Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Mill’s On Liberty
EDITED BY c . l. t e n
edited by
gordon e. michalson
New College, Florida
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Contents
Introduction
gordon e. michalson 1
1 Holy Scriptures within the boundaries of mere reason:
Kant’s reflections
o t f r i e d h öf f e 10
2 The evil in human nature
alle n w . w ood 31
3 Radical evil and human freedom
i n g o l f d a l f e rt h 58
4 Gesinnung: responsibility, moral worth, and character
alison hills 79
5 Rational hope, possibility, and divine action
a n d re w c h i g n e l l 98
6 Kant on grace
le slie ste v ens o n 118
7 Kant, miracles, and Religion, Parts One and Two
karl ameriks 137
8 Kant’s Jesus
ma nfr ed ku eh n 156
9 Pluralism in the ethical community
nicholas tampio 175
vii
viii Contents
10 Kant’s religious constructivism
pa b lo m uc h n ik 193
11 What does his Religion contribute to Kant’s conception of
practical reason?
g. felicitas munzel 214
12 Culture and the limits of practical reason in Kant’s Religion
richard velkley 233
Bibliography 250
Index 262
Contributors
Citations of Kant’s works refer to the volume and page number in the
Akademie Edition of Immanuel Kant, Gesammelte Schriften (Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter and predecessors, 1900– ).The one exception to this
rule will be references to the Critique of Pure Reason, which simply cite the
page numbers of the A and B editions. Unless otherwise noted by the
individual author, translations are taken from Paul Guyer and Allen
W. Wood (general co-editors), The Cambridge Edition of the Works of
Immanuel Kant in English Translation (Cambridge University Press,
1992– ), hereafter “CAM.” The following abbreviations are used through-
out the book:
xii
List of translations and abbreviations xiii
1
Quoted in Karl Barth, Protestant Thought from Rousseau to Ritschl, trans. Brian Cozens (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1969), p. 178.
2
A helpful summary of different contemporary interpretive approaches to Religion is provided in Chris
L. Firestone and Nathan Jacobs, In Defense of Kant’s Religion (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana
University Press, 2008), Part I.
3
For background, see Allen W. Wood, “General Introduction,” and George di Giovanni, “Translator’s
Introduction,” in Immanuel Kant, Religion and Rational Theology, ed. and trans. Allen W. Wood and
George di Giovanni (Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. xi−xxiv and pp. 41–54. See also James
J. DiCenso, Kant’s Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason: A Commentary (Cambridge
University Press, 2012), pp. 4–9.
1
2 GORDON E. MICHALSON
These difficulties indicate that Religion would appear at precisely the moment
when the rational inquiry into religion and religious belief would inevitably
be drawn into fresh controversy. Kant would insure a lively connection to
such controversy with his opening remark that “on its own behalf morality in
no way needs religion . . . but is rather self-sufficient by virtue of pure practical
reason” (R 6:3).
Ostensibly, the title of his book is designed to promote what Kant
himself calls a kind of “test” or “experiment” (Versuch) based on the simple
depiction of two concentric circles. Against the background of widespread
contemporary discussions of revealed and natural religion, Kant proposes
that “revealed religion” be viewed as the larger or wider circle, with the
“religion of reason” then viewed as a smaller circle within. In the examina-
tion of religion, the philosopher, “as purely a teacher of reason,” thus
remains within the smaller circle and avoids appeal to the traits of revealed
religion, such as scripture, history, and tradition. Yet because this “experi-
ment” involves concentric circles – and not two circles external to one
another – Kant has created the possibility of overlap or commonality
between revealed religion and the religion of reason. And if, as philosopher,
he were to discover such areas of overlap, “then we shall be able to say that
between reason and Scripture there is, not only compatibility but also
unity . . .” (R 6:12–13).
Obviously, this “experiment” is considerably more complicated than it
may at first seem, and not only because of its apparent artificiality.
Moreover, a telling feature of Kant’s seemingly straightforward explanation
is that it appears in the “Preface” to the second edition of Religion. Second
edition prefaces are notorious for the way they provide the author with the
opportunity to dispel confusions or reply to criticisms generated by the first
edition. In this instance, Kant is responding to reactions to “the title of this
work (since doubts have been expressed. . .regarding the intentions hidden
behind it)” (R 6:12). The long history of interpretive debate concerning the
true aims of Religion amply suggests that Kant’s efforts to provide definitive
orientation regarding the work’s content were hardly conclusive.
Kant does at least succeed in establishing that, in a general sense, his is a
book about the rational inquiry into religion, including the broad issue of
the relation between faith and reason. Since Religion was published eight
years following the publication of the first edition of the Groundwork of the
Metaphysics of Morals, and five years following the publication of the
Critique of Practical Reason, it naturally frames the issue of faith and reason
in terms defined by Kant’s moral theory and by the central role the ethical
life, as opposed to belief systems, plays in Kant’s view of religion. Indeed,
Introduction 3
Religion is where Kant develops more fully his definition of religion as “the
recognition of all our duties as divine commands” (R 6:153). Within this
context, and with reinforcing implications conveyed by the book’s title,
Religion creates the initial impression that it is a largely reductionist attempt
simply to assimilate traditional Christian orthodoxy to the more austere
terms of his rationally based ethical outlook, an apparent variation on the
deism of Kant’s time. Certainly there are many features of the book that
support this view. At the same time, however, Kant argues in Religion that
the “revealed” or “historical” side of religion can be morally useful, and
perhaps even “necessary,” as a symbolic or pictorial guide to moral improve-
ment – a “vehicle,” as he puts it, for the advancement of moral ends (R 6:106,
115, 118, 123n). Consequently, there are significant textual obstacles to inter-
preting Religion simply as reductionist with respect to the historical side of
Christianity.
Interpretive issues are made no easier by the fact that Kant’s text equiv-
ocates between obvious references to Christianity and references to “reli-
gion” in the more generic sense, implying a possible appeal to the historical
side of all religious traditions. From this standpoint, Kant appears to be
developing a theory of the historical evolution of historical faiths, with
Christianity simply farther along the trajectory of a pure “moral” faith than
other traditions. Indeed, this aspect of the book makes it a template for the
perennially attractive idea that, beneath all their differences, the world’s
religious traditions are linked by a deep commonality. In short, Kant
provides here a framework for distinguishing the “accidental” or historically
and culturally contingent features of a religious tradition from its deeper and
“real” meaning. This deeper meaning could conceivably be shared by varied
religious traditions, despite the stark differences across their historical and
scriptural claims – which is to say, their empirical aspects.
Consequently, Religion not only extends Kant’s thinking about the
relation between ethics and religion in his own thought, but also combines
commentary on obviously Christian biblical and theological topics with
commentary that could involve other religious traditions as well. Not
surprisingly, then, the aims of the book have been perennially difficult to
state in succinct terms.
As a gateway to these issues, Otfried Höffe’s “Holy scriptures within the
boundaries of mere reason: Kant’s reflections” offers a broad view of the
aims of Religion by situating Kant’s interpretive approach in the context of
the Critical philosophy as a whole. This background clarifies the overall
intentions behind the work while also offering insight into Kant’s specific
views of Christianity and the historical or empirical aspects of faith. Höffe
4 GORDON E. MICHALSON
the “visible” and the “invisible” church. At the very least, the ethical
community signals a shift toward a more social rather than purely individual
approach to the recovery from radical evil and the pursuit of our moral
destiny. The theme of the ethical community is also connected in important
ways with Kant’s arresting comment that “there is only one (true) religion;
but there can be several kinds of faith” (R 6:107), a remark that appears to be
an open invitation to a comparative approach to the world’s religions with a
view to their common moral core.
In “Pluralism in the ethical community,” Nicholas Tampio reminds us
that Kant’s own historical context was the Thirty Years War threatening the
stability of all of Europe. Tampio argues that, along with Leibniz and
Spinoza, Kant wants to establish a framework promoting the sort of ethical
and religious pluralism that would enable Europe to avoid such threats in
the future. By re-framing the issues in terms suggested by John Rawls’
account of justice, Tampio describes how Kant’s theory might mediate the
vexed question of which religious groups could or could not be included in
the ethical community. Tampio tests this aspect of his reformulation by
drawing from recent work on the secular state emerging from the Muslim
community.
In “Kant’s religious constructivism,” Pablo Muchnik deploys from a
different vantage point the connections between religion and politics as a
means of helping us understand the very term “religion” in Kant’s title. He
indicates how Kant would resolve the “antinomy” created by the conflicting
views of Richard Rorty and Nicholas Wolterstorff on the role of religion in
politics. Muchnik thus exploits the interplay between public and private in
contemporary thought as a means of clarifying the increasing role of shared
undertakings and common pursuits in Kant’s ethics. Properly recognizing
the social aspects of radical evil implies the need for a cooperative response,
including cooperation between religion and politics. Kant’s Religion can
thereby be viewed as the answer to the question, “What kind of religion can
promote rational and emancipatory ends?” Muchnik argues that the answer
embodied by Kant’s book is simultaneously Kant’s disclosure of a middle
ground between superstitious appeals to a transcendent view of God and the
denial of all claims presupposing God’s existence. In short, the proper
“political” reading of Religion is also the proper “religious” reading.
We have seen multiple instances of how Religion provides a more
sustained account of rational faith than Kant provides in the earlier
ethical writings, including the Groundwork and the second Critique. In
“What does his Religion contribute to Kant’s conception of practical
reason?”, G. Felicitas Munzel argues that this more sustained account finally
Introduction 9
entails a deepening of Kant’s overall theory of practical reason that carries us
beyond a reading of it in its purely formal and objective sense. For Munzel,
Religion’s aggressive contextualizing of rational faith within a broader dis-
cussion of human nature clarifies practical reason’s relation to itself, ulti-
mately suggesting profound connections among judgments of “ought,”
“can,” “hope,” and “do.” Munzel further argues that practical reason’s
relation to itself sheds significant light on the role of “conscience” in
Kant’s moral and religious thought. Obviously, a key implication of this
argument is the importance of Religion for a full understanding of Kant’s
overall philosophical project.
Similarly, in “Culture and the limits of practical reason in Kant’s
Religion,” Richard Velkley maintains that the very motif of “limits” or
“boundaries” suggests the centrality of Religion to the entire Critical enter-
prise. He argues that “boundary-drawing” is for Kant the highest legislation
of reason, exemplified by the way Kant’s strictures on theoretical cognition
dovetail with his account of the “interests” of practical reason. Kant’s genius
resides in his ability to enforce these strictures without undermining the
possibility of reason’s ends, a task accounting for the increasingly robust
teleological element in Kant’s later thought. Indeed, three years prior to the
publication of Religion, the Critique of Judgment displays reason’s interest in
an ultimate unity between nature and culture, yielding a “moral whole” as
the end of reason itself. In the face of the radical evil that is a threat to this
moral whole, Religion reveals the crucial role of rational religion in sustain-
ing reason’s interest, thereby conveying in a fresh way Kant’s famous claim
that morality “inevitably leads to religion” (R 6:6).
Given the richness of Kant’s Religion, this collection surely makes no
claims to comprehensiveness in the topics it covers. Still, the essays in this
volume highlight arresting interpretive issues raised by Kant’s remarkable
book in ways suggesting how this late work both fits into and amplifies his
philosophy as a whole. To the extent that it opens up problem areas left
unresolved within its pages, Religion is – at the very least – a telling indicator
of the creativity and restless energy of Kant’s efforts, even at such a late stage
in his life.
chapter 1
10
Holy Scriptures within the boundaries 11
is thus reduced to its truly Christian elements. In a second step, he then
submits them to a detailed philosophical interpretation.
As is well known, philosophical theology plays a role in all three
Critiques, though, with the exception of the short passages mentioned
above, it does so while emancipating itself from any authoritative holy
scripture. The Religion text appears to reverse this emancipation. And one
might rightly ask whether in this it contradicts the three Critiques. Is there a
tension, perhaps even a divide, between Religion and the Critiques? Or is
Kant merely extending the Critiques’ theology, adding new elements to it?
This is my central question. Answering it does not, however, call for a
detailed or even a micro-analysis of small sections of the Kantian text, but
rather requires a much wider view. Put differently, we will need to peer
through a wide-angle lens. Before we proceed, though, I would like to make
two preliminary remarks, one pertaining to the historical context and the
other to the systematic place of the Religion within Kant’s oeuvre.
In contrast to his practice in the Critiques, in the Religion Kant does not
refer to any important philosophers. Nor does he refer to the thinkers of
Antiquity such as Plato, Aristotle, or Epicurus, all of whom would have been
pertinent, or to modern thinkers such as Descartes, Spinoza, or Pascal. There
is no reference even to the authors that I have quoted in the beginning of my
chapter, Voltaire, Hume, and d’Holbach. Admittedly, Kant does refer to two
of these philosophers, though not with respect to the philosophy of religion:
he writes of Rousseau but only as a moralist (R 6:20) and of Hobbes
concerning the theory of the state of nature as a state of war (R 6:97).
If we ask, nevertheless, how Kant relates himself to the history of
philosophy, the initial answer to that question will be negative, which
increases the originality of Kant’s work. Kant has no predecessors among
the great philosophers concerning the core of his work on religion: his
detailed philosophical interpretation of Christian teachings. In the end,
Kant primarily relates to his own work, namely his treatment of philosoph-
ical theology in the three Critiques.
He also deals with contemporary authors such as the influential doctor
and writer Albrecht von Haller, the philosophical writer Johann Kaspar
Lavater, Moses Mendelssohn, and especially with open-minded Protestant
theologians such as Johann Salomo Semler. This leading eighteenth-
century Protestant theologian established the Bible’s human and historical
origins, thereby rejecting the dogma of verbal inspiration. In the preface
to his main work, Zur Revision der kirchlichen Hermeneutik und Dogmatik
(1788), which appeared only a few years before Kant’s Religion, he
identifies reason and revelation as the two instances of a legitimate biblical
12 OTFRIED HÖFFE
exegesis. Kant sides with reason and learning, vehemently rejecting a third
possible instance, inner feeling (R 6:113ff.).
My second preliminary remark is this: already the content of its title, “. . .
within the boundaries of mere reason,” places the Religion within Kant’s
critical oeuvre. One could even surmise that the Religion might represent a
fourth Critique. One could presume that, after directing his critique toward
knowledge (the first critique), morality (the second), and esthetic as well as
teleological judgment (the third), Kant would here be directing his critique
toward religion.
The three Critiques, however, all investigate basic human abilities and
the strictly a-priori laws that underlie them. The Critique of Pure – and,
according to the third Critique, also “theoretical” – Reason is concerned with
“the sources of all a priori knowledge” and the laws of nature.
A religious studies scholar could easily imagine a similar elementary
faculty for religion. However, such a basic religious faculty is foreign to
Kant. In the “Introduction” (Section III) to the third Critique, he only
mentions three faculties: (1) the faculty of knowledge, for which “only the
understanding” can provide a-priori laws; (2) the “faculty of desire,” for
which “only [practical] reason” can provide such laws; and (3) the “inter-
mediary” faculty, the power of judgment (KU 5:176ff.). There is, thus, no
room left for a further faculty of the same rank, capable of generating a-
priori laws.
Kant’s basic philosophical and religious idea is also speaking against a
fourth Critique, namely, the idea that religion is obliged to morality. We
should therefore expect such a new work to elaborate further a theme that
Kant had already discussed: moral philosophy and its antecedent, philo-
sophical theology, which had been broached in the First, brought to the fore
in the Second, and pursued further in the Third, Critique. The Religion is
hence no fourth Critique. It is rather the first large publication in which
Kant turns to doctrinal philosophy after completing his three-part Critical
work, which is still a premise for the following work. What the Metaphysical
Foundations of Natural Science (1786) did (before the second Critique) for
nature, the Metaphysics of Morals (1797) after the Religion did for morality.
In the 1786 work as well as in the two-part work published in 1797 Kant
develops, on the basis of the Critiques, a possible purely rational, hence
“metaphysical,” philosophical doctrine. The Religion fulfills a transitional
task. It does not prepare the way for the Metaphysics of Morals, but rather
deals with topics that do not appear in it at all: evil, revelation, and the
fundamental elements of Christianity. That it is not the Religion but rather
the Metaphysics of Morals that is the doctrinal continuation of the critical
Holy Scriptures within the boundaries 13
project is one more reason for my leading question: how does our text on
religion fit into Kant’s critical program?
We need to consider three aspects if we are to answer this leading
question. First, we must review the philosophical theology of the three
Critiques. It is a philosophy of religion that implicitly questions the impor-
tance of Holy Scriptures by not mentioning the topic at all. At the outset I
review the philosophy of religion that Kant had developed prior to the
Religion, for that is a philosophy of religion that seemingly rejects the
religious value of Holy Scripture through silence (section 2 below). This
context highlights the new elements in Religion, which can then be assessed
according to the leading question of whether they contradict or rather
expand upon the theology that can be found in the three Critiques (sections
3 and 4). This question also leads us to cast a look at the philosophical
hermeneutics of the Bible which Kant practices in Religion and first explic-
itly describes in the Conflict of the Faculties (section 5).
the God of religion, a God who listens or talks, who punishes or is graceful,
who comforts, advises, and speaks to your conscience. This theology knows
nothing of God as a partner in human dialogue or deeds. Finally, Kant’s
first Critique prepares the way for a theology of reason understood as a
moral theology – in agreement with the moral understanding of the
Enlightenment.
Much follows from this tripartite paradigm shift. For one thing, stories
about the creation of the world play a significant role in Judaism and
Christianity, as well as in other religions. Following in the steps of the
first three Critiques, in the Religion Kant does not reject the idea of the
supreme being as “Creator and Lord” of the earth (R 6:78). This thought,
however, appears in a moral context, and hence no ideas about creation can
rightly claim to be knowledge.
Second, since God can be thought without contradiction but cannot be
known objectively, the question of God should not be asked of theoretical
but rather of pure practical reason. Kant had already sketched the basic
elements of such a moral philosophy in the Critique of Pure [theoretical]
Reason (B832ff.) prior to the Critique of Practical Reason and the text on
religion, introducing the idea of a moral faith that is opposed to a purely
doctrinal one (B855).
Up to this point Kant remains in agreement with d’Holbach, though
only in part. The French Enlightenment thinker is right inasmuch as he
denies that God and the immortal soul can be known objectively. But it
does not follow that they are mere illusions. No longer matters of knowl-
edge, they become objects of philosophically grounded hope, the postulates
of pure practical reason that the second Critique investigates.
And because the third Critique itself strengthens the primacy of morality
as well as the moral postulate of God’s existence, we are brought to the
following heterodox, even heretical, reading: the three Critiques do not only
deal with a moral world, a creator of that world, and a special way of
knowing − these considerations actually represent the high mark of the
Critical philosophy. All three of the Critiques culminate in a philosophy of
religion (if only a purely natural one) that is not inspired by any holy
scriptures. So it is only reason and not canonical texts that can be said to
be holy, and even then the term should be placed in quotation marks. Kant
himself speaks of “most holy doctrines of reason” (R 6:83). One could also
call the corresponding frame of mind “holy”: the sapere aude or intellectual
courage by which one uses one’s own reason.
Despite this three-fold commonality, Kant’s treatment of religion does
evolve over the course of the three Critiques. Except for a footnote in the
Holy Scriptures within the boundaries 15
first preface (Axi), the first Critique does not speak of religion, but only of
theology and God. In the second Critique, Kant speaks of religion when
dealing with the postulate of God’s existence, and defines it as the “recog-
nition of all duties as divine commands” (KpV 5:129). The third Critique
refers to religion on a number of occasions: in the theory of the (dynamic)
sublime (KU 5:260ff.), concerning the judgment of taste (KU 5:263ff.),
when discussing “the utility of the moral argument” (KU 5:459), and in
the “General Remark on Teleology” where Kant echoes the definition
offered in the second Critique, namely that religion is “the recognition of
our duties as divine commands” (KU 5:477; KpV 5:129).
1
See also Otfried Höffe (ed.), Immanuel Kant. Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vernunft
(Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2011), esp. Chs. 1 and 12.
16 OTFRIED HÖFFE
The answer is clear: Kant’s moral philosophy, that of the three Critiques
as well as the additions made by the Religion, would hardly have been any
different. His main thesis especially would have remained unaltered.
According to the Religion, morality “inevitably leads to religion,” where
religion is defined as “the idea of a mighty moral lawgiver outside the
human being” (R 6:6). Moreover, this definition corresponds to that
given in the second Critique, which was taken up in turn by the third.
Admittedly, had Christianity not existed, there would have been no
reason to examine the (moral-)philosophical value of its basic doctrines.
Kant had already dealt with the first basic doctrine’s main element, the
concept of evil, in the second Critique, in the section concerning the
“concept of an object of pure practical reason” (KpV 5:57). Simply examin-
ing this concept from a (moral-)anthropological point of view – as the first
part of the Religion does – leads to Kant’s theory of radical evil. The
Christian idea of original sin is not required.
This is followed almost seamlessly by the second part concerning the
battle of the good against the evil principle. None of the ideas introduced
here require Christian precedents – not the concept of virtue originating in
Stoic philosophy and not the idea of a “Son of God,” to be understood as an
“ideal of humanity pleasing to God” (R 6:60ff.), not even Kant’s philo-
sophical Christology. The Critique of Pure Reason already included the
concept of an idea in individuo and also that of a “divine human being in
us,” which here was the ideal of the Stoic sage (B596ff.). (However, the fact
that the Religion critiques the Stoa’s concept of virtue as inadequate
(R 6:57ff.) does mitigate attempts to equate this ideal with that of the
Stoic sage.) Neither the thought of a Son of God nor that of an inner divine
human being disrupts the propensity to evil, the central concept of Kant’s
text on religion. Neither do they affect the text’s eschatology nor the
concept of an invisible church, both of which are closely linked to Kant’s
doctrine of the postulates.
The propensity to evil and the three other main themes of Kant’s text on
religion all deal with basic human themes, in which he definitively rejects
Hume’s thesis, maintaining that there are, after all, anthropological ele-
ments, perhaps even anthropological constants, to be included in a philos-
ophy of religion. Moreover, we must consider the methodological and
systematic reasons for including these four elements (and only them) in a
religious anthropology. In any case, Kant does not privilege Christianity,
not even in the socio-cultural sense in that it was part of his social back-
ground. The only religion that is privileged is that which represents a
counterpart to autonomous morality. Accordingly, to Kant, this one true
Holy Scriptures within the boundaries 17
religion (see, e.g., R 6:107ff.) remains faithful to the concept that had been
developed in the second Critique, and which was there, as well as here,
independent of Christian or any other faith. However, Christianity alone
contains the “seed of true religious faith” (R 6:131).
4 Eight particularities
Even a superficial reading of Kant’s text on religion reveals eight
particularities.
First, the Holy Scripture is considered as revelation and as holy because of
its purely divine origin. It is not holy in a weakened, comparative sense. As
concerns a merely relative form of holiness, that is as concerns secular
canonical texts, I see three possibilities that can overlap and that contain
no higher form of holiness. First, a literary culture will esteem a text for its
exceptional artistic qualities. This would apply in Greece to Homer’s epics,
to Hesiod, and to the tragedies. Second, a culture can see a text as providing
superior wisdom of life (in China this would apply to Confucius’ texts and
to the Dao De Jing). Finally, a community can consider a text to be
indispensable and mostly fixed, as is the case for the US Constitution.
A revealed text is fundamentally different from these and other examples in
that it comes from God, the one perfectly holy being. This author’s holiness
is then often carried over to the text itself, which in turn appears to be
absolutely holy – a provocative, even scandalous thought for reason and its
custodian, philosophy.
Kant takes this provocation seriously. Without taking the biblical reve-
lation to be impossible (or possible) though certainly valuable, Kant – and
this is the second particularity of the text – shows in the Religion how the four
basic Christian ideas can be established through philosophy alone, without
recourse to the Bible. This presupposes that we do not only appeal to the
principles of morality as the three Critiques did.
Kant retains these principles without any restrictions whatsoever, thereby
remaining true to the Critiques. However, he also makes use of an elemen-
tary experience that plays no role in the three Critiques – and this is a third
particularity. This experience is that of “a human nature partly laden with
good dispositions and partly with evil ones” (R 6:11).
Our text here holds on to a basic idea of the European Enlightenment,
namely that religion, of which there can be only one true instance, cannot
contradict reason. Despite its holiness, this religion must submit to critique
(Axi), whereby reason proves to be the stronger power in the long run since,
as the fully confident critical philosopher Kant declares, “a religion that
18 OTFRIED HÖFFE
thoughtlessly declares war on reason will not in the end prevail” (Bxviiiff.).
Religion must therefore submit to reason. On the other hand, Kant allows
the possibility that the doctrines of this religion might stem from “divinely
inspired men” (S 7:6). These doctrines, though initially made known
through revelation, are subsequently verified by reason. The consequence
is momentous, which is apparent from two different perspectives. As far as
its content is concerned, the one true religion, moral religion, does not
require historical revelation. Moreover, one can be religious without believ-
ing in the revelation and without sharing the Credo of a visible Church.
From a historical point of view, though, the true religion might well begin
with a revelation.
Since, according to Kant, reason cannot immediately refute the Christian
revelation’s claim to truth, he assumes that the two might be compatible.
This is a fourth particularity. Kant is able to provide new philosophically and
theologically impressive interpretations of biblical stories without abandon-
ing his earlier opposition between moral and merely doctrinal faith, and
following the hypothesis that philosophical and Christian (that is, biblical)
theologies agree. By understanding the Bible’s basic message as moral
propositions that pertain to the basic human experience of a partly good
and partly evil human nature, he thus dissolves the usual contradiction
between natural and revealed religion. In a paradoxical turn, the Christian
religion becomes a natural as well as revealed religion − that is, a religion
which “human beings could and ought to have arrived at on their own
through the mere use of their reason” (B233).
Two parallel reasons speak to the primacy of Christianity for Kant. On
the one hand, the basic Christian doctrines can be given an appropriate
philosophical and moral interpretation (i.e., through reason alone). On the
other hand, the basic ideas of moral philosophy can be found to a great
extent in Christianity. That is because the essence of Christianity lies, for
Kant, in a religion of pure practical reason, whereby he places religion, torn
to shreds in pre-Kantian Enlightenment, back in its rightful place, though
only in this form. The basic Christian doctrines are interpreted through a
moral-philosophical constellation: the opposition between good and evil
that can be described independently of any historical form as the expression
of the moral self-understanding of autonomous reason.
In order to rehabilitate religion in the form of Christianity, Kant dis-
cusses the four main Christian doctrines mentioned above: original sin (Part
One), Christology (Part Two), eschatology, or the teaching concerning the
last things (Part Three), and finally – and in opposition to Voltaire – the
doctrine of a churchly community, ecclesiology (Part Four).
Holy Scriptures within the boundaries 19
In order to make this rehabilitation possible, Kant removes the “mystical
cover” from the biblical stories (R 6:83). In this process, these stories lose
their historical character, which is to say they are dis-individualized and un-
historicized. Hence, Kant does not speak of the historical person Jesus of
Nazareth, though he does speak of a Wisdom that surpasses the Stoic’s
worldly wisdom (R 6:79ff.). Kant denies also that the person living the most
pure form of morality is necessarily unique. He also avoids the terms
“Satan” and “devil”; instead he refers to an “evil spirit” and the “Prince of
this world.” They do appear in a footnote (R 6:79) but only as a quote.
After this de-mystification and de-historicizing there remains a core
based on morality and freedom which alone can lay claim to reason, thus
remaining valid throughout the world and throughout time (R 6:82).
Whereas the Bible addresses intelligible moral relations through stories
with concrete historical names, the philosophical interpretation replaces
them with concepts that are indispensable for a universal religion of
morality and reason.
The first Christian doctrine, original sin, when modified accordingly,
corresponds to the idea of radical, deep-rooted evil. In the second basic
doctrine, in Christ as the “Son of God,” Kant sees “Humanity (rational
being in general as pertaining to the world) in its full moral perfection”
(R 6:60; emphasis Kant’s): the evil principle is not completely eradicated
through the example of perfect morality, but its power is broken.
The third basic Christian doctrine, eschatology, is dealt with under the title
“The victory of the good principle over the evil principle, and the founding of a
kingdom of God on earth.” It encourages human beings to abandon that
ethical state of nature in which (as in the legal, “juridical” state of nature)
prevails a war of all against all, described as a state “in which the good principle,
which resides in each human being, is incessantly attacked by evil” (R 6:96).
This state is overcome by a community in which, contrary to coercive law, the
moral laws are freely accepted. It is not the general will, the nation, that passes
these laws, but someone “with respect to whom all true duties . . . must be
represented as at the same time his commands.” That is of course God,
understood as a “moral legislator.” Kant’s thesis is that it is for this reason
that morality inevitably leads to religion (R 6:6), and that an ethical commun-
ity “is conceivable only as a people under divine commands” (R 6:99).
Unlike a civil community, an ethical community is not a particular, but
rather a universal, unit, that includes all human beings. Contrary to a
possible world republic, it does not have, as a global republic of republics,
only secondarily a universal character, but is from the outset strictly a priori.
The reason such a community is based upon a pure religious faith is that it is
20 OTFRIED HÖFFE
indicate a failure on Kant’s part. Yet, if Kant is right, then the religions that
are lacking some or all of these elements must be deficient – a claim that
would immediately be countered by accusations of cultural arrogance.
Kant develops a new philosophical theology and demands “complete
freedom.” He thereby rejects all forms of dogmatic paternalism, and
is tacitly working toward a science of religion that explores foreign
religions indifferent to the claim to absoluteness of Christianity – as
history of religion since David Hume and (though in a different way)
Johann Gottfried Herder, as psychology of religion since Friedrich
Schleiermacher, and later as well as ethnology of religion.
however, allows one exception: “If the human being’s own deeds are not
sufficient to justify him before his conscience (and it judges him strictly),
reason is entitled to adopt on faith a supernatural supplement to fill what is
lacking to his justification” (S 7:44).
With his characteristic thoroughness, Kant notes objections which he can
see coming both from (biblical) theology and from reason.
According to the first objection, a philosophical hermeneutics aims at “a
natural religion and not Christianity” (S 7:44). Were the objection to hold,
Kant would have bypassed his topic. The philosopher, however, diffuses the
objection by distinguishing between a naturalistic religion that “makes it
a principle not to admit supernatural revelation,” and a natural religion
that allows for the possibility of revelation. Without denying that the Bible
is a supernatural means of founding a confessing Church, natural religion
simply does not take this into account. It brackets revelation and concen-
trates on its core, rational religion. This approach strengthens the above-
mentioned, more modest, meaning that rational religion does not
necessarily need revelation.
A further objection claims that the philosophical faculty is interfering in
“the biblical theologian’s business.” Kant concedes that there is “intrusion”
but denies any “interference.” From the perspective of reason, the object of
biblical theology is the faith of the Church, the “vehicle” and hence “means”
for true faith, rational religious faith (S 7:44). Kant then switches from a
defensive to an offensive stance. Since reason is responsible for the truth,
within the philosophical faculty theology is thus being honored.
A third objection is that the philosophical interpretations are “allegorical
and mystical and therefore neither biblical nor philosophical” (S 7:45). Kant
turns this objection back on theology inasmuch as it “mistakes the husk of
religion for religion itself,” for example when it explains “the entire Old
Testament . . . as a continuous allegory . . . of the religious state still to
come” – namely Christianity (S 7:45). The mysticism he finds in people like
Swedenborg whose inner revelations lack precisely that which Kant requires
for truth and knowledge: a public touchstone (S 7:46).
Not content with external objections on the part of theology, Kant makes
four more objections of reason against its own rational interpretation of the
Bible. One objection – “As revelation, the Bible must be interpreted in its
own terms, not by reason” – is rebutted by pointing out that a revelation’s
divine origin is never established through the kind of characteristics that
experience provides. Once again the priority of reason is emphasized:
revelation must be in “harmony with what reason pronounces worthy of
[that is appropriate to] God” (ibid.).
Holy Scriptures within the boundaries 29
According to the second objection by reason, practice must always be
preceded by theory, and, in the case of revelation, theoretical − which is to
say biblical and historical − propositions about the intention of God’s
inscrutable will. This, Kant retorts, might well apply to the Church’s faith
and its customs, but it does not apply to a rational religious faith directed
“solely to the morality of conduct,” since “acceptance of historical – even
biblical – teachings has in itself no positive or negative moral value and
comes under the heading of adiaphoral” (S 7:47).
The third objection is elaborated with the example of the biblical call to
“arise and walk” that is accompanied by a supernatural power. Against the
standard interpretation, Kant understands the story of Lazarus not as a
quasi-theoretical question of natural laws, but as moral and practical. The
call is made not to someone who is physically, but rather one who is
“spiritually,” dead. In that case, the call comes “through his own reason,
insofar as it contains the supersensible principle of moral life” (S 7:47), and
thus not supernaturally.
