Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Block
3
DALITS AND THE LAW
UNIT 10
The Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 and Rules, 1977 5
UNIT 11
The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 and Rules, 1995 22
UNIT 12
The Employment of Manual Scavengers and
Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993 44
UNIT 13
The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 53
Expert Committee
Prof. (Dr.) N.R. Madhava Menon Ms. Vrinda Grover
Member, Commission on Centre-State Director
Relations, New Delhi Multiple Action Research Group (MARG),
Former Director, NLSIU, Bangalore and New Delhi
National Judicial Academy, Bhopal
Ms. Abha Joshi
Lawyer, New Delhi
Prof. B.B. Pande
Former Professor of Criminal Law, Dr. Manik Chakrabarty
Law Faculty, University of Delhi Professor, Department of Law
The University of Burdwan, West Bengal
Mr. Babu Mathew
Country Director Prof. Srikrishna Deva Rao
Action Aid India, New Delhi Director, School of Law, IGNOU
Prof. K. Elumalai
Prof. S. Siva Kumar
Professor, School of Law, IGNOU
Research Professor
Indian Law Institute Ms. Suneet Kashyap
New Delhi Asst. Prof., School of Law, IGNOU
Material Production
Mr. Yashpal
Section Officer (Publication)
IGNOU, New Delhi
May, 2010
© Indira Gandhi Naitonal Open University, 2010
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BLOCK 3 DALITS AND THE LAW
Dalits are persons who have traditionally been considered ‘untouchable’ and
have been excluded from the caste system. Untouchability is a phenomenon that
legitimises degrading, humiliating and exploitative practices against persons
belonging to specific caste groups. Article 17 of our Constitution abolishes
untouchability and forbids its practice in any form. We will examine legislations
that were enacted to protect the rights of dalits, and to punish offenders who
discriminate against dalits and inflict violence on them. We will also examine
legislations that were passed to stop the practices of manual scavenging and
keeping bonded labour.
In the tenth unit, we will explain the important provisions of the Protection of
Civil Rights Act, 1976, (PCRA) and their interpretation by the judiciary, through
examples and cases. We will discuss the various forms of untouchability that are
practised, which constitute offences under the PCRA and the scope and
applicability of the PCRA. We will also discuss the protections that the victims
of untouchability are entitled to. We will analyse the reasons for the inadequate
implementation of the PCRA.
Manual scavenging and bonded labour are practices of labour that are usually
suffered by the dalits because of their exclusion from the caste hierarchy. Both
manual scavengers and bonded labourers are vulnerable to exploitation because
of their low bargaining power vis-à-vis their employers, and their inability to
find alternative sources of livelihood. In the twelfth unit, we will explain the
main provisions of the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of
Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993 and examine the implementation of the
legislation. We will discuss the main provisions of the Bonded Labour System
(Abolition) Act, 1976 in the thirteenth unit.
Dalits and the Law
4
The Protection of Civil
UNIT 10 THE PROTECTION OF CIVIL Rights Act, 1955 & Rules,
1977
RIGHTS ACT, 1955 AND RULES,
1977
Structure
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Objectives
10.3 Legislative History
10.4 Applicability
10.5 Classification of Disabilities
10.6 Presumption as to Offences
10.7 Punishments
10.8 Other Requirements
10.9 Institutional Weaknesses
10.10 Summary
10.11 Terminal Questions
10.12 Answers and Hints
10.13 References and Suggested Readings
10.1 INTRODUCTION
Dalits are persons who have traditionally been considered ‘untouchable’ and
have been excluded from the caste system. Untouchability is a phenomenon that
legitimises degrading, humiliating and exploitative practices against persons
belonging to specific caste groups. The evolution of the caste system dates back
to Vedic ages. The Vedas use the term ‘varna’ (which means colour) to describe
caste, whereby the light skinned Aryans were distinguished from the dark skinned
and indigenous Dasyus. The literal meaning of ‘varna’ seems to indicate that the
caste system began as a result of racial differences between people. At the same
time, the characteristic feature of the caste system was its categorisation of the
pure and the impure based on religious beliefs and division of labour.
There is a divergence of views on the precise nature of the caste system as it
existed in Vedic times. The common understanding of the caste system is that
there were four varna divisions, namely, the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas
and Shudras. The first three groups were the twice-born (dwijas), who were
entitled to participate in initiation, second birth and religious life. The fourth
category was not allowed to carry out such activities and had to serve the three
groups preceding it in the hierarchy. There was a fifth category of people called
the Ati-Shudras or untouchables who did not form a part of the caste system but
were outside it. The untouchables were forced to perform tasks that the other
castes did not perform, such as disposing carcasses, cleaning excreta and other
waste, grave digging and tanning. The other castes refused to associate themselves
with the untouchables because of the nature of work carried out by them. As a
result, the untouchables used to live outside the settlements of the upper castes
and were excluded from the activities of the upper castes. The occupations that 5
Dalits and the Law were carried out by the different castes crystallised over time, resulting in the
entrenching of the caste system in Indian society.
After India gained her independence, the framers of the Constitution of India
introduced provisions that abolished untouchability and provided safeguards to
protect the rights of dalits. The most notable provision is Article 17 which
abolishes untouchability and forbids its practice in any form. It also says that the
enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability shall be an offence
that is punishable by law. It is interesting to note that Article 17 is the only
fundamental right that imposes a punishment for the violation of the right.
In order to give effect to Article 17, legislations were passed at regular intervals
to protect the rights of dalits, and to punish offenders who discriminated against
dalits and inflicted violence on them.
In this unit, we will explain the important provisions of the Protection of Civil
Rights Act, 1976, (we will refer to it as PCRA) and their interpretation by the
judiciary, through examples and cases.
While reading this unit, please keep a copy of the Constitution of India, as well
as the texts of the Protection of Civil Rights Act & Rules with you, so that you
have a ready reference to the provisions that are being explained.
10.2 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit, you should be able to:
describe the various forms of untouchability;
explain the scope of the Protection of Civil Rights Act (PCRA);
discuss the role of the judiciary in deciding cases under the PCRA; and
enumerate the problems faced in the implementation of the PCRA.
Parliament felt the need to have a central legislation that abolished untouchability,
and passed the Untouchability (Offences) Act, 1955. The Act punishes the
enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability. The working of the
Act was not satisfactory due to certain loopholes and lacunae. A Committee
under the Chairmanship of Mr. Elayaperumal examined the Untouchability
Offences Act and made recommendations suggesting amendments to the
legislation. Some of the amendments were incorporated and the title of the
6 legislation was changed to the ‘Protection of Civil Rights Act’.
The Protection of Civil
Activity 1 Rights Act, 1955 & Rules,
1977
Name any acts of untouchability that you have heard about/read in the
newspapers.
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10.4 APPLICABILITY
Since the PCRA does not explicitly State which groups of people it is applicable
to, the primary question to be answered is whether it is applicable only to members
of Scheduled Castes or whether it would be applicable to Scheduled Tribes and
other disadvantaged and discriminated groups as well. The courts have not been
unanimous on the matter but the predominant opinion is that the PCRA refers to
the practice of untouchability in its historical context where certain communities
are still considered as untouchable because of their caste.
The precise application of the PCRA to different caste groups has been litigated
in several cases as discussed below.
The courts have held that the definition of untouchability has to be interpreted in
the historical context of the practice of untouchability where members of certain
groups have been excluded from various socio-religious and public spheres
because of their supposed ‘impure’ and inferior caste status. The provisions cannot
be extended to those who are not entitled to the protection thereof. 2
An exception to this interpretation of the courts is Section 7 (2) of the Act which
deals with non-members of the Scheduled Castes who face discrimination because
they have helped or been associated with members of Scheduled Castes. An
example in this regard is the case of Kanhu Ram v Durga Ram.3 The respondent
had stood as surety for Ramka, a member of the Scheduled Caste, against whom
a case had been registered. The petitioners resolved to ex-communicate him as
1
Devarajiah v Padmanna AIR 1958 Mys 84.
2
Bharatinath Namdeo Gavand v Lakshman Mali MANU/MH/1020/2006, 2007 (3) MhLJ 210.
