Ernesto Samper

Ernesto Samper Pizano (born 3 August 1950)[1] is

a Colombian politician. Samper is a member of the influential
Ernesto Samper Pizano
Samper family. He served as the President of Colombia from
1994 to 1998, representing the Liberal Party. He currently
serves as the Secretary General of the Union of South
American Nations(UNASUR).

He was involved in the 8000 process scandal, which takes its

name from the folio number assigned to it by the chief
prosecutor's office. The prosecutor charged that money from
the Cali Cartel was funneled into Samper's presidential
campaign to gain his success in what would have been a very
close race after he failed to win by a majority during the first
round (Colombia has 2 rounds of elections, unless the first
round yields a majority winner). The Colombian Chamber of
Representatives acquitted Samper by a vote of 111 to 43,
concluding the process. 29th President of Colombia
In office
Contents 7 August 1994 – 7 August 1998
Vice President Humberto De la
Genealogy
Calle
Early life and education
Lombana(1994-1996)
Early political career
Carlos Lemos
1990 presidential campaign Simmonds(1996-1998)
Minister and ambassador
Preceded by César Gaviria Trujillo
1994 presidential campaign
Succeeded by Andrés Pastrana
Campaign scandal Arango
President of Colombia 4th Secretary General of the Union
Drug war of South American Nations
Foreign relations Incumbent

Ambassadorship Offer Assumed office

1 August 2014
Secretary General of UNASUR
Preceded by Alí Rodríguez
Personal life
Araque
In popular culture
17th Secretary General of Non-
References Aligned Movement
Further reading In office
18 October 1995 – 7 August 1998
External links
Preceded by Suharto
Succeeded by Andrés Pastrana
Genealogy Arango
Colombia Ambassador to Spain
Samper is related to several other Colombians of note.
In office
1991–1993
President César Gaviria Trujillo
One of his great great grandfathers, Teodoro Valenzuela Preceded by William Jaramillo
Sarmiento, was the nephew of the former president and hero Gómez
of the Independence of Colombia, Crisanto Valenzuela Conde.
Succeeded by María Emma Mejía
Another of his great great grandfathers was the poet Diego
Vélez
Fallón, and his great great grandmother Felisa Pombo
Rebolledo was the sister of the poet Rafael Pombo. 1st Minister of Economic
Development of Colombia
Samper is a collateral descendant of Antonio Nariño's, In office
paternal grandson of writer Daniel Samper Ortega, grandson 7 August 1990 – 28 October 1991
in direct line of businessman Tomas Samper Brush, and
President César Gaviria Trujillo
grandson of the politician Miguel Samper Agudelo, who was a
presidential candidate in 1898. Succeeded by Jorge Ospina Sardi
Senator of Colombia
Samper is the nephew of the renowned architect Germán
In office
Samper Gnecco, brother of writer, journalist and
20 July 1986 – 20 July 1990
columnist Daniel Samper Pizano (as noted above), cousin
of Patricio Samper Gnecco, and uncle of the former director Personal details
of SoHo Magazine, Daniel Samper Ospina.[2] Born 3 August 1950
Bogotá, Colombia
Early life and education Nationality Colombian
Political party Liberal
Ernesto was born on 3 August 1950[1] in Bogotá, to Andrés
Samper Gnecco and Helena Pizano Pardo. Among his Spouse(s) Silvia Arbeláez
siblings, Daniel Samper Pizano stands out as a prolific writer (m. 1972; div. 1975)
and journalist, a trait not alien to the Samper family, who Jacquin Strouss
come from a long line of writers.[2] Lucena
(m. 1979)
Samper studied in the Gimnasio Moderno, a Children Andrés Samper
prestigious secondary school in Bogotá, and attended Arbeláez
the Pontifical Xavierian University, graduating in 1972 with a
degree in economics. He obtained a degree in law in 1973. Felipe Samper
Additionally, he conducted graduate studies in Economics Strouss
at Columbia University while living in New York City. In Miguel Samper
1974, he became a professor of law and economics at his alma Strouss
mater, the Pontifical Xavierian University.[3]
Alma mater Pontifical Xavierian
University (Lic, 1973)
Early political career
Columbia
Samper helped manage the unsuccessful 1982 presidential University (BA, 1979)
campaign of former president Alfonso López Michelsen. He Profession Economist
became a member of the Bogotá City Council. He was then a
member of the Senate of Colombia.[3]