The last objection by reason states that a divine act of kindness is required
to supplement what is lacking for our justification. One cannot hope for
such an act to occur on “a stroke of luck,” but must instead know of it as a
historical event, an actual promise. Kant’s answer follows the pattern we
have come to recognize: “A direct revelation from God embodied in the
comforting statement, ‘Your sins are forgiven,’” would be a supersensible
experience which, because “experience only occurs within the limits of the
senses, is impossible.” Moreover, this impossibility, Kant continues, is “not
necessary” (S 7:48) regarding the determining moral and rational religion.
After responding to the objections, Kant draws his conclusion: inasmuch
as scriptural exegesis is of concern to rational religion (and not the Church’s
faith), it must be carried out “according to the principle of morality which
revelation has in view.” Otherwise, the interpretation of scripture is “either
empty of practical content,” and thus meaningless to morality, “or even
obstacles to the good.” But a philosophical interpretation is emphatically
authentic, and hence trustworthy and true. At the same time this position
facilitates integrating such a theological element into a secular morality. For
it is “given by the God within us.”
This elevated, at first sight presumptuous, claim is well founded in that
“we cannot understand anyone unless he speaks to us through our own
understanding and reason.” And so, “it is only by concepts of our reason . . .
that we can recognize the divinity of a teaching promulgated to us.” And
these concepts are “infallible” not in the theoretical, but only in the purely
moral, realm (R 6:70; S 7:48).
30 OTFRIED HÖFFE
2
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifest der kommunistischen Partei in Marx-Engels-Werke (Berlin,
1956– ), Vol. iv, p. 480.
3
Karl Marx, Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie, in Marx and Engels, Manifest, Vol. i, p. 378.
chapter 2
As its title tells us, Kant’s Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason
purports to be an exploration of what reason, unaided by any empirical divine
revelation, can furnish us in the way of religion. But the book’s aims are even
narrower than that, once we consider its intended audience and the assump-
tions Kant believes he shares with it. This audience is late eighteenth-century
Christians, especially Lutherans in Germany. Kant takes his audience to
accept the basic idea that human beings are capable through their own reason
of achieving scientific knowledge about nature, and also recognizing certain
principles of morality. As Christians, however, he expects them to hold certain
religious beliefs, which interact with their life as rational moral agents.
Kant’s fundamental aim in the Religion is to convince his Christian
audience that there need be no fundamental conflict between these two
aspects of their moral life. He wants to show them that the rational moral
life can be lived through the beliefs, symbols, and feelings of their Christian
religious experience. Kant represents this relation as that between two
concentric circles, the narrower one of rational religion, and the wider
one of ecclesiastical faith (R 6:12). Because we are rational beings, who
must acknowledge reason as our highest authority, the authority of the
wider circle depends on that of the narrower. But the narrower circle may be
incomplete, even in the pursuit of its own purposes, without the wider. This
means that Christianity can receive justification from rational morality, if it
is interpreted in the right way. And traditional teachings (regarded as
admirable examples of the many found in the various ecclesiastical faiths
accepted by human beings) may even be needed to complete the aims of
rational morality. But it also means that Christian teachings need to be
understood rationally if the harmony is to be preserved. As the argument
of the book progresses, we also see, from the standpoint of moral reason,
that the Christian faith ought to develop and progress in accordance
with this same rational self-understanding – a change that can be repre-
sented in Christian terms as the founding of the Kingdom of God on earth
31
32 ALLEN W. WOOD
(see R 6:115–36). A Christian church that does this, Kant says, may be
thought of as the “church militant” which strives to approximate to the ideal
of the “church triumphant” (R 6:115).
This aim determines the Religion’s point of departure, for a standard
starting point of Christian apologetics is the acknowledgement of human
sinfulness, from which Christianity offers salvation. Kant’s project in Part
One of the Religion is therefore to articulate the Christian doctrine of
original sin in terms of rational morality, so that the religion of reason can
also be seen as a saving response to it. Kant therefore begins the Religion
with the bold thesis that human nature contains a radical propensity to evil.1
1
Kant does explicitly equate the radical propensity to evil with “original sin” ( peccatum originarium)
(R 6:31). In Christian theology, “sin” is traditionally understood as human separation from God,
especially separation in the form of disobedience of God’s will. Kant follows this usage to this extent:
he understands “sin” as “the transgression of the moral law understood as a divine command”
(R 6:41–42). Since “religion” is the recognition of all duties as divine commands (R 6:153–54), this
means that the propensity to evil, insofar as it is a propensity to transgress the moral law, would count
as sinfulness when it is viewed from the standpoint of religion (including the religion of pure reason) as
distinct from merely the standpoint of morality.
2
Some commentators speak of Kant “confessing defeat” in the attempt to “explain evil.” Others
complain that his thesis of radical evil fails to “explain anything.” See William McBride,
“Liquidating the ‘Nearly Just Society’: Radical Evil’s Triumphant Return,” in A. D. Schrift (ed.)
The evil in human nature 33
(unerforschlich) (R 6:21); it must be attributed to “the free power of choice, . . .
but there cannot be any further cognition of [its] subjective ground or cause
(although we cannot avoid asking about it)” (R 6:25). Kant does think,
however, that we can form a coherent concept of evil, and even understand
it, in certain ways − at least up to a point − both as a human propensity and in
its relationship to the development of the human species in history.
Kant proposes to conceptualize evil through the relation of the two basic
kinds of rational incentives present to human action: (1) the moral incen-
tive, to conform our choices to duty or the moral law; and (2) non-moral
incentives, which Kant characterizes in general terms as those of inclination
or self-love. Both incentives are necessarily present to us as finite rational
beings; there is also a clear rational priority between them: from the stand-
point of reason, the moral incentive prevails decisively over the incentives of
inclination or self-love. Evil choice, then, as motivated yet rationally defi-
cient, can be formulated in terms of a maxim (or generalized intention):
namely, that of subordinating the (rationally stronger) incentive of morality
to some (rationally weaker) incentive of inclination or self-love.
The difference, whether the human being is good or evil, must lie not in the
difference between the incentives that he incorporates into his maxim (not in
the material of the maxim), but in their subordination (in the form of the
maxim): which of the two he makes the condition of the other. It follows that
the human being (even the best) is evil only because he reverses the moral
order of his incentives in incorporating them into his maxims. (R 6:36)
Modernity and the Problem of Evil (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005), p. 38; R. Bernstein,
Radical Evil: A Philosophical Investigation (Cambridge, MA: Polity Press, 2002), p. 33. Bernstein,
Radical Evil, p. 45, then goes on to insist – in agreement with Kant, yet as though this were a discovery
Bernstein had made, and a devastating criticism of Kant – that evil, as a product of freedom, does not
admit of a complete or satisfactory explanation. To look at Kant’s discussion of radical evil as if
providing an “explanation of evil” either is or ought to be one of its intentions is to misunderstand
Kant’s views and aims, and to miss the point of Kant’s discussion. Here Robert Louden gets it right:
“Evil Everywhere: The Ordinariness of Radical Evil,” in Sharon Anderson-Gold and Pablo Muchnik
(eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil (Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 96.
34 ALLEN W. WOOD
3
This is the criticism of Kant presented long ago by John Silber, “The Ethical Significance of Kant’s
Religion,” in Immanuel Kant, Religion Within the Limits of Reason Alone, trans. Theodore M. Greene
and Hoyt Hudson (New York: Harper Torchbook, 1960), and reiterated more recently in Silber,
“Kant at Auschwitz,” in G. Funke and T. M. Seebohm (eds.), Proceedings of the Sixth International
Kant Congress (Washington, DC: Center for Advanced Research in Phenomenology and University
Press of America, 1991), pp. 177–211, and in Silber’s Kant’s Ethics (Boston/Berlin: DeGruyter, 2012),
pp. 329–34. See also Claudia Card, The Atrocity Paradigm: A Theory of Evil (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2002), p. 212.
4
Kant apparently does subscribe to the scholastic adage nihil appetimus, nisi sub ratione boni; nihil
aversamur, nisi sub ratione mali (“We desire nothing except under the reason of the good; we avoid
nothing except under the reason of the bad.”) His reservations about this adage, expressed at KpV 5:59,
have to do with an ambiguity he finds in the words “good” and “bad,” not with the substantial thesis
asserted in the adage itself. The “guise of the good” thesis (as it has been called) has recently been
controverted by empiricist philosophers such as David Velleman and Kieran Setiya: Velleman, “The
Guise of the Good,” Noûs 26 (1992), 1–26; Setiya, Reasons Without Rationalism (Princeton University
Press, 2007). Those who criticize Kant at this point may have some of their arguments in mind, but
most critics of Kant’s rejection of the “diabolical will” fall foul of misunderstandings of Kant’s claims
that are more obvious and superficial than the issues involved in the controversy over the “guise of the
good”. The ‘guise of the good’ thesis has also recently been ably defended by philosophers with
Kantian leanings: see Sergio Tenenbaum, Appearances of the Good: An Essay on Practical Reason
(Cambridge University Press, 2007), and David Sussman, “For Badness’ Sake,” Journal of
Philosophy 106 (2009), pp. 613–28. Sussman’s article, which is oriented to Kant’s discussion in the
Religion, is particularly good at showing the resources available to proponents of the “guise of the
good” thesis in dealing with alleged counterexamples, such as “doing evil for evil’s sake,” and providing
an even better account of such cases than any available to critics of the thesis. One brief and fairly
obvious point here is that representing an object under the guise of the good is not at all the same as
holding that it is good, all things considered. We obviously can desire something under the aspect of
the good without really thinking it is good, all things considered. Desiring something under one aspect
is possible even when we see it at the same time under the opposite aspect, or even represent one aspect
to ourselves (perversely, or self-deceptively) as precisely the opposite aspect. Thus, doing evil for evil’s
sake necessarily involves representing evil as good. We can see this with Milton’s Lucifer (an august
authority, from whom both sides of this dispute seek support) who declares: “All good to me is lost;
Evil, be thou my good!” (Paradise Lost IV, 109–10). Having self-admittedly lost all good, Lucifer knows
he is settling for second best. His choice of evil as his good is therefore made both with the knowledge
36 ALLEN W. WOOD
that evil is not good, and, at the same time, with the resolve to represent it as good, which, however, he
also knows to be perverse. There would be no such spirit of perversity lurking behind doing evil for
evil’s sake if the doer did not assume the commitments involved in the “guise of the good” thesis. To
those who deny the “guise of the good” thesis, on the other hand, willing evil, even willing something
for evil’s sake, becomes merely one innocent conative disposition alongside others. In calling it “evil,”
we could only be registering the contingent fact that it differs from our conative dispositions (or rather
from God’s). On this account, Lucifer would merely be displaying tastes different from God’s, and
God would be treating his own rationally ungrounded tastes as authoritative even for beings who did
not happen to share them. Lucifer might lend his support to opponents of the “guise of the good”
thesis, because their account makes God (and not Lucifer) the one who is outrageously prideful and in
the wrong. The only way around this would seem to be to say that God is entitled to his arrogant
presumption on the grounds of his irresistible power. He could not be held to be so on the grounds of
his goodness, unless, in a contemptibly sycophantic state of mind, we suppose that his power entitles
him to declare good and evil arbitrarily, and that we cringing slaves must accept unquestioningly his
despotic decrees.
5
Claudia Card, for instance, attributes to Kant the thesis that “self-love, a principled and unqualified
pursuit of self-interest, is the worst principled form of evil in human beings”: Claudia Card, “Kant’s
Moral Excluded Middle,” in Anderson-Gold and Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil, p. 76. (The
same charge is made by Bernstein, Radical Evil, p. 42.) But this is belied by some of Kant’s most
conspicuous assertions about what counts as the worst forms of evil. He often suggests, for instance,
that the “diabolical” vices, or vices of hatred:− envy, ingratitude, malice, vengeance − are the worst that
human nature has to offer (R 6:458–61, 6:27). As evidence for the evil in human nature, he prefers to
cite not self-interested behavior but “never-ending cruelty . . . from which no human being derives the
least benefit” (R 6:33). Kant seems to consider lying or deception (especially self-deception in regard to
one’s conscience and the betrayal of another’s trust) to be the vilest form of human baseness (MS
6:429–31, 437–40, R 6:33–34). All these graver forms of evil can be “principled” (done deliberately, on
principle or as a matter of policy) and they can be displayed by someone who is not rationally self-
interested but even conspicuously imprudent – for instance, the person who sacrifices his own
happiness to his envious or vengeful malice, the person whose cruelty provokes an even more
monstrous vengeance on him, or the person who, by betraying a friend or deceiving himself, forfeits
his own well-being. As for the principled pursuit of happiness as the paradigm of evil, Kant thinks that,
although it can sometimes come into conflict with morality, the pursuit of happiness is always
recommended by prudential reason, and, in a moderated form, prudence often harmonizes with
The evil in human nature 37
What Kant denies is that a rational will could coherently be conceived as
having an original rational incentive to act contrary to moral reason. It
would be self-contradictory to conceive of a rational faculty that has an
original incentive to choose exactly the opposite of what it is rational to
choose. In any case, no will could be considered evil (blamable) for doing
precisely what it had an original rational incentive to do. Perhaps in demon-
izing those they hate, some people do frame the incoherent notion of a will
that is (as they might put it) so evil that it is incapable of good and
constituted solely by the incentive to do evil. On closer examination,
however, such a notion could be nothing but an irrational projection of
their malice, whose object they are depicting in nonsensically venomous
terms.6
Kant’s basic conception of evil needs to be highly abstract in order to
capture what is basic to all forms of evil, from the most trivial and minor
moral lapses to the most extreme forms of wickedness. It will therefore
disappoint anyone who wants from a philosophical account of evil the
deliciously lurid evocation of some uncanny state of mind that it pleases
us to imagine motivating the most monstrous evils we can think of. But
we ought to mistrust such demands. As wiser observers have pointed out,
great evils, such as the Holocaust, may actually result more often from
“total banality and prosaic triviality” than from some “satanic greatness.”7
Our prurient desire to be outraged by the extremity of evil may also
exhibit a wish to see the “truly evil” as something “other” and “alien”
(“Nazis,” “terrorists,” or whoever our bugaboo happens to be) – a fitting
object on which to unleash our hostility and resentment, but of course
having nothing in common with any petty fault we might find in our-
selves. Like the Christian doctrine of original sin, however, Kant’s thesis
duty. Contrary to false and invidious images of him, Kant is not an enemy of the pursuit of human
happiness. In the title of Kant’s Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View, the term “pragmatic” has
simultaneously several different meanings. (See Allen W. Wood, “Kant and the Problem of Human
Nature,” in B. Jacobs and P. Kain (eds.), Essays on Kant’s Anthropology (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2003).) One of them, however, is “useful (for human ends)” and another is
“prudential” (conducive to the self-interest and happiness of those who take up the study). The
chief intent of the Anthropology – and of Kant’s lectures on anthropology, the most popular and most
frequently given of all his academic courses – was to acquaint his audience with information about
themselves and other human beings that could help them more effectively pursue their happiness,
through the use of their own faculties and in their worldly interactions with others. If Card were right
that Kant regarded the deliberate pursuit of one’s own happiness as “the worst principled form of evil,”
then Kant would have spent perhaps the most illustrious part of his academic career helping his
audience to practice what he himself regarded as the worst principled form of evil.
6
This point is made effectively by Matthew Caswell, “Kant on the Diabolical Will: A Neglected
Alternative?” Kantian Review 12 (2007), pp. 147–57.
7
Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (San Diego: Harcourt, 1994), p. 459.
38 ALLEN W. WOOD
3 ‘Rigorism’
Kant holds that, although human nature contains predispositions to good,
the human power of choice is by nature evil. In a Remark to his introduction
to Part One of the Religion, he considers the possibility that we might want to
say of human nature, or even of individual human beings, that they are
neither good nor evil, but either neutral between good and evil or else a
mixture of good and evil. His response to this suggestion is to avow a
predilection for a position he calls “rigorism” (“a name intended to carry
reproach, but in fact a praise”) (R 6:22). “Rigorism” “preclude[s], so far as
possible, anything morally intermediate, either in actions (adiaphora) or in
human characters” (R 6:22). If we attend closely to this formulation, however,
we can’t help realizing that rigorism could not possibly be an extreme or
controversial position; it might even be considered almost trivial. For with
many concepts, perhaps most, it seems to make sense to apply them where
one must, but to be reluctant to apply them where one need not. The concept
of the morally intermediate is surely such a concept, if its overuse is apt to
lead, as Kant fears, to the self-deceptive rationalization of bad conduct. In
favoring rigorism, however, Kant is by no means embracing a “moral
excluded middle,” subscribing to the general position that there is nothing
at all morally indifferent or ambiguous, as if on principle he were proudly and
stubbornly refusing to see “gray areas” anywhere in the moral life. In fact,
throughout his moral philosophy, Kant recognizes many cases of adiaphora
and insists on many kinds of moral intermediateness and ambiguity.8
8
Card, “Kant’s Moral Excluded Middle,” pp. 77–92, provides a long list of “moral intermediates,” as
though they were counterexamples to Kant’s rigorism. The list itself, and her discussion of it, displays a
lot of moral and philosophical insight, but the use of it to criticize Kant seems misplaced. Kant
regularly insists there are moral adiaphora both in human actions (MS 6:223, 458), and (right in the
Religion itself) in matters of religious faith and practice (R 6:44n). He condemns outright the refusal to
allow anything morally indifferent, saying that such a view would transform the dominion of virtue
The evil in human nature 39
Kant’s rigoristic position on human character in the Religion is fairly
narrow in scope. It is also supported by a simple and cogent argument.
The argument proceeds from the thesis that “the moral law is itself an
incentive in the judgment of reason,” so that “whoever makes it his
maxim is morally good.” It follows, Kant argues, that whenever an
agent incorporates some other incentive into his maxim ahead of the
moral law, the agent can be considered neither morally good nor indif-
ferent, but must be judged evil (R 6:24). That is the full extent of the
“rigorism” involved in Kant’s Religion.
Clearly, Kant recognizes many actions (the ones he counts as adiaphora)
where no such choice is required. Indeed, in the case of some dutiful
actions, no such choice is ever in question – namely, the kinds of action
Kant considers early in the Groundwork, where duty and some other non-
moral motive (prudence or immediate inclination) both provide sufficient
incentives to act. Since they conform to duty, such actions are good,
deserving praise and encouragement. They are in no way evil, not even
indifferent, even though they also have no authentic moral worth, and their
maxim has no moral content (G 4:397–99). They lack these precisely
because they offered no choice between the incentive of morality and
incentives of self-love or inclination.
In the Religion, however, Kant’s question is whether a position of
indifference regarding this choice is a possible one for a human being,
or for a human character, as a whole. His answer seems to be that, since
both the moral law and non-moral incentives are constantly present to
every human being in the adoption of maxims, each of us, at the deepest
level, is constantly confronted with the question which incentive is to be
preferred or made the condition of the other, and our answer to that
question can in principle never be morally indifferent (R 6:36). Each of us,
therefore, in that searching self-examination which belongs to our duty to
have a conscience (MS 6:400–1, 437–40), must judge whether, in regard
to this choice between moral and non-moral incentives, our “fundamental
maxim” is good or evil.
Kant thinks this judgment is never unproblematic, however, due to
human self-opacity and deception, and he insists that we can’t get at it
directly through the empirical observation of actions.
into a tyranny (MS 6:409). Kant is certainly no partisan of that “moral clarity” that divides people into
“good” and “bad.” He is suspicious of our tendency to see some people as “diabolical” and others as
“angelic” (MS 6:461). When we consider others whose actions we condemn, Kant would encourage us
to see how much we may have in common with them, and how our guiltlessness may be merely good
fortune in having escaped the temptations that afflicted them (MS 6:392–93).
40 ALLEN W. WOOD
9
Of course, the man’s irrational conduct in facing death would be far less unexpected if we thought of
him as moved by sexual passion rather than merely by a lustful desire for sexual gratification (as Kant is
plainly thinking of him here). (We will presently have more to say about the passions.) If the man
were to face death out of love (which has a moral component), then his conduct might not even be
contrary to reason.
10
Something like this inference seems to be behind the interpretation of the doctrine of radical evil
presented by Henry Allison, Kant’s Theory of Freedom (Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 152–61.
11
This distinction between Keim and Anlage is a permanent part of Kant’s theory of organic develop-
ment, but it must be admitted that that precise terminology is not. Kant sometimes uses the two terms
interchangeably, and his choice of one over the other is often dictated by a desire for stylistic variation.
42 ALLEN W. WOOD
6 The passions
Personality is the sole human predisposition that is incapable of corruption
by the evil maxim. The instinctual desires arising from animality are not
themselves evil, but they can have vices “grafted onto” them: the “bestial”
vices of gluttony, lust, and wanton cruelty (R 6:26–27). The predisposition
to humanity includes the development of the passions – that is, inclinations
which take the form of “mania” (or “addiction”) (Sucht) because they resist
comparison with and limitation by other desires, and consequently resist
the influence of reason (ApH 7:265). The “natural” passions are for wild,
lawless freedom, sex, and revenge, while the “social” passions − tyranny
(Herrschsucht), greed (Habsucht), and ambition (Ehrsucht) − are (respec-
tively) addictions to domination, wealth, and honor (ApH 7: 265–75;
cf. Idea 8:21, G 4:393).
All the passions, even the “natural” ones, are social in the sense that they
arise only in society and have only other human beings as their object
(ApH 7:268). And although they resist reason, the passions arise only in
connection with it, and presuppose a maxim (ApH 7:266). Because they
resist reason, the passions are also evil (ApH 7:267). These passions are
allied to the “vices of culture” or “diabolical” vices that may be “grafted
44 ALLEN W. WOOD
We see this manifested in the passions: the natural passion for freedom is a
mania to be free of all constraints imposed on us by the existence of others
The evil in human nature 45
(including their rights in relation to us), while sexual passion, as Kant
understands it, is the mania to use the body of another as an object for
our gratification. Both involve an unbridled impulse to dominate. Through
the social passions, we seek superiority or control over others in specific
ways: in tyranny, through their fear; in greed, through their self-interest; in
ambition, through their opinion (ApH 7:272). The predisposition to
humanity, in other words, in its development by human beings themselves
through freedom, turns into what Kant elsewhere calls “unsociable soci-
ability” (Idea 8:20–21) or the “self-conceit” which needs to be “struck down”
or “humiliated” through respect for the moral law (KpV 5:73). This turns
out to be the source, in Kant’s account, of the radical evil in human nature.
The propensity to evil arises out of our use of reason, in a social context,
where we seek self-worth and status in comparison to others. Through the
attempt to achieve superiority to others, we create in ourselves an inclina-
tion to act in ways that are exempt from the universal laws we will rational
beings to follow, to treat the humanity of others as a mere means to our ends
rather than as an end in itself, and to pursue ends for ourselves that cannot
be brought into rational harmony with the ends of others in a realm of ends.
Doing this presupposes a fundamental maxim of preferring the satisfaction
of our own inclinations over the incentives of the moral law.
Not every case in which we act on this maxim is one in which we directly
pursue superiority over others, just as not every transgression of duty is
transgression of a duty to others. But the maxim of evil is grounded in a
certain way of valuing ourselves – the comparative−competitive way, where
we seek to acquire something that sets us apart from others and makes us
superior to them. This leads us to value our state or condition (Zustand) over
our person, and the happiness of the former over the virtue or morality of the
latter, since (as we have seen) “we consider ourselves happy or unhappy only
in comparison to others.” Some “bestial” vices (such as gluttony) do not
directly involve social comparison, but they do involve the excessive pref-
erence for pleasure in our state over the dignity of our person (MS 6:427).
On Kant’s account, the violation of our duty of self-preservation through
suicide involves preferring the pleasure of our state for as long as we survive,
to the worth of our person, which we are willing to sacrifice as a mere means
to it (G 4:421–22, 429, MS 6:422–24). For civilized beings like ourselves,
even “private” vices may indirectly involve social comparison: even the
simplest pleasures are more delicious when we know others cannot afford
to indulge in them.13
performed merely by our being tempted to commit it. Of the Christ ideal – the “ideal of holiness” as
the “personified idea of the good principle,” “humanity in its moral perfection,” or “the ideal of
humanity well-pleasing to God” (R 6:60–61) – Kant says that such an ideal person would be “tempted
by the greatest temptations” and although “a human being evil by nature,” he would be one who
“renounces evil on his own and raises himself up to the ideal of holiness” (R 6:61). This strongly
suggests that the Christ ideal is that of a person who is afflicted by the radical propensity to evil, for
which his own will is responsible, but who succeeds in resisting the temptations this propensity places
in his way, and avoids all actual transgression of the moral law. This human being would not have a
holy will in the sense that God does – God’s holiness consists in not having any empirical incentives at
all that might compete with those of goodness (G 4:414, KpV 5:82), but the will of the Christ ideal
would be holy in the sense that, although tempted, it never yields to temptation.
13
Here Kant’s theories are continuous with the insights of Adam Smith, which display an anything but
uncritical assessment of the motives that operate in the so-called “free market”: “It is chiefly from
regard to the sentiments of mankind that we pursue riches and avoid poverty. For to what purpose is
all the toil and bustle of this world? What is the end of avarice and ambition, the pursuit of wealth, of
power and pre-eminence? Is it to supply the necessities of nature? The wages of the meanest laborer
The evil in human nature 47
Other vices involving a violation of duties to ourselves more directly
involve social comparison. Sexual lust is associated (albeit sometimes indi-
rectly and by means of imagination) with the desire to subject another to
our animal impulses. Lying, whether as a means of manipulating another or,
in relation to ourselves, maintaining a flattering false image of who we are, is
manifestly social in motivation and content. The motivation, on Kant’s
account, of self-regarding vices of avarice (MS 6:432–34) and servility
(MS 6:434–36) involve social comparison and competition in equally
obvious ways. It displays a very shallow understanding of self-regarding
duties and vices to think that they constitute exceptions or objections to the
social origin of the human propensity to evil.
can supply them . . . It is the vanity, not the ease, or the pleasure [of the higher ranks of life] that
interests us . . . Compared with the contempt of mankind, all other external evils are easily
supported . . . It is not ease or pleasure, but always honor, though frequently an honor very ill
understood, that the ambitious man really pursues”: Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments
(Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2000), pp. 70–71, 89, 83.
14
A very illuminating account of the way Kant thinks evil operates as a stage in every historical
development of human capacities is given by David Sussman, “Perversity of the Heart,”
Philosophical Review 114 (2005), pp. 1–24.
48 ALLEN W. WOOD
It is idle to dispute the claim that Kant locates our propensity to evil in the
social condition – for he does this quite explicitly. Some commentators,
however, insist that it simply can’t be right to understand Kant in this way.15
One objection is that to place evil in the context of human competitiveness
is to exempt human individuals from responsibility for it. A related objec-
tion is that attributing evil to our social condition is “reductionist,” ignoring
the “noumenal” context of evil, and suggesting that it can be made more
comprehensible in naturalistic terms than Kant allows.16 All such objec-
tions, it seems to me, proceed from a failure to appreciate the way Kant
understands human sociability and its relation to human rationality and
freedom. The assumption seems to be that the social condition must consist
of nothing but external causal interactions in the world of appearance, so
15
For example: Jeanine Grenberg, Kant and the Ethics of Humility: A Story of Dependence, Corruption
and Virtue (Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 31–42; Grenberg, “Social Dimensions of Kant’s
Conception of Radical Evil,” in Anderson-Gold and Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil,
pp. 173–94; and Pablo Muchnik, “An Alternative Proof of the Universal Propensity to Evil,” in
Anderson-Gold and Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil, pp. 128–30.
16
The charge of “reductionism” (directed at me) is made by Seiriol Morgan, “The Missing Formal
Proof of Humanity’s Radical Evil in Kant’s Religion,” Philosophical Review 114 (2005), pp. 110–11. For
my replies to such objections, see Wood, “Kant and the Intelligibility of Evil,” in Anderson-Gold and
Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil, pp. 165–70.
The evil in human nature 49
that identifying evil with a propensity of our sociability must involve a
“reductive” view of it, which ignores the “noumenal” and even undermines
our responsibility for it. Also at work in these objections is a rather tradi-
tional (if nevertheless downright silly) metaphysical picture, according to
which, on the Kantian view, freedom can belong only to noumenal monads
floating about in a transcendent supernatural heaven, outside any context in
which their free choices might have any conceivable human meaning. Kant
has frequently been criticized for conceiving of human freedom and moral
autonomy as lacking any natural or social context.17 His placement of our
acquisition of the radical propensity to evil in the social context of the
natural development of human predispositions in history ought to be
sufficient to give the lie to this all too familiar but profoundly distorted
interpretation of Kant; those who deny that radical evil is unsociable
sociability have evidently bought into it.
Kant in fact views human sociability in the context of human freedom,
simply because it provides the historical context in which human reason and
freedom have developed. Our sociability is no more merely a complex of
external causal interactions than are human freedom or human history
themselves, so it is in no way “reductionist” to identify the propensity to
evil with unsociable sociability. Human nature is not only free and rational all
the way down, but also, and at the same time, social and historical all the way
down, simply because its freedom and rationality are self-made in a social and
historical context.18 Therefore, as Kant himself says, whatever noumenal
aspect, from a metaphysical standpoint, may belong to human freedom,
must belong also to human sociability and human history (Idea 8:17).
The social context of evil provides evil with the only kind of (very
limited) intelligibility Kant thinks evil can have. If evil is rooted in human
competitiveness (unsociable sociability), then it can be seen as serving an
17
For two (among almost endlessly many) examples of this misguided reproach, see Bernard Williams,
Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp. 64–65, and
Simon Blackburn, Ruling Passions (Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 246–48.
18
Grenberg, “Social Dimensions of Kant’s Conception of Radical Evil,” pp. 183ff., is at least on the right
track when she raises questions about Kant’s conception of “society.” But she never arrives at a
satisfactory answer to them. She is on the entirely wrong track when she attacks me for conceiving of
society as nothing more than “the presence of another person.” Apparently she does this because I
quote Kant as saying: “It suffices that [others] are there, that they surround him, and that they are
human beings, and they will mutually corrupt one another’s moral disposition and make one another
evil” (R 6:94). But neither Kant nor I would ever say that “society” refers to nothing but “the presence
of another person,” and this is not what he is saying in the quoted passage. Rather, he means that the
presence of others is sufficient to corrupt a given individual, given that this presence is sufficient to
elicit the complex propensities (including the freely chosen propensity to evil) that constitute human
sociability.
50 ALLEN W. WOOD
What Kant means by “impurity” is not the case Kant considers early in the
Groundwork, where the honest merchant and the sympathetic friend of
humanity are considered and where the presence of non-moral incentives
for doing a dutiful action is at issue, so that there is no need for (hence also
no possibility of) acting “from duty” (G 4:394–99). Rather, impurity occurs
only where there is not only the presence of non-moral incentives, but a
systematic dependence on them, a condition of will or character where the
incentive of duty would not be sufficient (without them). This leads to the
false representation of externally dutiful conduct as reflecting a dutiful
maxim when in fact it does not, and also a tendency to represent actions
as dutiful when they may not be, simply because they accord with the
incentives of self-love or inclination on which the agent has come to depend
in the performance of duty.19
The highest degree of temptation is displayed in “depravity” or “perver-
sity.” Here there might seem to be no room for deception of any kind, since
depravity appears to be only the brazen and open choice of “maxims that
subordinate the incentives of the moral law to others (not moral ones)”
(R 6:30). But we must not ignore the essential point that the concept of evil
makes sense only if morality carries reasons with it that are overriding in
19
To read impurity into the examples in the Groundwork is sadly common, though it is unsupported by
the text, and also guarantees that these examples, as well as the point Kant is trying to make in
presenting them, will be misunderstood. For all we are told in the Groundwork, the moral incentive
might be quite sufficient for the performance of duty in the case of the merchant or the friend of
humanity – as it in fact proves to be in those variants of the examples where Kant imagines the
incentives of inclination to be removed. The role of self-deception in cases of impurity is evident,
whereas there need be no self-deception at all in realizing that the policy of honest business is prudent,
or that one has strong motives of sympathy for complying with the duty to help others.