3
MANU/HP/0029/1979, 1980 CriLJ 518. 7
Dalits and the Law he had stood as surety for a Harijan. The respondent filed a complaint under the
PCRA. The petitioners contended that the respondent could not file a complaint
under the Protection of Civil Rights Act as he was a Rajput and not a member of
the Scheduled Caste. The Court dismissed their application and held:
Though the above case did not refer to Section 7 (2), this provision imposes
punishment on anybody who denies any right/privilege to which a member of a
community is entitled, or who participates in the excommunication of such person
because of his/her refusal to practice untouchability or because such person has
acted in furtherance of the objectives of the Act. The scope of the words “any act
done in furtherance of the object of this Act” is wide and would include
cooperating with or providing assistance to ex-untouchables. In the Kanhu Ram
case, the respondent by standing as surety for a member of the Scheduled Caste
provided him assistance. Hence, he would be able to take recourse to Section 7
(2) (ii) without there being any doubt as to his locus standi to file a complaint
under the PCRA.
It is important to note that there is no Supreme Court decision that has set the
matter at rest. As a result, disputes regarding the scope of the PCRA have come
up before High Courts at regular intervals. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act on the other hand, as the title suggests, is
clearly applicable only to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. This is evident
from the sections as well which begin by stating that a person who is “not a
member of the SCs/STs” is liable to be punished for carrying out any of the
atrocities mentioned in the Act. Hence, any offence committed by members of
the SCs/STs will not be treated as an offence under this legislation.
Self-assessment Questions
1) R distributed pamphlets which Stated that S was prohibited from entering
temples or places of public worship belonging to Jains. R also instigated
Jains not to have social or religious intercourse with others belonging to
the same religious community as the petitioner. Can S file a petition under
the PCRA?
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7
MANU/MH/0859/2004. 9
Dalits and the Law
3) G filed a case against H on the ground that the latter did not permit him to
participate in village festivals, that he did not accept donations from him,
and that he penalised people who interacted with him. H contended that
the PCRA was not applicable to G as he belonged to the Agra community
which fell under the category ‘Other Backward Classes’. Will the case
against H be maintainable?
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preventing any person from entering a place of public worship open to persons
professing the same religion;
Social Disabilities
Section 4 imposes punishment for enforcing social disabilities on the ground of
untouchability. It lists the offences that fall under the purview of ‘social
10 disabilities’ as follows:
i) preventing any person from entering shops; The Protection of Civil
Rights Act, 1955 & Rules,
ii) preventing any person from entering public restaurants or places of public 1977
entertainment or from using utensils and other articles kept in any public
restaurant, dharamshala, sarai or musafirkhana;
iii) preventing any person from practising any profession, trade, occupation or
employment;
iv) preventing any person from using any river, stream, well, tank or any other
water body, or any cremation ground, sanitary convenience, road/passage
or pubic resort;
v) preventing any person from using any place which is used for charitable or
public purpose wholly or partly out of State funds;
vi) preventing any person from enjoying any benefit under a charitable trust
that has been created for the benefit of the public;
vii) preventing any person from using any public conveyance;
viii) preventing any person from constructing, acquiring or occupying any
residential premises and observing any social or religious custom or
ceremony;
ix) preventing any person from observing any social or religious custom or
ceremony, or from taking part in any religious, social or cultural procession;
x) preventing any person from using jewellery or finery.
Section 7 prescribes punishment for other offences that arise out of untouchability.
The offences are:
i) preventing any person from exercising his/her right under Article 17 of the
Constitution;
ii) molesting, injuring, annoying, obstructing, or causing a person to lose his/
her right or injures or boycotts any person who has exercised such right;
iii) using words (spoken or written), signs, visible representations or inciting or
encouraging any person/s to practice untouchability;
iv) insulting or attempting to insult a member of the Scheduled Caste on the
ground of untouchability.
The punishment that can be imposed is a fine of a minimum of Rs. 100 and
maximum of Rs. 500, and imprisonment of a minimum of 1 month to a maximum
6 months.
Section 7 (2) punishes a person who denies to any other person belonging to his/
her community, any right or privilege to which such person would be entitled as
a member of such community, or who participates in the excommunication of
such person on the ground that such person has refused to practice untouchability.
This provision protects persons who have been associated with people who are
treated as ‘untouchable’ or who refuse to carry out practices of untouchability.
Such persons can avail of the PCRA to take action against those who have denied
them rights or been party to their ex-communication.
An important question that has often come up before courts is the interpretation
of Section 7 (1) (d) of the PCRA which punishes persons who insult a member
of a Scheduled Caste on the ground of untouchability. The PCRA does not provide
a definition of ‘insult’. Section 504 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) defines insult
as “an intentional use of abusive filthy language which is capable of provoking
breach of peace on the part of the complainant.”
The problem arises in ascertaining whether the insult of a Scheduled Caste has
occurred on the ground of untouchability. Courts have held that ‘insult simpliciter’
does not come within the purview of Section 7 (1) (d). The test is to ask whether
the insult would have taken place irrespective of the fact whether the victim was
or was not a member of the Scheduled Caste. If yes, then the insult falls under
the category ‘insult simpliciter’ which is outside the ambit of clause (d). On the
other hand, if the insult is uttered specifically because the victim was a member
of Scheduled Caste and would not have been made if he had been of higher
caste, then the insult is on the ground of untouchability. However, the courts
have said that no general rule can be laid down as it would depend on the facts
and circumstances of the case. It said that every insult/attempt to insult a Scheduled
Caste was not necessarily on the ground of untouchability and would not fall
under Section 7 (1) (d).
The predominant offences committed under the PCRA are insults under Section
7 (1) (d) which are committed in relation to Scheduled Castes. Most of them
12
result in acquittals due to the inability of the prosecution to either prove the The Protection of Civil
Rights Act, 1955 & Rules,
commission of the offence itself or to prove that it was committed on the ground 1977
of untouchability.
Self-assessment Questions
4) M abused N and threatened to run over him with a tractor. N filed a case
against M under the PCRA. It was found that M and N had quarrelled in
the past and were not on good terms. N approaches you for legal advice.
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8
MANU/MH/0021/1980, 1981 CriLJ 387. 13
Dalits and the Law
10.6 PRESUMPTION AS TO OFFENCES
All the offences detailed in the PCRA require that the offence be committed on
the ground of untouchability. This means that there should be an intention (mens
rea) on the part of the accused to commit an offence against the victim, on the
ground of untouchability. If the intention is not proved, then the accused will not
be guilty of an offence under the PCRA.
In State of Karnataka v Appu Balan,9 Justice Ramaswamy said that the judge
should be cognizant to and always keep at the back of his/her mind the
constitutional goals and the purpose of the Act. According to him, mens rea is
not an essential requirement of social legislations where there is difficulty in
proving the State of mind of the accused. He said that the courts should give the
benefit of doubt to the victim.
Though the above decision was given by the Supreme Court, the true position of
law is that mens rea is an essential ingredient in criminal offences unless it
has been expressly excluded by the statute.
Once the conditions are satisfied, the section allows the court to presume that
the offence was committed on the ground of untouchability, unless proved to the
contrary.
Self-assessment Question
6) Explain the significance of Section 12 of the PCRA.
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9
AIR 1993 SC 1126.
14
The Protection of Civil
10.7 PUNISHMENTS Rights Act, 1955 & Rules,
1977
Apart from the punishments of imprisonment and fines mentioned for the various
forms of untouchability practised, the PCRA contains provisions imposing other
punishments. These provisions are as follows:
Cancellation/suspension of licences
Section 8 empowers courts to cancel or suspend the licences of persons who
have been convicted for offences under Section 6 (refusing to sell goods or render
services). The licence includes trade, profession or employment permits. The
Court has the discretion to decide whether to cancel or suspend the licence of the
offender in addition to the punishment imposed under Section 6.
Rule 3 of the Rules under PCRA prescribes the procedure that is followed while
deciding whether a collective fine is to be imposed or not. The State Government
may appoint an officer who is not below the rank of the Sub-divisional Magistrate
for conducting an inquiry. Such officer has to issue a public notice in the local
language of the area, indicating the date, time, place and purpose of the inquiry.
The notice has to also call upon the residents of the area to furnish information
and material which is necessary for the purpose of the inquiry. The inquiry
officer should follow the procedure for summary trials as detailed in Chapter
XXI of the CrPC. S/he should complete the inquiry as expeditiously as possible
and submit the report to the State Government within six weeks.
15
Dalits and the Law Enhanced punishment on subsequent conviction
Any person who has been convicted of an offence under the PCRA, and commits
an offence under the Act again, will be punished with imprisonment for a
minimum term of six months up to a maximum term of one year, and with a fine
of a minimum of Rs. 200 up to a maximum of Rs. 500. Offenders who are
convicted for a third time or more will be punishable with imprisonment for a
minimum term of one year up to a maximum of two years, and with a fine of a
minimum of Rs. 500 up to a maximum of Rs. 1000.