1990 presidential campaign

Samper unsuccessfully ran for the Liberal Party's nomination for president in 1990. Like the
eventual winner, César Gaviria, Samper was from the reformist wing of the party. In 1989, Samper
was wounded by 11 bullets during the assassination of Patriotic Union leader José Antequera,
leaving Samper hospitalized with near-fatal septicemia. His subsequent campaign was conducted
with strict regard for security, including wearing bullet-proof vests and being accompanied by a
security detail of over 400.[4]
Minister and ambassador
During the Gaviria administration, Samper served as Minister of Economic Development, (1990–
1991) and as ambassador to Spain (1991–1993).[3]

1994 presidential campaign

In 1993, when the 1994 presidential campaign was in its early stages, it became increasingly clear
that the race was going to be close, particularly between Samper and Andrés Pastrana, the
candidate of the Colombian Conservative Party: opinion polls were sharply divided. Presidential
elections took place on 29 May 1994. Ernesto Samper won the first electoral round—where about
1/2 of 17 million voters cast ballots—with 45.2% of the vote. Pastrana was the runner up, with 45%.
16 other candidates divided the remainder.[5] Colombian electoral law states that if no candidate
wins more than 50% + 1 vote in the first round, a second round between the two candidates who
achieved the highest number of votes in the first round shall take place to identify a winner.

The results of the first round caused the Samper campaign team to secure additional funding to
help widen the margin over the opposing candidate. The campaign had assumed that Ernesto
Samper would win the election easily in the first round and had spent all of their campaign funds to
achieve this. With the campaign financials running in the red, the campaign managers were faced
with the need to rally support for an additional three weeks against a strong, well-funded opponent.
In what can be described as an attempt to win at all cost, the campaign turned to the Cali Cartel,
receiving cash donations in excess of $6 million US dollars. These donations were delivered in large
colourful paper bags normally used for birthday gifts.

On 19 June 1994, after three weeks of arduous campaigning, Samper was elected president in the
second-round voting, once again by a narrow margin, 50.37% to 48.64%, over Pastrana.[6][7]

Campaign scandal
Shortly after his presidential victory, Samper was accused by Pastrana of having received campaign
donations from the Cali Cartel of $3.75 million US dollars, with journalist Alberto Giraldo Lopez as
the intermediary. Samper initially denied the allegations. Soon afterwards, a series of damaging
tape recordings were released to the public.[8] Years later, the DEA's Joe Toft would claim
ownership of the recordings.

Gustavo de Greiff, Colombia's outgoing Chief Prosecutor cleared Samper of wrongdoing,[9] after
what critics termed a "less-than-exhaustive" investigation.[10] His successor, Alfonso Valdivieso
Sarmiento, personally led a new investigation. Valdivieso was a cousin of the late Luis Carlos Galán,
a charismatic Liberal party presidential candidate assassinated in 1989 by the Medellín Cartel for
his political views, particularly for favoring the extradition of drug lords to the United States.
Valdivieso discovered connections between the Cali drug cartel and top figures of Colombia's
society, including the Colombian comptroller general, the president of the lower house of the
Colombian congress, and nine congressman, as well as journalist Alberto Giraldo, who openly
admitted to having ties to the Cali cartel. Although Samper's campaign treasurer, Santiago Medina,
came under investigation, Valdivieso refused to re-open the "narco-cassette case" that had been
closed by de Greiff.[11]