52 ALLEN W. WOOD
20
Innateness is the obstacle for Gordon E. Michalson, Fallen Freedom: Kant on Radical Evil and Moral
Regeneration (Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 46–66; while inextirpability is the stumbling
block for Bernstein, Radical Evil, pp. 11–45. No doubt the traditional Christian doctrine of original
sin is a natural target of charges of inconsistency, holding us responsible for matters for which we
could not possibly be responsible (such as the misdeeds of our distant ancestors, or what we have
biologically inherited from them). Perhaps this makes Kant’s attempt to agree with the doctrine look
to the critics like something that cannot avoid self-contradiction. But for just the same reason, Kant is
quite careful, and also (I believe) strikingly successful, in explaining how he understands the
terminology traditionally associated with the Christian doctrine of original sin, in such a way that,
so understood, the radical propensity to evil is consistent with human freedom and responsibility for
it (R 6:31–32, 38–39).
54 ALLEN W. WOOD
21
Perhaps the best-known example of this is found in Henry Allison, Kant’s Theory of Freedom (see note
10 above). Other examples are Stephen Palmquist, Kant’s Critical Religion (Aldershot/Burlington:
Ashgate, 2000), pp. 156–58, and Palmquist, “Kant’s Quasi-Transcendental Argument for a Necessary
and Universal Evil Propensity in Human Nature,” Southern Journal of Philosophy 46 (Summer, 2008),
pp. 261–97; Seiriol Morgan, “The Missing Formal Proof of Humanity’s Radical Evil,” pp. 63–114; and
Pablo Muchnik, “An Alternative Proof of the Universal Propensity to Evil.”
The evil in human nature 55
trying to refute all such supposed a priori proofs (for which there is no
space here), I instead offer some explicit textual grounds for concluding
that no arguments of this kind (whatever their merits) could possibly
correspond either to Kant’s intentions or his accomplishments in the
Religion, as he understood them.
The natural place to look for Kant’s reasons for confidently asserting
the thesis of radical evil in human nature is in section III of Part One, boldly
entitled “The Human Being Is By Nature Evil” (R 6:32–39). Here he
famously asserts that “we may spare ourselves the formal proof
( förmlichen Beweis) that there must be such a corrupt propensity rooted
in the human being, in view of the multitude of woeful examples that the
experience of human deeds parades before us” (R 6:33). He then offers us an
all-too-familiar account of the notorious barbaric cruelty of so-called “nat-
ural” or “primitive” peoples, and the even worse vices of civilization – falsity,
hypocrisy, treachery to friends, ingratitude, the malicious pleasure sophis-
ticated people take in the misfortunes even of those closest to them
(R 6:33–34). This is not, as is often said in the literature, merely an argument
from induction or empirical generalization from random instances. The
idea is to consider humanity in its most extreme contrasting forms – the
“primitive” and the “civilized” – and to impress us with the overwhelming
prevalence of evil in these two types (supposing too that we will easily
recognize the same forms of evil in those specimens of humanity that lie
everywhere in between the extremes). This makes it more plausible to
consider the propensity to evil universal, but I submit that Kant realizes,
and more or less openly confesses, that it falls short of establishing either
that all human beings, without exception, display a radical propensity to evil
or that this propensity lies in human nature itself. It is not a “formal proof.”
But he seems to regard it as sufficient for his purposes in the Religion.
There is no reason, however, to think that by a “formal proof ” Kant
would have to mean an a priori or “transcendental” proof. In fact, Kant has
already told us quite explicitly at the end of the introductory paragraphs to
Part One what it would be to “prove” (beweisen) the thesis:
However, that by the “human being” of whom we say that he is good or evil
by nature we are entitled to understand not individuals (for otherwise one
human being could be assumed to be by nature good and another evil), but
the whole species – this can be proven (bewiesen) only later on (weiterhin) if it
is shown in anthropological research that the grounds that justify us in
attributing one of these two characters to a human being as innate are of
such a nature that there is no cause for exempting anyone from it, and that
the character therefore applies to the species. (R 6:25–26)
56 ALLEN W. WOOD
Here it seems quite evident that the “proof” Kant has in mind is not a
transcendental deduction or a priori demonstration of any kind. It rather
consists in the results of “anthropological research” to be completed “later
on.” The “formality” of this proof would presumably consist in a proper
scientific presentation of the grounds (partly rational and partly empirical,
as in any natural science conceived in Kantian terms) for the conclusion that
the evil propensity belongs innately to all members of the human species.
We are given the methodological hints toward such a proof (though surely
no more than that) in the teleological conjectures Kant presents in Idea for a
Universal History, where it is argued that nature provides for the full
development of human predispositions through the mechanism of unsoci-
able sociability (Idea 8:21–22). The actual proof would be provided by a
future empirical anthropologist-historian who successfully followed Kant’s
philosophical idea (Idea 8:29–31).
Some critics are bewildered that “Kant never gives – or even attempts to
give – a proof of his controversial and bold claim that man is evil by nature”;
they complain of the “absence of genuine argumentation on this crucial
point.”22 These reactions might dissipate, however, if they thought more
carefully about how ambitious a thesis radical evil is, and also recalled for
whom Kant is writing. He is not writing for them, but for an audience of
eighteenth-century Lutherans, who already accept the Christian doctrine of
original sin. He is also writing for Enlightenment philosophers who, once
they come to recognize the doctrine of radical evil as continuous with
Rousseauian philosophy of history, ought also to be quite open to it, even
if they realize that it is controversial, and also appreciate that fully establish-
ing it is necessarily going to be a daunting task for future anthropologists. It
could not have occurred to Kant, therefore, even to think of offering an a-
priori “proof” for a thesis that is so obviously an empirical one also requiring
complex theoretical underpinnings. That he demurred from this ambitious
project in the Religion is perfectly understandable in light of the fact that the
primary focus of this work is (after all) religion, not anthropology or human
history.
Regarding his Lutheran audience, Kant’s most challenging task is not to
convince them that human nature harbors a universal, innate, and
22
Michalson, Fallen Freedom, p. 46; Bernstein, Radical Evil, pp. 34–35. But Michalson is at least
approximately right when he refers at this point to Kant’s use of “biblical references to serve as a
substitute for further argument”: Michalson, “Kant, the Bible, and the Recovery from Radical Evil,”
in Anderson-Gold and Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil, pp. 58ff. But I see Kant’s appeal to
Christian belief, at least at this point, as more implicit than explicit, and as an appeal to accepted
Christian doctrine rather than to the Bible.
The evil in human nature 57
inextirpable propensity to evil (that they already believe). It is rather to
persuade them that his modern, rationalistic, socially oriented, and histor-
ically progressive interpretation of original sin is one Christians should
accept. And here we must confess that Kant’s doctrine of radical evil, like
his entire project in the Religion, has had only very limited success – but not
due to weak argument on his part. That has been due rather to the fact that
too much of nineteenth- and twentieth-century religious culture has
chosen, to its irredeemable disgrace, to turn itself into a fortress of stubborn
resistance against enlightenment, freedom, science, human progress, and
anything associated with them.
A philosopher’s failure to convince an audience may be their fault rather
than his. As I hope we have now seen, Kant’s doctrine of radical evil
illustrates that truth in a variety of ways.
chapter 3
1
Cf. G. Prauss, Kant über Freiheit als Autonomie (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1983);
Henry Allison, Kant’s Theory of Freedom (Cambridge University Press, 1990); Philip J. Rossi, The
Social Authority of Reason: Kant’s Critique, Radical Evil, and the Destiny of Humankind (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 2005).
58
Radical evil and human freedom 59
1.2 Freedom and the causality of nature
Freedom is the power of finite rational beings to determine their own life
unconditionally by the moral law alone. Because the “ought” of their willing
(as persons) can in no way be derived from the “is” of their being (as rational
animals), humans by nature transcend the order of nature to which they
belong by living free lives among free persons.
For freedom to be possible, two critical differences must apply: the
practical difference between nature and freedom in our practical dealings
with the world; and the theoretical difference between phenomena and
things in themselves in our theoretical dealings with the world. Neither is a
conceptual distinction that could be used to classify phenomena of our
experience (phenomena of nature vs. phenomena of freedom, or phenom-
ena vs. noumena). Rather, they are orienting distinctions with respect to our
ways of relating to our world and experience. They are not features of the
world but ways in which we orient ourselves in the world. We are free only
by practicing our freedom, and we do so by orienting ourselves in terms of
the distinction between nature and freedom and phenomena and noumena
without mistaking these orienting distinctions for descriptive distinctions in
the world. As human beings we thus live in a web of natural events, which
determines us before we determine it; but as persons we have the capacity to
distance ourselves from the causal forces of this web and self-determine
ourselves freely by orienting toward the good in our ways of living and
acting in the world.
Kant follows tradition by calling the place in human experience of this
non-natural causality of freedom free will. For a free will to be possible, the
1st- and 2nd-person perspective of agents must in principle be irreducible to
a 3rd-person perspective on agents – free will “must be thought as altogether
independent of the natural law of phenomena. . ., namely the law of
causality” (KpV 5:29).2 This independence is not due to a metaphysical
duality of a natural world of causality (phenomena) and a supernatural
world of freedom (noumena).3 It is rather the independence of two irredu-
cibly different perspectives on our human life, the descriptive (or theoret-
ical) 3rd-person perspective of an observer, and the interactive (or practical)
1st- and 2nd-person perspective of participants. If this difference is negated,
the possibility of freedom collapses; if it is conceded, then there can be no
theoretical knowledge of the freedom of the will. The free will is no natural
2
“Phenomena” instead of “appearances.”
3
The distinction between “phenomena” and “noumena” is an orienting distinction and not a descrip-
tive distinction that could be used to describe different worlds or classify different sets of phenomena.
60 INGOLF DALFERTH
phenomenon and theoretical reason has neither anything positive nor any-
thing negative to say about freedom.
We must speak of will in order to be able to differentiate between events
and actions and causes and initiators, and of freedom in order to make the
difference between free actions and unfree actions meaningful. Both distinc-
tions are indispensable for making sense of our life-world experiences. Only
actions, not events, can meaningfully be attributed to responsible agents.
And only free but not unfree actions can reasonably be judged in moral
categories like good and evil, meritorious or blameworthy. While recourse
to causes explains something as an event, recourse to an initiator explains
something as a decision between options to act. However, it is one thing to
be an action, another to be a free action. An action is only free if it could have
been different not only in principle but also in fact, because its initiator
could have done something different than what he actually did. Actions
have initiators; free actions, free initiators.
4
Cf. also the corresponding definition of Begehrungsvermögen (“faculty of desire”), KpV 5:8–9.
Radical evil and human freedom 61
That alone, however, still does not make the free will good. In addition, the
will must determine itself to be good. This is not the case if it wants to actualize
some specific “moral” option, but only when it wants to actualize all options
with which it concerns itself in a moral way. It is the mode of its willing, not its
object, that defines the goodness of the free will. Something is morally good
only if it is willed as the categorical imperative demands: “act only in
accordance with that maxim through which you can at the same time will
that it become a universal law” (G 4:421).5 By a “maxim,” Kant means “the
subjective principle of the volition” (G 4:401),6 i.e. that whereby someone
determines her will independent of all possible or actual objects to which it is
or could be directed so that her concrete willing and doing in various life
situations obtain a unified character. If these principles are good, then our
acting is good; if they are not good, then our acting is evil. Persons are thus
distinct in being able to live a morally good life as persons among persons, i.e.
to live their lives not merely in the animal way of striving for happiness but in
the human way of striving for the moral worthiness of being happy.
1.4 Autonomy
A will or a person7 is not autonomous by choosing between options (1st-
order freedom) but by choosing a way of choosing between options (2nd-
order freedom), i.e. of deciding for or against something in a particular
5
Compare with the differing forms of the categorical imperative: Julius Ebbinghaus, “Die Formeln des
kategorischen Imperativs und die Ableitung inhaltlich bestimmter Pflichten,” (1959) in H. Oberer
and G. Geismann (eds.), Gesammelte Schriften II: Philosophie der Freiheit (Bonn: Bouvier, 1988),
pp. 209–29; Friedrich Kaulbach, Immanuel Kants “Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten”:
Interpretation und Kommentar (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 94–100;
G. Geismann, “Die Formeln des kategorischen Imperativs nach H. J. Paton, K. Reich und
J. Ebbinghaus,” Kant-Studien 93 (2002), pp. 374–84.
6
Emphasis from the original. Cf. also KpV 5:19–21. Cf. Rüdiger Bittner, “Maximen,” in G. Funke and
J. Kopper (eds.), Akten des 4. Internationalen Kant-Kongresses (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1974), pp. 485–98.
7
Hereafter, “will” is always replaceable by “person.” The “capacity of autonomy” is not one of the
abilities of the animal rationale, which the person is, but rather evidence that this animal rationality
and rational animality lives as a person in the horizon of an Ought that cannot be derived from being a
human animal, but rather is applied to it so that the person can control living her humanity in a good
or evil manner. This point will be missed if one understands free will only as an ability for deciding,
more or less “uncoerced, intentional, and voluntary,” for or against something, as Timothy Duggan
and B. Gert, “Free Will as the Ability to Will,” Noûs 13 (1979), pp. 197–217, argue. This is also the case
when Fred Berthold Jr., God, Evil, and Human Learning. A Critique and Revision of the Free Will
Defense in Theodicy (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2004), determines free will as,
following Augustine, a “mental act” (pp. 49ff.) that “must be intentional” (pp. 50–57), “uncoerced”
(pp. 57–59), “voluntary” (pp. 59–62), and “autonomous” (pp. 62ff.). This reduces the implementation
of autonomy to a mental act that actually permits “no absolute and sharp difference between the
human and the animal world” (p. 96), because he is describing a biological ability and not the human
as a person.
62 INGOLF DALFERTH
manner, and it is this manner and not that which he wants or wills that
makes him either good or evil.8 Whether a will is good or evil is a contingent
question depending upon its concrete moral decision. It must be one or the
other because one cannot concretely will anything without willing in a
morally relevant manner. Every concrete will, by its very willing something,
is at the same time determining itself as good or as not good. The practice of
the free will, therefore, does not have to be good, but is either good or bad. It
is only good if it wills what it wills as the categorical imperative prescribes.
For, according to Kant, “It is impossible to think of anything at all in the
world, or indeed even beyond it, that could be considered good without
limitation except a good will ” (G 4:393). True autonomy is not self-
determination per se, but rather self-determination to the good, and good is
quite formally everything and only that which one so wills that it furthers
the autonomy of others freely to determine themselves to promote the
autonomy of others.
This has three important implications. First, no one is free to will
simultaneously both good and evil: either the will is good or it is not, but
it cannot be both in the same respect and at the same time. Second, no one
is free to will neither good nor evil: autonomy is not a faculty one can have
without practicing it. Third – and this is the central idea of Kant’s doctrine
of radical evil9 – no one is free to decide for the good or for evil, i.e. free to
will either to will the good or not to will it (i.e. to will evil). We do not
determine ourselves in a morally neutral way to will good or evil, but we
determine ourselves to the good or we do not. Just as there is no self-
determination that is not already a self-determination to good or to evil, so
there is no moral self-determination to abstain from every moral self-
determination that was not a moral self-determination already.
Thus, we are not free to be free or not to be free. We cannot freely
determine our will not to will to be a free will. But this does not mean that
we could not abuse our autonomy by determining ourselves not to good but
rather to evil. Just as we are not abstractly free to choose between good and
evil, so we are not free not to be autonomous. For not only when we decide
against the good do we freely determine ourselves, but rather also when we do
not decide for the good: because we are destined for autonomy, we cannot not
live autonomously because when we do not decide freely for the good, then
we in fact freely decide for the opposite of the good, i.e. determine ourselves
8
Cf. Herbert Rommel, Zum Begriff des Bösen bei Augustinus und Kant. Der Wandel der ontologischen zur
autonomen Perspektive (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1997).
9
Jacob Rogozinski, “Kant et le mal radical,” Kriterion 39 (1998), pp. 7–21.
Radical evil and human freedom 63
for evil.10 For Kant, it seems impossible that we decide for evil for evil’s sake:
this is a possibility only of the devilish will11 but not for us because we always
decide for something that we take to be a good (to will something is to will a
“good”) even though we may be wrong. However, it is not only a possibility,
but a reality that we do not decide for the good but precisely thereby for the
evil: we determine ourselves as evil not by deciding for evil but rather by not
deciding for the good. There are not two decisions at stake here (for or against
the good vs. for or against the evil), but rather only one decision insofar as in
uno et eodem actu either the good will be chosen (and therefore not the evil)
or the good will not be chosen (and therefore the evil will be).
do not do this, we are, in what we will, not good, but evil. For a will that
could and should be good, but in fact is not, is evil because it neglects its
own potential for the good.
However, if we could freely choose between good and evil and do not
choose the good, then the question is why we freely decide for evil and not
for the good. If, on the other hand, we are not free either to choose between
good and evil or not to choose but must choose, and if in each concrete
situation we find ourselves to have chosen evil, then the question is how we
can be held responsible. If it is a fact that we are evil and will evil, then this is
either a result of our moral self-determination, for which we are responsible,
or it is not, and then we cannot be held morally accountable.
We are thus faced with the dilemma of either not knowing why we freely
decide against the good (and thus for evil), or not knowing whether the fact
that we are evil is the result of our moral self-determination or not (and in
that case it could not even be called “evil” in a strict sense).13 If we are evil,
then it is on the grounds of free self-determination, or we are not evil.
However, on the grounds of free self-determination we could only be evil if
we could also have been good. But not only would a situation in which we
could freely choose between being morally good and being morally evil be
pre- or extra-moral – because it itself would stand not under the determi-
nation of the good or evil will – it would also then still not be clear why we
determine ourselves not to the good but to evil. A moral determinateness
cannot be the result of a non-moral determination; rather, a moral deter-
minateness to evil can only be the result of a moral determination to evil.
For Kant, if evil can “have only originated from moral evil,” then there is
“no conceivable ground . . . from which moral evil could first have come in
us” (R 6:43).
Kant develops the dilemma in his account of radical evil. For every
moment of her life, a person can ascertain that she wills evil without
being able to explain this through appeal to a free decision in the past
between the will for good or for evil. Thus, the regression in time does not
help to explain the fact of evil will. “Every evil action must,” on the contrary,
“be so considered, whenever we seek its rational origin, as if the human
being had fallen into it directly from the state of innocence” (R 6:41). We
can clearly state wherein moral evil consists: it follows from maxims of
action that are not oriented to the moral law of practical reason, in which,
rather, ends other than willing the good decisively determine the willing and
13
Cf. Pablo Muchnik, “Kant on the Sources of Evil,” in Proceedings of the 10th International Kant
Congress (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2009), pp. 287–97.
Radical evil and human freedom 65
the action. However, why this is so remains inexplicable for Kant: we can
only state the fact of evil. To be sure, we can explain it as the result of a
morally wrong determination of the maxims of our will, but why this is so
we are not capable of explaining. The fact of the morally wrong determi-
nation of our will remains as inscrutable for us as the fact of freedom14 which
makes us aware of our free will.
they are always also those who they want to be in this context. We are who we
are not independent of the way in which we understand ourselves, and of
the ends to which we determine ourselves.
Our will is therefore constantly determined through two kinds of moti-
vating forces: the biological drive of animalistic self-love aiming at self-
preservation (being, Dasein) and well-being (being happy), and the moral
drive to determine oneself through the orientation to the idea of humanity,
in willing and acting as a free person (being good).17 Only if we incorporate
respect for the moral law as a motivating force into our maxims will we
live not only biologically as rational animals, but also morally as self-
determining persons.
However, as humans, we live in such a way that even where we do not
expressly decide between good and evil, we in fact decide: whoever does
not determine himself to the good, but rather only displays his interest in
self-preservation and well-being, has thereby determined himself to evil,
because he fails to realize his predisposition to personality as it can and
should be realized in an orientation to the good. Kant’s point here is a
purely formal one: there is no possibility for human beings to live as
morally neutral. Whoever lives realizes in one and the same act his predis-
positions to animality, humanity, and personality. No person lives only as
an animal, or even as only a rational animal, but always also as a person –
be it by realizing the predisposition to personality as it should and can be,
or by neglecting it.
The idiosyncrasy of personality, as opposed to animality and ration-
ality, is that no human being is a person without living as a person of his
own accord, that no one can do this without living as a good or evil person,
and that no one who lives a human life can avoid living as a good or evil
person. No one is a person as he is a rational animal: namely, as a product
of an evolutionary history in which he became what he is. At most, one
can say that evolution made it possible for us to become persons − i.e., to
experience and express ourselves in a 1st- and 2nd-person perspective and
not merely be described in a 3rd-person perspective. One becomes a
person only by living as a person in communicating and interacting
with other persons: to be a person is to be responsible to other persons.
Everybody who is a rational animal can become a person by living freely –
that is, not only uncompelled from outside (by others) and not coerced
from inside (by desires, needs, or wishes), but also by determining the will
17
Were the will of people not always determined through both incentives, the moral law would not have
to appear in the form of the categorical imperative.
Radical evil and human freedom 67
in such a way that one lives as a good or evil human person among
persons. For, just as the free will is that which makes me free when I
practice it, so the good will is the use of the free will that makes me good by
deciding freely for the good and against the evil.
in every concrete situation of his or her life. As such, it is true of the whole
human species. “The human,” concludes Kant, “is evil by nature” (R 6:32).18
“He is evil by nature” simply means that being evil applies to him considered
in his species; not that this quality may be inferred from the concept of his
species ([i.e.] from the concept of a human being in general, for then the
quality would be necessary), but rather that, according to the cognition we
have of the human being through experience, he cannot be judged otherwise,
in other words, we may presuppose evil as subjectively necessary in every
human being, even the best. (R 6:32)
Human beings are evil not by necessity, but by nature, i.e., in fact.19 It is
not a self-contradictory idea to think human beings to be other than evil:
human beings are evil, but they do not have to be. But then one cannot
comprehend the evil of human beings from the concept of a human being,
but rather must discern it through experience: that human beings are evil
cannot be deduced from principles, but can only be established as actual fact.
In the empirical reality of human living, however, one cannot avoid
perceiving this. Wherever there is a “manifestation of the exercise of freedom
in the human being,” there we can “detect” its corruption (R 6:38).20 It
consists not only in the fact that some people always do evil, or every human
being does in one situation or another. The point of this corruption is rather
that people always and everywhere act according to an evil ordering of their
maxims, that is, determine their wills through principles that are not freely
orientated to the good, but owe their force to the incentive of self-love. People
orient themselves to a basic principle that makes not their personhood, but
the needs of their rational animality, into the guide of their willing and acting.
This pursuit has an effect not only in some, but in all situations of their acting,
and hence not only sometimes, but always. Whoever in his willing and acting
follows this immoral ordering of his maxims is, therefore, not only evil, but
cannot of his own accord stop being evil.21
18
Cf. C. H. Siegfried, "The Radical Evil in Human Nature," in Kopper and Funke (eds.), Akten des 4.
Internationalen Kant-Kongresses, pp. 605–13; E. Cherkasova, “On the Boundary of Intelligibility:
Kant’s Conception of Radical Evil and the Limits of Ethical Discourse,” Review of Metaphysics 58
(2005), pp. 571–84; C. Atkinson, “Kant on Human Nature and Radical Evil,” Philosophy and Theology
19 (2007), pp. 215–24; P. Formosa, “Kant on the Radical Evil of Human Nature,” Philosophical Forum
38 (2007), pp. 221–45.
19
Kant’s use of the phrase “by nature” is ambiguous. In the present context it does not refer to the
essence (or nature) of human beings but the reality of their existence.
20
Cf. Seiriol Morgan, “The Missing Formal Proof of Humanity’s Radical Evil in Kant’s ‘Religion,’”
Philosophical Review 114 (2005), pp. 63–114.
21
P. J. Rossi, “Kant’s ‘Metaphysics of Permanent Rapture’: Radical Evil and the Unity of Reason,” in
Sharon Anderson-Gold and Pablo Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil (Cambridge University
Press, 2010), pp. 13–32.
Radical evil and human freedom 69
Kant’s argument is complex. First, he assumes: (1) that all human willing
and acting are determined through the incentives of sensuality (the striving
for happiness) and morality (the striving for virtue); (2) that there is no other
determining ground aside from these; and (3) that there is no willing or
acting that is not thus determined. Second, he assumes with respect to
morality that: (1) every maxim of acting, i.e. every subjective principle of
willing, is “either morally good or morally evil ” (R 6:22); (2) there is no third
possibility of determining one’s willing; and (3) there is also no maxim that
would not be either morally good or morally evil – for it “is of great
consequence to ethics in general . . . to preclude, so far as possible, anything
morally intermediate, either in actions or in human characters” (R 6:22).
Whatever is not good is evil, and there is no gradation between willing good
and willing evil.
What applies for every individual maxim also applies for the whole
structure or framework of maxims of a person. Either that structure is
good because the individual maxims are good and all maxims stand in a
good order (i.e. are oriented toward the realization of moral good), or it is
evil because this is not the case. In the latter case, however, the person is not
only evil, but radically evil because he so determines his will that he not only
actually fails to do the good but can no longer act according to the good
because he accepts a general rule of willing that precludes this. Whoever
determines his willing by the principle of self-love and not of morality can
no longer undo this by his own willing and hence is not only possibly, but
actually, evil. This “evil is radical, since it corrupts the ground of all
maxims”; and “as natural propensity, it is also not to be extirpated through
human forces” (R 6:37).
Redemption from evil can, therefore, in no way be thought of as self-
redemption − for this would imply that we of our own accord choose
maxims that make the good that to which we orient our willing and acting.
However, this appears impossible, because “this could only happen through
good maxims – something that cannot take place if the subjective supreme
ground of all maxims is presupposed to be corrupted” (R 6:37). If we have
determined our will in a way that makes us evil, then we are evil, and, if we
are, then on our own accord we can at best act legally, but not live morally.
22
Pablo Muchnik, “An Alternative Proof of the Universal Propensity to Evil,” in Anderson-Gold and
Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil, pp. 116–43.
23
This means conversely that the person indeed, “in principle, but in no way by nature, is good,” as
R. Wimmer, Kants kritische Religionsphilosophie (Berlin / New York: de Gruyter, 1990), p. 113, rightly
emphasizes. Cf. also Claudia Card, The Atrocity Paradigm: A Theory of Evil (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2002), pp. 73ff., which discounts the meaning of this point.
Radical evil and human freedom 71
if human beings as such were not only actually evil, but could be nothing
other than evil. On the other hand, we must perform the turn to the good
ourselves for, unless we ourselves freely determine ourselves to the good, we
cannot be good: we must decide for the good ourselves because nobody can
make this decision for us. But how can we become ab extra what we must
become ourselves if we cannot turn ourselves from evil to the good?
This is the existential conflict in which persons find themselves according
to Kant. On the one hand they ought to be good and also can know that
they can be good because they ought to be so; but on the other hand they are
not able to be good because they actually are not good and also can know
that they cannot be of their own accord what they ought to be. The Kantian
difference between is and ought is thus deepened toward a divide between
the duty to be good and the inability to fulfill this duty. Persons live in the
tension not only between sensual humanity (determination by nature) and
morality (determination through respect for the moral law), but also
between their predisposition to the good in principle and their actual failure
to achieve this due to their lives as evil-doers.
It follows, first, that a person never is good, but always has some way to go
to become good, and, second, that this journey to the good is never a
journey that begins from a morally neutral place where one can decide
between an original orientation to good or to evil, nor from a place in which
one had already decided for the good. Instead, it is always a journey from a
place in which we live as we should not live if we want to do justice to our
determination to personhood. The goal of the good is thus always to be
attained from the starting position of evil. The life of moral evil results from
the corrupt orientation of our maxims of willing and acting. Therefore,
there is no way to the good that a person could reach by his own accord. No
action can make her good if she is not already good.
Kant has just as little to say about why this is so as he has about why a
person is free and predisposed toward a decision for the good. Both are facts
that can be known but not be explained in terms of something else. There is
no definite action that makes persons evil − rather, it is the general way in
which they act that attests to their orientation to self-love and not to moral
law. And it is no definite action that proves persons to be free, but it is the
fact that they are able to act at all and to orient themselves not only to what
there is but also to what ought to be that manifests their freedom. Just as the
freedom of a person cannot be deduced from any more basic principle, but
only stated as a fact, so also with the fact of the evil will. We can know the
reason why we are evil: we have subordinated the incentive of respect for the
moral law to the incentive of self-love. However, the origin of “this
72 INGOLF DALFERTH
24
Ingolf Dalferth, Malum. Theologische Hermeneutik des Bösen (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010).
25
Fabio Ciaramelli, “Du mal radical à la banalité du mal,” Revue Philosophique de Louvain 93 (1995),
pp. 392–407; Henry Allison, “Reflections on the Banality of (Radical) Evil: A Kantian Analysis,” in
Allison, Idealism and Freedom: Essays on Kant’s Theoretical and Practical Philosophy (Cambridge
University Press, 1996), pp. 169–82; Pablo Muchnik, “On the Alleged Vacuity of Kant’s Concept
of Evil,” Kant-Studien 97 (2006), pp. 430–51.
Radical evil and human freedom 73
Yet, even so, a human being still does not come into view as a person
capable of freedom who does not make her self-interest into the standard for
her actions but can instead subordinate self-interest to an orientation to the
good. She is able freely to relate to her capacity to choose between pleasure
and displeasure. It is not necessary for us to pursue that from which we
expect pleasure, but we can do it or refrain from it. And it is not necessary
for us to avoid that from which we expect no pleasure, but we can do the one
or the other. Self-love, self-interest, and usefulness can indeed, but need
not, determine us. We are free with respect to them to allow them to
become effective or not. We do not need to follow our animal drives or
rational considerations, but rather can distance ourselves from them. And if
we do one thing or another, we can assess this in one way or another,
approve and accept it or reject and avoid it.
This viewpoint reveals freedom to be more than choosing between given
options in order to maximize pleasure and to minimize displeasure. How we
live is not only conditioned through our emotions, reason, and will, but also
determined through our conscience. We can be held responsible for our
behaviors as rational animals; we can distinguish ourselves from that which
we wish and do. We can also do something that we do not want of our own
accord, not through external compulsions, but from inner insight alone,
because we ought to do it. We are in a position to co-determine that which
conditions our behavior by determining ourselves to behave in one way or
another.
These are familiar experiences which are not sufficiently accounted for by
viewing us as rational animals. Experiences such as these provide the basis
for Kant’s talk of human beings as “personalities” or “persons.” Whoever
considers human beings only from the viewpoint of their animality, emo-
tionality, and rationality does not see them as persons. However, if one
concentrates on the personhood of human beings, then one must speak of
free will, and if one speaks of free will, then – according to Kant – one
cannot avoid speaking of good and evil. Both mutually require each other:
there is no freedom of the will without the moral alternative between good
and evil, and vice versa. In short, good and evil are not opposite ends of a
single continuum and do not shade into one another or come in different
degrees, as do pleasure and displeasure.
But we are acquainted not only with that prospect, but also with the
counterfactual experience of the “not so,” the “it could be otherwise,” the
“ought,” the conscience inviting us to live otherwise, the freedom not to be
a slave to the chain of natural processes but to be able to initiate new chains
of processes, and to do this in ways running contrary to our self-love and
self-interest as well as to purely utilitarian considerations. Despite our
inclusion in the correlation of natural processes, we are free to relate to
them in this way or another. We do not thereby leave the natural world;
rather, we are the location within nature where an order of freedom is
disclosed that is different from the natural order and cannot be reduced to it.
We experience this different order as resistance against and objection to the
natural conditioning of our lives.
This counterfactual character of freedom, to be freedom from and against
and in distinction to natural necessity, also characterizes Kant’s conception
of the moral good. We are good if we orient our wills to good, against our
natural propensity toward evil, and determine ourselves to good. No one
becomes good simply as a result of opting for the good, but rather he must
bring good to bear against evil. At no time can we directly and readily
choose the good. Instead, we can at all times obtain it only through the
“overcoming” (überwiegen: R 6:37) of actually being evil. We are not good,
but we must become so. We become so, however, not simply as a result of
willing it − rather, it must be achieved against the opposition of the reality of
evil, and this reality impedes the good not merely in others but also in
ourselves.
On this point Kant was substantially more clear-sighted than his opti-
mistic contemporaries. If being good is always the result of self-determining
our will to the good, then it is never to be obtained other than through
fighting against evil. If we were good from the beginning, we would not
have to determine ourselves to the good. If we are, however, not good from
the beginning, then we are evil from the beginning on, for not to be good is
to be evil (and not merely not good). Thus, in order to become good, we
Radical evil and human freedom 75
must determine our will in a new and different way from its actual
determination, i.e. transform our evil will into a good will.
However, such a transformation is apparently impossible. A transforma-
tion of the will is not merely an alteration, but a self-alteration of the will.