Self-assessment Question
7) Apart from imprisonment and fines, what are the punishments that can
be imposed on offenders under the PCRA?
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Given below are some of the problems faced during the implementation of the
PCRA.
Registration of FIRs
i) Details
While making a complaint under the PCRA, it is mandatory for the
complainant to State his caste in the FIR. In a Supreme Court judgment,10 it
was specified that while an FIR is not an encyclopaedia of events, the basic
prosecution case had to be Stated whereby it discloses the requirement of
law which would enable the police to conduct their investigation. For
offences under the PCRA, if the complainant does not State his caste in the
FIR, then the offence cannot be registered. The caste of the accused also has
to be Stated in order to show that s/he is not a member of the Scheduled
Castes.
If the caste of the complainant is not disclosed in the FIR, the police
authorities could not be said to have any material to invoke the powers
under Chapter XII of the Criminal Procedure Code and to commence
investigation considering the complaint to be a cognizable complaint.
10
Manoj alias Bhau v State of Mali (1994) 4 SCC 268.
17
Dalits and the Law ii) Delay in filing FIR/charge-sheet
A delay in filing the FIR or charge-sheet amounts to a procedural irregularity
that can be raised by the accused as a defence to show that injustice had
been caused to him. In a case,11 a police constable had been charge-sheeted
for an offence under Section 7 (3) of the PCRA. He contended that the
charge-sheet had been filed beyond the period of limitation (6 months) under
Section 468 of the CrPC, and that the investigation had continued beyond
the stipulated 6 months without the prior sanction of the Magistrate as
required by Section 167 (5) of the CrPC and was hence, illegal. The High
Court sent the case back to the trial court to see whether additional
investigation was necessary and whether any miscarriage of justice had been
caused because of the delay in filing the charge-sheet.
The victim of untouchability has no control over the investigation beyond the
filing of the offence and testifying during the proceedings. Non-compliance or
irregularities in procedural requirements result in the loss of a remedy to the
complainant for no fault of his/hers. At the same time, the reason for specifying
such requirements is to ensure that the rights of the accused are protected and so
that s/he does not get locked up for ages without being tried. It is the responsibility
of the investigation and prosecution agencies to ensure that procedural
irregularities do not take place resulting in vitiation of proceedings to the detriment
of the complainant or violation of the rights of the accused.
Insufficient evidence
An examination of judgments under the PCRA will show that numerous cases
result in acquittal of the accused due to the lack of sufficient evidence. As a
result, the rate of conviction is low. Very often, it is difficult for the prosecution
to prove mens rea on the part of the accused as regards the commission of an
offence on the ground of untouchability. The standard of proof in criminal offences
is high as the punishments affect the life and liberty of the accused. The offences
have to be proved beyond reasonable doubt.
11
State of Maharashtra v PC Tatyaji MANU/MH/0034/1985.
12
18 Jagadeesh Ram v State of Rajasthan MANU/RH/0152/1988, 1989 CriLJ 745.
Difficulties faced by victims to prove commission of offences The Protection of Civil
Rights Act, 1955 & Rules,
The victims of untouchability are often in subjugated positions as compared to 1977
the upper caste offenders who have economic and political clout. Hence, it is
difficult for them to find witnesses to support their cases. Witnesses often turn
hostile. With the requirement of high standards of proof for criminal offences, it
is all the more difficult for victims to prove the commission of offences on the
ground of untouchability.
A major problem is that Section 12 is not taken recourse to. If the burden of
proof is shifted onto the accused, the prosecution is saved from many hassles of
getting independent witnesses who do not turn hostile.
With the enactment of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (POA), the
significance of the Protection of Civil Rights Act has receded to the background.
The number of cases registered under the PCRA has drastically reduced. Even
the treatment of offences under the PCRA when cases have been registered under
both the legislations is minimal. Yet, there are important aspects of the PCRA
(such as the shifting of the burden of proof onto the accused) that are not present
in the POA. The differences should be recognised by the enforcement authorities
so that the PCRA does not lose its utility.
There is an urgent need to strengthen the police and prosecution machinery for
better implementation of the PCRA. It is also necessary to strengthen the State
and district machinery which is responsible for enforcing the legislation. A
suggestion in this regard is to prepare a training manual that will contain simplified
explanations of the legislation and the legal procedures to be followed by the
State officials during the implementation of the legislation. It is important to
engage with other State organisations such as the NHRC, National Commissions
for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as well as NGOs and other
organisations that are working to abolish untouchability.
10.10 SUMMARY
In this unit,
We discussed the various forms of untouchability that are practised, which
constitute offences under the PCRA. We discussed the scope and applicability
of the PCRA.
We analysed the role of the Judiciary in interpreting the provisions of the
PCRA, and deciding cases under the PCRA.
We also discussed the protections that the victims of untouchability are entitled
to and the punishments that are imposed on offenders, under the PCRA.
We analysed the reasons for the inadequate implementation of the PCRA.
20
2) Sections 3 to 7 – Religious disabilities, social disabilities, discrimination in The Protection of Civil
Rights Act, 1955 & Rules,
entry to hospitals, discrimination in the sale of goods and services, and 1977
insults.
3) Discuss the following points:
Failure of the police machinery due to insufficient knowledge and lack
of will.
Errors of the court machinery.
Difficulties faced by prosecution and victims in proving offence – due
to hostile witnesses, powerlessness, corruption.
Acquittals due to insufficient evidence because of the high standards of
proof (beyond reasonable doubt) required by criminal law.
T.R. Naval, Legally combating atrocities on Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes
(New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2004).
K.D. Purane, Untouchability and the Law: The Ground Reality (New Delhi:
Gyan Publishing House, 2000).
21
Dalits and the Law
UNIT 11 THE SCHEDULED CASTES AND
SCHEDULEDTRIBES (PREVENTION
OF ATROCITIES) ACT, 1989 AND
RULES, 1995
Structure
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Objectives
11.3 Offences under the Act
11.3.1 Classification of Offences
11.3.2 Requirement of Mens Rea
11.3.3 Presumption as to Offences
11.4 Stages of a Case
11.5 Enforcement Authorities
11.6 Punishment for Offences
11.7 Rehabilitative and Preventive Measures to be taken by the State
11.8 Other Features of the Act
11.9 Comparing PCRA and POAA
11.10 Reasons for Inadequate Implementation
11.11 Summary
11.12 Terminal Questions
11.13 Answers and Hints
11.14 References and Suggested Readings
11.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous unit, you studied the provisions and working of the Protection of
Civil Rights Act, 1955 (PCRA) and the Rules, 1977 that sought to protect victims
of untouchability. Yet the Scheduled Castes (SC) became victims of increased
number of atrocities due to agrarian tensions, ineffective implementation of the
PCRA and the Minimum Wages Act, rural indebtedness, bonded labour practices
and poor implementation of various developmental measures like the allotment
of surplus land (declared as such under land ceiling laws) to members of the
Scheduled Castes.
It was also found that greater awareness of their rights among the members of
the SC and ST communities had resulted in them asserting their rights. This was
not liked by the members of the dominant castes who attacked them in order to
subjugate them. Commission of atrocities like making members of SC
communities eat human excreta and inflicting physical violence on them were
common. Existing laws like the Protection of Civil Rights Act and the Indian
Penal Code were found to be inadequate to curb the grave crimes that were
being committed against SC/ST communities. It was found necessary to enact a
special legislation to deter crimes against them.
22
The term ‘atrocity’ had not been defined in the past. It was considered necessary The Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Act, 1989
to not only define the term ‘atrocity’, but also provide for higher punishment for and Rules, 1995
committing such atrocities. This led to the enactment of the Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (POAA) in 1989. The States
and Union Territories were enjoined to take special preventive and punitive
measures to protect SC/ ST communities from being victimised, and to provide
relief and assistance to rehabilitate victims of atrocities. The legislation, in addition
to providing stringent punishments, creates special courts for the trial of offences
under the Act and also provides for the relief and rehabilitation of victims of
offences.
In this unit, we will explain the main provisions under this Act and their
interpretation by the judiciary, through examples and cases. We will also compare
this with the Protection of Civil Rights Act (PCRA).
While reading this unit, please keep a copy of the Constitution of India, as well
as the text of the SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 and the Rules,
1995 with you, so that you have a ready reference to the Articles and provisions
that are being explained. You will be required to recall the important portions of
the previous unit on the Protection of Civil Rights Act.