As a result of the investigation, Santiago Medina, the campaign's treasurer, was arrested for
accepting $50,000 from a company known to be a front for the Cali cartel.[12] Just after Medina's
arrest, Samper gave a unscheduled, nationally televised address where he admitted the possibility
that drug money had gone to his campaign.[13] On 31 July 1995, days after Medina's
arrest, Fernando Botero, who had been Samper's campaign manager, and Horacio Serpa, another
political ally, held a press conference to deny Medina's allegations, armed with copies of Medina's
testimony to the chief prosecutor. Serpa said the testimony had come from "anonymous sources",
but they were allegedly stolen from the prosecutor's office. Valdivieso appeared on national
television to angrily denounce Botero and Serpa for divulging such testimony.[14] Medina was later
convicted, and sentenced to prison.

On 2 August 1995, Botero resigned as defense minister, soon after Valdivieso asked the Colombian
supreme court to investigate his role, and that of communications minister Armando Benedetti, in
Samper's campaign financing.[15] On 15 August, Botero was arrested in connection with the
investigation.[16] Other political figures, such as Alberto Santofimio Botero and Eduardo Mestre, as
well as journalist Alberto Giraldo, were also imprisoned as a result of the same investigation. The
prosecutor also charged Samper, who insisted on his innocence. Samper said that if drug money
had entered the presidential campaign, it had done so "behind his back". Subsequently, Samper
declared a 90-day state of emergency,[17] which caused some to fear a shift to the right by
Samper.[18] The defection to the United States of cartel accountant Guillermo Pallomari put a trove
of documents in the hands of investigators.[19][20]

Cardinal Pedro Rubiano, a leader of Colombia's Catholic Church, stated in an interview that not
knowing that drug money financed part of the presidential campaign was similar to not noticing an
elephant entering one's living room.[21][22] Since then, the events that led to drug money financing
the "Samper for President" campaign have been referred to as "The Elephant".

According to the Colombian Constitution, only Congress can judge the president. So, once the
Prosecutor General presented the case and delivered the evidence to the Congress, it was in the
hands of the latter to evaluate the evidence and determine whether Samper was directly involved in
this scandal. On 26 September 1995, Samper was questioned for nine hours by Heine Mogollón, the
head of the Chamber of Representatives' Accusation Commission, at Samper's own request.
Afterward, Samper went on television to say that he had answered all "the lies" and vowed to serve
out his term. It was considered unlikely that the commission, composed mostly of members from
Samper's own party, would recommend impeachment. A greater danger was the possibility that the
supreme court would allow Valdivieso to investigate Samper.[23] On 27 September, in an apparent
attempt to force Samper to resign, two bodyguards of his attorney, Antonio José Cancino, were
killed, with Cancino and another bodyguard wounded.[24] On 14 December 1995, despite the
publication in the magazine Cambio of the details of Pallomari's accusations,[25] the congressional
commission voted against opening a formal investigation into the charges against Samper,
although Colombian justice officials continued to investigate.[26]

On 15 March 1996, the Colombian supreme court opened an investigation into three cabinet
members—Horacio Serpa, Rodrigo Pardo and Juan Manuel Turbay—alleged to be involved in the
scandal.[27]

President of Colombia
On 7 August 1994, under tight security, Samper was sworn in as president in Plaza Bolívar, Bogotá,
with foreign dignitaries such as Cuban president Fidel Castro and US interior secretary Bruce
Babbittin attendance. In his inauguration speech, he made the drug war a special priority while
warning that no one was in a position to lecture Colombia on how to fight that war.[28]

Drug war

In June 1995, Samper claimed that his administration had made considerable progress in fighting
the drug war—which had cost Colombia "countless lives" in the previous ten years, "including more
than 3,000 police officers and soldiers, 23 judges, 63 journalists and four presidential
candidates"—by launching an "integrated, multi-front attack on the cartels" that targeted "bank
accounts, laboratories, crops, chemicals, transportation systems and political connections."[29]