Yet an evil will cannot determine itself differently of its own accord, since it
is evil precisely by not freely subordinating the incentive of self-love to the
incentive of duty. Only a free will that is not evil can become good through
self-determination. If it is evil, then it cannot transform itself into good, but
only become replaced or superseded through a good will. Thus, we must
transform ourselves by orienting our will away from evil and to the good
but, being evil – i.e., having freely decided not to be good – we cannot
transform ourselves in this way.
The transformation of the will is, therefore, not so much a conflict in one
and the same will between two different and incompatible ways, but rather a
conflict between two differently determined wills or moral identities. We
actually are evil yet it is possible for us to be good. But how can we actually
become what it is possible for us to be if we actually are what we should not
be? Solely, so it seems, by becoming another will – a will that determines
itself differently, namely to the good. Yet how this could happen remains a
mystery.
To be sure, we can describe the change that is required: where there was
previously an evil person, there is now a good person. There is a good person
only if she freely chooses to subordinate the incentive of self-love to the
incentive of the moral law. But how can she do so if she has freely chosen
not to determine herself to the good? Evil and good are incompatible self-
determinations that cannot co-exist in one and the same will or person, but
only as a conflict of different self-determinations in a succession of time in
one and the same life. But to be good in that case not only is the opposite of
being evil but is also to fight and to overcome evil. Moral goodness is a
success term: it is impossible to be morally good if one does not thereby
overcome being evil.
cannot escape. The struggle takes place within ourselves, and it is a struggle
that we cannot be sure to win.
Consequently, we can fight evil but we cannot make ourselves morally
good. We can only hope that in the long run evil will be overcome and
replaced by a re-orientation of our will toward the good. Moral self-
determination is a creative process in time in which not merely something
that was already there becomes determined or regulated in a certain way,
but something that did not previously exist comes into being. Through
moral self-determination, we freely make ourselves into that which we then
actually are: an evil person or a good person. For evil persons to become
good, they have to alter their incentive structure and give priority to the
moral incentive. They can do so as persons, but they cannot do so as evil
persons. The more we become aware of ourselves as persons (and not merely
as rational animals), the more we become aware of the moral conflict in
which we exist. We ought to become what we in fact are not. And being
what in fact we are makes it impossible for us to become what we ought to
be: we have the duty of becoming good by fighting the evil for which we
ourselves are accountable.
There thus emerge four fundamental mysteries which Kant’s standpoint
exposes but does not solve, their full extent finally exposed by his Religion
within the Boundaries of Mere Reason. First, there is the mystery that there is
anything at all, rather than nothing (ontological mystery). Second, there is
the mystery that we are not completely determined by natural causality but
capable of being free (mystery of freedom). Third, there is the mystery of
why we determine ourselves to be evil rather than good (mystery of evil).
And finally, there is the mystery of how we can overcome being evil and
become morally good (mystery of overcoming evil).
In each case Kant carefully outlines what it means to be, or to be free, or to
be evil, or to become good. But he also underlines that there is no explanation
of how it is possible that there is anything at all, or that we are free, or that
we choose to be evil, or that we can ever hope to become good. Yet, whereas
with respect to the first three mysteries Kant argues from the actuality to the
possibility of being, freedom, and evil, with respect to the fourth mystery he
can only argue from the possibility of being good to the possibility of
becoming good through overcoming evil. We are free, but we can become
good. It is not self-contradictory that we, as free beings, are good. But it is a
mystery how we, as evil beings, can determine ourselves to be good rather
than evil. It is possible for us to be free and good, but it is impossible to
explain how we, being evil, can become good. The moral end of our human
life is clear, but the way to achieve this end is shrouded in mystery. We can
Radical evil and human freedom 77
be morally good, but we cannot tell how we can become morally good if we
begin in evil.
Kant saw clearly that he had no way of elucidating this mystery.
However, he argued that there is hope that what is possible to be will also
be possible to achieve even though we cannot tell how. To justify this hope
is impossible in purely anthropological terms (by reference to what we are
and can do) but requires the practical rational belief that we want there to be
a God who can make it possible for us to be morally good (i.e. worthy of
being happy) and to be happy, if not in this life, then in a life beyond.26 We
“must postulate the existence of God, as the necessary condition of the
possibility of the summum bonum” (KpV 5:124), and in this sense the
“concept of God . . . is one belonging originally not to physics, that is, to
speculative reason, but to morals” (KpV 5:140). For
admitting that the pure moral law inexorably binds every man as a command
(not as a rule of prudence), the righteous man may say: “I will that there be a
God, that my existence in this world be also an existence in a pure world of
the understanding beyond natural connections, and finally that my duration
be endless; I stand by this, without paying attention to rationalizations,
however little I may be able to answer them or to oppose them with others
more plausible, and I will not let this belief be taken from me; for this is the
only case in which my interest, because I may not give up anything of it,
unavoidably determines my judgment.” (KpV 5:143)
That is to say, the existence of God is not a theoretical belief (“God is”)
but the postulate of a practical belief (“God ought to be”). I cannot rationally
defend the theoretical claim that there is a God (nor can I rule it out
theoretically). But I have every right to the practical hope that there is a
God, because there is the moral law, the duty to be good, the possibility of
being good, and the need to overcome the actuality of evil by becoming
good. To safeguard this possibility I have a moral right to postulate the
existence of God – not as the ground of my moral obligations but as the
condition of the possibility of becoming actually what I can be potentially:
namely, a good person.27
26
Joseph P. Lawrence, “Radical Evil and Kant’s Turn to Religion,” Journal of Value Inquiry 36 (2002),
pp. 319–35.
27
According to Kant, the “postulate of the possibility of the highest derived good (the best world) is
likewise the postulate of the reality of a highest original good, namely of the existence of God. Now, it
was a duty for us to promote the highest good; hence there is in us not merely the warrant but also the
necessity, as a need connected with duty, to presuppose the possibility of this highest good, which,
since it is possible only under the condition of the existence of God, connects the presupposition of
the existence of God inseparably with duty; that is, it is morally necessary to assume the existence of
God” (KpV 5:125). However, this is not a theoretical but a practical assumption that does not furnish
78 INGOLF DALFERTH
So there is room for rational hope. For I am free – I do not have to be evil.
I know that it is possible for me to be good. I do not know how I can
become good because I am evil, yet I hope that there will be a way of
becoming actually what I can be possibly, a morally good person in the
community of morally good persons. To safeguard this possibility I postu-
late the existence of God as the condition of its possibility. I can be what I
ought to be. I cannot make myself morally good because I have chosen not
to be morally good but to be evil. However, it is possible to become what I
ought to be. And if the possibility of God is the condition of this possibility,
and the possibility of God is grounded in the actuality of God, then I have
every right to hope that there is a God because I am free. In short, the reality
of freedom justifies my rational hope in the existence of God who makes it
possible for persons to overcome their being evil by nature and orient
themselves toward the good. We can be sure that it is possible, and we
have every reason to hope that it will become actual. We do not know how.
But we do know that all we can and ought to do is to fight evil and try to
become good. For we are evil only in fact, but we have a predisposition to
good in principle. And we have every right to hope that the good will
prevail.
the basis of a natural or speculative theology. “[T]here is indeed a cognition of God but only with
practical reference, and if we attempt to extend it to a theoretical cognition we find an understanding
that does not think but intuits, a will that is directed to objects upon the existence of which its
satisfaction does not in the least depend (not to mention the transcendental predicates, as, e.g., a
magnitude of existence, i.e., duration, which, however, is not in time, the only possible means we
have of representing existence as magnitude). All of these are attributes of which we can form no
concept fit for cognition of the object, and we learn from this that they can never be used for a theory of
supersensible beings, so that on this side they are quite unable to ground speculative cognition and
their use is, instead, limited solely to the practice of the moral law” (KpV 5:137).
chapter 4
1 Introduction
In Kant’s account of morally worthy action, maxims play an important role.
Actions are based on maxims. The categorical imperative tests determine
whether a maxim is morally permissible or not. An action that is based on a
good maxim is dutiful, or, as Kant says, in accordance with duty. One which
has been chosen on that basis – because it is your duty – is morally worthy.
In the Groundwork and elsewhere, Kant also briefly mentions another
idea, that of a Gesinnung (often translated as a disposition, or “meta-
maxim”).1 He sometimes associates morally worthy action, or virtue, with
a moral Gesinnung.2 But he does not discuss in any detail what a Gesinnung
is or the role it is to play. In Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason,
however, the Gesinnung becomes much more prominent and Kant makes
some important and intriguing claims about it.
For instance, he says that the Gesinnung is ultimately a choice between
putting the moral law above self-love, and vice versa. An evil person puts
self-love over morality, a good person does the opposite (R 6:21–22, 25, 36).
Thus there are only two possible dispositions, and by choosing one over the
other you are either wholly good or wholly evil (R 6:22ff.). Kant also says
that we humans have some kind of propensity to choose evil: this is the
notorious claim that humans are radically evil (R 6:29ff.; 32ff.; 72).
These bold claims are a vital part of the moral philosophy of the Religion.
But before we can understand and evaluate them, we need to have a clearer
idea of what a Gesinnung is and the role it plays in Kant’s philosophy. And
these turn out to be good questions in their own right, helping us gain a
better understanding of core and fundamental Kantian claims about the
nature of action, of moral responsibility, and of morally worthy action.
1
G 406, 412, 416, 435; KpV 5:56, 75, 83–4, 99, 116, 147, 152–53; B775–78, B841–43, B857.
2
For instance, G 4:406, 416, 435; KpV 5:147.
79
80 ALISON HILLS
Finally, and perhaps most interestingly of all, whilst Kant does not of course
have a conception of character or of virtue at all like Aristotle’s familiar
ideas, the Gesinnung can become the foundation of a distinctively Kantian
conception of character.
Unfortunately, despite the fact that Kant does discuss Gesinnung in more
depth in the Religion than he does in earlier work, he leaves many issues
unsettled, and in fact raises several difficulties for his account which he does
not answer fully. Having indicated these, I will attempt to reconstruct the
best account of what a Gesinnung is and the most plausible explanation of its
ethical role, on the basis of Kant’s remarks about it in the Religion and
elsewhere.
I will begin by recapping in more detail the conception of action based on
maxims from the Groundwork and the Religion, in order to see where
Gesinnung might fit in.
I shall take nothing from him nor even envy him; only I do not care to
contribute anything to his welfare or to his assistance in need! (G 4:423).
The maxim on which you act can be tested by the categorical imperative
test. Maxims can be assessed as in accordance with duty, morally wrong, or
morally worthy (the right action, from duty) (G 4:402). For example, Kant
argues that we cannot will that the maxim “when I believe myself to be in
3
For helpful discussion of maxims and their role in Kant’s theory of action and of morally worthy
action, see Christine M. Korsgaard, Creating the Kingdom of Ends (Cambridge University Press, 1996);
Jens Timmermann, “Kant’s Puzzling Ethics of Maxims,” Harvard Review of Philosophy 8 (2000),
pp. 39–52; Talbot Brewer, “Maxims and Virtues,” Philosophical Review 111.4 (2002), pp. 539–72;
Richard McCarty, Kant’s Theory of Action (Oxford University Press, 2009); and Rob Gressis, “Recent
Work on Kantian Maxims,” Philosophy Compass 5.3 (2010),pp. 216–17.
Gesinnung 81
need of money I shall borrow money and promise to repay it, even though
I know this will never happen” should be a universal law, and so acting on
the maxim is contrary to duty.
From this, we can reconstruct some features of maxims. For instance,
they must be expressible as propositions. They are usually described as an
action (such as “shorten my life” or “borrow money and promise to repay
it”) together with a reason for that action (e.g. in order to avoid trouble, in
order to acquire money when I am in need). They appear to play a role in
action similar to intentions, and so it is not surprising that they have been
identified with intentions.4 But there do seem to be some important differ-
ences between intentions and maxims.
First, intentions can be highly specific or highly general. The descrip-
tion of maxims as “principles” suggests that Kant does not think of
them as being highly specific. Second, it seems possible to act on more
than one intention at a time, whereas it is implied in Kant’s discussions
that each action is based on one maxim, as the morality of the action
depends on that maxim (though he is not explicitly committed to this
claim).
Action on the basis of maxims is also importantly connected with free-
dom. In the Groundwork, Kant defines freedom as “the property of a will
that it can be efficient independently of alien causes determining it . . .
autonomy is the will’s property of being a law to itself . . .” (G 4.446–47).
And in the Religion the connection with maxims is made explicit:
Freedom of the power of choice has the characteristic . . . that it cannot be
determined to action through any incentive except so far as the human being
has incorporated it into his maxim (has made it into a universal rule for
himself, according to which he wills to conduct himself); only in this way can
an incentive, whatever it may be, coexist with the absolute spontaneity of the
power of choice (of freedom).” (R 6:24)
4
In particular, by Onora O’Neill, Constructions of Reason: Explorations of Kant’s Practical Philosophy
(Cambridge University Press, 1989), especially pp. 81–104.
5
The term “incorporation thesis” is from Henry Allison, Kant’s Theory of Freedom (Cambridge
University Press, 1990) and the idea is discussed at length there.
82 ALISON HILLS
3 What is a Gesinnung?
The introduction of Gesinnung complicates this account of action. As Kant
describes it, the individual maxims on which we act, such as “when I believe
myself to be in need of money I shall borrow money and promise to repay it,
even though I know this will never happen,” are themselves based on
another maxim (sometimes called a “metamaxim”), the Gesinnung: “a
common ground, itself a maxim, of all particular . . . maxims” (R 6:20).
Kant claims that each person’s Gesinnung is chosen – as it must be if we
are to be held morally responsible for maxims chosen on its basis – but that
it is not chosen at any one particular time (R 6:22, 25, 31). Kant suggests that
it is with us from birth (or at least from youth). Even more mysteriously,
your Gesinnung can change − that is, you can choose first an evil Gesinnung,
and then a good Gesinnung (R 6:44–52). This must be so, otherwise it would
not be possible for someone who had chosen an evil Gesinnung to become a
good person. Kant sees this, but he also makes clear that this is not some-
thing that he thinks he can explain (R6: 45).
What is the role of Gesinnung in Kant’s theory of action? One obvious
role is in the evaluation of a person. Kant is most interested in what it is to
be evil in the Religion. One natural answer is: an evil person is someone
who performs actions that are “undutiful.” But Kant is not satisfied
with this:
We call a human being evil not because he performs actions that are evil
(contrary to law) but because these are so constituted that they allow the
inference of evil maxims in him . . . In order then to call a human being evil,
it must be possible to infer a priori from a number of consciously evil actions,
or even from a single one, an underlying evil maxim, and, from this, the
presence in the subject of a common ground, itself a maxim, of all particular
morally evil maxims. (R 6.20)
4 Moral responsibility
Suppose that you made a false promise but only because someone
interfered with your brain. Then you have not freely chosen the maxim
84 ALISON HILLS
for which you act, and, in a sense, you have not performed an action at
all – or certainly you have not performed an action for which you are
morally responsible. A good case can be made that the same is true when
you are coerced: coercion is precisely a way of not allowing you a free
choice of maxim, hence you do not genuinely act when you are coerced –
or at least you do not perform an action for which you are morally
responsible.6
According to Kant, you are morally responsible for your action only if
your maxim was freely chosen. It may be, though, that, in addition, that
maxim must be chosen on the basis of an underlying metamaxim. There are
two slightly different arguments that could be made here.
The first argument emphasizes the choice of a maxim as an action.
According to Kant, all actions are based on maxims that are freely chosen.
But consider the action of freely choosing a maxim. It follows that this
action too must be based on a maxim. Not of course on the maxim which
you then choose, but on some underlying maxim– the Gesinnung.7
The second argument concerns the choice of a maxim as based on
reasons. Suppose that you are choosing your maxim. What is the basis of
your choice? Do you just “plump” for one rather than another? Not if this
choice is something for which you can be morally evaluated. If that is to
be true, your choice must be made on the basis of reasons. They must be
reasons to choose a certain sort of maxim, and these reasons must be
grounded in a maxim: a prior underlying maxim, a Gesinnung.
According to this theory, moral responsibility involves a hierarchy of
attitudes. There are first-order maxims, which are maxims to take particular
actions for particular reasons (“when I believe myself to be in need of money
I shall borrow money and promise to repay it, even though I know this will
never happen”), plus a metamaxim, which provides reasons for the choice of
a first-order maxim, on the basis of which some first-order maxim is
chosen.8
6
I think this is a bit more controversial, as it is not clear to me that Kant would agree that you are not
free to choose when you are coerced (it might depend on the form the coercion took). But in any case,
whether or not you are morally responsible for your action appears to depend on whether your choice
of maxim was free or not.
7
This is suggested by Kant’s reference to the metamaxim as a “ground” of individual maxims, e.g.
R 6:21, 25, 31.
8
Again, this is suggested by the references to the metamaxim as the “ground” of an individual maxim,
where the ground is understood as providing reasons (as well as, or instead of, a metaphysical
grounding), in particular where a good or bad Gesinnung provides the ground for good or bad
individual maxims, e.g. R 6:21, 31, 37.
Gesinnung 85
It is interesting to compare this theory of action with perhaps the best-
known hierarchical theory of moral responsibility, that of Harry Frankfurt.9
According to Frankfurt, free will requires an agent to have both first-order
desires and second-order volitions (which are a kind of desire), which are in
line, in the sense that you want certain first-order desires of your own to be
effective (i.e. that you want to put them into action), and those desires are in
fact effective. In Frankfurt’s famous example, an unwilling drug addict
whose desire to take the drug is put into action, but who wants that desire
not to be effective, does not have free will.
There are some obvious similarities between these two conceptions of
freely willed action. First, both involve a hierarchy of attitudes, in
Frankfurt’s case a hierarchy of kinds of desire, in Kant’s a hierarchy of
maxims. The different levels of each hierarchy are explained in different
ways, however. A second-order volition is a type of desire whose content
includes another desire. The Gesinnung does not seem to be a maxim which
contains first-order maxims as part of its content, rather it is a choice of
morality over self-love – or vice versa. Each person has only one Gesinnung
(at least, at any one time) but presumably may have a number of second-
order volitions.
In both theories, the higher-order attitudes are or should be in some sense
authoritative over the lower order. The higher-order attitude enables the
lower-order attitude to be formed on the basis of reflection and reason, and
so the lower order is supposed to comply with the higher-order attitude,
and, in a morally responsible agent, they do comply. The need for a ground
for one’s choices is present in both, for one to count as morally responsible
for one’s actions.
There is a highly significant difference between Frankfurt’s account of
moral responsibility and Kant’s, however. Though Frankfurt is not com-
mitted to the truth of causal determinism, his account of free will and of
moral responsibility is compatible with it. For Frankfurt, a free will is a will
that you want − that is, where you act on the first-order desires that you
want to be effective. It may be that you are causally determined to have a
will structured in this way. It even appears possible that your second-order
volitions or first-order desires could be manipulated by external forces – by a
curious scientist, for instance – so that you have a Frankfurtian free will.
You might have the kind of upbringing that ensures that you are not “sane,”
in Susan Wolf’s sense of the term: you have the wrong values and you are
9
Harry Frankfurt, “Freedom of the Will and the Concept of a Person,” Journal of Philosophy 68 (1971),
pp. 5–20.
86 ALISON HILLS
unable to change them.10 But you might still have a free will and be morally
responsible for your actions, according to Frankfurt.
Kant, in contrast, explicitly invokes free choice at each stage of his
account, from the choice of a Gesinnung to the choice of first-order maxims,
where this includes the freedom to choose differently. You could not be
manipulated into choosing a maxim or a Gesinnung, for if you were
manipulated, or if your “choice” were causally determined, you would not
have really chosen a maxim or metamaxim at all (R 6:25, 31, 32, 35).
Kant’s incompatibilism is both a large cost and a large benefit of his
account of moral responsibility. The benefit is in avoiding altogether the
possibility of manipulation resulting in moral responsibility. The cost is that
he is committed to our making choices that are not causally determined,
that is, noumenal choices. And these seem even more mysterious once we
have a hierarchical model. For I have to make two related choices – a
Gesinnung, and then a first-order maxim which is grounded in my choice
of morality or self-love. But what is this “grounding?” It cannot be that a
choice of Gesinnung causally determines the first-order maxim that I choose,
for then I would not have chosen that maxim freely. I will return to this
problem later.
There is another significant problem with this theory of moral responsi-
bility: the arguments sketched for it appear to lead to an infinite regress.
Suppose that, as we assumed, the choice of a maxim is an action, and all
actions must be based on maxims. Then the choice of a maxim like “when I
believe myself to be in need of money I shall borrow money and promise to
repay it” must be based on the Gesinnung. But the choice of a Gesinnung is
an action which must be based on a prior maxim – a meta-meta-maxim.
And the choice of that maxim must be based on a maxim, and so on. In
order to perform one action, we must perform infinitely many.
We can avoid the infinite regress by denying that the choice of a maxim is
a kind of action (or if it is, it is one that is quite unlike other actions, insofar
as it does not necessarily have to be based on a maxim). That seems to be a
possible response, though ideally we might like some positive account of
what choosing a maxim is. Except that, once more, we have no reason for
introducing the Gesinnung. For if the choice of a maxim need not be an
action, presumably the choice of individual maxims need not, and so there
is no need to posit a maxim for that action, and it seems that there can be
free, morally responsible action without a Gesinnung.
10
Susan Wolf, “Sanity and the Metaphysics of Responsibility,” in Ferdinand Schoeman (ed.),
Responsibility, Character and the Emotions (Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 46–62.
Gesinnung 87
The second argument also appears to introduce a regress. The choice of a
higher-order attitude needs a reason, and that reason must be based on an
attitude of a still higher order. This regress is acknowledged by Kant: “there
cannot be any further cognition of the subjective ground or cause of this
adoption, for otherwise we would have to adduce still another maxim into
which the disposition would have to be incorporated” (R 6:25).
Again there is an obvious difficulty. If it is possible to act for reasons
without choosing those reasons on the basis of other reasons, then presum-
ably an agent can do that when she chooses a maxim in the first place, and
there is no need for a metamaxim. If she cannot, then it is hard to see how
you could act for reasons at all, since a choice of action for reasons would
have to be supported by reasons for those reasons, and reasons for those
reasons, ad infinitum.
Other conceptions of moral responsibility that invoke a hierarchy of atti-
tudes face similar problems of course. Frankfurt’s account, for instance, has to
face the question of why freedom of the will requires that you form second-
order volitions with which your first-order desires align, but not third-order,
fourth-order, and so on. Any reason for requiring second-order volitions – for
instance, that freedom of the will requires that you reflect on your desires and
form a view about which you would like to act on, that is, a higher-order
desire – could apply equally well to the formation of second-order desires.
Frankfurt recognizes and addresses this problem. He claims that, though
it is possible to have volitions of third order or higher, it is possible for you to
identify wholeheartedly and decisively with one of your first-order desires –
this commitment “resounds” throughout the potentially endless higher
orders.
Despite clearly recognizing the potential for an infinite regress in his
argument for a Gesinnung, Kant does not fully explain how he thinks the
regress should be blocked. This is a fundamental problem, since it threatens
to undermine his entire theory of action.
He does, however, make some suggestive remarks, distinguishing the
“deed” of choice of metamaxim, from the “deed” which is the choice of an
individual maxim (R 6:31). Though this is not made explicit, one difference
between the two deeds must be that, whilst first-order maxims need to be
chosen on the basis of a further maxim, the metamaxim does not.
Why not? To explain this, we need to think again about reasons for
action. There is a difference between there being reason in favor of an
action – e.g. that it is morally required, or that it increases your happiness –
and your taking that consideration to be a reason for action. What is it for
you to take something to be a reason?
88 ALISON HILLS
11
This sort of argument fits well with Arpaly’s conception of moral worth (though other aspects of her
theory are not particularly Kantian) – namely, that depth of commitment to morality influences moral
worth: Nomy Arpaly, “Moral Worth,” Journal of Philosophy 99 (2002), pp. 223–45. This view is
criticized by Julia Markovits, who argues that a theory of moral worth should not be too demanding
on agents, and that doing the right thing for the right-making reasons is sufficient for morally worthy
action: Markovits, “Acting for the Right Reasons,” Philosophical Review 119 (2010), pp. 201–42.
Gesinnung 91
would result in actions like my giving to charity because doing so was my
duty, but only when I was in a sufficiently good mood.
If this is right, does a good metamaxim need to be based on a good
higher-level maxim too, if your action is to be morally worthy? I do not
think so. Morally worthy action requires a commitment to morality over
self-love, which grounds good individual maxims. What further commit-
ment to morality could be wanted or required? Could we ask that that
whole-hearted commitment to morality must itself be based on a whole-
hearted commitment to morality? It is not clear to me what this could mean.
As we saw earlier, the choice of a metamaxim cannot be based on a prior
commitment to treat morality or self-interest as having priority, because
that is exactly what you are now choosing to do. Morally worthy action
needs a good maxim, based on a good metamaxim, and that is all.
6 Character
One good action does not make a person good; one action performed for
the wrong reasons does not make a person evil. A good person typically or
reliably performs morally worthy actions; an evil person typically or reliably
performs bad actions (or, at least, she performs actions for bad reasons).
Can we nevertheless explain the moral evaluation of persons entirely in
terms of good or bad reasons for action?
X is evil if all of the actions for which she is morally responsible are
performed for bad reasons;
or
X is evil if almost all of the actions for which she is morally responsible are
performed for bad reasons;
or
X is evil if most of the actions for which she is morally responsible are
performed for bad reasons.
These definitions would have to be refined, to take into account the
possibility of a change in character, and this may not be straightforward. But
the major drawback of this approach is that to be a bad (or good) person is
wholly explained in terms of the good or bad actions that you perform. It is
not therefore possible to give an explanation of the following form: she
made a false promise because she is an evil person. To do that, we need a
conception of the person’s character, in virtue of which she performs good
or bad actions. Since the Gesinnung is a deep commitment to morality or to
self-love, which grounds the choice of individual maxims, it seems that in
Kant’s account, your character is your Gesinnung.
92 ALISON HILLS
This of course raises many questions. I will start with an obvious prob-
lem: what is the relationship between the Gesinnung and the choice of
individual maxims?
A familiar way of understanding the relationship between character and
action is that character is a disposition to perform certain kinds of action (for
certain reasons). Can we understand the Gesinnung as a disposition, and the
individual maxims as manifestations of that disposition?
One very obvious question is whether it is possible to choose a first-order
maxim that does not conform to the Gesinnung. Can a bad person act well,
or a good person act badly? This seems to be possible, and would be possible
according to this account, provided that you can have a disposition that is
not manifested. We might, however, expect an explanation of why the
disposition is not manifested in these circumstances. It is not clear what
explanation could be given.
More seriously, it is unclear what explanation might be given of the
“straightforward” case in which a good person chooses a dutiful maxim.
The connection between a disposition and its manifestations is often under-
stood as causal. But it is hard to see how Kant could accept there being a
causal connection between Gesinnung and maxims. According to Kant,
causation is a phenomenal relation, but a Gesinnung is noumenal (R 6:31).
A causal connection is in time, and the cause must be prior to the effect. This
would imply that the Gesinnung had been adopted at a time prior to the
maxim’s being chosen, which is not consistent with Kant’s claim that the
Gesinnung is timeless (R 6:25). Finally, the idea of a causal connection
between the Gesinnung and particular maxims is problematic given Kant’s
view that both the first-order maxims and the Gesinnung are freely chosen
(R 6:21–22, 39–40).
Another way of understanding the relationship is that the Gesinnung and
first-order maxims are not really two separate things. We might deny that a
Gesinnung is really different from adopting series of maxims: having a
Gesinnung might be more like living a certain kind of life. As Sussman puts it:
Adopting an intention to walk does not have to be a precisely datable event
standing in determinate temporal and causal relations to the activity of
walking itself . . . intention is an aspect of the entire activity as a whole,
not an ingredient or a stage of it. Similarly my fundamental moral resolution
may be something that is located not in any particular episode of my
biography, but in my life as a whole.12
12
David Sussman, “Perversity of the Heart,” Philosophical Review 114 (2005), p. 173.
Gesinnung 93
Sussman offers an intriguing and appealing suggestion. It explains how a
Gesinnung can be timeless in a completely non-mysterious way: a Gesinnung
is not located at any particular time but is constituted by my life as a whole.
But it does not fit so well with other features of the Gesinnung, as described
by Kant.
First, that it is a ground of individual maxims seems to require that the
Gesinnung is separate from those maxims, but it is not clear that there is
sufficient separation here.
Second, according to Kant, in order for action based on the Gesinnung
to be imputable to you, you must have chosen your Gesinnung (R 6:25,
32). It is not clear that there is or could be a genuine choice of a life as a
whole.
I suggest that a better account does take seriously that the metamaxim is a
kind of maxim, whose content is a commitment to take certain consider-
ations as reasons for action (more precisely, to take morality and self-love to
ground reasons for action, but to take moral considerations to have weight
over self-interest, or vice versa).
This maxim leads to choices of first-order maxims involving particular
actions and particular ends or reasons for those actions. The process of
reasoning from the metamaxim to first-order maxims is similar to other
forms of reasoning, either theoretical or practical (as when we reason
instrumentally from a maxim to do some action, to a further maxim to
adopt a means to perform it).
One way of understanding this relationship is in terms of counter-
factuals. If you had not chosen to put self-love over morality, you would
not have chosen the maxim “when I believe myself to be in need of
money I shall borrow money and promise to repay it, even though I know
this will never happen.” The counterfactual dependence of the choice of
first-order maxim on the choice of metamaxim grounds an explanatory
relationship between the two. It is in virtue of your commitment to
morality over self-love (or otherwise) that you choose first-order maxims,
so it is quite appropriate to say that you did this kind of action because
you are evil, or that action because you are good. This account also leaves
room for the possibility of someone essentially bad on occasion doing a
morally worthy action, i.e. not just doing the right thing, but for the
right reasons (at least in the shallow sense identified earlier). In this
case, the first-order maxim would not be dependent on her metamaxim
and we would not be able to say: “she did that because of the kind of
person that she is.”
94 ALISON HILLS
13
For instance, David Lewis, “Causation,” Journal of Philosophy 70 (1973), pp. 556–67.
14
Kant’s theory of character is also developed in the Metaphysics of Morals, where he distinguishes a
number of different virtues and vices. See also Lara Denis, “Kant’s Conception of Virtue,” in
Paul Guyer (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Kant and Modern Philosophy (Cambridge
University Press, 2006), pp. 505–37; and Allen W. Wood, Kant’s Ethical Thought (Cambridge
University Press, 1999), pp. 331–33.
Gesinnung 95
the idea of unity within an agent, which as we have already seen is very
important to Kant.
For instance, we might wish to explain why Albert refrains from telling a
lie at time t, and also refrains from telling a lie at t´; that he gives to charity at
t´´ and at t´´´. And this might well be explained by his having a good
metamaxim, one that puts morality over self-love. We may also be able to
explain apparent inconsistencies in action by means of a metamaxim. For
instance, that Benedict refrains from telling a lie at t´ but not at t´´ may be
explained by his having given priority to self-love, and in both cases acting
in a way that he thinks will make him happy. Having a particular meta-
maxim gives you a certain kind of consistency in action through time – not
necessarily that you are performing the same kind of action, but that you are
acting on the basis of the same types of consideration: considerations that
you take to be reasons for action.
A second purpose of the idea of character is to explain differences in
action. For instance, suppose that Charlotte tends to treat people with
respect whilst Dorothy tends to patronize them, sometimes almost coercing
them to do what she wants. This might be explained by Charlotte giving
priority to morality and Dorothy not.
A Gesinnung can clearly play both these roles. Whether you put
morality over self-love, or vice versa, will determine the type of actions
you choose, and distinguish you from others who choose differently (you
will also have different conceptions of happiness, in virtue of your differ-
ent desires).
The concept of character also plays a vital role in the moral evaluation of a
person, and, as we have already seen, this is one of the features of Gesinnung
that is most important to Kant. To determine whether someone is a good
person or not, we cannot look to their actions – because both Charlotte and
Dorothy will often help people and refrain from telling lies – nor can we just
look at their first-order maxims, for even a bad person can, on occasion,
choose a good maxim. We need to look at their fundamental orientation: do
they give priority to morality or self-love? According to Kant, the Gesinnung
alone settles that question.
There are limits to the use of a person’s Gesinnung in explaining action
and in evaluating that person, because, according to Kant, there are
basically only two possible metamaxims: one which prioritizes morality
over self-love and one which does not. Obviously, people with the same
metamaxim will act differently. Those who prioritize self-love will have
different desires, and hence different views on what happiness is.
Moreover, some will choose self-love only when the cost to themselves
96 ALISON HILLS
of acting morally is very great; others are tempted to do wrong very easily.
Kant calls both evil, but it is surely helpful to be able to distinguish them.