11.2 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit, you should be able to:
categorise the atrocities that have been listed in the SC and ST (Prevention
of Atrocities) Act, 1989;
explain the stages of a case registered under the Act;
analyse the role of the enforcement authorities;
describe the preventive, relief and rehabilitative measures to be taken by the
States;
compare the POAA with the PCRA; and
enumerate the difficulties in the working of the POAA.
Punishment for the offences mentioned above are imprisonment for a term
which shall not be less than six months, but which may extend up to five
years, as well as a fine.
2
Abdul Rasheed Siddiqui v State of MP AIR 1995 MP 138.
26
‘Forced labour’ refers to situations where persons are forced to work because The Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Act, 1989
of the threat of physical force, imprisonment or fine, or even due to hunger and Rules, 1995
or poverty. The term is used even though remuneration is paid for the work
done but is below the prescribed minimum wages.
Illustration: In a case, R had been working in S’s house for 25 years for a
payment of Rs. 1500 per year and 12 bales of paddy. R was not given holidays
and was forcibly made to work even if he was unwell. R was a landless
labourer and a member of the SC community. Unable to bear the ill-treatment
anymore, R filed a case against S under Section 3 (1) (vi). The Court upheld
his complaint.
9) Atrocities by public servants – Any public servant who commits an offence
under Section 3 will be punishable with imprisonment for a minimum term
of one year which may extend up to the punishment provided for that offence.
However, the courts cannot take cognizance of any offence by public servants
without the prior sanction of the central or State Governments.
Illustration: A and B, who were the Tahsildar and Executive Officer of a
Notified Area Council of the Orissa Administrative Service Class, were
charged with the offence of abusing X and Y during the demolition of
unauthorised constructions under Section 3 (1) (x). The High Court held
that the A and B had acted in excess of their official duties. However, since
they were public servants on official duty, they were entitled to the protection
under Section 197 of the CrPC which requires the prior sanction of the central
or State Government as the case may be. The High Court found that the State
Government had not given any permission for the court to initiate prosecution
against the officials. As a result, no case could proceed against them.
Activity 1
List 5 atrocities that have been committed against members of SC/ST
communities that have been reported in the newspapers.
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27
Dalits and the Law 11.3.3 Presumption as to Offences
Section 8 States as follows:
a) During the prosecution for an offence under the POAA, if it is proved that a
person rendered any financial assistance to a person accused of committing
an offence under the Act, the Special Court shall presume that such person
had abetted the offence. The burden of proving that there was no abetment
will be on the person accused of having abetted such offence.
b) During the prosecution for an offence under this Act, if the offence has been
committed by a group of people and if it is proved that the offence was a
sequel to any dispute regarding land or any other matter, it will be presumed
that the offence was committed in furtherance of a common intention.
Self-assessment Questions
1) M who does not belong to the SC/ST community abused N who belonged
to the ST community. The incident took place in M’s house around
midnight. Can an offence be made out against M?
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..................................................................................................................
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..................................................................................................................
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2) X, with the intention of harassing Y, a member of the SC community, files
a suit against him alleging that he had borrowed money from him but had
not repaid even after the specified time for repayment had lapsed. Y files
a counter complaint against X under Section 3 (1) (viii).
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3) D and E were neighbours who used to often quarrel with each other about
the boundaries of their land. D was a member of the SC community
whereas E belonged to an upper caste community. One day, the quarrel
between them turned nasty and D and E started physically beating the
other. Filthy abuses were exchanged. E then referred to D’s caste. D filed
a case against E under Section 3 (1) (x) of the POAA. E approaches you
for legal advice.
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28
The Scheduled Castes and
11.4 STAGES OF A CASE Scheduled Tribes Act, 1989
and Rules, 1995
1) Complaint to Police – When a complaint or information is given to the
police, Rule 5 (1) of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules will apply
whereby the information given to the officer in charge of a police station
will be put down in writing, and will be read out to the complainant/
informant. Once the information has been noted down, it has to be signed
by the informant, and the substance of the complaint is to be entered in a
book maintained by the police station. A copy of the recorded complaint
will be given to the informant free of cost.
If the officer at the police station refuses to record the complaint, then Rule
5 (3) of the POAA States that the aggrieved informant can send the substance
of the complaint, in writing, to the Superintendent of Police. The
Superintendent of Police after conducting an investigation should make an
order to the officer who refused to register the complaint directing him to
record the complaint in the book to be maintained by the police station.
Rule 12 (2) says that the Superintendent will have to ensure that the First
Information Report (FIR) is registered in the book of the concerned police
station.
The complainant has another remedy in case of failure of a police officer to
register an offence under the POAA. S/he can file a complaint directly before
a Magistrate under Section 190 (1) (a), CrPC. The Magistrate can either
direct a police investigation under S. 156 or proceed with the case under S.
200, CrPC.
2) Investigation – Rule 7 (1) says that an offence committed under the POAA
is to be investigated by a police officer who is not below the rank of a
Deputy Superintendent of Police. The Deputy Superintendent has to appoint
an Investigating Officer after making a spot investigation. The Investigation
Officer has to complete the investigation within 30 days and submit the
report to the Superintendent of Police who will then submit the report to the
Director-General of Police. The Home Secretary and the Social Welfare
Secretary, the Director of Prosecution and the Director-General of Police
shall review the position of investigations at the end of every three months.
The provisions of Chapter XII of the CrPC relating to investigation, which
are not inconsistent with the provisions of the POAA and the Rules, will
apply to investigation of offences under the Act. Under the CrPC,
investigation consists of the following steps:
i) Proceeding to the spot.
ii) Ascertainment of facts and circumstances of the case.
iii) Discovery and arrest of the suspects.
iv) Gathering evidence relating to the offence such as examination of
persons connected to the commission of the offence, search of places
related to the offence and seizure of items needed to be produced at the
trial.
v) Deciding whether the accused needs to be brought before a Magistrate
for trial and if so, then to take the necessary steps for the same by filing
a charge-sheet. 29
Dalits and the Law After completing the investigation, the police officer files a report under S.
173 (2) of the CrPC. The report is either a charge-sheet or a final (closure)
report. If it is a charge-sheet, then the Magistrate can take cognizance of the
matter under S. 190 (1) of the CrPC and direct issue of process against the
accused. It is important to note that the Magistrate cannot issue process
against persons who may have been named as accused persons in the
FIR but who have not been charge-sheeted. However, if a stage under S.
3193 of the CrPC arrives when some evidence would be recorded, the Special
Judge can proceed against those who have not been charge-sheeted, if the
evidence indicates collusion of those persons.
Even if the report is a closure report, the Magistrate can take cognizance of
the case under Section 190 (1) (b) of the CrPC. It is not necessary for the
Magistrate to take cognizance of the offence only if the Investigating Officer
concludes that a case has been made out against the accused. S/he can ignore
the findings of the Officer and independently apply her/his mind to the facts
that emerged from the investigation and take cognizance of the case.
After the accused appears in response to the process issued to him/her, the
Magistrate has to provide him/her with a copy of the police report and other
papers detailed in Section 207, if the case has been instituted on the basis of
a police report. If the case has been instituted on the basis of a complaint,
then the Magistrate has to provide the accused with a copy of the Statements
of all persons examined under Section 200 or Section 202, and copies of
Statements and documents in Section 208. The Magistrate then commits
the case to the Court of Sessions.
In cases under the POAA, offences are usually made out under the IPC as
well. However, the Magistrate is not allowed to split up the case and commit
only a part of it to the Special Court (Court of Sessions). The whole case
has to be committed to the Special Court.
4) Trial – All offences under Section 3 of the POAA are triable as warrant
cases and all offences under Sections 4 and 13 are triable as summons cases.
The Special Court cannot take cognizance of cases as a Court of original
3
Section 319 empowers the Court to proceed against other persons who appear to be guilty of
an offence.
30
jurisdiction. Cases have to be committed to it under Section 193. However, The Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Act, 1989
in case a Sessions Court has taken cognizance of a case under the POAA and Rules, 1995
without a committal order, the accused has to raise objections to the
procedural irregularity at the earliest stage itself and not during the conclusion
of the proceedings. This is necessary to avoid a repetition of the entire trial
after the committal order is given.
A Special Court receives cases under the POAA as well as connected offences
from the committing Magistrate without any charges. The Special Judge
has to decide whether to discharge the accused or to frame charges. The
Judge will have to record the particulars in the charges keeping in mind the
provisions of Chapter XVII of the CrPC to decide whether charges may be
joined and tried at one trial and whether the offenders may be joined in the
same case.