In June 1995, a money-laundering law was signed; and Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela, a leader of
the Cali Cartel, was arrested, one of over 1,100 cartel members arrested so far in the year.[29] By
August, five more cartel leaders—Henry Loaiza-Ceballos, Victor Patiño-Fomeque, José Santacruz
Londoño, Phanor Arizabaleta-Arzayus, and Miguel Rodríguez Orejuela—had been arrested,
leaving Hélmer Herrera the only top leader at large.[30]

Since January 1995, about 25,000 acres (10,000 ha) of coca crops and over 5,400 acres (2,200 ha)
of heroin crops had been destroyed, much more than in 1994; more than 440,000 US gallons
(1,700,000 l; 370,000 imp gal) of liquid chemicals and 3,800,000 kilograms (8,400,000 lb) of
solid chemicals were destroyed; 64,277 grams (2,267 oz) of heroin were confiscated; and 243 drug
labs were destroyed.[29]

In 1995, Colombia's Caribbean islands became bases from which the military could intercept drug
shipments and communications. Unprecedented police operations in the city of Cali took place with
the same objective of disrupting drug trafficking.[29]

Under strong U.S. pressure, leaders of the Cali Cocaine cartel are targets of a massive
manhunt involving about 6,000 troops. Now controlling about 80 percent of the global
multibillion-dollar cocaine trade, the loose-knit Cali syndicate is considered ... to be one
of the most difficult criminal enterprises to penetrate. While ... anti-narcotics efforts
concentrated on the rival Medellín cartel in the 1980s, the Cali organization grew ...
Instead of fighting the state through a campaign of terrorism, the leaders here set out to
buy influence and control the economy.... all the leaders run separate trafficking,
intelligence and security organizations, but they coordinate drug shipments and share
information. With an intelligence apparatus encompassing hotel clerks, corrupt
policemen and politicians and a taxi fleet of several thousand, the movements of police
and army units are constantly monitored. To combat such corruption, Gen. Rosso José
Serrano, commander of the National Police ... [i]n the last two months ... [has] kicked
out 220 officers ... 400 noncommissioned officers and 1,600 other policemen ... soldiers
assigned to anti-drug duty, members of an elite 150-man unit trained as a shock force[,]
live in utter isolation ... None of the soldiers ... is from the Cali area ...[31]

In less than 30 days, five of the cartel's seven most wanted members have been put
behind bars. In thousands of raids on farms, houses, apartments and office buildings,
police have found and seized weapons, drugs, money and—most importantly—business
documents, accounts books and lists of payments essential to unraveling the drug lords'
multi-billion dollar property and investment empire and their systematic bribes to
politicians and other official protectors. 'We use a hammer-and-anvil tactic,' said
Colonel Argemiro Serna, commander of the Cali police, in a recent interview. 'The
search force raids suspected drug houses and possible hideouts, to try to flush them into
movement. Then I send out units on roadblocks and aggressive random searches to trap
them.' His boss, National Police Director Ross Serrano, described a more complex
overall strategy—first closing down the private security agencies, taxi fleets and beeper
companies that gave the cartel leaders bodyguards, safe transport and communications;
arresting many of their messengers and lower-level employees to isolate them; and
freezing their bank accounts to crimp cash flow.[32]
However, with drug use in Europe on the rise, new markets opening up in Eastern Europe and
Asia, and the United States reporting a 25% increase in cocaine-related medical emergencies since
1991, the continuing demand for drugs meant that drug trafficking would continue.[29]

Samper stated that further measures to be taken should focus on increased international
cooperation, including sharing information to speed up investigations and prosecutions, working
toward implementing a treaty to stop cartel money laundering through established financial
institutions, restricting the trade in precursor chemicals, enhancing international financial support
for crop substitution, and holding a world summit on drugs.[29]