Here it is useful to supplement the Gesinnung with what Kant says about
virtue and vice elsewhere, in the Metaphysics of Morals, where, for
instance, he describes how different people have different strengths of
will ( fortitudo) to resist temptation (MS 6:380).
There are obviously striking differences between Kant’s conception of
Gesinnung and the notion of character in, for instance, the Aristotelian
tradition. According to Aristotle, character traits can be classified as
virtues and vices. Virtues are habits. They involve reason but also the
emotions. They enable someone to live well and are components of
eudaimonia. The differences between an Aristotelian conception of char-
acter and Kant’s Gesinnung are many and connect to issues that run very
deep in their moral philosophy. For instance, Kant would not accept that
moral virtue can be a kind of habit, since he regards habits as essentially
unfree (MS 6:407). Aristotle’s conception of eudaimonia is very different
from Kant’s conception of happiness, which consists in the satisfaction of
desire and is not something that he thinks can play an important role in
moral theory (G 4:418–19). Kant cannot accept that feelings or emotions
play a central role in your character, as Aristotle does, because he regards
these as not freely chosen, qualities for which we are not morally respon-
sible and for which it would be inappropriate to praise or blame us
(MS 6:408–9, 457).
It is, I think, questionable whether the moral evaluation of a person can
be based entirely on the choice of a metamaxim, rather than partly on one’s
non-cognitive attitudes, emotions, and feelings. But this is a deep part of
Kant’s ethics, and not an issue that can be settled here. Despite these deep
differences between the most prominent conception of moral character and
Kant’s Gesinnung, I do not think it unreasonable to see Gesinnung as (part
of) a conception of character.
7 Conclusion
Kant describes the Gesinnung only briefly throughout his ethical and
religious writings, but there is much of interest that can be reconstructed
from his remarks, including his provocative remarks in Religion within the
Boundaries of Mere Reason. Without question, his concept of the
Gesinnung plays important roles in Kant’s conceptions of moral respon-
sibility and of morally worthy action. The questions left only partially
Gesinnung 97
answered are obviously deep ones, for not only is the free choice of a
Gesinnung mysterious, but so also is the possibility of a change of
Gesinnung from evil to good (or vice versa). Nevertheless, the Gesinnung
is clearly of great significance, not least as the foundation of a distinctively
Kantian theory of character.15
15
I am very grateful to Gordon E. Michalson and Sergio Tenenbaum for helpful comments on an
earlier draft.
chapter 5
My thanks to Eric Watkins, Karl Ameriks, an anonymous reviewer for Cambridge University Press, and
audiences at the APA and the Humboldt Universität zu Berlin for helpful feedback on earlier drafts.
1
Glaube is an ambiguous German term that is typically translated as either “belief” or “faith.” I prefer to
avoid the latter term, since not all Glaube has to do with religious doctrine. Here I’ll use capitalized
“Belief” in order to distinguish it from contemporary notions of “belief.” See Andrew Chignell, “Belief
in Kant,” Philosophical Review 116 (2007), pp. 323–60, for more on Kant’s general notion of “Belief.”
98
Rational hope, possibility, and divine action 99
is concerned with the attitude of hope (Hoffnung). It’s even more surprising
that Kant gives hope, rather than Belief, pride of place in the list of questions
that motivate his entire critical philosophy:
all interest of my reason (the speculative as well as the practical) is united in
the following three questions:
1. What can I know?
2. What should I do?
3. What may I hope? (A806/B833)2
crucial difference between knowledge, rational Belief, and rational hope is that
they are governed by different modal constraints; section II discusses those
constraints and the kind of modality involved. In section III, I return to
Religion and offer what I take to be Kant’s account of the main objects of
rational hope in that text – namely, “alleged outer experiences (miracles)”; a
“supposed inner experience (effect of grace)”; and a future collective experience
(the construction of a truly ethical society) (R 6:53).6
6
Kant was by no means the first among Western religious thinkers to claim that hope is worth
discussing in a religious context. There is a Pauline precedent for conceiving hope along with faith
as near the top of the list of theological virtues, though not quite as important as love. Augustine has a
long discussion of hope in The Enchiridion: Faith, Hope, and Love, as well as some comments on the
virtue of hope in his tractates on the First Letter of John. Peter Lombard dedicated some of his Sentences
to the concept of hope, and as a result of this nearly everyone in the later medieval tradition remarked
on it in their Sentences-commentaries. Bonaventure is a prime example, though his account of hope is
unusual in that he construes it as a kind of meta-virtue: the sustained affective commitment that helps us
keep our faith constant and our loves properly ordered. See Rachel Lu, “Natural and Supernatural
Virtue in St. Bonaventure,” dissertation submitted to Cornell University, 2012. In most of these
thinkers, however, remarks about hope are sandwiched between much longer discussions of faith and
love. As far as I know, no one prior to Kant suggested that hope is the central attitude in religion, and
thus the central topic of the philosophy of religion. After Kant, in contrast, there have been further
efforts in that direction, typically by authors who are themselves deeply influenced by Kant – Ernst
Block, Das Prinzip Hoffnung (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1959); Jürgen Moltmann, Theologie der
Hoffnung: Untersuchungen zur Begründung und zu den Konsequenzen einer Christlichen Eschatologie, 3rd
edn. (Munich: C. Kaiser, 1965); James L. Muyskens, The Sufficiency of Hope: Conceptual Foundations
of Religion (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979).
7
I say “almost” because there is some talk of “theoretical” grounds for Belief in Kant’s writings as well.
See Chignell, “Belief in Kant,” and Lawrence Pasternack, “Kant’s ‘Doctrinal Belief in God,’” in
Oliver Thorndike (ed.), Rethinking Kant. Vol. III (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press,
2011), pp. 200–18, for discussion of this interesting hybrid attitude.
Rational hope, possibility, and divine action 101
By comparison with our ordinary concept of “belief” or “knowledge,” there
is very little discussion of hope in recent philosophical literature. Indeed, one
philosopher – J. P. Day8 – begins his 1969 paper on the topic with the claim
that philosophers have completely abandoned hope. That’s not quite fair –
there were a few authors before Day (such as Wheatley, Bloch, and Downie)9
who had kept hope alive philosophically. If there was a consensus analysis
amongst the more analytical mid-century authors, it was something like this:
S hopes that p if and only if
(H1) S desires that p, and
(H2) S believes that p is possible.
Phillip Pettit10 refers to this as the “lowest common denominator” con-
ception of hope – first, because it is common in a lot of those earlier
discussions, and second because (H1) and (H2) are shared by more robust
analyses, including his own. Luc Bovens, Ariel Meirav, and Adrienne
Martin, likewise take this to be the “orthodox account” (Martin’s term)
before going on to offer refinements and additions.11
(H1) could be made more precise, but the idea behind it seems uncon-
troversial: if I hope that p is true, then I have some sort of desire or pro-
attitude toward p’s truth. But what about (H2)? Clearly p can describe an
event that has not yet occurred – I hope that it will be sunny in Ithaca (and
believe that this is at least possible). But the relevant p can also describe
events that have already occurred but whose details are unavailable to me. If I
wasn’t there and haven’t heard any news about the matter, I can hope that
(i.e. desire and believe possible that) it wasn’t cloudy yesterday, even though
the facts of the case have been settled. Once I learn that Ithaca has been
experiencing one of its characteristic month-long gray spells, my hope
disappears.
But even with this in mind, (H2) as stated is too strong: for surely
someone can hope for p even if he or she has no actual beliefs at all –
occurrent or dispositional – about the modal status of p. Consider, then, the
somewhat weaker
8
John P. Day, “Hope,” American Philosophical Quarterly 6 (1969), pp. 89–102.
9
J. Wheatley, “Wishing and Hoping,” Analysis 18 (1958), pp. 121–31; Bloch, Das Prinzip Hoffnung;
Robin S. Downie, “Hope,” Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 24 (1963), pp. 248–51.
10
Philip Pettit, “Hope and its Place in Mind,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science 592 (2004), pp. 152–65.
11
Luc Bovens, “The Value of Hope,” Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 59 (1999), pp. 667–81;
Pettit, “Hope and its Place in Mind”; Ariel Meirav, “The Nature of Hope,” Ratio 22 ( 2009), pp. 216–33;
Adrienne M. Martin, “Hopes and Dreams,” Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 83 (2011),
pp. 148–73, and How We Hope (Princeton University Press, 2013).
102 ANDREW CHIGNELL
12
We would also need an account of what it is to be justified in believing some proposition. In order to
avoid such a Herculean assignment here, perhaps we can simply agree on a rough-and-ready character-
ization: S must possess whatever is required for the relevant belief, if she forms it, to be justified.
Rational hope, possibility, and divine action 103
2.2 The possibilities of hope
Empirical possibility
Does the modal condition on hope involve what Kant sometimes refers to
in the Critique as “empirical possibility”? This is the modal status enjoyed
by events or changes of state that are compatible with preceding states, given
the empirical laws.13 So is hope rational only when directed toward some-
thing that we are justified in taking to be empirically possible in this way?
Such a constraint, it seems to me, would be too weak in one sense, and
too strong in another. Too weak because at least some of the paradigmatic
objects of Kantian hope are not entirely empirical – Kant often speaks of
hope for a “moral world,” and such a world presumably involves our
intelligible, ethical characters. This kind of moral state may in some
minimal sense be “compatible” with empirical laws and preceding events,
since, qua moral state, it is not really part of the empirical nexus at all. But
that kind of compatibility is not what is meant when people (Kant included)
articulate modal conditions in terms of empirical possibility. In other
words, we don’t normally regard something as empirically possible just
because it is not an empirical object or state at all (e.g. an abstract object) and
so ipso facto fails to violate (or follow from) empirical laws. Rather, we
ascribe empirical possibility to something that is itself an empirical object or
event, one that, at the very least, positively coheres with the conjunction of
the empirical laws and the description of all previous events.
There is another sense, however, in which construing the constraint in
(RH2) as involving empirical possibility is too strong. For the “moral world”
does have an empirical component or upshot – Kant famously thinks that
the highest good involves not just virtue (i.e. worthiness to be happy), but
also genuine “happiness in the world proportionate to the worthiness to be
happy” (R 6:8n). Such happiness – for sensing, feeling creatures like us –
will be partly empirical (R 6:6–7n). And yet, for all we know, such happiness
may not be in keeping with the empirical laws of the actual world and thus
may be empirically impossible. And there might be other empirical anoma-
lies for which one can, in the right context, reasonably hope (see section III
below). If this is right, then a reading of the modal constraint in (RH2) as
empirical fails in at least two different ways.
13
See A220ff./B268ff., as well as Andrew Chignell and Nicholas Stang, “Postulate des empirischen
Denkens,” in G. Mohr, J. Stolzenberg, and M. Willaschek (eds.), Kant-Lexicon (Berlin: Walter
de Gruyter, 2014), n.p.
104 ANDREW CHIGNELL
Formal possibility
What other kinds of possibility are available? In the first of the three
Postulates, Kant develops the notion of a more abstract kind of modality
that invokes not the actual initial conditions and empirical laws, but rather
the general “formal conditions” of our experience, conditions that may well
be consistent with non-actual conditions and non-actual laws. He defines it
as follows: “That which agrees (übereinkommt) with the formal conditions
of experience (according to intuition and concepts), is possible” (A218/
B265).Here too there is a question about what “agreement” with the formal
conditions of experience requires. Kant’s own examples are of little help −
he cites the following as “mere figments of the brain” that do not agree with
the formal conditions of experience: “A substance that is persistently present
in space yet without filling it . . . or a special fundamental power of the
mind to intuit the future . . . or, finally, a faculty of our mind to stand in
a community of thoughts with other men (no matter how distant they
may be)” (A222-23/B270). Although the concepts of such things are logically
coherent, Kant admits, the claim that their objects are possible is “totally
groundless . . . because they cannot be founded on experience and its laws
with which we are acquainted (weil sie nicht auf Erfahrung und deren bekannte
Gesetze gegründet werden kann)” (A223/B270).
But what does “experience and its laws with which we are acquainted”
mean in this context? I’ve been simply assuming that the formal “laws” here
are the a-priori formal laws of experience – specifically, the principles
derived from the categories, such as the Causal Principle of the Second
Analogy. But the examples Kant cites (telepathy, soothsaying, ghost-like
entities) are not − or not obviously − incompatible with such highly general
and formal principles. If, on the other hand, “laws” refers to the empirical
laws, then Kant would be saying merely that we do not know that these
items are compatible with the specific empirical laws of the actual world.
But then it is not clear why this would support agnosticism about their
formal possibility. Again, Kant defines formal possibility here as compati-
bility with the formal conditions of experience, and these are supposed to be
far less determinate than specific empirical laws and thus compatible with
different sets of them.14
If we apply this point to the hope issue, formal possibility seems too weak
to be a candidate for inclusion in (RH2), given that numerous states of the
14
See Chignell and Stang, “Postulate,” for more discussion of this puzzle, and of the Postulates
generally.
Rational hope, possibility, and divine action 105
intelligible realm – some of which ground the happiness of the virtuous, and
some of which don’t – are “compatible” with the formal conditions of
intuition and category-application. Such a flaccid principle is surely not
what’s intended by someone trying to provide an informative account of
rational hope.
Logical possibility
What, then, about strict logical possibility? Is the constraint on rational hope
in (RH2) that its objects must be logically possible, or at least taken by the
subject to be so? This is also too weak. It’s true that logic prevents me from
rationally hoping that 2+2 = 5 or that I will meet a married bachelor
someday. So a constraint that entails logical possibility is presumably
involved. But hope seems equally irrational, fanciful, and false when its
object is water that has a chemical constituency other than H2O, or a
zombie with empathetic feelings, or an event without a cause, or (to use
Kant’s own example in the Postulates) two straight lines that manage, on
their own, to enclose a figure (A220-21/B268). We need to find something
stronger if the condition in (RH2) is to limn the contours of the relevant
domain.
Real possibility
What philosophers now call metaphysical possibility offers, I submit, the
right joint at which to carve. It may seem anachronistic to import this
notion – lost in early analytic philosophy but rehabilitated by Kripke and
others at the end of the twentieth century – into a discussion of Kant’s
philosophy. But in fact Kant develops and uses a modal notion that is quite
similar: he calls it “absolute possibility” in the Postulates chapter, and
elsewhere simply “real possibility.” Absolute (real) possibility “goes beyond
all possible empirical use of the understanding” and relates to things and
their natures per se – it has to do with what is “possible in all respects” rather
than “possible only under conditions that are themselves merely possible”
(A232/B284).
The concepts of real possibility and real necessity are found in Kant’s
thought as early as the 1760s, and they play an important role throughout
his career. In the critical period, for instance, Kant famously argues that
we must not go beyond the domains of empirical and formal possibility
and make speculative inferences to first causes, intelligent designers, free
wills, world-wholes, and other supersensibles. Why not? At least one of his
concerns is that those speculative concepts may contain predicates that are
“really repugnant” – either alone or in combination. In other words, the
106 ANDREW CHIGNELL
objects of these thoughts may be really impossible, for all we know, and
thus for epistemic purposes we ought to regard them as mere “figments of
the brain, for the possibility of which there would be no indications at all”
(A222/B270).15
Given that Kant clearly employs a notion of real modality throughout his
career, we needn’t be too concerned about anachronism in the present
context. The proposal, then, is that the second condition in the analysis of
rational hope should be
(RH2revised) S is justified in believing that p is really possible.
Many of Kant’s explicit references to hope support something very much
like this conception. Here is one of the crucial passages in the first Critique:
it is equally necessary to accept in accordance with reason in its theoretical
use (eben so nothwendig sei es auch nach der Vernunft, in ihrem theoretischen
Gebrauch anzunehmen) that everyone has grounds (Ursache) to hope
for happiness in the same measure as he has made himself worthy of it in
his conduct, and that the system of morality is therefore inseparably
combined with the system of happiness, though only in the idea of pure
reason. (A809/B837)
Note the phrase “accept . . . that everyone has grounds to hope.” Given the
practical context of the discussion, it is clear that “acceptance” here is equiv-
alent to Belief (Glaube) in the technical Kantian sense, and indeed Kant often
treats these two terms – Annehmung and Glaube – as synonyms. What we are
Believing in this practical way, then, is that everyone has (non-epistemic)
grounds to hope for happiness in proportion to his or her own virtue.
It is crucial to see that Kant is not encouraging us baldly to accept that
there actually is a necessary connection between virtue and happiness.
Rather, the most that rational hope requires is that we Believe that such a
connection is really possible. Kant says something similar in the third
Critique: a “righteous man (like Spinoza)” who seeks to be self-consistent
must accept (annehmen) the existence of a moral author of the world, i.e. the
existence of God from a practical point of view, so that he can at least form a
concept of the possibility of the final end that is morally prescribed to him; and
15
For more discussion of real repugnance, see Andrew Chignell, “Real Repugnance and our Ignorance
of Things-in-Themselves: A Lockean Problem in Kant and Hegel,” International Yearbook of German
Idealism 7 (2009), pp. 135–59; and “Real Repugnance and Belief about Things-in-Themselves: A
Problem and Kant’s Three Solutions,” in James Krueger and Benjamin Bruxvoort Lipscomb (eds.),
Kant’s Moral Metaphysics: God, Freedom, and Immortality (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2010),
pp. 177–211.
Rational hope, possibility, and divine action 107
he can indeed do this, since [such an idea] is at least not intrinsically
contradictory. (KU 5:452–3, my emphasis)
God’s actual existence is accepted as a condition of the real possibility of a
moral world, which is something we also positively accept/Believe. In
Kant’s own view of rational hope, then, it looks like (RH2revised) has to
give way to
(RH2Kant) S at least rationally Believes that p is really possible.
The difference between (RH2revised) and (RH2Kant) is that the former
doesn’t require the subject to have any positive attitudes at all, while the
latter does. For the supersensible objects of hope we’re concerned with in
religious contexts, the relevant attitude will be Kantian Vernunftglaube
based on practical grounds. But the “at least” in (RH2Kant) is supposed
to indicate that different attitudes with different kinds of justification might
be appropriate in other contexts.
We have now arrived at two of the most significant necessary conditions
on Kantian rational hope:
S rationally hopes that p only if
(R1) S rationally desires that p,
(RH2Kant) S at least rationally Believes that p is really possible.
With this partial analysis as well as a sense of the modal theory in the
background, we can now turn directly to Religion in an effort to understand
its account of some of the main objects of rational hope.
16
Discourse on Metaphysics sections 16–17 (1686), in Roger Ariew and D. Garber (eds.), Philosophical
Essays (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Co., 1989), pp. 48–49. Elsewhere in this work it becomes
clear that some events are not just above, but positively “contrary” to, the “subordinate maxims which
we call the nature of things” (Discourse section 7, p. 40). He repeats this formulation in a letter to
Arnauld of July 14, 1686 − “miracles are contrary to some subordinate maxims or laws of nature” − in
H. T. Mason (ed.), The Leibniz−Arnauld Correpondence (Manchester University Press, 1967), p. 57,
my emphasis.
110 ANDREW CHIGNELL
that typically describe what is actual and causally necessary. If this model is
coherent, then it may be rational for a practitioner of Kantian religion to
hope, in the right circumstances, for such an event to occur, even while
assuming (for all practical and theoretical purposes) that it won’t. The only
claim about miracles that we must “dispute with all our might,” Kant says, is
that they authenticate a particular religion, or that belief in them is pleasing
to God and/or religiously required (R 6:85).
There is more to be said about this,17 but since it is clear that empirical
miracles are not a central focus of Kant’s Religion, I propose to move on to two
other uses of the concept of rational hope that go to the very heart of his theory.
17
See Andrew Chignell, “Rationalism, Religion, and the Laws: Leibniz and Kant on Miracles,” in
Brandon Look (ed.), Leibniz and Kant (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014). For alternative
approaches to the topic, see A. Tuan Nuyen, “Kant on Miracles,” History of Philosophy Quarterly 19
(2002), pp. 309–23, and chapter 7 by Karl Ameriks in the present volume.
18
See Gordon E. Michalson, Jr.’s negative review of the “perspectives” account in his Fallen Freedom:
Kant on Radical Evil and Moral Regeneration (Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 103ff. See
Stephen R. Palmquist, Kant’s Critical Religion (Aldershot and Burlington: Ashgate, 2000), and
Christopher McCammon, “Overcoming Deism,” for more positive assessments.
Rational hope, possibility, and divine action 111
according to which God is ontologically involved. This is the approach that
Kant often seems to favor, but it is deeply problematic insofar as it seems to
undermine his commitment to human autonomy. We can see this in the
following argument:
(P1) If S is morally responsible for changing the quality of his will,
then S is fully ontologically responsible19 for changing the
quality of his will.
(P2) S is not fully ontologically responsible for changing the quality
of his will.
(C) Thus, S is not morally responsible for changing the quality of
his will.
(A) S is morally responsible for making himself good (i.e. for changing
the quality of his will from evil to good) (from Kant’s ethics)
(B) S can make himself good (from [A] and Ought-Implies-Can)
(C) If S is morally responsible for making himself good, and S can
make himself good, then S is fully ontologically responsible for
making himself good as well (Stoic maxim)
(D) S requires God’s assistance in becoming good (from [A]−[C])
The conundrum here arises from the fact that the conjunction of any three
is supposed to be incompatible with the fourth. But Kant cannot reject (A),
given his overall ethical theory, and he cannot retain (A) and reject (B)
without violating Ought-Implies-Can (which is clearly endorsed in Religion
at R 6:45 and 62). So, say the conundrumists, he is forced to deny either
(C) – the Stoic maxim – or (D) the requirement of divine assistance, both of
which he seems to endorse.
I want to suggest, in contrast, that once we clarify the kind of modality at
work in this context, the incompatibility, and the conundrum, disappear.
For even if (A)−(C) are true, it might still be in some sense possible (and thus
possibly required) for S to receive some sort of assistance. The possibility
would not be empirical, of course, since we’re talking about non-empirical
states of the will. But there are at least two other options. First, consider the
noumenal analogue of empirical possibility. There are presumably princi-
ples analogous to “laws” in the intelligible world of free agents, and so
perhaps these laws allow two different agents to be fully ontologically
responsible for the same action. The picture would thus be similar to
scholastic and early modern doctrines of concurrence, though at the merely
intelligible rather than empirical level. It is revealing in this regard, then,
that in his lectures Kant explicitly refers to the doctrine of supersensible
assistance as involving a concursus divinus (VpR 28:1106) or even a concursum
morale (VpR 28:1110).
Conundrum theorists will insist here, however, that this is just obviously
a violation of Kant’s strongly held doctrines about libertarian freedom. And,
to be sure, elsewhere in his arguments about freedom, Kant does seem to
indicate that a free act is an “unconditioned” event, one that cannot involve
the assistance of another agent without violating the “laws” of freedom.
The second option simply grasps this nettle. Perhaps such a violation is
precisely what Kant has in mind when he talks about supersensible assistance:
it is a violation of the “laws” of the intelligible world of free agents, and yet it
is possible in some deeper sense, and can thus still be the object of rational
hope. Here is more of the passage just cited from the religion lectures:
Rational hope, possibility, and divine action 113
Of course this idea of freedom is one which belongs to the intelligible world,
and we are acquainted with nothing of it beyond the fact that it exists, so we
also do not know the laws by which it is governed. But even if our reason
cannot deny the possibility of this concursus, it still sees that such an effect
would have to be a miracle of the moral world, just as God’s acts of cooper-
ation with occurrences in the sensible world are God’s miracles in the
physical world.22 (VpR 28:1106–7)
Kant draws an important analogy at the end of this passage: just as an empirical
miracle is possible even though it violates the particular laws of the empirical
world, he suggests, perhaps a moral concursus is possible at some absolutely
fundamental level, even though it violates the “laws” of the intelligible world.
We find complementary passages in Religion in which Kant suggests both
that our moral state is “incumbent” on us, and yet that assistance may be
possible. In the first of these, he also makes the same analogy between the
natural scientist’s ignorance (given his “occupation” of investigation) of the
deep grounds of nature’s patterns, and the moral agent’s ignorance of
whether he’s receiving some supersensible aid:
Now, to occupational affairs (Geschäften) also belongs the natural scientist’s
search for the causes of events in the natural laws governing those events; I
mean the natural laws of those events that he can thus verify through
experience, even though he must renounce acquaintance (Kenntnis) of that,
in itself, which brings about effects according to these laws, or of what these
laws for us might be relative to some other possible sense-faculty. A human
being’s moral improvement is likewise an occupational affair (Geschäfte)
incumbent upon him, and heavenly influences may indeed always cooperate
in this improvement, or be deemed necessary to explain its possibility. Yet he
himself has no understanding in the matter: neither how to distinguish with
certainty such influences from the natural ones, nor how to bring them and
thus, as it were, heaven itself down to himself; thus, since he doesn’t know
what to do with them, he does not in this case sanction miracles but rather, if he
pays heed to the call of reason, conducts himself as if all change of heart and
improvement rests solely on the application of his own effort.23 (R 6:87–88)
22
In the practical works, Kant often uses the phrase “laws of freedom” or “laws of the intelligible world”
to refer to the moral law (e.g. G 4:453–54). But in this passage he must be speaking of the “laws” that
govern the intelligible domain of freedom in some broader sense, since he says that we don’t know
them, and we do of course know the moral law. Compare, here, a passage in Religion where Kant
indicates that what we are acquainted with in practical cognition is only a subset of these laws, namely
the moral ones: “But we are at least acquainted with the (moral) laws of freedom” (R 6:191, Kant’s
parenthesis and emphasis).
23
Kant attaches a key footnote to the word “sanction” (statuirert) here, part of which I quoted earlier:
“This is the same as saying that he does not incorporate miracles into his maxims (either of theoretical
or practical reason), even though he does not dispute (anfechten) their possibility or actuality.”
114 ANDREW CHIGNELL
26
O’Neil, “Kant on Reason and Religion,” goes over some of this same material in an effort to find an
account of “hope without doctrine” (p. 280). If we can manage to keep the focus entirely on this-
worldly progress, she says, perhaps we can take Kant’s argument to underwrite the Belief that the
ethical community is possible and the hope for its achievement as a result of our efforts alone, without
an appeal to providence. See Flikschuh, “Hope as Prudence,” for a critical assessment of O’Neill’s
view here.
Rational hope, possibility, and divine action 117
duty in society and conformed our will to it, we are implicitly committed to
Belief that its achievement in a this-worldly context is really possible, and
able to have rational hope for this “fulfillment.”
Kant on grace
Leslie Stevenson
Kant’s late work Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason may seem to
occupy an unstable half-way house between traditional Christianity and the
robustly humanist stance of most other Enlightenment thinkers such as Hume
and the French philosophes, and their atheist successors in the nineteenth
century, Feuerbach, Marx, and Nietzsche. Gordon E. Michalson1 has
argued that the logic of Kant’s argument takes him in the latter direction,
whereas John Hare says it points rather toward mainline Christianity.2 But
are those the only two alternatives? I will suggest that rather than Kant being
pulled toward either Christian orthodoxy or atheistic humanism, his stren-
uous wrestling with the notion of divine grace can draw both believer and
agnostic toward recognition of the ultimate inexplicability of human action
and character, and the need for forgiveness and hope.
I
The word “grace” has multiple meanings listed in the dictionaries, and is a
clear example of a family-resemblance term. Nearest to the theological
conception is the English phrase “grace and favour,” meaning the freely
chosen conferment of a benefit by a superior in status, power, or wealth,
where there is no question of recognizing a right, and not necessarily of
rewarding any particular merit. In theological usage, the superior is God,
of course. This chapter will concentrate on Kant’s treatment of the concept
of divine grace, a much-loved but much-contested concept in theology
since the beginning of Christianity.
At the end of each of the four parts of the Religion, Kant appends a
“General remark” extending to several pages. He describes these as parerga
1
Gordon E. Michalson, Fallen Freedom: Kant on Radical Evil and Moral Regeneration (Cambridge
University Press, 1990).
2
John Hare, The Moral Gap: Kantian Ethics, Human Limits, and God’s Assistance (Oxford University
Press, 1996).
118
Kant on grace 119
(R 6:52): topics not belonging within his rational conception of religion, yet
“bordering on it.” He offers as titles for his four parerga: (1) “Of Effects of
Grace”; (2) “Miracles”; (3) “Mysteries”; and (4) “Means of Grace”; and he
explains how he conceives of their borderline status.
Reason, conscious of its impotence to satisfy its moral needs, extends itself to
extravagant ideas which might make up for this lack, though it is not suited
to this enlarged domain. Reason does not contest the possibility or actuality
of the objects of these ideas: it just cannot incorporate them into its maxims
of thought and action. And if in the inscrutable field of the supernatural
there is something more than it can bring to its understanding, which may
however be necessary to make up for its moral impotence, reason even
counts on this something being made available to its good will even if
uncognized, with a faith which . . . we might call reflective, since the dogmatic
faith which announces itself to be a knowledge appears to reason dishonest or
impudent. (R 6:52)
This fits with the sharp distinction between knowledge (Wissen) and faith
(Glaube) that Kant had elaborated on in his three Critiques.3 In his view, the
religious beliefs in God and immortality can be neither proved nor disproved
by rational argument or by scientific evidence, yet they are not meaningless,
and are appropriate (and in some sense necessary) objects of faith.
In the General remark appended to Part One, Kant distinguishes
between “religion of rogation (of mere cult, connoting the courting of
favor) and moral religion, i.e. the religion of good life-conduct” (R 6:51).
About the former, he sarcastically describes devotees as expecting either that
God can make them eternally happy without any need on their part to
become better people, or that He can make them better people without
their doing anything more than asking or wishing for it. But with the latter,
Kant says we are entitled to hope for the grace of God:
it is a fundamental principle that, to become a better human being, everyone
must do as much as it is in his powers to do; and only then, if a human being
has not buried his innate talent (Luke 19:12–16), if he has made use of the
original predisposition to the good in order to become a better human being,
can he hope that what does not lie in his power will be made good by
cooperation from above. (R 6:52)
He goes on to say that it is not essential for each human being to know what
God does for his or her salvation. Alleged “effects of grace” in inner
3
I offer a systematic analysis of Kant’s epistemological vocabulary in Leslie Stevenson, “Knowledge,
Belief or Faith, and Opinion,” Kantian Review 7 (2003), pp. 72–101. A revised version of this paper is
included in Stevenson, Inspirations from Kant (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011).
120 LESLIE STEVENSON
God’s grace performs a different function here from in Part One. There
“co-operation from above” was hoped for (though its operations cannot
be discerned) to help make us better human beings, to bring about definite
improvements in our moral characters. But now a God’s-eye point of view
(in terms of omniscience and perfect moral standards) is invoked, firstly to
judge all our efforts as inadequate, however much moral progress we may
make, yet secondly (in terms of God’s love and forgiveness) not to impose
4
It is puzzling that Kant makes no reference to Luther (let alone Calvin). Perhaps the influence was so
pervasive in Kant’s time that it did not need to be mentioned.
122 LESLIE STEVENSON
the blame or punishment that we strictly deserve but to treat us, imperfect
as we are, as already “well-pleasing to God,” provided we make the requisite
change of heart and turn ourselves in the right direction. The influence of
St. Paul and Luther is obvious here, in the notion that, although we are all
guilty when judged by the highest standards, God graciously “justifies” us in
His sight, “counting the disposition for the deed” as if we already displayed
good life-conduct in full, provided only that we place our faith in Christ.
Kant’s discussion seems to replace faith in the atoning work of Christ by a
reversal of priority of our maxims of action − to put morality above self-love.
But both Kantian and Christian are unable to explain why at this most
fundamental level some people choose good, and some evil. In Religion Part
One grace is supposed to make us better (even if still imperfect), but in Part
Two grace imputes to us a status that we do not actually possess, so it seems
there is a kind of moral fiction going on. These two conceptions can be
labelled sanctifying grace and justifying (or “forensic”) grace.
In Part Three, Kant presents what he calls “a remarkable antinomy of
human reason with itself” (R 6:116).5 He says that “saving faith” contains
two elements necessarily bound together, namely “faith in satisfaction
(reparation for guilt, redemption, reconciliation with God)” together with
“faith in the ability to become well-pleasing to God in a future conduct of life”
(R 6:116), thus uniting (from the point of view of human reception or faith)
the justificatory and sanctifying conceptions of divine grace that we have
just distinguished above. Kant then formulates his antinomy about this
saving faith:
1. It is totally inconceivable, however, how a rational human being who
knows himself to deserve punishment could seriously believe that he has
only to believe the news of a satisfaction having been rendered for
him . . . in order to regard his guilt as done away with . . . No thoughtful
person can bring himself to this faith . . .