Self-assessment Questions
4) S, a college student, who was a member of the ST community, was
molested by T, a student in the same college, who did not belong to the
SC/ST community. S filed a case under Section 3 (xi) of the POAA. The
police conducted an investigation and filed a charge-sheet before the
Sessions Court in the district. What procedure should be followed by the
Special Court in deciding the case?
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Since the POAA does not enable Special Courts to take cognizance of cases,
the general procedure under the Code of Criminal Procedure has to be
followed. Section 193 of the CrPC says that only a Magistrate of first class
can take cognizance of cases. It should be noted that the Court of Sessions
will not be able to take cognizance of any offence under the POAA unless
the case has been committed to it by the competent Magistrate. The
Judge of the Special Court will have to return the complaint or challan for
presentation before the competent Magistrate.
The Special Court has exclusive jurisdiction in respect of offences under the
Act. No other court can conduct trial of such offences.
The District Magistrate and the Director of Prosecution have to review the
performance of the Special Public Prosecutors and submit a report to the
State Government at least twice a year. If the State Government feels that a
particular Public Prosecutor has not conducted a case properly with the
necessary care and caution, it can remove him from the post after giving
reasons.
The District Magistrate and the officer in charge of prosecution have to review
the progress of cases registered under the Act and submit a monthly report to
the State Government.
33
Dalits and the Law
11.6 PUNISHMENT FOR OFFENCES
Punishment for neglect of duties
Section 4 of the POAA punishes the wilful neglect of duties by public servants
who do not belong to the SC/ST community, with a minimum term of
imprisonment of six months up to a maximum of one year. The term ‘duty’
refers to an act which an officer is required to perform under the POAA. The
word ‘wilful’ connotes an act which is done intentionally and which does not
have any lawful excuse.
Illustration: In a case under the POAA, the Investigating Officer forwarded his
report to the Superintendent of Police recommending that the case was of a civil
nature and that the closure report should be made. The closure report was
submitted with the Superintendent’s approval. The Magistrate took cognizance
against the Investigating Officer and the Superintendent for an offence under
Section 4. The High Court did not accept the Magistrate’s view on the ground
that the POAA does not provide any procedure for investigation of cases. By
virtue of Section 4 (2) of the CrPC, offences are required to be investigated,
enquired into, tried or otherwise dealt with according to the provisions of the
CrPC except where the CrPC is superseded by a provision in a Special Act (in
this case the POAA). Hence the submission of the final report was not part of
any duty required to be performed under the POAA.
34
The Scheduled Castes and
11.7 REHABILITATIVE AND PREVENTIVE Scheduled Tribes Act, 1989
and Rules, 1995
MEASURES TO BE TAKEN BY THE STATE
Relief and Rehabilitation measures to be taken by the District Administration
Under Rule 12 of the SC/ST (POAA) Rules, the Police Officers and Magistrates
have to take certain measures that have been enumerated below:
i) The District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police have to visit the place
where the atrocity was committed to assess the loss of life and damage to
property. They have to prepare a list of the names of the victims, their family
members and their dependants who are entitled to relief.
ii) The Superintendent of Police has to ensure that a First Information Report
is lodged in the concerned police station. He has to appoint an Investigation
Officer, deploy police officers in the area and take such other preventive
steps that he deems necessary.
iii) The District Magistrate, Sub-Divisional Magistrate or any other Executive
Magistrate has to make arrangements to provide immediate relief in cash or
in kind or both to the victims of atrocity, dependants and their family
members. The amount of compensation payable is to be calculated in
accordance with the figures given in the schedules in Annexures I and III.
Immediate relief also includes food, water, clothing, shelter, medical aid,
transport facilities and other items essential for human beings.
iv) It is important to note that the immediate relief provided to the victims
of atrocities is in addition to any other rights to claim compensation
under any other law.
v) The concerned Magistrate has to send a report of the relief and rehabilitation
facilities that were provided to the victims of atrocities. If the Special Court
finds that compensation was not paid or that insufficient compensation was
paid to the victims of atrocities and their dependants, it can order that the
due payment be made.
The Special Court has to communicate to the person to whom the order is to be
issued, the contents of the order along with the grounds on which the order has
been made. Such person can make a representation against the order to the Special
Court within 30 days from the date of the order. The Special Court can revoke or
modify the order based on the representation.
Section 11 says that if the person either fails to obey the externment order or
enters into the specified area before the completion of the period of the externment
35
Dalits and the Law order without the permission of the Special Court, the Special Court can order
for the arrest and removal of such person outside the specified area.
The provisions of the CrPC, that is, Chapter VII (Sections 106 to 124) dealing
with security for keeping peace and good behaviour, Chapter X dealing with
maintenance of public order and tranquillity (Sections 129 to 148) and Chapter
XI dealing with preventive action of police (Sections 149 to 153) may apply to
Section 17.
Rule 3 of the ST/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules lists various measures that
have to be adopted by a State Government for taking precautions to prevent the
commission of atrocities. Some of the measures are:
Identification of atrocity prone areas.
Ordering the District Magistrate, Superintendent of Police or any other officer
to visit the identified area and review the law and order situation.
Cancellation of the arms licenses of persons who are not members of the
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, as well as of their relations, friends
and employees, if it is deemed to be necessary.
Seizure of illegal fire arms and prohibition of the manufacture of fire arms.
Periodic surveys of the working of the Act to identify methods for better
enforcement.
Self-assessment Question
6) What are the various preventive and precautionary measures that have to
be taken by the State Government to check atrocities against SC/ST
communities?
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..................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................
However, some courts have said that it is their duty to conduct a judicial scrutiny
to ensure that the provisions of S. 18 are not misused. Hence, they have held that
37
Dalits and the Law an application for anticipatory bail can be entertained if the POAA is not
applicable, which has to be ascertained from the facts of the case from the First
Information Report. The court will have to look at the true nature of the contents
of the charge, and examine whether the ingredients of the offence under the
POAA have been made out or not.4
4
N.B Gungarakoppa v State of Karnataka AIR 2002 Kant 2038.
38
crime model are heavier punishments for offenders. Other strict provisions include The Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Act, 1989
the denial of anticipatory bail and probation to offenders, cancellation of arms and Rules, 1995
licences of the accused, externment of potential offenders and empowering special
courts to attach and forfeit property.
It provides a stricter punishment for public servants who have committed offences
under the legislation. The POAA also penalises public servants for neglecting
duties that are to be carried out by them.
The PCRA does not contain any provisions penalising officers for neglecting
their duties but only has a provision which punishes public servants for abetting
an offence.
The PCRA contains provisions that impose sanctions on offenders such as Section
8 which cancels/suspends licences of persons who commit offences under Section
6, and like Section 9 which suspends grants to managers or trustees of a public
institution or place of worship who are guilty of offences under the Act.
Compensation
A significant feature of the POAA is its provision on compensation for victims
or their legal heirs. The Rules framed under the legislation mandate the prescribed
authorities to provide immediate relief in cash or in kind. The amount of
compensation payable varies from Rs. 25,000 to Rs. 2,00,000 depending on the
gravity of the atrocity.
The PCRA does not have any provision for paying compensation.
Special Courts/Prosecution Machinery
The POAA provides for the establishment of special courts for the speedy trial
of offences under the Act. It also provides for the appointment of Special Public
Prosecutors to conduct the trial of offences under the Act in the special courts.
Abysmal rates of conviction – Judicial delay is one reason for the low rate
of convictions. In most States, the existing Sessions Courts have been
designated as special courts as a result of which sessions courts’ are
overburdened with loads of cases. As a result, Judges are unable to provide
adequate attention to all the cases. The gap between the time when the case
was registered, and the actual hearing of the case, results in the intimidation
of the witnesses. Witness turn hostile and the accused get acquitted for
unsatisfactory evidence.
Multiplicity of authorities – The POAA and Rules under the Act create
numerous authorities with overlapping functions. They are not accountable
to anybody. As a result, it is very difficult to pin the blame of improper
implementation of the legislation onto any single authority. Yet resources
are spent on creating numerous authorities.
Self-assessment Question
7) What are the reasons for the shortcomings in the implementation of the
POAA?
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40
The Scheduled Castes and
11.11 SUMMARY Scheduled Tribes Act, 1989
and Rules, 1995
In this unit,
We examined the roles of the various authorities that have been set up under
the POAA.
We analysed the differences between the PCRA and the POAA, and the
reasons for the higher number of cases registered under the POAA.
3) Which are the various authorities that have been created under the SC/ST
(Prevention of Atrocities) Act? Discuss their functions.