Foreign relations

Shortly after Samper's election and disturbed by the release of the taped phone conversations
compromising the integrity of the president-elect, the US Senate unanimously approved a measure
that would make anti-narcotic financial aid to Colombia conditional on the government's
commitment to fighting drug trafficking. In reply, Colombian foreign minister Noemí Sanín said
that Colombia was prepared to fight the drug war without the United States, and that the measure
was "disrespectful".[33]

On 1 March 1996, after an annual review of narcotics programs in 140 countries, U.S.
President Clinton cut off most of his country's over $1 billion of economic aid to Colombia, saying
that Colombia's government was too corrupt to combat its country's drug lords, although Colombia
would continue to receive $37 million in aid to combat narcotics trafficking. The United States
would also seek to block loans from international organizations.[34] For years, Samper's
administration was lambasted by the US for its supposed failure to make every effort to effectively
fight the war against cocaine and the Cali Cartel. Additionally, the US revoked Samper's visa and
thereby effectively banned him from entering the country.

Ambassadorship Offer
In July 2006, President Álvaro Uribe offered Samper Colombia's ambassadorship to France. This
led to the resignation of former President and Ambassador of Colombia to the United States,
Andrés Pastrana, who criticized the decision. Opposition was also expressed by the media, political
groups, and other segments of Colombian society. In the end, Samper did not accept the offer.

Secretary General of UNASUR

In July 2014, Samper was named Secretary General of the Union of South American
Nations(UNASUR). He took office on 11 September 2014.[35] During his inauguration ceremony
in Caracas, Venezuela, Samper announced that he planned to focus on three agendas: political,
social, and economic. He also announced plans to create a South American International Criminal
Court to deal with regional criminal issues.

Personal life
Samper married Silvia Arbelaez with whom he had one son, Andrés. The couple divorced, and
Samper married Jacquin Strouss Lucena on 16 June 1979, with whom he has two children, Miguel
and Felipe.[2]

In popular culture
 In the 2013 TV series Tres Caínes, Samper is portrayed as the character Enrique Sander,
acted by the Colombian actor Diego Camacho.
Samper was portrayed by Tristán Ulloa in season 3 (2017) of the crime drama television
series Narcos.