2. But if humankind is corrupt by nature, how can a human being believe
that on his own, try hard as he will, he can make a “new man” of himself,
well-pleasing to God, when conscious of the transgressions of which he
has so far been guilty, he still stands in the power of the evil principle and
finds no capacity in him sufficient to improve things in the future? . . .
Faith in a merit which is not his own, but through which he is reconciled
with God, would therefore have to precede any striving for good works,
and this contradicts the previous proposition. (R 6:116–17)
5
Each of his three Critiques contains one or more “antinomies” to which he offers a reasoned solution,
and the pattern continues into the Metaphysics of Morals.
Kant on grace 123
In line with his epistemology Kant says we cannot resolve this problem
at the theoretical level, for we can know nothing about the operation of
divine satisfaction or atonement (“for ratiocination it is an unfathomable
mystery” – R 6:143), or about the influence of divine grace on our wills. But
from the practical point of view, the question is whether we have to start
“from what God has done for our sake, or from what we ought to do in
order to become worthy of it,” and predictably Kant comes firmly down on
the side of the second (R 6:117–18). Some trenchant later statements confirm
his difference from Christian orthodoxy on this fundamental point: “true
religion is not to be placed in the knowledge or the profession of what God
does or has done for our salvation, but in what we must do to become
worthy of it” (R 6:133). He also remarks that, according to the first side of the
antinomy, faith (in “vicarious satisfaction”) is a duty, and faith in one’s own
better behavior would have to be given by grace, whereas on the second side
good life-conduct is our duty, and “satisfaction from on high” would be a
matter of grace (R 6:118). Kant thinks that only the second is acceptable, but
he tries to accommodate Christian piety by arguing that “living faith in the
prototype of humanity well-pleasing to God (the Son of God) refers, in
itself, to a moral idea of reason,” i.e. what is important in faith in Christ is
not the empirical historical details of his life and death, but the moral ideal
that we derive from the stories about him (R 6:119).
Philip Quinn has given a clear and sympathetic exposition of Kant’s
“remarkable” antinomy, while arguing for a more Christian resolution of it.6
To my mind, however, he does not do enough to explain the content of the
historical faith in Christ that he wants to cleave to, and how that content
serves to resolve the antinomy. Quinn sketches alternative models in which
human freedom cooperates with divine grace, whether in accepting God’s gift
of saving faith, or in producing subsequent good works. In a previous
generation, H. A. Hodges, writing within a catholic (small “c”) tradition,
offered a similar-sounding solution to the Kantian antinomy:
We cannot be saved without full repentance . . . But the sickness from which we
suffer is that of a diseased will, and we cannot perform this full repentance . . .
Yet . . . no one, not even Christ, can do these things for us . . . To this
problem there is only one solution. Since we cannot do it alone and He
cannot do it instead of us, it must be both together who do it, He in us and we
in Him . . . We find our salvation in our mystical union with Christ.7
6
Phillip L. Quinn, “Saving Faith from Kant’s Remarkable Antinomy,” Faith and Philosophy 7 (1990),
pp. 418–33.
7
Herbert Arthur Hodges, The Pattern of Atonement (London: SCM Press, 1955), p. 55.
124 LESLIE STEVENSON
This can be called cooperative grace, the human and the divine working
together to produce good results. It may sound attractive, and it could relate
to Kant’s above-noted distinction between physical and moral identity, but
this talk of Christ and human person acting together (“He in us and we in
Him”) raises perplexing questions about action, personal identity, and the
mystery of “mystical union.”8 The present chapter will also end on a note of
mystery about the springs of human action.
Jacqueline Mariña has argued that Kant has two distinct concepts of
grace,9 different subspecies of his general definition of grace as “a superior’s
decision to grant a good for which the subordinate has no more than (moral)
receptivity” (R 6:75n). One is the unknowable supernatural cooperation of
God transforming our will, desires, and motives for the better. The other,
Mariña writes, “is the kind of divine aid which must be laid hold of by the
person. It differs from the first in that such aid does not alter a person’s will
at the outset, but is, rather, some historical occurrence – a person or
situation – to which the person must respond in some way.” This fits with
Kant’s talk at R 6:44 (quoted above) of the person’s need to accept this help,
but the difficulty for this as textual elucidation is that the phrase “this help”
in that sentence refers back to the unknowable supernatural cooperation
that is Mariña’s first conception of grace. Can Kant mean to say that we
must “accept” help that is totally unknowable to us, and should incorporate
into our maxim a “positive increase of force” that is equally unknowable?
Toward the end of her paper, Mariña employs Frankfurt’s distinction
between first-order and second-order desires,10 instanced in the addict’s
desire to give up smoking although his cravings to light up remain. She
suggests that while Kant’s a-priori principle of morality can and should
guide our second-order desires or fundamental maxim, we can still stand in
need of grace in the form of divine intervention in history to help us bring
our first-order desires and hence our behavior into line with the fundamental
principles we have committed ourselves to. But that kind of grace – divine
intervention in history, at least through a person or situation to which one
can respond – is accessible to us, at least in the sense that the relevant events
are knowable in the way that any historical events can be (and the more
8
It may explain Jacqueline Mariña’s otherwise surprising remark that Kant is closer to Rome than to
the Reformation at the end of her paper “Kant on Grace: A Reply to his Critics,” Religious Studies 33
(1997), pp. 379–400.
9
Ibid. Michalson (Fallen Freedom, Chs. 4–6) pursues the issue skeptically, while Hare (The Moral Gap,
Ch. 10) develops it theologically.
10
Harry Frankfurt, The Importance of What We Care About (Cambridge University Press, 1988),
pp. 11–25.
Kant on grace 125
controversial religious claim would be that they can be recognized as in some
sense revelatory of the divine).
Apart from the thorny issue of revelation, perhaps there is a suggestion
here for an interpretation of grace that relates to other things Kant has to
say, and that might even be attractive independently of theism (see section 4
below). If we agree that a sympathetic friend or therapist or pastor or the
example of a historical person such as Jesus or Muhammad or the Buddha
(as mediated through a religious tradition) can sometimes help a person to
change for the better, we also have to agree that the person must “accept” or
somehow “lay hold” of this help – they have at least to be open to insights
and suggestions that may affect their approach to life. The believer in God
will surely want to say that this is divine aid or grace operating through
particular people or traditions – and not unknowably, though the means of
its operation may remain mysterious. Perhaps this conception can be
labeled providential grace.11
In Part Four, Kant touches on grace once more, noting that it is
“customary . . . to call nature what can be done by the human being on
the strength of the principle of virtue, and grace what only serves to supple-
ment the deficiency of all his moral capacity.” However:
The persuasion that we can distinguish the effects of grace from those of
nature (virtue), or even to produce these effects in us, is enthusiasm; for
nowhere in experience can we recognize a supersensible object, even less
exert influence to bring it down to us, though there do occur from time to
time movements that work toward morality but which we cannot explain,
and about which we are forced to admit our ignorance. (R 6:173–74)
Kant quotes John 3:8 as supporting his case: “The wind blows where it wills,
you hear the sound of it, but you do not know where it comes from or
where it is going. So it is with everyone who is born from the Spirit.”
In the “General remark” appended to Part Four, Kant says that, although
the concept of grace or “supernatural intervention” is a transcendent con-
cept which cannot be instantiated in our experience, its impossibility cannot
be proved either, since freedom itself remains just as incomprehensible
to us (R 6:191). And he insists that the conception of a means of grace,
the idea of performing some specifically religious act such as a prayer or
ritual in order to bring about divine assistance, is a self-deception and
11
See Leslie Mulholland’s “Freedom and Providence in Kant’s Account of Religion: The Problem of
Expiation,” in Philip J. Rossi and Michael Wreen (eds.), Kant’s Philosophy of Religion Reconsidered
(Bloomington/Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 77–102.
126 LESLIE STEVENSON
delusion (R 6:192–202). That just about wraps up what Kant has to say
about grace.12
2
It will be useful now to attempt an overview of Judeo-Christian conceptions
of grace, to compare and contrast with Kant’s treatment.13 (I am not here
defending or attacking Christian doctrine, just trying to give a fair exposi-
tion of it.)
Some references in the Hebrew scriptures to divine grace or favor suggest
that God recognized some particular virtue in Noah (Genesis 6:8) or Moses
(Exodus 33:12–17). But the original call to Abraham is presented simply as
God’s inscrutable choice (Genesis 12:1–4), and at Exodus 33:19 God majes-
tically asserts: “I shall be gracious to whom I shall be gracious, and I shall
have compassion on whom I shall have compassion” (Paul refers back to
that saying at Romans 9:14–18, though it fits ill with the conception of
God’s universal love). In the New Testament, no reason is offered for God’s
choice of Mary to be the mother of Jesus (Luke 1:26–33) or of Paul to preach
Christ to the Gentiles (Galatians 1:15–16). These cases involve yet another
conception of divine grace, for which Kant finds no use, namely God’s
selection of an individual for a function within His purposes, but without
necessarily making them better people or “imputing” righteousness to
them. We can label this electing grace.
There are anticipations of God’s sanctifying grace in the verses “I shall
give them the wit to know me” (Jeremiah 24:7) and “I shall give you a new
heart and put a new spirit within you” (Ezekiel 36:26); but, on the other
hand, at Deuteronomy 29:4 Moses says to the Israelites, “To this day the
Lord has not given you a mind to understand or eyes to see or ears to hear,”
and at Isaiah 29:10 we read “The Lord has poured on you a spirit of deep
stupor.” There are references to God working the opposite of grace (should
we call it “dis-grace?”) in hardening Pharaoh’s heart (Exodus 4:21, 7:3, 9:12,
10:27), although elsewhere we are simply told that his heart became hard
12
There is a brief reference to grace in Kant’s very late work, The Conflict of the Faculties of 1798, where
he states “grace is none other than the nature of the human being insofar as he is determined to actions
by a principle which is intrinsic to his own being, but supersensible (the thought of his duty),” and in
the same paragraph he also wrote that grace is “the hope that good will develop in us” (S 7:43). Those
definitions appear inconsistent with each other, if one can have such hope without actually obeying
the call of duty in particular cases, and vice versa. However, “determined” in the first formulation
could be read as referring to Wille, the general principles of actions that a person accepts, rather than
Willkür, the particular actions he or she actually chooses to perform.
13
My quotations are from the Oxford Study Bible: Revised English Bible with the Apocrypha,
ed. M. J. Suggs et al. (Oxford University Press, 1992).
Kant on grace 127
(8:15, 9:34–35) which leaves it open that he may have hardened it himself.
But Kant seems to have had little time for the Old Testament.
It is in the writings of Paul that we find the most developed account of
the Christian conception of grace which so influenced Kant via Luther. This
is not so much God’s election to a role (though Paul saw that as applying to
his own apostolic ministry), as rather the divine rescue plan for the human
condition of sinfulness (justificatory grace), and for infusing holiness into
individual believers (sanctifying grace):
Therefore, now that we have been justified through our faith, we are at peace
with God through our Lord Jesus Christ, who has given us access to that
grace in which we now live. (Romans 5:1–2)
For it is by grace you are saved by faith; it is not your own doing. It is God’s
gift, not a reward for work done. (Ephesians 2:8–9)
Yet, along with all such emphasis on God’s initiative, the New Testament
epistles are full of injunctions to keep to the right path and avoid wrong
ones. Hebrews 4:16 reads: “Let us therefore boldly approach the throne of
grace, in order that we may receive mercy and find grace to give us timely
hope.” The preaching of the apostles exhorted their hearers to repent (Acts
2:38). James gives a New Testament reference to dis-grace when he says that
“the spirit which God has implanted in us is filled with envious longings”
(4:5), though he immediately follows this by saying that the grace which
God gives is stronger. The implication seems to be that our human choices
have to find what free space they can, in-between the negative and positive
divine influences on us. From the very beginning, the Christian conception
of God’s grace has involved two elements that stand in uneasy tension with
each other: namely, God’s action within us, and our own responses and
choices. The two can be found within a single sentence of Paul’s: “You must
work out your own salvation in fear and trembling; for it is God who works
in you” (Philippians 2:12–13). Similar tensions can surely be found in other
religious traditions, as Kant suggests (R 6:120).14
It is not surprising then that, in the Christian theological tradition, there
have been recurring controversies about the nature and limits of human
free will. Soon after his conversion, St. Augustine wrote an extended
14
For instance, compare these two quotations: “We have placed covers over their hearts – so that they
do not understand the Qur’an – and deafness in their ears” (6:25); “God has sent down the most
beautiful of all teachings . . . then their skins and their hearts soften at the mention of God; such is
God’s guidance” (39:23) (from The Qur’an, trans. M. A. S. Abdel Haleem [Oxford University Press,
2004]).
128 LESLIE STEVENSON
15
St. Augustine, On Free Choice of the Will, trans.Thomas Williams (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing
Company, 1993).
16
See Eleanore Stump, “Augustine on Free Will,” in Stump and Norman Kretzmann (eds.), The
Cambridge Companion to Augustine (Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 124–47.
17
Erasmus–Luther, Discourse on Free Will, trans.Ernst F. Winter (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1961).
See also Gerhard O. Forde, The Captivation of the Will: Luther vs. Erasmus on Freedom and Bondage
(Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2005).
18
See Timothy P. Jackson, “Arminian Edification: Kierkegaard on Grace and Free Will,” in
Alastair Hannay and Gordon D. Marino (eds.), The Cambridge Companion to Kierkegaard
(Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 235–56.
Kant on grace 129
all to God it does not abrogate human personality nor disclaim personal
responsibility . . .
We can never ponder enough upon the meaning of this paradoxical
conviction which lies at the very heart of the Christian life and is the unique
secret of the Christian character. It is this that makes so wide a gulf between
the Christian way of life and any “mere morality,” so that in a sense
Christianity transcends morality altogether and there is no such thing as a
Christian ethic.19
That last sentence seems dangerous in view of our sad knowledge of priests
and pastors and cult leaders who have abused power, wealth, or sexuality:
surely nobody can be allowed to “transcend morality.” But the point is
presumably that grace enables us not merely to live up to morality, but to
surpass ordinary conceptions of it. As Paul wrote: “By God’s grace I am
what I am, and his grace to me has not proved vain; in my labours I have
outdone them all [Paul was referring to the other apostles] – not I, indeed,
but the grace of God working with me” (1 Corinthians 15:10). Here again is
the mystery of mystical union.20
3
What then is the relation between Kant’s treatment of grace and the
Christian tradition with which he wrestles with a striking combination of
sympathy and skepticism? There is an obvious difference when he appears
to align himself with Pelagianism, saying “There is absolutely no salvation
for human beings except in the innermost adoption of genuine moral
principles in their disposition” (R 6:83). But, unlike so many other
Enlightenment thinkers, Kant has a strong sense of human sinfulness, for,
as we have seen, Part One of the Religion offers an elaborate analysis of what
he calls the “radical evil” in human nature, thereby giving his interpretation
19
Donald M. Baillie, God Was in Christ (London: Faber and Faber, 1956). In his earlier paper
“Philosophers and Theologians on Freedom of the Will,” Scottish Journal of Theology 4 (1951) –
reprinted in D. M. Baillie, The Theology of the Sacraments and Other Papers (New York: Charles
Scribner’s Sons, 1957) – Baillie said that the “true saints . . . have regularly confessed that whatever was
good in their lives was not their own achievement but was due to divine grace.” Presumably the
implication is that whatever was not so good in their lives was due to their own fault – unless we are
prepared to say that all the bad stuff is due to divine dis-grace, which would remove human
responsibility. No doubt there is a corrective here for the common human tendency to make excuses
for our faults and expect praise for our virtues, yet if we are to be blamed for the bad it may seem a bit
inconsistent for us not to be allowed any credit for the good.
20
In God Was in Christ, Baillie argues that the paradox of grace is our best clue to understanding the
mystery of the Incarnation. But I will not attempt to investigate here how a paradox can illuminate a
mystery: the paradox itself provides quite enough topic for this chapter.
130 LESLIE STEVENSON
of the doctrine of original sin. At one point he declares that the radical evil in
us “has its source in a free power of choice, and hence is imputable,” yet in
the next sentence he says it is “not be to be extirpated though human forces”
(R 6:37). For Kant, what makes a human being evil or good is the relation
between the incentives of self-love and those of morality, and he argues
boldly (and not very plausibly) that this comes down to a single fundamen-
tal choice whether to give priority to the maxim or principle of self-love or to
the moral law (R 6:20–25, 36). It thus emerges that both Kant and
Christianity are subject to tensions about the extent of our freedom. Kant
tends to put more emphasis on human free will than some of the Christian
tradition (especially in its Protestant form), but both acknowledge an
ultimate mystery in the explanation of human behavior.
Another large difference that may in fact be less than it first appears is
that, whereas the biblical writings make some very confident assertions
about the influence of divine grace (and sometimes “dis-grace”) on certain
individuals, Kant resolutely maintains (in line with his critical epistemology)
that we can know absolutely nothing of its operation. He allows that we can
meaningfully speculate about grace (he was not a logical positivist), and we
may hope that God’s grace will supplement our own efforts to do better, but
we can never know that it has actually operated in any particular case. In
contrast, the Hebrew scriptures are full of stories about the grace of God
operating in the patriarchs and the prophets, and the New Testament is
brimming over with proclamations of the grace of God given through
Christ. Yet if we ask that awkward and un-Biblical question “How did
they know, in any particular case?” confidence may wobble.
We noted how the book of Exodus sometimes talks of God hardening
Pharaoh’s heart, but at other times of his heart merely becoming hard,
and it is tempting to suggest that these are merely stylistic variants
expressing the same state of affairs, namely that the ancient writers had no
explanation of why Pharaoh refused to accede to Moses’ demands. How,
after all, could it ever be shown that it was God who changed Pharaoh’s
mind, rather than he himself changing his mind, or that his disposition was
changed by other influences altogether? Even if a voice from the heavens
had publicly spoken to Pharaoh in resonant Egyptian tones, commanding
him to let the Israelites go (or not to do so), he would presumably have
retained enough free will to disbelieve or disobey any such putative divine
command. If we think of God influencing Pharaoh’s mind in secret ways
that were not publicly observable, we are back to the question of how we
could ever distinguish between that and the case of Pharaoh making up his
own mind.
Kant on grace 131
A similar epistemological question can be asked about how we could ever
know anything of the operations of positive grace (whether justifying or
sanctifying). At Pentecost, the Holy Spirit is said to have descended on the
apostles in the form of flame or fire, making them speak in strange tongues
(Acts 2:1–4), and the risen Christ is said to have made a belated appearance
to Paul (Acts 9:3–6). But whether or not we take those ancient reports as
historically true, the problem with any contemporary alleged public signs
of grace – such as speaking in unintelligible “tongues,” snake-handling
without being bitten, or whatever – is that such stuff need not be connected
with any transformation of mind and heart for the better. Such external
manifestations are surely neither necessary nor sufficient for an attribution
of divine grace.
Of course, we may notice a moral improvement in others, and possibly
in ourselves (though that had better be qualified with a great deal of
caution and modesty, as Kant says at R 6:67–71). Paul is confident
that divine grace is present in the early Christian communities (e.g.,
1 Corinthians 1:4), and he attributes people’s different gifts to God’s
grace (Romans 12:6). In Galatians 5, we find quite a detailed list of the
kinds of character and behavior described as the “harvest” or “fruits” of the
Spirit − i.e. the Holy Spirit, whose operations can presumably be identi-
fied with sanctifying grace. It may be rather too “behaviorist” to concen-
trate on outward ethical actions, crucial though they are, in light of the
emphasis in the gospels and epistles on the spirit in which things are done.
We can agree that it is not enough that the required actions are undertaken
if they are done grudgingly, with gritted teeth (perhaps with attention on
the end of the shift – think for example of the care of the sick, whether
in hospital or at home); what is needed is that things are done graciously,
and ideally with loving care. Kant himself said that it is preferable do our
duties cheerfully, indeed “grace-fully.”21 Some such gracious and loving
behavior may be a necessary condition for attributing divine grace, but is it
sufficient? What of the declared atheist or devotee of a non-theist religion who
exhibits as much graciousness and love of neighbor as some high-achieving
Christians: is the grace of God (or Christ) manifest in the former, despite their
lack of Christian belief?
In the face of such questions, it seems wise for the Christian (or Jew or
Muslim) to say, as Kant does, that we simply cannot know with any
21
See KpV 5:82–84; MS 6:448ff.; and the very carefully crafted footnote at R 6:23n, where Kant insists,
against Schiller, that gracefulness is not synonymous with doing one’s duty, but agrees with him that
it should accompany it in the virtuous person.
132 LESLIE STEVENSON
4
Why then does Kant feel the need to invoke the concept of divine grace at
all, if only as something unknowable that we may hope for, but can never
experience for sure? Is there any reason to follow him down this rather
peculiar path? I suggest it may be illuminating at this stage to look at ethics
and the moral life from a non-theist but morally serious perspective. After
all, Kant himself wrote in his Preface to the first edition of the Religion that
“morality in no way needs religion (whether objectively, as regards willing,
or subjectively, as regards capability) but is rather self-sufficient by virtue of
pure practical reason” (R 6:3), though he went on to say a few pages later
that morality inevitably leads to religion (R 6:6). I take it the objective bit
means that the content of our moral duties can be discerned by reason alone.
And if the subjective bit about “capability” is to be equally self-sufficient,
Kant must presumably mean by it our fundamental freedom to fulfill or to
ignore our moral duties, i.e. the “fact of reason” that he asserts in the
Critique of Practical Reason and reaffirms in Part One of the Religion
when he says that the evil in human nature, radical though it is, remains
imputable because it involves “a deed of freedom” (R 6:21). The tension
between the Pelagian assertion of unavoidable human responsibility and the
Augustinian assertion of innate human sinfulness remains.
Let us consider then a humanist ethic that agrees with Kant in thinking
that there are objectively valid moral duties, some of them negative – “Do
not kill,” “Do not steal” – and some positive – “Honor your parents,”
Kant on grace 133
“Look after your children.”22 It can be left as an open question whether
these are self-standing, or derivable from some more abstract Kantian
principle about universalizability or treating people as ends. And, on the
face of it, there is no need to accept Kant’s rigorist thesis that human beings
cannot be partly good and partly evil (R 6:24–25), which seems to fly in the
face of experience, for we hear of concentration camp guards being loving
fathers and of zealous campaigners for good causes neglecting their own
children. Perhaps most of us for most of the time can avoid outward
transgression of the negative rules of law and common morality, but we
find it more difficult to live up to the positive duties, for they are so general
and vague: there will always be some indeterminacy in just how much one
ought to do for one’s parents or children, for the forgetful old lady next door,
or for the starving babies in Africa. We may also have trouble balancing
conflicting duties to parents, children, spouses, workplace, and other com-
mitments without ignoring or hurting some of the people involved, or
losing one’s own cool. In face of the ordinary pressures and temptations of
life, we all need to learn how to deal with our own resentments, anger, fear,
envy, pride, sloth, lust, and greed.
“Living up to the demands of morality” can thus be interpreted in a less
demanding (though non-trivial) way, concentrating on not infringing the
rights of others and on fulfilling the most obvious kinds of family duty.
But all that, necessary as it is, does not tell us what we are living for – apart
from reproducing ourselves. There is a more demanding level of thought
about how we ought to live (which may deserve the label “ethics” rather than
“morality” – though not for Kant, who did not make any such distinction)
that sets before us ideals, for example of good parenthood, self-control,
compassion, and generosity to the disadvantaged. It is fair to say that none
of us manages fully to live up to these standards of perfection, with the
possible exception of some saintly figures of history – though one may
wonder if their imperfections were expunged from the record! Jesus’ teaching
as reported in the gospels clearly raises the bar to the second level, telling his
legalistic Jewish interlocutors that it was not enough to fulfill the letter of
the ancient commandments. So does Kant’s ethics, taken in the round, for
he includes “imperfect duties” in the Groundwork, and in the Metaphysics of
Morals he sets out as the two fundamental ideals or ends of human life the
perfection of one’s own capacities (including the virtues) and the happiness
of others. In the Religion he says there is always an infinite distance between
our actual lives and such ideals (R 6:72).
22
Why was the last not included in the Ten Commandments, one wonders?
134 LESLIE STEVENSON
reported result that Zacchaeus decided to give half his possessions to charity
and to repay anyone he had defrauded four times over. Here there was
a minimal movement on the part of the sinner (if only of idle curiosity), a
surprising offer of loving companionship from a person of charisma, the
acceptance of that offer, and a dramatic change in attitude to life. Such
radical conversions can and do happen, but there is no guaranteed response
to offers of compassion and love; human actions and reactions remain
inherently unpredictable, as we have repeatedly noted.
My conclusion is that all three of the positions reviewed here – that of the
thoughtful non-dogmatic Christian, and of the ethically sensitive humanist
who recognizes the reality of good and evil in human nature, with that of
Kant delicately poised somewhere in-between – have to acknowledge an
element of ultimate mystery in explaining and dealing with human behavior
and character. Our freedom and the manifold complexity of the influences
upon us mean that complete scientific explanation of human behavior
will always elude us. Yet we need, as Kant argued so deeply, to face up to
that mystery with a sense of forgiveness (justifying grace?) and hope (for
sanctifying grace?).
chapter 7
1. A Janus-faced achievement
Kant’s Janus-faced Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason is a
surprising and perplexing book. Its mere existence is highly surprising
because, after having already laid out his critical views in detail, there would
seem to have been no need for the aged Kant to publish a long volume on
very controversial religious topics. The work is Janus-faced and perplexing
because its content could only provoke hostility from both his secular and
religious acquaintances. The book’s advocacy of Vernunftglaube, the “faith”
of a moral religion of “reason,”1 combines a commitment to the secular
Enlightenment belief in human perfectibility and progress with a resolutely
non-secular insistence on a complex revolutionary and theodicical shape
to that progress. Kant’s conception of our final end borrows heavily from
non-natural Christian ideas (absolute freedom, radical evil, unconditional
value, a transcendent moral divinity), and yet it also assumes that all tradi-
tional rationalist, experiential, scriptural, and ecclesiastical routes toward
establishing that end need to be, and can be, critically undermined.
Kant did not work out the complex theodicical aspect of his conception
of Vernunftglaube all at once. Its basic idea goes back decades, and Kant’s
late works contain a series of final fine-tunings that deserve close analysis. In
addition to the four complex essays that constitute the Religion volume,
there are several closely related 1780s essays on history and at least half a
dozen very relevant later essays.2 Taken together, these works constitute a
final bold attempt on Kant’s part to reinterpret the Western teleological
tradition in a way that is, all at once, deeply religious, liberal, scientific, and
philosophically nuanced. Kant’s attempt is also riddled with theological
1
The translation “rational faith” does not do justice to Kant’s term, Vernunftglaube, which is defined by
the unconditional commitments unique to the faculty of reason, which in principle surpasses the
rationality of mere understanding. See, e.g., R 6:26n.
2
See, especially, Theod (1791), End (1794), Ton (1796), IC (1796), and S (1798).
137
138 KARL AMERIKS
3
See Karl Ameriks, Kant and the Fate of Autonomy: Problems in the Appropriation of the Critical Philosophy
(Cambridge University Press, 2000), Ch. 7; Nicholas Wolterstorff, “Conundrums in Kant’s Rational
Religion,” in Philip J. Rossi and Michael Wreen (eds.), Kant’s Philosophy of Religion Reconsidered
(Bloomington/Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 40–53; Andrew Chignell, “The Devil,
the Virgin, and the Envoy: Symbols of Struggle in Religion, Part Two, Section Two,” in Otfried Höffe
(ed.), Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vernunft (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2011), pp. 111–30;
Chignell, “Rational Hope, Moral Order, and the Revolution of the Will,” in Eric Watkins (ed.), Divine
Order, Human Order and the Order of Nature (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 197–218; and
Robert M. Adams, “Introduction,” in Allen W. Wood and George di Giovanni (eds. and trans.), Religion
within the Boundaries of Mere Reason and Other Writings (Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. vii−xxxii.
4
EM 2:116; cf. ML1 28:216.
5
See Karl Ameriks,”Das Schicksal von Kants Rezensionen zu Herders Ideen,” in Otfried Höffe (ed.),
Immanuel Kant: Geschichtsphilosophie (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2011), pp. 119–36, for a discussion of
Kant’s 1785 critique of Herder for appealing to what comes “from above.”
Kant, miracles, and Religion, Parts One and Two 139
non-naturally based effect can be understood to be sufficiently unlike the
superstitious reference to miracles that he heavily criticizes in Part Two and
other texts.6
One strategy for dispelling part – but only part – of this problem is to
note that Kant distinguishes quite different ways of invoking ideas that go
beyond ordinary nature, and he immediately adds explicit qualifications to
his own reference to help “from above.” In the body of his first General
Remark Kant stresses that Vernunftglaube, even in its most developed form,
cannot claim to amount to “conviction” (Überzeugung, R 6:51), the strong
epistemic attitude that comes with knowledge (Wissen). In addition, near
the end of a long second edition note to this Remark, Kant stresses that,
even with Vernunftglaube, we can never “summon” any effects of grace by
“incorporating” them into either a theoretical or practical “maxim of
reason” (R 6:53).
Kant may have felt a need to add this point, and perhaps the note as a
whole, as a matter of balance, because otherwise it might appear unclear
whether, in regard to mere effects of grace, he has anything at least some-
what negative to say here that would link up with the highly negative points
about references to the supernatural that are stressed in the other Parts of the
Religion. Nonetheless, essential to Vernunftglaube is religious hope, and
essential to this hope is still some kind of positive reference to some such
effects. These effects must be thought of as more than simply not (as far as
we know) impossible – for, obviously, such a weak position could be held by
all sorts of persons without faith. It is not necessary in this context to make
much more precise the status of Kantian hope as a specific epistemic
attitude.7 What matters here is simply that there must be some kind of
affirmative thought, some “holding to be true” (see the discussion of assent
at KpV 5:142; KU 5:461, 467) about some special effect of the relevant sort –
even though, as Kant repeatedly insists, this thought can never be absolutely
“certain” or come with any explanatory “insight” (Einsicht, R 6:50).
Many of the perplexities just noted in the status of Vernunftglaube are also
relevant to Kant’s more basic notion of our absolute free agency, which is
nothing less than the keystone concept of the Critical philosophy. In
the Religion, a positive reference to an “effect of [our] free power of choice”
(R 6:4) is the starting point of the first General Remark, and yet Kant
6
See also Kant’s notes, e.g., Ref 5662 (“On Miracles”) 18:320, and 5997 18:419.
7
See Andrew Chignell, “Belief in Kant,” Philosophical Review 116 (2007), pp. 323–60; and Karl Ameriks,
“The End of the Critiques: Kant’s Moral ‘Creationism,’” in Pablo Muchnik (ed.), Rethinking Kant.
Vol. I (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2008), pp. 165–90.
140 KARL AMERIKS
repeatedly stresses that here too we can have no insight into the “how,” or
even any unqualified certainty about the “that,” of our freedom. All we can
say is that the assertion of effects of our freedom supposedly follows from –
and only from – acceptance of something provocatively described as a “fact
of reason.”8 This is something taken to be, for each practical agent, a
fundamental truth involving necessities, and hence it is called a matter of
“reason”; but it is a non-demonstrable truth, and hence it, or at least our
relation to it, is also called a kind of “fact.” This acceptance can also be
described as the “deed” (Tat) of recognizing oneself as a moral being in a
strict sense. It involves what Kant even calls a kind of “moral certainty”
(A829/B857), but this is a form of certainty essentially qualified by the fact
that it requires a first-person commitment to the non-natural demands of
Kant’s strict moral perspective.
Kant’s endorsement of absolute freedom is, to be sure, not completely on
a par with his endorsement of the hope involved in Vernunftglaube. His
analysis of hope has built into it a presumption of the endorsement of
freedom, whereas the mere analysis of our endorsement of freedom does not
by itself entail the more complex commitment to religious hope and its
implications. Nonetheless, in Kant’s system the perplexing thought of our
freedom still seems relevantly enough like the perplexing thought of effects
of grace insofar as both thoughts essentially invoke a non-natural and non-
demonstrable ground of empirical effects. Hence, even prior to Kant’s
carefully worded endorsement of possible effects of an external higher
freedom acting upon us in grace in response to our devotional freedom,
there is already the more general interpretive puzzle of explaining the deep
asymmetry between, on the one hand, Kant’s negative attitude toward
affirming any specific miracles and, on the other hand, his carefully worded
but frequent affirmation of effects of our own everyday absolute freedom.