4) What are the kinds of relief and rehabilitation measures provided to victims
of atrocities? Are they dependant on the outcome of the cases registered
under the POAA? Also discuss the preventive measures that have to be taken
by the State to prevent the commission of atrocities against SC/ST
communities.
5) What are the salient differences between the Protection of Civil Rights Act
and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act? Do you think both legislations
should co-exist in their current form? Give reasons for your answer.
Once the officers authorised under the POAA are satisfied, after an inquiry,
that there is sufficient ground for taking preventive measures, they have
to declare the area to be an area prone to atrocities, and take necessary
action for maintaining peace, public order and tranquillity. Such action
can be taken as per the provisions in Chapters VII, X and XI of the CrPC.
12.1 INTRODUCTION
Manual scavenging and bonded labour are practices of labour that are usually
suffered by the dalits because of their exclusion from the caste hierarchy. These
practices have been prevalent for a long span of time but were legislated upon
much after the Constitution came into force. Both manual scavengers and bonded
labourers are vulnerable to exploitation because of their low bargaining power
vis-à-vis their employers, and their inability to find alternative sources of
livelihood.
In this unit, we will explain the main provisions of the Employment of Manual
Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993 (we will
refer to it as ‘the Act’), through examples and case law, and examine the
implementation of the legislation. We will discuss the main provisions of the
Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 in the next unit.
While reading this unit, please keep a copy of the Constitution of India, as well
as the texts of the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry
Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993 with you, so that you have a ready reference to
the provisions that are being explained.
44
The Employment of Manual
12.2 OBJECTIVES Scavengers and
Construction of Dry
After going through this unit, you should be able to: Latrines (Prohibition) Act,
1983
explain the practice of manual scavenging;
discuss the scope of the legislation prohibiting manual scavenging;
describe the role of the judiciary in interpreting the Act; and
identify the problems faced in the implementation of the Act.
In India, manual scavenging is carried out by the dalits as they are at the bottom
of the caste hierarchy. The communities that are forced into the occupation of
manual scavenging are Han, Hadi in Bengal; Balmiki, Dhanuk in Uttar Pradesh;
Methar, Bhangi in Assam; Methar in Hyderabad; Paki in coastal Andhra Pradesh;
Thotti in Tamil Nadu and Kerala; Mira, Lalbhegi, Chuhura in Punjab; and Bhangi,
Balmiki, Chuhura in Delhi.
Manual scavengers earn anything between Rs. 20 to Rs. 160 a month. Due to the
nature of their work, they are prone to serious bacterial and viral infections that
affect their skin, eyes, limbs, respiratory and gastrointestinal systems. They are
not given adequate protection such as gloves, scrappers or even footwear. As per
official estimates, there are 7,70,338 manual scavengers in India, 1 whereas
unofficial figures suggest that their number could be as high as12 lakhs, of which
95% are dalits. Reports also suggest that their number has increased in the last
few years.2
1
Ashok Bharti, ‘Stuck in a Hole’, Counter Currents, February 2008. <http://
www.countercurrents.org/bharti110208.htm>
2
V. Venkatesan, ‘A case for human dignity’, Frontline, Volume 22, 04-17 June, 2005. <http:/
/www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2212/stories/20050617004311400.htm> 45
Dalits and the Law for eradicating manual scavenging. It now claims that a proposal to install sealed
latrines is ‘under consideration’ and that it will try out different technologies
such as biological/vacuum/filtration. However, it has not set any deadline to do
so as a result of which it continues to employ manual scavengers.
Tasks such as picking up night soil, leather work, removing dead cattle and other
lowly jobs were considered inferior because of the nature of the work. The people
who performed these jobs were also considered inferior. Such tasks were supposed
to be done by communities that were at the bottom of the caste hierarchy. These
communities were considered impure, were segregated from the other higher
castes and came to be considered as ‘untouchables’. The word asprsya, meaning
untouchable, was used for the first time in Visnusmriti. The Visnusmriti prescribed
the death penalty for any member of the untouchable castes who deliberately
touched members belonging to the upper castes. The upper castes were forbidden
from dining with the lower castes and there was a taboo on inter-caste marriage.
The upper castes were prohibited from performing forms of labour usually
performed by the untouchables, as they would lead to impurity of one form or
the other.
Self-assessment Question
1) What is manual scavenging? Why has the practice persisted for so many
years?
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3
S. Vishwanathan, ‘Exposing an abhorrent practice’, The Hindu, Volume 23, 11-24 February,
2006. http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2303/stories/20060224000808000.htm
4
Ashok Bharti, ‘Stuck in a Hole’, Counter Currents, February 2008. <http://
www.countercurrents.org/bharti110208.htm>
47
Dalits and the Law of the Act was in progress, a huge centrally-sponsored programme had been
undertaken in all the States to convert dry latrines into water-seal latrines and to
construct water-seal latrines. Once a State completed the programme, it declared
itself as a ‘manual scavenger free’ State. The Act supplemented the programme
by punishing the construction or maintenance of dry latrines.
The legislators felt that the existing municipal laws were not stringent enough to
eliminate the practice of manual scavenging. However, since the subject matter
‘manual scavenging’ fell under the State List, a central legislation for the whole
of India could not be passed without the State legislatures passing the necessary
resolutions. The States of Goa, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Tripura and West Bengal
have passed the required resolutions.
48
Technical or financial assistance for low cost sanitation to local bodies or The Employment of Manual
Scavengers and
other agencies. Construction of Dry
Construction and maintenance of community latrines and regulation of their Latrines (Prohibition) Act,
1983
use on a ‘pay and use’ basis.
Construction and maintenance of shared latrines in slum areas or for the
benefit of socially and economically backward classes.
Registration and rehabilitation of manual scavengers.
Procedure for conversion of dry latrines into water seal latrines.
Licensing for collection of fees in connection with community or shared
latrines.
Jurisdiction of Courts
Only courts of a Metropolitan Magistrate or a Judicial Magistrate of the first
class or higher in hierarchy can try offences under the Act. Prosecution for
offences under the Act can be initiated only by the Executive Authority or
with the prior sanction of the Executive Authority. Hence the court cannot
take cognizance of any offence under the Act unless the complaint has been
made by a person who has been authorised to do so by the Executive Authority
(Section 17). Section 16 of the Act makes all offences under this Act cognizable.
Section 18 imposes a limitation on the time period during which a complaint can
be filed. The complaint has to be made within 3 months from the date on which
the alleged commission of the offence came to the knowledge of the complainant.
Self-assessment Question
2) ABC is an NGO that works to protect dalit rights. It finds that the residents
of an apartment periodically engage persons belonging to the Scheduled
Caste to manually remove human excreta from the drains of the apartment.
ABC files a case against the residents of the apartment. Will the case be
maintainable?
..................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................
49
Dalits and the Law Section 10 requires the Executive Authority to prevent environmental pollution
by taking action under the Act and by directing the owner or occupier of the
premises to take remedial measures within a stipulated time period. If the owner
or occupier does not take remedial action, then the Executive Authority can cause
such action to be taken at the cost of the owner or occupier.
Inspectors
Section 9 empowers a State Government to appoint inspectors and to define the
jurisdiction of their work. The inspector will be subordinate to the Executive
Authority created under Section 5. The inspector has to discharge any functions
that have been entrusted to him/her by the Executive Authority. The inspector
has to assess whether the provisions of the Act, and the rules and schemes made
under the Act have been complied with. The inspector also has to discharge the
function of examining and testing latrines, and of inspecting any buildings where
s/he has reason to believe that an offence under the Act has been or is about to be
committed.
Committees
The Central Government may constitute Project Committees for appraising
schemes for the construction of water-seal latrines in the country. It may also
constitute Monitoring Committees to monitor the progress of such schemes.
5
“Eliminate dry latrines for manual scavenging to go: Meira”, The Hindu, June 14, 2008, http:/
/www.thehindu.com/2008/06/14/stories/2008061451021300.htm 51
Dalits and the Law has failed to achieve its objectives even after ten years of implementation
involving investments of more than Rs. 600 crores. The grant given by the
centre to the States had ‘gone, literally, down the latrine’. The CAG report
held the Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment responsible for delaying
the disbursement of funds to the Scheduled Caste Development Financial
Corporations, and for having ‘hardly any workable monitoring machinery at
the Ministry, State and District levels’. The loan rejection percentages were
high in States. The CAG report said that it was unreasonable to expect a
poor and illiterate scavenger to comply with the rigours of project financing.
