respondents’ Case, §§16(3)-(5), 19(9), 20-22, 23(12)
41
Respondents’ Case, §§16(6), 17-18, 19(1), 23(11) and (13)
42
Affirmation of Cheung Tin Lok, §4 [B/XX]
23
erroneously classified the prohibition of facial covering as “pre-
emptive and preventive measures to avert or minimise the known
risk of outbreaks of violence”.43 Third, if any violence breaks out
in a peaceful assembly or procession, such assembly or procession
will turn into an unlawful assembly and the wearing of facial
coverings by those participants will be caught by s.3(1)(a) of the
PFCR. The law enforcement agents would then be equipped with
the necessary powers under POO as well as s.3(1)(a) of the PFCR
for maintenance of public security and order to make the arrest.
(2) Further, the restrictions imposed by s.3 of PFCR are clearly more
than necessary as purported “pre-emptive and preventive measures”.
The definition of “facial covering” is not confined to a mask, let
alone any particular kind of mask, but includes any article of any
kind (including paint) that covers all or part of a person’s face; thus
a surgical mask typical for health purpose and even the wearing of
sunglasses or a hat could amount to a breach of s.3(1) of the PFCR.
In other words, the PFCR does not specifically target the protestors
applying the so-called “black bloc” tactics and/or emboldened by
such tactics. In addition, the ban of facial covering is total and
indiscriminate, without any requirement of demonstrating a
reasonable suspicion of a threat or an outbreak of violence and
provides plenty of rooms for arbitrary and discriminatory
enforcement of the law.
43
Respondents’ Case, §16(5).
24
(1) This argument goes completely against the long line of established
authorities that an individual does not cease to enjoy the right to
freedom of peaceful assembly as a result of sporadic violence or
other punishable acts committed by others. There are absolutely no
reasons why a participant of a peaceful and lawful meeting or
procession without any violent intent whatsoever should be subject
to restrictions on not only the manner or form of the meeting or
procession but also the expressive element of such assembly. The
restriction is general and indiscriminate. It applies to any peaceful
assemblies that are held for a wide variety of causes. There are
many legitimate reasons for a participant to wear facial coverings in
peaceful assemblies, such as a legitimate fear of reprisal, as the CFI
recognized: “Many assemblies, meetings or processions for
different causes, such as LGBT, labour or migrant rights, take place
in different parts of Hong Kong throughout the year, and
traditionally these gatherings have been orderly and peaceful. It
cannot be disputed that participants in such gatherings may have
perfectly legitimate reasons for not wishing to be identified, or seen
to be supporting such causes.”44 There is also a marked change in
public attitude since the outbreak of the epidemic which the Court
could take judicial notice, namely that most people are now used to
wearing a mask in a crowded situation for their own protection. It is
almost part of our social life now to wear a mask in public places
irrespective of whether it is legally required or not. The public health
concern alone, which is likely to be a continuing global concern at
least for some time, tilts the balance completely.
44
CFI Judgment, §155 [A/1/83]
25
(2) The Respondents’ argument also failed to explain how the very
extensive encroachment on fundamental rights in s.3(1)(c) and (d)
of the PFCR is necessary to achieve such an aim even when there is
not even any sign of any unlawful behaviour or any indication of
violence in the public meeting or procession. The Respondents
failed to recognise that peaceful assemblies, even on their own
evidence, took place between June and September 2019.
37. Finally, the repeated emphasis of the alleged “adverse effect on the exercise
of the freedoms and rights by those other law-abiding residents in Hong
Kong who shun or abhor or are fearful of violence”45 is no more than a red
herring. As noted above, it is no more than part of the public interest that
the courts below have carefully and fully considered. It does not detract
from the fact that law-abiding residents attending peaceful meetings or
processions are deprived of the full exercise and enjoyment of their
freedoms without fear of reprisal, and the right to remain anonymous. The
Respondents completely omitted in their assessment the other side of the
balance, where law abiding residents are deterred from attending
lawful and peaceful assemblies for fear of reprisal if they are identified
45
Respondents’ Case, §23(12)
26
whilst participating in a lawful public assemblies or processions, where
they are unable to express their free speech by symbolic dress that may
cover in part or whole of their face, or in the post-COVID 19 reality
for want of protecting themselves from being infected by infectious
diseases or epidemic.
38. Taking all matters into account, the Applicants submit that s.3(1)(c) and (d)
of the PFCR restrict the freedom of expression and the right of peaceful
assembly in a disproportionate manner.
39. For reasons above, the Applicants’ answer to Questions 1, 2 and 4 is also
“No”. S.3(1)(c) and (d) of the PFCR impose disproportionate restrictions
on the freedom of expression and peaceful assembly and the right to
privacy and are thus unconstitutional.
27
D. CONCLUSION
40. The Court is respectfully invited to dismiss the Respondents’ appeal with
costs.
EARL DENG
JEFFREY TAM
GEOFFREY YEUNG
ALLISON WONG
28