The issue of miracles dominates Kant’s General Remark to the Religion’s
second Part, and its critical tone is set in its first sentence, which proclaims
that, after the enlightened spread of Vernunftglaube, “faith in miracles” “even-
tually” will be rendered “in general dispensable” (R 6:84). This Remark still
does not declare miracles non-existent, let alone impossible (R 6:88n), but it
can be read as philosophically allowing the notion of them merely as (for all
we know) a bare logical possibility, one that has played an understandable,
but temporary, role earlier in history simply because of lack of adequate
education. A complication here is the fact that, because of issues having to
do with very sensitive church−state issues at the time, Kant’s Religion is
8
KpV 5:42; cf. R 6:50n, and PPV (1793) 27:506.
Kant, miracles, and Religion, Parts One and Two 141
especially concerned with arguments against the notion of making public
commitment to miracles a test of faith and a matter of ministerial certifi-
cation (R 6:85n).9 This focus on the political aspect of the issue should not
distract one from noticing that Kant is also very opposed to the thought that
faith requires any sort of private belief in miracles. Because the enlightened
requirements of Vernunftglaube must be of a sort that are open to being
satisfied in principle by all human beings, simply on the basis of their
original full rational equipment, there is a kind of public condition – a
condition of real universal access – on what one can even be expected to
need to believe or affirm privately. This condition is taken to rule out
requiring, for genuine internal faith, any appeal to a special experience of the
miraculous, that is, any strictly local and historical event. Kant’s presump-
tion here is that because a miracle – whether “great” or “little,” past or
present, rare or repeated – must be thought of as a particular event said to
be accessed under unusual conditions revealing something contrary to the
whole order of “worldly events” (R 6:85n), it is not something that can be
fairly expected to be affirmed by persons as such, wherever they are, and
hence insisting on belief in such a thing would violate the principle of
rational autonomy.10 At the end of this chapter, I will argue that the
universal accessibility aspect of this presumption has significant implica-
tions for evaluating Kant’s own position.
Kant’s language in the Religion attempts to dance around the issue of
exactly how to talk about miracles and the non-natural in general without
being either offensive to his readers or untrue to his own religious concerns
and critical perspective. This perspective cannot, of course, ever absolutely
exclude non-natural sources for anything, and such sources are by no means
a far-fetched option for Kant. He points out himself that, even with respect
to phenomena obeying natural laws, the Critical philosophy must “renounce
cognition of that which brings about effects according to these laws, in
itself” (R 6:88). Given transcendental idealism, it follows that in principle
we can have no insight into the things in themselves that ultimately do
the genuine “bringing about” (what Kant calls the ultimate “causality of the
cause” at A533/B561), for this goes beyond whatever we can know in terms of
the relational principles governing spatiotemporal phenomena. Kant adds
in Religion that a similar point applies in the context of our own self and its
9
Cf. Theod 8:268n. Kant holds such tests to be not only unnecessary for genuine morality and religion
but also directly contrary to both because of the ways in which the tests can pressure people into
hypocrisy and an improper concern with effects rather than pure internal attitudes. See R 6:62ff.
10
Cf. Ton 8:393 n. 3, which totally rejects affirming testimony regarding supernatural beings or events,
despite “the subjective impossibility of my [own] inability to explain” them.
142 KARL AMERIKS
11
See the discussion of Johann Caspar Lavater in a footnote (R 6:6n) that crisply expresses lines of
thought that Kant had already expressed very eloquently in a letter to him on April 28, 1775: Brief
10:175–9.
12
Cf. MD (1792–93) 28:667.
13
The same point is found already in earlier lectures: “according to the nature of our reason we have to
hold on to the universal and not try to determine how divine providence has proven itself effective in
particular cases” (VpR [1783–84] 28:114). Cf. MPC (1774–77): “Everything lies in universal providence
and it is actually better in our discourse to abstain from trying to determine anything of God’s
intentions” (27:320).
Kant, miracles, and Religion, Parts One and Two 143
ordering of experiences under them” (R 6:88n). In his final sentence to this
footnote and Part Two as a whole, Kant responds directly to those who
“pretend to have insight” (my translation) into how the very complex
natural developments that come with every return of spring are a matter
of the “immediate influence of the creator” (R 6:89). Against this pretense,
Kant dramatically proclaims: “But these are experiences (Erfahrungen); for
us, therefore, they are nothing but effects of nature, and ought never to be
judged otherwise,” and he closes by saying that to accept this point is the
true “modesty” of reason, in contrast to the false humility of invoking
miracles (R 6:89). The appeal here to the notion of Erfahrung is, of course,
not a matter of crude representationalist empiricism but a Kantian
reminder of the common-sense Faktum underlying the entire critical
system,14 which is a structured and cognitive domain, and one that turns
out to be law-governed in a very strict way without any reference to
miraculous interventions.
The fact that Kant stresses the words “for us” and “ought” is also an
implicit reminder of another aspect of what he means by reason’s modesty −
namely, that he is speaking only about what our maxims should be for
making determinate claims, and he does not go as far as making any absolute
denials beyond these maxims. All the same, I take his vivid language to
indicate that his real point is, roughly speaking, that of course it is possible
to try to introduce miracles in nature, but a rational person should not do so,
given where we in fact stand, with our well-structured domain of Erfahrung.
Kant’s tone here indicates, albeit indirectly, that one can read as sarcasm his
earlier sentences in the text proper, which allow that “it might well be”
(es mag also sein) that Jesus’ (named only as “the teacher of the gospels”)
“appearance on earth, as well as his translation from it, his eventful life and
his passion, are all but miracles – indeed that the history that ought to testify
to the account of these miracles is itself a miracle” (R 6:85). Given its
context, I take this suggestion – that, once one starts on this path, one
might as well introduce second-order miracles – to imply that at this point
Kant means to discourage the affirmation of any particular miraculous
works. Such a stance, however, once again raises the question of whether
one might not respond similarly to Kant’s own approach, and argue that as
soon as one introduces any effects with non-natural sources, as he still does,
then one might as well be more open to something like literally miraculous
sources too.
14
See Karl Ameriks, “Introduction: The Common Ground of the Critiques,” in Ameriks, Interpreting
Kant’s Critiques (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003), pp. 1–48.
144 KARL AMERIKS
15
Theod 8:270. This is a rare positive reference by Kant to the Old Testament. On the one hand, this
may have implications that complicate his account of the fundamental moral revolution in history
that he says comes from the gospels, but, on the other hand, it may reinforce his deeper view that
respect for the moral law is in principle possible in any age.
16
Theod 8:264. One could therefore argue that Kant’s work concerns the “end of theodicy” in a positive
historical sense in that it itself constitutes the end, in the affirmative sense of a culminating final
version, of mainline Western philosophical attempts to provide at least a close analogue to traditional
theodicies (which promise hope for a kind of personal salvation grounded in the power of a personal
God) and to make this a central aspect of one’s system. (Here I am assuming that, except for perhaps
the later Schelling, most of German Idealism is much less traditional in theology than Kant.)
Nonetheless, Kant’s work can be said to be an “‘end of theodicy” in a negative historical sense as
well because, after him, attempts to justify substantive providential claims no longer play a central role
in philosophy. There is, of course, a very significant renaissance today of apologetic work in the
Kant, miracles, and Religion, Parts One and Two 145
That this kind of discussion of miracles is very important for Kant is also
clear from the fact that it is emphasized again in the first Part of his very last
essay, The Conflict of the Faculties. The General Remark in this Part of the
Conflict is devoted to the advocacy of our “moral metamorphosis” (S 7:55) in
a pure religious “revolution” (S 7:59) that would take us beyond all sectari-
anism. Kant goes out of his way here explicitly to reject the recourse
(“before” or “after” our change of heart) to miracles in his time by traditional
Pietists and Moravians (S 7:55ff.), and then he immediately turns to the
“something in us that we cannot cease to wonder at [admire, bewundern],”
namely, the moral law that “lies objectively in the natural order of things [NB]
as the object of pure reason” (S 7:58). Kant speaks here of our “höchsten
Bewunderung,” with italics, and he also repeatedly uses a verb form of the
term (S 7:58ff.). For significant reasons that will be discussed later, Kant
contrasts the appreciation of what he here calls the “supersensible” practical law
that is “in us” − that is, contained in our “nature” as beings of reason − with the
“greatly mistaken” move of those “who are led to consider it supernatural –
that is, to regard it as the influence of another and higher spirit.”17
The repeated use of the term “revolution” in Religion is clearly meant to
resonate on a number of authentic theodicical levels at once. In addition to
the revolution discussed first simply in terms of each individual person’s
conversion to pure morality, Kant claims repeatedly that there is a second,
related general revolution within “the human race” (R 6:63; cf. R 6:80, 81n,
and 84), one that was inaugurated, although not completed, by the gospels.
Kant goes so far as to say that the innovative moral attitude of the teacher of
the gospels fundamentally excels anything found in prior philosophy (R
6:80; cf. MPC 27:301), and that the revolutionary ideal that defines it, and is
exemplified in stories of the teacher’s life, is the major force (“that quietly
spread everywhere”:R 6:81n) behind the ultimate direction of all subsequent
history. This ideal introduces “a realm . . . in which nobody is therefore
slave” (R 6:82), for “by exemplifying that principle (in the moral ideal) that
human being [“the teacher”] opened the doors of freedom to all” (R 6:82).
The main theme of Part Two of the Religion, and especially of the subpart
concerned with “the personified good” and the “objective reality” of the
ideal present in the gospels (of being morally “pleasing to God,” which
alone can provide “an end to creation”: R 6:60), is that a relation back to this
philosophy of religion, but most of the best of this work is still limited to argumentative defenses of
general possibilities rather than the construction of ambitious theodicies that claim to offer provi-
dential explanations in the strong sense of earlier traditions up to Kant’s time. For a reminder of the
importance of this point I am indebted to participants in the conference on “God’s Order, Man’s
Order, and the Order of Nature” at the University of California, San Diego, March 4–6, 2011.
17
S 7:59. See Ton 8:396n, for a similar rejection of those who infer an external “supernatural influence”.
146 KARL AMERIKS
18
See Karl Ameriks, “Kant, Human Nature, and History after Rousseau,” in Susan Shell and
Richard Velkley (eds.), Kant’s “Observations” and “Remarks”: A Critical Guide (Cambridge
University Press, 2012), pp. 247–65.
19
MPC 27:317; cf. MM2 (1784–85) 29:603.
20
Kant calls such affluent times, when to many people “creation appears purposeless . . . like a play,”
“the most burdensome and dangerous for morality” (End 8:331–32).
21
S 7:85. Kant sees a somewhat similar “sign,” at the individual level, allowing a person to detect some
apparent past progress in commitment to his own moral principles, “if he has perceived the efficacy of
these principles in what he does” (R 6:68).
Kant, miracles, and Religion, Parts One and Two 147
institutionalized realization of the theodicy of Vernunftglaube.22 Within this
last phase, works such as Kant’s own critical system and Enlightenment
essays, as well as similar works by allies such as Reinhold, can be understood
as intended to be combined with yet a fifth and final revolution, the late
modern critical turn established in Kant’s system. This turn aims at perpetually
securing, at a metalevel, the insights of Christianity’s and Rousseau’s moral
visions, as well as those of common humanity and the fans of the general
idea of the French Revolution, by solidly protecting them from future
contamination by dogmatic or naïve misunderstandings.23
Kant’s use of the term Bewunderung is therefore hardly casual. It is clearly
positioned in a place that is central to his multistage theodicical account of
how a pure moral religion is supposed to wean modern society, through
various interlocking revolutions, away from appealing to miracles and
insisting that supernatural beings are literally part of human history.24
The puzzle remains, however, that at the same time that Kant works out
a progressive Enlightenment view of society and history, he continues to
make what can now seem to be extraordinarily immodest non-natural
remarks of his own about how all human beings can and should believe
in really being able to work absolutely freely toward the highest good. In the
end, the hopeful attitude of Vernunftglaube earns its name as a kind of faith,
for a convinced Kantian must be ready to affirm nothing less than an
extraordinarily substantive three-part creed: that existence on the whole
is a teleologically unified complex of, first, a natural sphere that is fully
law-governed although not by itself moral or containing miraculous inter-
ventions, and, second, a moral sphere that is also law-governed in its own
way but not itself either sensible or literally miraculous, and yet is such that,
third, all the non-natural features just reviewed fit together marvelously, so
that the laws of morality also turn out to govern the general shape of the laws
of the natural world and world history. Kant admits right from the start that
22
Or else, if, as is also possible, freedom is misused and Christianity as a cultural institution “ceases to be
worthy of love,” then, as Kant provocatively says (in a not-so-subtle reference to the dangers of the
regime of Frederick William II), it will appear that “the Antichrist” reigns (End 8:339).
23
In notes from Kant’s pre-1788 lectures to theology students, there is Lutheran language that still
expresses this idea in terms that themselves sound dogmatic: “The foundation on which he [the
Kantian moral theist] builds his faith is unshakeable and it can never be overthrown, not even if all
human beings united to undermine it. It is a fortress in which the moral human being can have no fear
of being driven from it, because every attack on it will come to nothing. Hence his faith in God built
on this foundation is as certain as a mathematical demonstration. This foundation is morals” (VpR
[1783–84] 28:1011).
24
Kant goes as far as making the heterodox argument that Jesus’ moral effectiveness rests on his not
being thought of as literally divine, for only then is he a model that human beings can understandably
attempt to imitate. See R 6:64.
148 KARL AMERIKS
3 Hermeneutical hypothesis
Kant’s theodicy implies not only a very expansive teleological conception of
each of the cosmological and moral orders by themselves but also a very
strong commitment to their tight linkage. It is precisely these two orders
that are referenced in the most famous passage in Kant’s works, namely, the
second Critique’s comment about our “ever increasing” Bewunderung and
Ehrfurcht with regard to the “starry heavens above” and the “moral law
within” (KpV 5:161). What this comment should remind us of now is not so
much the individual features of these two contrasting sources of our amazed
admiration and awe, but rather the fact that this text connects them in one
grand statement, a statement that can be taken as a clue that, from the very
start in Kant’s mind, these orders are much more closely related than
contemporary readers may tend to assume.
It is true, of course, that after his early 1760s turn to Rousseau and his
dramatic realization that the distinctive fulfillment of the human species
concerns our practical rather than exclusively theoretical capacities, Kant
frequently contrasts the determined theoretical order of nature with the pure
practical order of absolute freedom. Nonetheless, after this turn Kant also
insists that reason is unified, and he eventually sees that theoretical philos-
ophy must find a systematic means – namely, transcendental idealism – that
could provide metaphysical room for our practical reason to be an absolute
free source of effects, despite all that the Critical philosophy entails about
nature as a strictly lawful spatiotemporal order. The key move here in Kant’s
practical philosophy is his Rousseauian abandonment of the notion that
freedom must come with lawlessness (cf. A446–47/B475–76), and his
development of a conception of what he calls our “nature” as free beings:
a nature that, like all natures, is governed by a law, in this case the moral law.
As has been noted above, this is an order that Kant sometimes prefers to call
“supersensible” (übersinnlich) rather than “supernatural” (übernatürlich),
25
Kant therefore is especially fond of Milton’s epic work. See Sanford Budick, Kant and Milton
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).
Kant, miracles, and Religion, Parts One and Two 149
despite its definitely non-empirical character. This is because the super-
sensible is not in every sense non-natural. The reason why there is a sense in
which the term “nature” is very appropriate here for the supersensible as
moral, is that, for Kant the term “nature” has a most general sense that is not
limited to the physical realm and can signify the law-governed structure of a
concrete item of whatever kind (in contrast to “essence,” a term he generally
applies to abstract structures as such).26
In this broad sense, for Kant “nature” is not entirely opposed to grace, for
there is a moral nature that defines the distinct system of prescriptive laws
governing concrete rational beings in general, and that is formally similar to
the descriptive law-governed structure of physical beings as such, even
though this moral nature, and it alone, at its deepest level, is also determined
by essentially teleological rather than merely mechanical principles.27 Kant’s
notion of our lawful moral nature underlies his cosmopolitan “Idea” of the
special practical telos of the human species. According to this Idea of reason,
which is distinct from but closely connected to the purely metaphysical
Ideas of Kant’s postulates of pure practical reason, we are to believe that
there is an underlying theodicical pattern within human history, such that
legal and political developments will eventually lead to conditions that make
possible the fulfillment of our sublime moral vocation.28 Against a naïve
obsession with moralistic intentions, Kant argues that this pattern of human
history proceeds through a kind of cunning of reason that does not at first
require any moral intentions on humanity’s part, let alone any miraculous
interventions from above, and this is entirely consistent with all the laws
governing the physically natural, and even egoistic, developments of human
history.
The hermeneutical “guiding thread,” or Leitfaden, that reveals the unity
behind Kant’s vision goes back to what seems to be his very earliest
philosophical experience when, according to Jachmann’s account of Kant’s
“frequent” recollections in later life, his devout mother took her young
children out to the edge of town at night, so that they could see all the more
26
In general, Kant holds, “every nature has laws,” ML1 28:216.
27
Much of Kant’s difficult-to-follow exposition of what he calls the “antinomy” arising with teleology
rests on matters concerning the use or misuse of the distinction between the mechanical and the
“merely” mechanical.
28
This essay is Kant’s answer to the question that dominated so much discussion in the mid eighteenth
century after Johann Joachim Spalding’s work, Die Bestimmung des Menschen (1748). See
Reinhard Brandt, Die Bestimmung des Menschen bei Kant (Hamburg: Meiner, 2007); and
Karl Ameriks, “The Purposive Development of Human Capacities,” in Amélie Rorty and
James Schmidt (eds.), Kant’s “Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Aim”: A Critical
Guide (Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 46–67.
150 KARL AMERIKS
clearly, from a point not very far from Copernicus’ home, the “power,
wisdom and goodness” of “the creator of all things” in the stars of the
northern European sky.29 Jachmann’s account seems genuine and especially
relevant since it links a reference to the mother’s awakening of an appreci-
ation of the “impressions of nature” with a mention of the “seed (Keim) of
goodness,” a phrase that plays a key role throughout Kant’s work on religion
and our moral nature. A very similar linking of the natural and the moral
orders can be found in the cosmology section of the 1782–83 Metaphysik
Mongrovius:
The order in nature excites wonder and respect [NB] in us at all times. But
whence does it come? From the fact that without nature [as ordered by law]
we would not have any objects of the understanding . . . We would then have
either useless understanding, or none at all. Thus, since this nobility of soul
which raises us to humanity, the worth of our understanding, rests on nature,
we thus regard this natural order as if it were something holy. (MetM 29:869)
It was only when Kant was almost forty years old, and after many years of
studying the “impressions of nature” in a scientific way, that he came back,
through the close study of Rousseau’s moral writings in 1763–64, to begin to
concentrate on the “seed” and destiny of our nature in a primarily moral
sense, with a specific law of its own. Even before that time, however, in the
first two decades of Kant’s career, it is significant that he regularly added
remarks about design, development, and divinity in his natural philosophy.
His early essays on metaphysics and the “natural history” of the universe are
composed on the presumption that there is an evident overarching teleo-
logical unity to the universe, one that redounds all the more appropriately to
the creator’s wisdom and goodness because it does not need to appeal, as
he feared Newtonianism or occasionalism does, to repeated miracle-like
interventions or acts of support by the deity.30
In the Beweisgrund of 1763, Kant still makes a twofold theoretical
teleological claim that: (1) “different natural effects are, in respect of their
beauty and usefulness, to be subsumed under the essential order of nature,
and by that means, as subsumed under God [that is, the powers of a divine
architect],” and (2) “many arrangements . . . will be subsumed under an
order of nature which is contingent in character and the product of artifice,
29
Reinhold Bernhard Jachmann, “Immanuel Kant geschildert in Briefen an einen Freund” [1804], in
Felix Gross (ed.), Immanuel Kant, Sein Leben in Darstellungen von Zeitgenossen (Borowski, Jachmann,
Wasianski) (Berlin: Deutsche Bibliothek, 1912).
30
It is in this spirit that Kant peppered his Universal Natural History (1755) with optimistic quotations
from Alexander Pope regarding God’s all-encompassing wisdom in organizing the world.
Kant, miracles, and Religion, Parts One and Two 151
and in virtue of that subsumption they will also be subsumed under God.”31
In his critical work, Kant gives up taking this teleological claim to be a
demonstrable theoretical proposition, and he provides a new moral ground
for it, but it is striking that even in this earlier phase he is concerned, above
all, with conceiving a tight overarching order – of God, humanity, and
nature all at once – with no need for interruption anywhere by miraculous
events.32 Although at this point Kant still speaks of a system that can do
without “the assistance of frequent miracles” (EM 2:109), what is most
significant here is that he dares to go as far as explicitly challenging Newton,
whom he takes to have proposed that a “miraculous intervention” was
needed to prevent the universe from falling back into a “state of complete
stagnation” (EM 2:110n). It is typical of Kant’s firm theodicical attitude that
he goes on to argue that, whatever our local problems, we can use our
cosmological imagination to postulate that the universe can still have “great
fruitfulness elsewhere” (EM 2:110 n.).33 In this way we can still maintain a fully
teleological and yet seamlessly natural conception of the mundane sphere, as
an extraordinarily massive whole governed in a non-interventionist manner
by an all-encompassing purposeful design.
This section of the Beweisgrund also bears a close relation to Kant’s 1784
Idea for Universal History. Both discussions focus on the seeming indeter-
minacy that arises from actions that “harbour within themselves a possibil-
ity of deviating” from good (EM 2: 110), and both discussions call attention
to the statistical laws that apply even to human actions that may appear
significantly free, such as marriage choices (Em 2:111; cf. Idea 8:17). In the
Beweisgrund, to be sure, Kant still speaks sometimes without direct reser-
vations about “immediate divine intervention” and “revelation” at “specific
times and among specific nations” (EM 2:111). It is very significant, there-
fore, that in his otherwise parallel discussions in the 1780s and after, Kant
does not speak in this way, and he instead stresses that endorsing “rare”
miracles is just as questionable as referring to “frequent” ones. But although
31
EM 2:108–9, my emphases.
32
Hence this text has especially appealed to figures such as Friedrich Nietzsche, as well as Thomas
Bernhard in his play Immanuel Kant (1978). See Karl Ameriks, “Tragedy, Romanticism, and
Idealism,” in Bärbel Frischmann and Elizabeth Millán-Zaibert (eds.), Das Neue Licht der
Frühromantik: Innovation und Aktualität frühromantischer Philosophie (Paderborn: Ferdinand
Schöningh, 2008), pp. 28–38.
33
Although this is a pre-critical text, it is not to be dismissed in this context, for in PPV (1793) there is a
rare explicit reference to it, affirming its “belief in a deity which our practical reason must endorse”
(27:718). Cf. Fort (1793) which encourages “man . . . to assume therein, as object-in-itself, a morally
teleological connection, such that, by an ordering of nature beyond his comprehension, it tends to the
final purpose, as supersensible goal of his practical reason, namely, the highest good” (20:307).
152 KARL AMERIKS
that we cannot rule out that in some “not in the least conceivable way,” God
might concur with us here (VpR 28:1106), but the notes, like the Religion,
also indicate that eventually such special causings could be multiplied
arbitrarily, endlessly, and absurdly, and this would lead to the conclusion,
“what imperfection in [such] a world, totally irreconcilable with a wise
author!” (VpR 28:1110). I take this to mean that, although hypothetically we
might speak of a “miracle of the moral world, just as” – the notes go on to
say – “God’s acts of cooperation with occurrences in the sensible world are
[that is, are hypothetically to be called] God’s miracles in the physical
world” (VpR 28:1106–7), all this seems to imply that for Kant we should
not go as far as saying we know that such particular oddities are really
possible. This is not to deny, however, that with respect to the general
complex achievement of the highest good, there is still a sense in which Kant
can think of human beings and God in a kind of concursum moralem (VpR
28:1110), precisely because this highest good must involve a joint arrange-
ment. It requires free agents to fit properly together with an amenable
overall environment, independent of them, and hence whatever supreme
being is ultimately responsible for that environment must also play a role in
making the end possible.
In sum, Kant can, after all, consistently conceive his extremely elaborate
theodicical teleology as not literally miracle-involving because, insofar as it is
defined by the thought of beings – human, subhuman, and superhuman –
that are always ultimately acting in a way that fits together with a fully
purposeful set of internally determined laws, there is no assertion of special
acts or exceptions imposed on the order of nature in the broadest sense, that
is, including our nature, God’s nature, and the nature of the physical and
moral world on the whole.
Kant’s Jesus
Manfred Kuehn
1
The claim that Jesus of Nazareth is absolutely central to the Christian faith
is not just uncontroversial, it may even be said to be so weak as to be
misleading. For Christians, Jesus is the sine qua non of all faith. He is the
Christ and thus God. As the Nicene Creed states:
We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things seen and
unseen; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father,
only-begotten, that is, from the essence of the Father, God of God, light of
light, very God of very God, begotten not made, of one essence with the
Father; by whom all things were made, both which are in heaven and which are
on earth, etc., and in the Holy Ghost. Those that say that there was a time
when He was not, and that He was not before He was begotten, and that He
was made of things that are not; or say that He is of a different hypostasis or
essence from the Father, or that the Son of God is created, nourished, and
capable of being changed, the Catholic Church anathematizes.
Orthodox Lutherans essentially endorse this precise creed. Thus the first
two articles of the Creed in Martin Luther’s Small Catechism read:
I believe in God, the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth.
And in Jesus Christ, His only Son, our Lord; who was conceived by the Holy
Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary; suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified,
dead, and buried; He descended into hell; the third day He rose again from the
dead; He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father
Almighty; from thence He shall come to judge the quick and the dead.
Pietistic Lutherans take these articles of faith just as seriously. While they
often argue against mere doctrinal belief and emphasize the importance of
praxis in serving our neighbor, they place perhaps even more emphasis on
the need to accept Jesus as the Christ, and claim that even many nominal
Christians do not see “how deep they still are submerged in the old birth
and do not actively show any of the right signs of the rebirth [in Christ].
156
Kant’s Jesus 157
Thus Paul could still complain in many places”: ‘“They all seek what is
theirs, not that Christ is Jesus.’”1
To say it again, for traditional Lutherans, the belief that Jesus is the
Christ, that he died for us on the cross and saved us is a necessary condition
of the possibility of being a Christian. Calvinists or reformed theologians
would essentially agree to this view as well. No one who fails to believe that
Jesus Christ is the only way to salvation or renunciation with God has a
right to call himself Christian. Many Kant interpreters argue that this was
essentially also Kant’s view, and that his moral philosophy is not much more
than a secularized form of pietism.
It is true, of course, that Kant was born into a family of strict Lutheran
faith who lived by pietistic practices. He went to a high school that taught
and practiced pietistic principles, and he attended at the University of
Königsberg lectures, in accordance with the doctrines of Pietism. Almost
all of his colleagues were Lutherans, and even the Calvinists he knew would,
for the most part, have professed this faith.2 Accordingly, Kant would have
known this view of Jesus very well. It was all around him and it forms the
background of his mature views on religion. It is very clear that Kant
respected people who honestly held this view.
Yet it is also clear that Kant had some problems with the kind of pietistic
Lutheranism espoused by many around him. It seemed to him often more
an expression of hypocrisy than of true faith. But, more importantly, Kant
had serious problems with the traditional conception of Jesus as Christ.
Indeed, late in his life, he seems to have moved ever closer to the view of
those theologians, usually called “Neologists,” who determined much of
Christian teaching at Protestant universities in the German countries.
Neologism neither was then nor is now considered uncontroversial. It has
been characterized as the attempt to empty the concept of all historical
content and to fill it with purely rational content instead.3 Neologists
usually criticized Pietists and Pietists were as opposed to the Neologists as
they were to the Wolffians earlier on. Thus Karl Barth polemicized against
these theologians that they “partly by silence, partly by re-interpretation
eliminated [the doctrines of] the inspiration of the holy Bible, the trinity,
and especially the doctrines of the divinity of Christ, original sin, the
restitution alone through faith, and, of course, the virgin birth and ascent
1
Philipp Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria: Programm des Pietismus, ed. Erich Bayreuther (Wuppertal: Aussat
Verlag, 1964), p. 26.
2
Manfred Kuehn, Kant: A Biography (Cambridge University Press, 2001). See especially the
Introduction and Ch. 1.
3
Karl Aner, Die Theologie der Lessingzeit (Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1929), p. 4.
158 MANFRED KUEHN
4
Karl Barth, Die protestantische Theologie im 19. Jahrhundert. Vol. I: Die Vorgeschichte (Hamburg:
Siebenstern Verlag, 1960), p. 138.
5
James Schmidt, What is Enlightenment? Eighteenth-Century Answers and Twentieth-Century Questions.
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), p. 8.
Kant’s Jesus 159
would count him among them. Reimarus, on the other hand, who might
have been counted among the Neologists during his early years, later came
to be identified as an outright deist, though some continued to blame the
Neologists for his excesses. Semler was, according to Aner, not a Neologist −
while Karl Barth characterized him as the most important among them.6
It does not matter for the purposes of this chapter who was or was not a
“Neologist” in the full sense, for I do not want to argue that Kant himself
should be counted as belonging to this group. Nor do I offer a full
discussion of the views held by the Neologists. I only want to demonstrate
that Kant’s outlook is rather close to that of some of these people. In order
to do this, I will discuss Kant’s views on Jesus in relation to two thinkers,
considered to be at the opposite ends of the Neologistic spectrum, namely
Reimarus and Semler. In particular, I will compare them on four essential
doctrines − namely, the question of the historical context in which Kant
must be seen, and the problems of miracles, mystery, and the means and
effects of grace. As might be obvious to the reader right away, the last three
problems form the content of the four “General Remarks” that Kant
appended to the four books of the Religion within the Boundaries of Mere
Reason. But this is not the main reason for using these three (or four)
problems. More importantly, they summarize the main concerns of theo-
logians like Reimarus and Semler, and the General Remarks may therefore
be said to reflect the contemporary theological discussion.
Accordingly, I will represent first the view of Reimarus; second, that of
Semler; then I will offer a discussion of the relevant similarities and differ-
ences of Kant’s view, and finally discuss some reflections on the significance
of the results. The conclusions may come as something of a surprise to those
who tend to view Kant as the philosopher of Protestantism, because they
show that Kant’s views on Jesus, at least, are closer to those of Reimarus
than they are to those of Semler.
2
Reimarus is nowadays considered a deist, though during his lifetime his
deistic tendencies were completely unknown. It was Lessing’s publication of
the Wolffenbüttel Fragments after 1774 (Apologie oder Schutzschrift der
vernünftigen Verehrer Gottes. Fragmente eines Ungenannten) that gave rise
to this reputation. But Reimarus had a great reputation before these
publications. His 1754 book on natural theology (Die vornehmsten
6
Aner, Die Thologie der Lessingzeit, pp. 98ff.; Barth, Protestantische Theologie, p. 142.
160 MANFRED KUEHN
On the other hand, there cannot be any true religion without the belief in
God, the creator, and the immortality of the soul. “These two great truths
are the main support of our satisfaction and ultimately [constitute] the
influence of religion upon our happiness.”9 Reimarus’ natural theology
essentially constitutes the clear explication and defense of these two truths.
Most of his contemporaries would have suspected that natural religion
does not exhaust all of religion, and that revelation adds another important
dimension. That this hope was mistaken could have been made clear by
Reimarus’ definition of miracles. They are, as he puts it, “actions of God
which are contrary to the effects and rules of the active forces of nature,” and
they can therefore not exist, as they would “contradict . . . the orderly
7
EM 2:161.
8
Hermann Samuel Reimarus, Die vornehmsten Wahrheiten der natürlichen Religion in zehn
Abhandlungen auf eine begreifliche Art erkläret und gerettet von . . . (Professor in Hamburg)
(Hamburg: Johann Carl Bohn, 1754), Vol. II, p. 766.
9
Ibid., p. 574.
Kant’s Jesus 161
preservation of nature.”10 Miracles in any interesting sense are impossible.
Therefore, one might have concluded already in 1754 that revelation in any
significant sense is also impossible.
The fragments published by Lessing after 1774 resolved any doubt.
Natural religion was for him the only religion that we need and that we
can have. The miracles of the New Testament, just like those of the Hebrew
Bible, need to be explained away. Henry Allison summarizes Reimarus
therefore as follows: “Jesus becomes regarded as a well meaning, but
deluded fanatic, the apostles clever and self-seeking deceivers, and the
Christian religion a colossal fraud.”11 Albert Schweitzer, who may have
known better, was more positive. He called Reimarus’ account not just
one of the greatest events in the history of the critical spirit, but also a master
work in the world history of literature. The language is in general laconic and
dry, epigrammatically sharpened, like that of a man who does not so much
write as establish facts. But there are times when he rises to pathetic heights.