Failure to utilise the law: The CAG report said that the main drawback of
the schemes was their failure to employ the law, that is, the Employment of
Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines Prohibition Act. One
of the reasons for the non-utilisation of the law could be the procedural
requirement of prior sanction of the Executive Authority for filing a case.
Uncertainty regarding number of manual scavengers: There is uncertainty
regarding the number of manual scavengers as defined in the Act. The proper
identification of manual scavengers is necessary for their rehabilitation and
in order to ascertain the magnitude of the problem.
Inadequate prohibitions in legislation: The Act does not prohibit the
employment of manual scavengers and the construction of dry latrines
directly. The State Governments are required to give a notice of 90 days of
their intention to bring the Act into force in their respective States. Also, the
State can make the Act applicable only if adequate facilities for the use of
water-seal latrines exist, or if it is necessary or expedient to do so for the
protection and improvement of the environment or public health in that area.
As a result of the mildness of the Act, many States have not yet adopted the Act
and many who have adopted the Act have not enforced its provisions to achieve
the intended results.
Self-assessment Question
3) Discuss the reasons for the persistent continuation of the practice of
manual scavenging despite the existence of the Employment of Manual
Scavengers & Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act.
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The Navsarjan Trust based in Ahmedabad has been working to eradicate the
practice of manual scavenging in Gujarat since 1996. Its activities include filing
cases under the Employment of Manual Scavengers & Construction of Dry
Latrines (Prohibition) Act, putting pressure on the Government to rehabilitate
manual scavengers, working to gain arable land for scavengers through
government programmes, running life insurance programmes for the scavengers
and developing ecological sanitation facilities that eliminate the need for manual
scavenging.
In 2003, a public interest petition was filed by the Safai Karamchari Andolan in
the Supreme Court. It highlighted the fact that the practice of manual scavenging
persists in many States, and particularly in public sectors like the Indian railways.
The petitioners sought the enforcement of fundamental right of persons engaged
in this practice guaranteed under Article 17, read with Articles 14, 19 and 21. It
asked the Supreme Court to issue time-bound directions to the Union of India
and the various States to take effective steps to eliminate the practice of manual
scavenging, and to formulate and implement comprehensive plans for
rehabilitation of all persons employed as manual scavengers.
Most States denied the existence of manual scavengers and said that they had all
been rehabilitated in alternative employment. The Supreme Court admonished
the States but even after that, the States filed affidavits claiming that there were
no dry latrines or manual scavengers in their States. The Delhi Government even
accused Safai Karamchari Andolan of levelling false allegations against the
government without verifying facts.
The Supreme Court got impatient with the dilatory and insensitive responses of
the States and the centre and issued an interim order directing every department
of the central and State Governments to file an affidavit within six months through
a senior officer who would take personal responsibility for verifying the facts. If
the affidavit admitted that manual scavengers were used by a department or
public undertaking, then it should specify a time period with targets for
rehabilitating all manual scavengers.
12.11 SUMMARY
In this unit,
We examined the nature of the inhuman practice of manual scavenging and
the reasons for its persistence.
We analysed the provisions of the Employment of Manual Scavengers &
Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act pertaining to the offences
punishable by the legislation, the duties of the State in implementing the
legislation and the schemes for rehabilitation of manual scavengers. 53
Dalits and the Law We discussed the shortcomings of the legislation, and the efforts that have
been made by organisations for the abolition of manual scavenging and the
rehabilitation of manual scavengers.
V. Venkatesan, ‘A case for human dignity’, Frontline, Volume 22, 04-17 June,
2005. <http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2212/stories/20050617004311400.
htm>
55
Dalits and the Law
UNIT 13 THE BONDED LABOUR SYSTEM
(ABOLITION) ACT, 1976
Structure
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Objectives
13.3 What is Bonded Labour?
13.4 Legislative History
13.5 Salient Features of the Act
13.6 Implementing Authorities
13.7 Offences and Punishments
13.8 Measures taken by the Central and State Governments
13.9 Role of the Supreme Court
13.10 Hurdles in Implementation
13.11 Summary
13.12 Terminal Questions
13.13 Answers and Hints
13.14 References and Suggested Readings
13.1 INTRODUCTION
Bonded labour is a practice of labour that has been prevalent for long and is
usually suffered by the dalits because of their exclusion from the caste hierarchy.
Like manual scavengers, bonded labourers too are vulnerable to exploitation
because of their low bargaining power vis-à-vis their employers, and their inability
to find alternative sources of livelihood.
In this unit, we will explain the main provisions of the Bonded Labour System
(Abolition) Act, 1976 (we will refer to it as ‘the Act’), through examples and
case law, and examine the implementation of the legislation.
While reading this unit, please keep a copy of the Constitution of India, as well
as the text of the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 with you, so that
you have a ready reference to the provisions that are being explained.
13.2 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit, you should be able to:
explain the practice of bonded labour;
discuss the scope of the legislation abolishing bonded labour;
describe the role of the judiciary in interpreting the Act; and
identify the problems faced in the implementation of the Act.
56
The Bonded Labour System
13.3 WHAT IS BONDED LABOUR? (Abolition) Act, 1976
The system of bonded labour originated from the uneven social structure that
was characterised by feudal and semi-feudal conditions. It is linked to broader
socio-economic problems of surplus labour, unemployment/underemployment,
unequal distribution of land and assets, low wages, distress migration and social
customs. Small and marginal farmers and rural artisans became landless labourers
and were forced into debt because of insufficient means of livelihood. After
independence, when the zamindari system was abolished, the rent collecting
intermediaries became the land owners by showing themselves as self-cultivating
farmers. This resulted in the eviction of thousands of tenants, who were compelled
to work for landlords who owned the lands.
The practice of bonded labour is directly linked to the caste system. Since the
people at the lowest end of the caste hierarchy do not have access to resources,
they are left to the mercy of the upper caste land owners for employment and
money. Also, since impoverished people do not possess land or any other property,
they are unable to provide any security to credit institutions and cannot borrow
money from them. As a result, they are forced to approach money lenders and
landlords in their villages. There are many instances where the money lenders
exploit the illiteracy of the debtors and fraudulently charge more interest than is
actually due and enter false figures in their records.
The system of bonded labour does not exist only in the occupation of agriculture
but is also prevalent in industries, particularly the plantation, mining, construction
and stone quarrying industries. Women and children are more vulnerable in the
bonded labour system as they are subjected to excessive workloads. They are
also prone to physical and sexual abuse. Sometimes, women are bought and sold
when their employer-creditor transfers the debt to somebody else. The women
are never given a choice when they are bought or sold.1 There are situations of
forced prostitution called the chukri system where women are made to work in a
brothel for a year or more to pay off a supposed debt to the brothel owner for
living expenses.
1
GS, Ajitha, Bonded Labour flourishes in new economy, Women’s Feature Service, http://
www.boloji.com/wfs3/wfs397.htm
57
Dalits and the Law
Self-assessment Question
1) What is the bonded labour system? What are the reasons for its existence?
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In 1862, the Indian Penal Code was enacted which included Section 374 that
made buying, selling and or/possessing slaves a punishable offence. The
legislation prohibited unlawful compulsion and taking of a person against his/
her will. In 1930, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) adopted the Forced
Labour Convention. The government of India asked the provincial governments
to give practical effect to the recommendations. Many provinces abolished forced
labour and enacted legislations in furtherance of the same. Though laws were
enacted to regulate bonded labour, no substantial action was taken to eradicate
the practice. As a result, the practice of bonded labour continued to exist.
During the drafting of the Indian Constitution, the framers considered forced
labour to be violative of human dignity and liberty. Article 23 was introduced
which prohibits traffic in human beings and begar and similar forms of labour.
Any contravention of the provision was made an offence punishable by law.
Despite the constitutional prohibitions on forced labour and enactments by the
States to abolish the practice, the system of bonded labour continued to exist and
the measures remained symbolic. During Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s tenure as Prime
Minister, the issue of bonded labour was included in the Twenty-Point Programme.
The fifth point of the Programme said: ‘bonded labour, wherever it exists will be
declared illegal’. In order to implement the fifth point, the Bonded Labour System
(Abolition) Act, 1976 was passed. The Act was enacted with the object of giving
effect to Article 23 of the Constitution.
The Supreme Court recognised this difficulty and expanded the meaning of the
term ‘bonded labour’ in Bandhua Mukti Morcha v Union of India.2 The court
said, “Whenever it is shown a labourer is made to provide forced labour, the
court would raise a presumption that he is required to do so in consideration of
an advance or other economic consideration received by him and he is therefore
a bonded labourer.”