References
1. Samper Pizano, Ernesto (1992). Apertura & modernización [Opening and Modernization] (in
Spanish). OCLC 253941439.
2. García Vásquez, Julio Cesar. "Ernesto Samper Pizano, Familiares Y Parentela"
(PDF). Genealogía Colombiana (Family tree) (in Spanish). 4. Interconexion Colombia.
Retrieved 2010-11-03.
3. "Ernesto Samper Pizano". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 15 June 2020.
4. Guillermoprieto, Alma (16 October 1989). "Letter from Bogotá". The New Yorker. pp. 120, 125.
5. "Close Colombian Election Sets Up a Runoff for President". San Francisco Chronicle. Chronicle
Wire Services. 30 May 1994.
6. Colombia:1994 Elecciones Presidenciales, Primera Vuelta, Resultados Nacionales
7. Wilkinson, Tracy (20 June 1994). "Economist Elected Colombian President: Ruling party
candidate Ernesto Samper defeats Andres Pastrana. He promises to do more for the poor". Los
Angeles Times. Retrieved 28 June 2020.
8. Brooke, James (23 June 1994). "Drug Cartel Tied to Vote In Colombia". The New York Times.
p. A9. Retrieved 28 June 2020.
9. "Drug Prosecutor Clears Colombian President". San Francisco Chronicle. 17 August 1994.
p. A-11.
10. Gutkin, Steven (1 October 1994). "DEA Agent Attacks Colombia As 'Narco-
Democracy' ". Washington Post. Retrieved 29 June 2020.
11. Farah, Douglas (7 June 1995). "Colombia Takes On Cartel". Washington Post.
Retrieved 29 June 2020.
12. "Colombian Leader's Campaign Aide Held". San Francisco Chronicle. Associated Press. 27
July 1995. p. A10.
13. Stott, Michael (29 July 1995). "Crisis Over Cocaine Cash in Colombia". San Francisco
Chronicle. Reuters. p. A9.
14. "Colombia's Top Prosecutor Accuses Government of Meddling in Probe". San Francisco
Chronicle. Associated Press. 1 August 1995. p. C12.
15. "Colombia's Defense Chief Steps Down". San Francisco Chronicle. Reuters. 3 August 1995.
p. A8.
16. "Samper Campaign Head Arrested in Colombia". World Report. San Francisco Chronicle. 16
August 1995.
17. "Colombia's Leader Imposes State of Emergency". New York Times. 17 August 1995 – via San
Francisco Chronicle, page A12.
18. Ambrus, Steven (26 August 1995). "Colombian Rights Groups Fear President's Sudden Tilt to
Right". Los Angeles Times – via San Francisco Chronicle, page A12.
19. Selsky, Andrew (21 September 1995). "Cali Cartel Treasurer in U.S. and Talking". San
Francisco Chronicle. Associated Press. p. C3.
20. Selsky, Andrew (24 September 1995). "Secret records may ruin Colombia's president". San
Francisco Sunday Examiner and Chronicle. Associated Press.
21. Canal RCN - Noticias RCN Archived 2007-09-28 at the Wayback Machine
22. Articulo Archivado FRASES DEL AÑO
23. "Colombia's President Questioned". San Francisco Chronicle. Chronicle News Services. 27
September 1995. p. C1.
24. "Colombian Leader's Lawyer Hit By Gunmen". The New York Times. 28 September 1995 –
via San Francisco Chronicle, page A6.
25. "New Tale of Drug Cash In Colombia Campaign". San Francisco Chronicle. Associated Press.
12 December 1995. p. A6.
26. "Colombian Congress Drops Probe of President". San Francisco Chronicle. 15 December
1995. p. B4.
27. "Court Opens Graft Probe In Colombia". San Francisco Chronicle. Chronicle News Services. 16
March 1996. p. A12.
28. Gutkin, Steven (8 August 1994). "Colombia Inaugurates President Who Raised Drug Worries in
U.S." The Washington Post. Retrieved 11 June 2020.
29. Samper, Ernesto (30 June 1995). "Colombia's War on Drugs". Wall Street Journal. p. A16.
30. "Colombian Drug Lord Arrested: 6 Cali cartel leaders caught in 2 months". San Francisco
Chronicle. Chronicle News Services. 7 August 1995. p. A1.
31. Farah, Douglas (11 June 1995). "Colombia hits drug cartel with a massive manhunt". The
Washington Post – via San Francisco Chronicle, p. C-18.
32. Timothy, Ross (14 July 1995). "Colombia's Cali Cartel Is Down – But Not Out". San Francisco
Chronicle. p. D2.
33. Gutkin, Steven (17 July 1994). "Senate Drug Bill Imperils U.S. Ties With
Colombia". Washington Post. Retrieved 16 August 2020.
34. Deans, Bob (2 March 1996). "U.S. Cuts Colombia Aid Over Drug Issue". San Francisco
Chronicle. Cox News Service. p. A1.
35. UNASUR (12 September 2014). "Ernesto Samper firma acta de posesión como Secretario
General de UNASUR" [Ernesto Samper signs certificate of possession as Secretary General of
UNASUR]. South American Institute of Government in Health (in Spanish). Archived from the
original on 2 September 2017. Retrieved 25 March 2020.

Further reading
Fernando Botero's 2007 Spanish language tv and radio interview with new details on Ernesto
Samper's involvement on receiving money from the Cali Cartel - El Tiempo
Ingrid Betancourt, La Rage au Coeur, Edition XO, Pocket, 2001, ISBN 2-266-12016-6
Samper, Ernesto (2000). Aquí Estoy y Aquí Me Quedo: Testimonio de un Gobierno [Here I Am
and Here I Remain: Witness to Government ] (in Spanish). Bogotá: El Ancora. ISBN 978-9-583-
60064-7.

External links
Biography by Fundación CIDOB (in Spanish)