It is difficult for the bonded labourer to prove that he had taken any advance
from his employer, as the records are either in the custody of the employer or are
absent. Since bonded labour is an offence, employers deny having given any
economic consideration to the labourer. Hence, the presumption shifts the burden
of proving the existence of an economic consideration from the bonded labourer
to the employer.
At this juncture, it is necessary to pay attention to a related section, that is, Section
15. According to this section, whenever a bonded labourer or a Vigilance
Committee claims a debt to be a bonded debt, the burden of proof does not lie on
them but shifts to the employer-creditor to show that the debt was not a bonded
debt.
Section 2 (i) defines ‘nominal wages’ to be the minimum wages fixed by the
government by law, or the wages that are normally paid for the same or similar
labour in the same locality where no minimum wages have been fixed.
2
AIR 1984 SC 802. 59
Dalits and the Law some compulsion which drives him to work. The compulsion under which he
acts is of many kinds – physical force, fear of imprisonment or fine, or economic
force (force of hunger or starving children).
Hence, the bonded labour system includes situations where a person provides
labour or service for a consideration that is below the prescribed minimum wages.4
This interpretation emphasises that the debtor-creditor relationship need not be
present in all kinds of bonded labour.
In 1985, an amendment was made to the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act
whereby an explanation was added to Section 2 (g) to include migrant workers
and contract workers as defined under the Inter-State Migrant Workmen
(Regulation of Employment & Conditions of Service) Act, 1979 and the Contract
Labour (Regulation & Abolition) Act, 1970 respectively, who were being treated
like bonded labourers.
Section 4 prohibits persons from giving loans to any persons through the system
of bonded labour. It also prohibits persons from compelling any person to provide
bonded labour. Section 5 declares any custom, tradition, contract, agreement or
other instrument which requires any person to do work as bonded labour, as void
and inoperative.
Sub-sections (4) and (5) restore the possession of movable goods or immovable
property to the bonded labourers, which had been attached and kept in court
3
(1982) 3 SCC 235 at 259.
4
60 Neeraja Chaudhary v State of Madhya Pradesh (1984) 3 SCC 243.
custody or which had been taken over by the employer-creditor for recovery of The Bonded Labour System
(Abolition) Act, 1976
the bonded debt. Sub-section (6) allows freed bonded labourers to apply to the
prescribed authority for restoration of possession of their property after the lapse
of 30 days from the date of commencement of the Act.
Sub section (10) declares that every bonded labourer who has been arrested for
non-repayment of the bonded debt shall be released from detention.
Self-assessment Questions
2) What are the various entitlements of bonded labourers under the
Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act?
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3) Q paid Rs. 1500, Rs. 2200 and Rs. 3100 as an advance, to a couple to
hire the services of their children (aged above 14 years) to graze his
cattle. The children were given clothes and food. The Deputy
Commissioner rescued the children from Q and filed a case against
him under Section 16 of the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act.
Q contended that he had not practised bonded labour. Q approaches
you for legal advice. What advice will you give him?
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61
Dalits and the Law
13.6 IMPLEMENTING AUTHORITIES
District Magistrate – Under Section 10 of the Act, a State Government can
confer the District Magistrate with such powers as are necessary to carry out the
provisions of the Act.
Section 11 specifies the duties that are to be discharged by the District Magistrate.
Such duties include the promotion of welfare of the freed bonded labourers by
ensuring them credit facilities so that they are not forced into situations of forced
labour again. Though the section has been worded in mandatory terms by using
the word ‘shall’, it takes practical considerations into account and says that the
District Magistrates “…shall as far as practicable, try to promote the welfare of
the freed bonded labourers… .”
5
Govind Shanwar Chatal v Dattatraya Waman Bhanushali 1992 Cri LJ 1228 (MANU/MH/
62 0158/1991).
The Bonded Labour System
Self-assessment Questions (Abolition) Act, 1976
4) P, a bonded labourer, files a case against Q, his employer, for keeping
him in bondage and not paying him any wages. The police conduct an
investigation and file a charge-sheet before the Executive Magistrate of
the District. The Executive Magistrate hears the matter and decides in
favour of the bonded labourer. On appeal, Q contends that the order was
bad in law as the Executive Magistrate was not empowered to try the
case. What is the true position of law?
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Extracting bonded labour – Any person who enforces any custom, tradition,
contract, agreement or other instrument to extract bonded labour from a person,
or from a member of his family, is punishable with imprisonment for up to three
years, and a fine up to Rs. 2000. Out of the fine paid by the offender, the bonded
labourer will be paid Rs. 5 per day for the labour extracted from him. 63
Dalits and the Law Failure to restore possession of property to freed bonded labourers – Section
19 says that if a person, who is required to restore possession of any property to
a freed bonded labourer, fails to do so within a period of 30 days from the
commencement of the Act, he shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term
of up to one year, and/or with a fine up to Rs. 1000. Out of the fine paid by the
offender, the bonded labourer will be paid Rs. 5 per day for the labour extracted
from him.
The Union Ministry of Labour issued guidelines to all the States to formulate
rehabilitation schemes on a matching grant basis. Rehabilitation has the following
features:
It is not enough to provide physical and economic rehabilitation.
Psychological rehabilitation must be provided as well.
Physical and economic rehabilitation has 15 components including allotment
of house-sites and agricultural land, land development, provision of low-
cost dwelling units, provision of credit, training for acquiring new skills,
promoting traditional arts and crafts, provision of wage employment and
enforcement of minimum wages, medical care, supply of essential
commodities and education for the children of freed bonded labourers.
Integration of central and State schemes for better rehabilitation of freed
bonded labourers. This is necessary to avoid duplication of schemes and to
ensure that the funds are properly channelised for the various components
of rehabilitation schemes.
During the preparation of the schemes for rehabilitation, the bonded labourers
must be given the choice to opt for particular programmes so that the schemes
meet all the requirements of the freed bonded labourers thus ensuring that
they are not forced into bondage again.
Self-assessment Question
6) Do you think the Supreme Court has strengthened the provisions of the
Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act? Give reasons.
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6
(1984) 3 SCC 243. 65
Dalits and the Law
13.10 HURDLES IN IMPLEMENTATION
Constitution of very few vigilance committees – Though Vigilance Committees
have to be constituted in districts and sub-divisions, very few have actually been
constituted, of which many are not operative.
The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act does not specify the kind of
rehabilitation measures that have to be provided to the freed bonded labourers.
The implementation of the legislation has been left to the concerned government.
Though many bonded labourers have said that they want land based rehabilitation
along with a pair of bullocks and agricultural implements so that they can practise
agriculture, they have not been provided with the same.
Improper implementation of the Act – Freed workers are often not provided
with any interim relief. They are not given identity cards with their photographs.
Offenders like the employers and contractors are not prosecuted under the Act.
The explanation given by the officers for the non-initiation of prosecution against
the offenders under the Act is that the employers and contractors do not resist the
release of the bonded labourers.
Corruption – There have been instances of faked bonded labour releases and
fraudulent rehabilitation measures, an example being in the stone quarries in
Rangareddy District in Andhra Pradesh. There was a racket where well to do
farmers and others were made out to be bonded labourers in an attempt to
fraudulently get money for rehabilitation from the State. The subsistence
allowances that are to be paid to the bonded labourers are stolen by corrupt
officials.
13.11 SUMMARY
In this unit,
We examined the nature of the phenomenon of bonded labour and the reasons
for its existence.
We analysed the provisions of the Bonded Labour System Abolition Act
with respect to the entitlements of freed bonded labourers, relief and
rehabilitation provided to them, authorities created for the enforcement of
the legislation, and the offences punishable by the Act.
We discussed the role of the Supreme Court in interpreting and implementing
the provisions of the Act.
We analysed the reasons for the improper implementation of the Act.
66
2) The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act was enacted to eradicate a The Bonded Labour System
(Abolition) Act, 1976
persistent practice of bondage that has been prevalent for a long time. Yet
the practice continues to exist in many places. Why has the legislation
remained a paper tiger?
Terminal Questions
1) The answer should include the following points:
Meaning of the term ‘bonded labour’ and ‘forced labour’.
2) The answer should include reasons for the inefficacy of the BLSA that pertain
to its implementation – constitution of few Vigilance Committees, improper
rehabilitation, corruption in releasing and rehabilitating labourers, and non-
initiation of prosecution against offenders.
S.K. Singh, Bonded Labour and the Law (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications,
68 1994).