It is, as if the fire of a volcano paints ghostly pictures onto dark clouds.12
Schweitzer’s account focuses especially on the last installment of the frag-
ments, "The Aim (Zweck) of Jesus and his Disciples.” In it, Reimarus argues
specifically that the Biblical miracles were fraudulent and that there is no
real revelation to be found in the Bible. He characterizes Jesus’ disciples as
deceivers and Jesus himself is attacked by him as using force and cunning to
propagate his message. His baptism is a mere spectacle, staged by his cousin
John, and his supposed messianic mission is for Reimarus supported by a
number of tricks that are topped only by the resurrection stories.
As we have seen already, Reimarus thought that the doctrine of the
immortality of the soul and its happiness (Seligkeit) is absolutely essential for
any religion. Without this doctrine, we cannot speak of a religion at all. But the
Jewish religion lacked this doctrine, according to him.13 The Pharisees and
Sadducees had tried to introduce this doctrine before Jesus, but they had
combined it with an emphasis on merely external obedience to religious rules.
Jesus offered a severe critique of the emphasis on externalities that also
characterized these sects, but his goals were ultimately just political, not
religious. He wanted to change the society of the Israelites, not found a new
religion. It was the disciples of Jesus who invented a new religion in which the
10
Ibid., p. 588.
11
Henry Allison, Lessing and the Enlightenment (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1966), p. 48.
12
Albert Schweitzer, Geschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung. Vol. I (Munich and Hamburg: Siebenstern
Taschenbuch, 1966), p. 58.
13
Hermann Samuel Reimarus, Von dem Zwecke Jesu und seiner Jünger. Noch ein Fragment des
Wolffenbüttelschen Ungenannten, ed. Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, 2nd edn. (Braunschweig, 1784), p. 4.
162 MANFRED KUEHN
resurrection, baptism, the Eucharist, and other means of grace played central
roles. The apostles or the authors of the gospels invented miracles out of thin
air to legitimate the claim that Jesus was the savior not just of the Jews but of all
Christians.
Reimarus’ main thesis is that we must carefully separate what Jesus himself
said and what his disciples later made him say. The message of Jesus is simply:
“Convert and have faith in the gospels!” or − which means the same thing −
“Convert, for God’s heavenly realm has come.” But, and this is of the highest
importance, “God’s heavenly realm” must be understood in accordance with
the Jewish way of talking (nach jüdischer Redensart). Jesus must be understood
as a Jewish thinker and leader. In the context of the Roman occupation of the
Jewish homeland, the call for faith in “God’s heavenly realm” could therefore
only be understood politically as a call to resist the Roman hegemony. There
was no claim that he himself was God’s very own son in the sense that he was
divine. Jesus did not want to replace the Jewish religion with something new,
but he wanted to save Judaism. In fact, Reimarus claims all of the words and
deeds of Jesus must be understood in this context.
Reimarus himself argues vehemently not just against the possibility of
miracles, but also against so-called “secrets” or “mysteries” (Geheimnisse),
by which he means anything that would go beyond reason and cannot be
proved by rational argument.14
As he himself says in section 7:
I cannot avoid uncovering a common error of Christians, who because they
confuse the doctrine of the apostles with the teaching of Jesus imagine that
Jesus had the aim of establishing some new and unknown articles of faith, of
revealing secrets and thus creating a new religious system, but that he also
wanted to abolish Judaism in accordance with its special customs of sacri-
fices, circumcision, purification, sabbaths and other Levitic rites. I know very
well that the apostles and especially Paul tried to do so and that the
subsequent teachers created ever more secrets and articles of faith and
removed more and more Jewish ceremonies until the laws of Moses were
finally completely discarded and a new religion was introduced.
But I cannot find any of this in the conversations and speeches of Jesus. He
[advocated and] lived only moral duties, the true love of God and our
neighbor. In this he placed the entire content of the law and the prophets
and placed all hope for a heavenly kingdom and blessedness.15
14
Ibid., p. 26.
15
“Ich kann nicht umhin, einen gemeinen Irrtum der Christen zu entdecken, welche aus der
Vermischung der Lehre der Apostel mit der Lehre Jesu sich einbilden, dass Jesu Absicht in seinem
Kant’s Jesus 163
The main results of Reimarus’ theory are, accordingly:
1. The teaching of Jesus must be seen in the context of Judaism alone.
2. Miracles are impossible and are also insufficient to prove the truth of
Christianity.
3. The mysteries of Christianity were invented by the apostles and form no
part of Christian teaching.
4. Insofar as the means of salvation in Christianity are based on miracles
and mysteries, they are spurious and form no part of the true natural
religion which is identical with Christianity.
The presuppositions of this view defended by Reimarus are a thorough-
going naturalistic account of the world of nature and the conviction that
religion is based on just two truths: the existence of God and the immortal-
ity of the soul. It is a rational or rationalistic form of religion in which moral
perfection is central and the historical context in which this view arose is
systematically eliminated.
3
Semler was one of the most important theologians in the period between
1740 and 1790, or between Wolff and Kant. Starting out from Wolffian
ideas as mediated by Siegmund Jakob Baumgarten − the famous brother of
Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten, whose textbooks Kant used in many of his
lectures − Semler developed a rigorous method of historical-critical scholar-
ship with regard to the Bible. In his Abhandlung von freier Untersuchung des
Canon or Treatise of the Free Investigation of the Canon (4 vols., 1771–75), he
argued that the gospels must be viewed and discussed as historical docu-
ments just as much as they must be understood as “the word of God.”
Helmut Thielicke has called Semler “the Bultmann of his day.”16 While
Semler could not write very well and is therefore much harder to read than
Lehramte gewesen, gewisse zum Teil neue und unbekannte Glaubensartikel und Geheimnisse zu
offenbaren, und also ein neues Lehrgebäude der Religion aufzurichten, dagegen aber die Jüdische
Religion nach ihren besonderen Gebräuchen, also Opfern, Beschneidung, Reinigung, Sabbaten und
andere levitischen Zeremonien, abzuschaffen. Ich weiß wohl, dass die Apostel, und Insonderheit
Paulus, hieran gearbeitet, und dass die nachfolgenden Lehrer teils immer mehr Geheimnisse und
Glaubensartikel geschmiedet, teils auch immer mehr von den jüdischen Zeremonien zurückgezogen,
bis endlich Moses Gesetze gar abgeschafft und eine ganz andere Religion eingeführt worden ist. Allein
in allen Lehren, Reden und Gesprächen Jesu, kann ich von beiden nicht die geringste Spur finden. Er
trieb nichts als lauter sittliche Pflichten, wahre Liebe Gottes und des Nächsten; darin setzet er den
ganzen Inhalt des Gesetzes und der Propheten und darauf heisset er die Hoffnung zu seinem
Himmelreich und zur Seligkeit bauen”: Von dem Zwecke Jesu und seiner Jünger, p. 16, para. 6.
16
Helmut Thielicke, Modern Faith and Thought, trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids, MI:
William Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1990), p. 141.
164 MANFRED KUEHN
Reimarus (or Bultmann, for that matter), he was still most influential on the
further history of biblical criticism and hermeneutics.
Semler wrote an explicit critique of the fragments by Reimarus, pub-
lished by Lessing. In it, he criticized Reimarus severely because of his
deficiencies in scholarship.17 He throws doubt both on Reimarus’ view
that immortality is an essential characteristic of any religion and the idea
that the Hebrews had no concept of it. He rejects the idea that Christianity
is based on a confusion of the doctrines of Jesus and those of his apostles,
and argues that Jesus aimed at ending the rule of the Mosaic law.18 He
criticizes Reimarus’ objection to the baptism, communion, and many
others things. But none of these attempts at refuting the details of
Reimarus’ view are as important as his refutation of the general background
of his position. In this context, he has several things to say about Reimarus’
“naturalism,” i.e. his denial of a supranatural dimension to Christianity.
He defended the view that the New Testament had to be understood first
and foremost historically. This did not mean for him that it was not also at
the same time God’s revelation. It was for him essentially both a historical
process and the revelation. His overriding goal was, in fact, to differentiate
between these two different and apparently contradictory components and
thus to determine what in the New Testament was revelation and what was
merely historical. In determining the difference between what is merely
historical and what is God’s word, he made use of the concept of a rational
reader, arguing that God’s revelation can never contradict the true criteria of
human reason.
This may sound very much like Reimarus, but it is different, for Semler is
not claiming that the New Testament should be subjected to the laws of
reason. There are some things that are above reason, that cannot be
perceived, and can only be known by revelation. It is only where reason
and revelation openly contradict each other that we must follow reason.
Physics and psychology are not dependent on the Bible, but, since the
essential message of the New Testament is, as God’s word, completely
outside time and space, it cannot be influenced by anything that our
understanding establishes. This can concern only what is external to the
Kerygma, or the essential doctrine of Christianity. Still, we cannot have the
essential message of the New Testament in isolation from history because it
is always embedded in historical claims. Thielicke has asserted, therefore,
17
Johann Salamo Semler, D. Joh. Salomo Semlers Beantwortung der Fragmente eines Ungenanten
insbesondere vom Zwecke Jesu und seiner Jünger (Halle: Verlag des Erziehungsinstituts, 1780).
18
Ibid., p. 98.
Kant’s Jesus 165
that the real revelation of the Kerygma is in some way reminiscent of Kant’s
“transcendental X”; it is like “a thing in itself.”19
This proposition goes too far, however, as Semler does make definitive
claims about what is essential to Christianity. It is not the story of the life of
Jesus per se. Rather, it is based on the teaching of Jesus, “who rose from the
dead” after being nailed to the cross − that is, he argues that Christianity is
based on both the teachings and the resurrection, and not on resurrection
alone, as he takes Reimarus to claim.20 But the “main point of Christianity”
is “a spiritual or moral salvation in contradistinction to a salvation of the
body.”21 Resurrection is just one of the most important articles of faith. It
belongs in the context of the doctrines taught by Jesus, but does not form an
essential part of it. And thus the Kerygma is about this new creation, the
moral salvation of moral beings. Semler calls Jesus the teacher of this
doctrine and claims that both he and Jesus live in God: that is, their
common father.
He confesses that he believes himself to have a much more secure ground
for his own belief that Jesus rose from the dead, and would believe, “even if
he had no knowledge of external circumstances, like time and space.”22 The
reason to believe in the resurrection of Jesus is for him internal. Thus he has
Jesus speak to him in the book as follows: “As little as you know the origin
and directions of the wind in the visible world, so little can you explain the
effects of God which are in the invisible realm of the truth and growth of all
spiritual perfection just as certain and indispensable for the internal perfec-
tion of all rational creatures.”23 Indeed, “the spirit of God produces a new
creation among human beings.”24 Furthermore, the
resurrection of Jesus is not a mere physical fact or event (physikalische
Begebenheit); it is a supra-natural event, a possibility that even the
Pharisees and others admit as in itself possible. But from this fact, it does
not follow that the resurrected Jesus can be seen by all human beings, like a
tree, a mountain, or a bird. Rather, it depends on his own will whom he will
give permission to see him; and he is visible only to those he allows to see
him.25
19
Thielicke, Modern Faith and Thought, p. 154. 20 Semler, Beantwortung, p. 263.
21
Ibid., p. 256; see also p. 257. 22 Ibid., p. 263.
23
Ibid., p. 266: “So wenig Du in der sichtbaren Welt den Ursprung und den Gang des Windes weißt,
eben so wenig kannst du weiter über diese Wirkungen Gottes erklären, die in dem unsichtbaren
Reich der Wahrheit und des Wachsthums in aller geistigen Vollkommenheit, ebenso gewis und allen
vernünftigen Geschöpfen so unentbehrlich sind, zu ihrer innerlichen Vollkommenheit.”
24
Ibid. 25 Ibid., p. 274.
166 MANFRED KUEHN
26
Ibid. 27 Ibid., p. 279. 28 Ibid.
29
Semler, Letztes Glaubensbekenntnis über natürliche und christliche Religion (Königsberg: Nicolovius,
1792), p. 24.
30
Josef Bohatec, Die Religionsphilosophie Kants in der “Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen
Vernunft” (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966), p. 423.
31
Semler, Letztes Glaubensbekenntnis, pp. 61f.
32
Bohatec, Die Religionsphilosophie Kants, p. 460, claims that Kant is dependent on Semler in his
distinction between private and public religion, and in particular on the claim that Jewish religion has
no “unity in accordance with concepts.” For Semler, Christianity is “more worthy in its principle of
intention and its internal nature of the mind (mit seinem Gesinnungsprinzip und seiner inneren
Gemütsverfassung).”
Kant’s Jesus 167
the Old Testament as no more than ancient Jewish prejudice, which was
ultimately very different from the message of the New Testament. Thus
he claimed: “The Jews do not in any way transcend the external history of
their predecessors. For this reason, the Jewish and the Christian religion
cannot ever be unified.” Nevertheless, the Christian religion presupposes
“the previous Jewish religion as its imperfect predecessor and really
originated from new and greater concepts of God and their more liberal
and internal application.”33 What is Jewish can therefore concern only
what is external to the Kerygma. His view of the relationship between
Judaism and Christianity is thus radically different from that of
Reimarus.
2. Reimarus argued that miracles are absolutely impossible as well as
insufficient to prove the truth of Christianity. Semler admits that they
are by themselves insufficient to establish the Christian religion, but he
argues that they are neither impossible nor useless. He criticizes
Reimarus for giving an insufficient definition of miracles: “Above all,
the anonymous author should have made clear first of all what he means
by the term ‘miracle.’”34 He admits that he did not accept Christianity
on the strength of so-called “miracles,” but they are means of “prepara-
tion” for Christianity. In any case, they were meant for the contempo-
raries of Jesus not for believers of the eighteenth century. Miracles do
not, however, belong to the central tenets of Christianity.
3. For Reimarus, the mysteries of Christianity were invented by the apostles
and form no part of Christian teaching. This is clearly not Semler’s view.
In fact, his claims about why he believes in the resurrection show that
there are for him mysteries of faith. God has effects in this world. Jesus
can be experienced by those who truly experience his teachings. While
external miracles leave him relatively cold, “internal miracles,” like “our
own faith, fides divina, are based on God’s present assistance which
brings forth and fixes truths through their content in our soul. The
deist laughs about us – are we concerned and uncertain for this reason?”35
The answer is clearly “No!”
4. Insofar as Semler believes in a “fides divina,” he also rejected Reimarus’
claim that mysteries are spurious and form no part of the true natural
religion which is identical with Christianity. He holds on to the belief that
33
Semler, Letztes Glaubensbekenntnis, pp. 126, 41f., 116. 34 Semler, Beantwortung, p. 247.
35
Ibid., p. 380: “unser eigener Glaube, fides divina, ist auf Gottes jetziger Mitwirkung gegründet, welche
die Wahrheiten durch ihren Inhalt in unserer Seele hervorbringen und festsetzen. Der Deist lacht
über uns, sind wir deshalb unruhig und ungewiß?”
168 MANFRED KUEHN
there are mysteries, and he rejects Reimarus’ naturalism for precisely this
reason. There are, in other words faint echoes of the kind of Christology in
Semler that we noted to be central for traditional Christianity in general
and Pietism in particular. This, or any kind of, Christology is not just
completely absent from Reimarus’ work, but the main target of his
criticism. While Semler also assimilates the teaching of Christ and the
rationalist doctrine of moral perfection, he does want to hold on to a thin
Christology, in which God has real effects on our conduct. He may reject
the sacraments and other religious exercises as belonging to external
religion and not to inner or private religion, but he does not think that
they contradict each other.
4
Kant’s Religion must be seen as situated between the respective positions of
Reimarus and Semler, or, perhaps better, as Kant’s attempt to find a middle
way between these two positions. There can be no doubt that he knew the
two positions intimately. In fact, he referred to Reimarus directly in his
work, referring to him as the “author of the Wolffenbüttel Fragments.”36
There are also many oblique references to Semler and some of his terminol-
ogy clearly comes from Semler.37 Bohatec claims that Semler’s influence on
Kant was “very strong,” and he in general argues that Kant is closer to Semler
than to Reimarus.38
The question is therefore precisely how Kant’s view relates to the
thoughts of his predecessors. Let me follow the schema used in the preced-
ing sections:
1. Kant fully agrees with Semler’s rejection of Reimarus’ claim that Jesus
really had no genuinely moral purpose and had only political goals or that
he wanted to overthrow the rules of the priests and perhaps establish
36
Since it was generally known at the time that the Wolffenbüttel Fragmentist was identical with
Reimarus, he understood that he was referring to his favorite logician and religious philosopher. He
not only owned Reimarus’ Logic and referred to it very positively, he also willingly conceded in The
Only Possible Argument its “superiority in respect of usefulness to an exposition of the important
knowledge of God and his qualities, such as Reimarus offers in his book on natural religion” (EM
2:161). He goes on, however, to insist on having paid “greater attention . . . to logical rigor.” Gottfried
Hasse, Kant’s Königsberg contemporary, wrote that “among philosophers, for him [Kant] Reimarus
stays above all”: J. G. Hasse, Der alte Kant, Hasses Schrift: Letzte Äusserungen Kants und persönliche
Notizen aus dem Opus Postumum (Berlin/Leipzig: A. Buchenau und G. Lehmann, 1925), p. 30.
37
See Bohatec, Die Religionsphilosophie Kants, pp. 423, 427, 433–35, 472–77, 499–501.
38
Ibid., p. 27n (original emphasis).
Kant’s Jesus 169
himself as a ruler (R 6:161).39 Very much like Reimarus and Semler who
do not seem to differ in this from most contemporary theologians, he
claims: “The Jewish faith, as originally established, was only a collection
of merely statutory laws supporting a political state; for whatever moral
additions were appended to it, whether originally or only later, do not in
any way belong to Judaism at all” (R 6:125). Christianity, for him, is
accordingly a complete abandonment of Judaism in which it originated,
grounded on an entirely new principle. It “effected a total revolution in
doctrines of faith” (R 6:127). As regards the first point of comparison,
there seems to be little difference between Kant and Semler.
2. Turning to the problem of miracles, we can see, however, that Kant is
ultimately closer to Reimarus, though some of the things he says may
sound more like Semler. Thus he claims that belief in miracles contra-
dicts moral religion which consists “in the heart’s disposition to observe
all human duties as divine commands” (R 6:84). Belief in miracles is not
just dispensable (as Semler would have agreed), but betrays “a culpable
degree of moral unbelief” because it shows that we do not put enough
trust in the precepts of duty (R 6:84). This does not mean that he does
not grant miracles a historical function and allows for “veneration” of
them as “external” or “historical” cover (R 6:85). Indeed, he seems to be
talking about Semler when he admits that “there are rational human
beings who, though not disposed to renounce belief in them, never allow
this belief to intervene in practical matters; and this is as much as to say
that, in theory, they do indeed believe that there are miracles, but avow
none in their practical affairs” (R 6:85).
He also seems to want to answer Semler’s question about the defi-
nition of miracles on Reimarus’ behalf. Miracles are for him “events in
the world, the causes and effects of which are absolutely unknown to us
and so must remain” (R 6:86). Differentiating between theistic and
demonic miracles, he completely dismisses demonic miracles and claims
that we possess only a negative criterion with regard to theistic miracles −
that is, we can most definitely say that something cannot be a miracle, if
it is in conflict with morality. Thus, if a father were presumably ordered
by God to kill his innocent son and then is miraculously hindered from
doing so, we may discount this miracle. In any case, “in practical affairs
we cannot possibly count on miracles, or in any way take them into
consideration in our employment of our reason (which is necessary in all
39
See also Ibid., pp. 460–68.
170 MANFRED KUEHN
40
Thus, miracles amount to the belief that we can know something through experience which is not in
accordance with the objective laws of experience. But miracles constitute just one form of the three
kinds of “delusory faith” or of “overstepping the boundaries of our reason with respect to the
supernatural.” The other two are: (i) that we must include in our concepts of reason something of
which we can have no rational concepts (i.e. mysteries); and (ii) that we can, through “purely natural
means,” bring about God’s assistance in moral matters (“faith in means of grace”). All three forms of
faith are mere delusions for Kant, just as they were for Reimarus.
Kant’s Jesus 171
Kant’s moral religion is most definitely not Reimarus’ natural religion.
But, and this is the most important point, religious mystery has just as
little place in Kant’s moral world as in Reimarus’ mechanistic universe.
4. Kant, just like Reimarus, rejects: (i) prayer; (ii) church-going; and
(iii) baptism or initiation into the church-community; as well as
(iv) communion. They belong to “priestcraft” or the dominion of the
clergy “over minds by pretending to have exclusive possession of the
means of grace” (R 6:200).
We must make ourselves “into whatever [we are] or should become in
a moral sense, good or evil” (R 6:44). For this reason it is neither
necessary nor essential that we know what God does or has done for
our salvation. What is essential is what we have to do to ourselves in
order to become worthy of God’s assistance (R 6:52).
This means that, for Kant as for Reimarus, Jesus has no role to play in our
atonement. We may need saving, but we cannot be saved by Jesus or even
God himself. We need to save ourselves. But even the idea that we must
“save ourselves” is misleading, for in the end this meant for Kant − as for
Reimarus, Semler, and all the other so-called “Neologists” − no more than
to “perfect ourselves morally.”
Accordingly, the name “Jesus” does not appear many times in Kant’s
published writings. The name “Christ” or “Christus,” if we discount the
calendar expression “nach Christus,” appears even less often. Insofar as
Kant spoke of Jesus, he preferred to talk about him as “the teacher,” the
“son of God,” the “divinely inspired human being” that we represent as an
“original ideal” for ourselves (R 6:61).41 This idea of the son of God is
closely connected for Kant with the “personified idea of the good,” the
“ideal of moral perfection,” the “ideal of a humanity pleasing to God,”
and the idea of a human being that alone pleases God (R 6:63f.). Jesus
represents this idea in human form, just as the Stoic wise man represents
the idea of wisdom. They are both ideals because they represent their idea
in human form.
But the idea of moral perfection does not really need any individual
instantiation. It “has complete reality in itself,” insofar as it is practical. It
“resides in our morally-legislative reason” (R 6:62). We need no examples
from experience to make this idea into an ideal. On the other hand, Kant
argues that the experience of an individual that instantiates the idea must be
possible, if only because every one of us should act in the required way. And
41
I reject the translations of the last two expressions in the Cambridge edition. “God-like” for “göttlich
gesinnt” is clearly a mistranslation, and “prototype” seems too mechanical for Kant’s purposes.
172 MANFRED KUEHN
Jesus, the “divinely inspired teacher,” is “in fact totally human” (R 6:65). He
came as “an actual human being as example for all others” (R 6:82). Yet
his coming only fractured the power of evil, whose “kingdom still endures”
(R 6:82). We must still wait for a new epoch in which evil is finally defeated.
The only way this can happen is if we “adopt,” in our innermost being,
“genuine moral principles” as our disposition (R 6:84).
Jesus actually appeared among the Jews who were prepared for his
message by “the Greek sages’ moral doctrines on freedom,” and who felt
at the same time “the full measure of all the evils of a hierarchical
constitution” (R 6:79). They were “ripe for a revolution” (R 6:80). Jesus
was “a person whose wisdom [was] even purer than that of the previous
philosophers,” and though he seemed “descended from the heavens,” he
announced himself as a true human being. He claimed that his doctrines
and his example were in fact truly human. At the same time he also
claimed to be “an envoy of heavenly origin” who had no part in original
sin. He promulgated the rational idea of “the possibility of a person free
from innate propensity to evil” which for Kant is consistent with an
undeniable “moral instinct.” In the tradition, this view became entangled
with the idea of virgin birth which is comprehensible as well, but also
difficult to explain. Kant believes that the many arguments for and against
virgin birth that have been offered in theology are unnecessary just
because it is sufficient for our practical purposes “to hold the idea
itself before us as a model, as symbol of humankind raising itself
above temptation to evil (and withstanding it victoriously)” (R 6:80n).
Put differently, Jesus is for Kant both a philosophical teacher who
taught by example and doctrine, and a “model” or “symbol of human-
kind”: an idea.
Clearly, the ideal Jesus is much more important to Kant than the
historical Jesus, and this colors his picture of the life of Jesus. Still, he
also relates the bare outlines of his ideas about the “historical” Jesus. Since
Jesus was a human being of “original innocence,” having no part of the
original sin of the rest of humanity, he posed a special threat to the realm
of evil or the rule of “the prince of this world” (R 6:80). Accordingly, he
was first subjected to temptations. When this did not work, the lord of the
realm of evil took away from him “anything that could make his life
agreeable” and reduced him to poverty. He “also provoked against him
every persecution by which evil human beings could embitter him –
sufferings that only one well-disposed can truly feel with depth [such
as] the slandering of his teaching’s pure intention” (R 6:81). And finally he
was made to suffer the most “ignominious death” (R 6:81). Looking at his
Kant’s Jesus 173
physical life, therefore, we can only say that he lost to the forces of evil.
But just because he never betrayed the moral principle, we can also say
that he won in moral or “legal” terms − or, perhaps better, in the realm of
freedom, where human beings can be controlled only insofar as they
adopt the right or the wrong principles.
The story of Jesus is the story of a moral hero who resisted temptation
and persecution to the death. It is not a story about someone who died on
the cross for our sins. The blood of Jesus does not cleanse us from these sins:
“So the moral outcome of this conflict, on the part of the hero of the story
(up to the death), is not really the conquering of the evil principle” (R 6:82).
The kingdom of evil still endures. Overcoming it requires our moral faith
“in the universal religion of reason,” which involves the “basis for a con-
tinual approximation to the ultimate perfection” (R 6:123).
Therefore, Kant could not have subscribed to the idea that “Jesus
Christ, His only Son, our Lord . . . descended into hell; the third day
He rose again from the dead; He ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the
right hand of God the Father Almighty; from thence He shall come to
judge the quick and the dead.” Kant’s Jesus is no Christ.42 Just like
Reimarus, Kant claims that the existence of God and the immortality of
the soul are the only essential ideas of moral religion or, as he calls them
“postulates of pure practical reason.” He avoids Reimarus’ naturalism
because, as he says in The Conflict of the Faculties, he does not adopt as a
principle the claim that “supranatural revelation” is impossible. The book
simply takes no notice of this source where religious doctrine is concerned
(R 6:44).43
To believe in Jesus as the son of God who has taken up human nature can
mean for Kant only that we should try to live in accordance with the
genuine moral principles he revealed (R 6:62). If we believe in this way,
we foster in ourselves the kind of disposition that makes the categorical
imperative our rule of action (R 6:66). And if we do so, we may hope to be
pleasing to God. This is what practical faith is and what believing in Jesus
means. It is a purely moral disposition. Following Jesus thus means for Kant
doing what Jesus taught and what he lived − namely, following the moral
42
This should also be clear from Kant’s discussion of the trinity as the mere “representation of a
practical idea” or the designation of “three specifically different ways” in which “God wills to be
served” (R 6:142).
43
Put differently, Kant does not feel the need that Johann Georg Hermann expressed in his attempt to
derive a faith in Jesus, the savior, from the historical record and his moral teachings. See Johann
Georg Herrmann, Ethik (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1904), p. 115.
174 MANFRED KUEHN
law out of respect for the moral law: no more, no less. There is, accordingly,
just as little room for a Christology in Kant’s religious philosophy as there
was in Reimarus’.44 We may doubt that Kant personally viewed Jesus as
Christ, but we cannot know this. Luckily, perhaps, this is absolutely
irrelevant to the philosophical concerns of this chapter.
44
I agree with Gordon E. Michalson that, “strictly speaking,” there is “no reason why a christology
should appear in the Religion” (see his Fallen Freedom: Kant on Radical Evil and Moral Regeneration
[Cambridge University Press, 1990], p. 109). I also agree with him that Kant discusses atonement in a
Christian framework, but I am not sure that we need to call these considerations “christological,” but
perhaps the differences are merely semantic, because his criteria for christology seem minimal whereas
mine are more substantively theological, as they are for me defined by the sentences of the Nicene
Creed with which this chapter begins.
chapter 9
1
John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), p. 4.
2
See Robert S. Taylor, Reconstructing Rawls: The Kantian Foundations of Justice as Fairness (University
Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2011).
175
176 NICHOLAS TAMPIO
7
Benedictus de Spinoza, Theological-Political Treatise, trans. Jonathan I. Israel (Cambridge University
Press, 2007), p. 98.
8 9
Ibid., p. 153. Ibid., p. 91. 10 Spinoza, Theological-Political Treatise, pp. 195–96.
11
Steven B. Smith, Spinoza, Liberalism, and the Question of Jewish Identity (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1997), p. 131.
12
Spinoza, Theological-Political Treatise, p. 202.
13
“The supreme right of deciding about religion belongs to the sovereign power”: ibid., p. 207.
178 NICHOLAS TAMPIO
14
Israel, A Revolution of the Mind, pp. vii−viii. 15 Spinoza, Theological-Political Treatise, p. 194.
16
Ibid., p. 182. 17 Smith, Spinoza, p. 131.
18
Patrick Riley, Leibniz’ Universal Jurisprudence: Justice as the Charity of the Wise (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1996), p. 236.
Pluralism in the ethical community 179
political philosophy endeavors to provide a philosophical foundation to
unite Catholics and Protestants in charitable relations and to fight common
enemies.19
Leibniz lashes out at the ethical consequences of a purely secular order as
envisioned by modern philosophers following in the footsteps of Spinoza.
To those who think that the purpose of statecraft is to attend to this life
alone, Leibniz charges, “more sublime and perfect is the theory of natural
law according to Christine doctrine . . . that not everything should be
measured by the goods of this life.”20 To those who think that the law
may only touch the human form, and not the soul, Leibniz contends that
“he who has control of the education or instruction of others is obligated, by
natural law, to form minds with eminent precepts, and to take care that the
practice of virtue, almost like a second nature, guides the will toward the
good.”21 What Leibniz is against is perfectly clear: a world drained of
concord among men (humanae tranquilitas), or, more precisely, a world
in which Christians do not trust each other or God. Leibniz fears the secular
state that relinquishes the task of soulcraft. And yet Leibniz does not cite
scripture to buttress his argument, for that would lead to disputations that
could prevent the whole project from getting off the ground.
Leibniz provides an argument that might provide Catholics and
Protestants with a basic rule to decide moral and political questions. In
the face of skeptics or cynics who deny that justice means anything other
than the rule of the strong, Leibniz contends that there are “necessary
and eternal truths which must be the same everywhere.”22 To determine
the content of justice, Leibniz suggests, perform a few simple thought
experiments. Say that someone could easily throw you a rope to save
you from drowning but doesn’t: wouldn’t you say that that person is
unjust? Or say that you could easily remove an impediment from someone’s
way to prevent him from suffering pain, but you don’t: are you too being
unjust?
If you refuse the request, he has reason to complain, since he can judge that
you would make the same request if you were in the place of him who makes
it. And it is the principle of equity, or what is the same thing, of the equality
19
See Ian Almond, History of Islam in German Thought from Leibniz to Nietzsche (New York: Routledge,
2010), Ch. 1.
20
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, “Opinion on the Principles of Pufendorf,” in Leibniz, Political Writings,
ed. and trans. Patrick Riley (Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 67.
21
Ibid., p. 69.
22
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, “Meditation on the Common Concept of Justice,” in Leibniz, Political
Writings, p. 49.
180 NICHOLAS TAMPIO
or of the identity of reasons, which holds that one should grant [to others]
whatever one would wish in a similar situation, without claiming to be
privileged, against reason, or [without claiming] to be able to allege one’s
will as a reason.23
Unlike Kant in the Groundwork (G 4:430), Leibniz freely admits that “the
rule of reason” reformulates the Biblical passage quod tibi non vis vieri, etc.,
and, furthermore, Leibniz’s argument is heteronomous from a Kantian
point of view by holding that moral truths are discerned by theoretical (as
opposed to practical) reason. Yet Leibniz anticipates Kant’s aspiration to lay
the foundation for a practical philosophy that different ecclesiastical faiths
may endorse upon reflection.
Leibniz proposes several ideas for reconciling Catholics and Protestants.
Philosophers could exposit doctrines with sufficient rigor so that all parties
recognize their fundamental agreement. Lutherans could defer to Catholics,
in the interest of reestablishing the hierarchy and government of the visible
church, on the conditions that Lutherans not be humiliated and forced to
recant their views and that Catholics promise to rethink some of their
abusive practices. Finally, all Christians could abstract from or suspend
doctrinal exposition on controversial matters in order to facilitate the all-
important task of reunification: “each, on his side, must make the most
extreme effort which is possible without injuring his conscience, by showing
the greatest obligingness for the others that he can have without offending
God.”24 Near the end of his life – partly as a result of interlocutors such as
Boussuet striving for conversion rather than reconciliation – Leibniz low-
ered his expectations for a revival of the respublica christiana. Yet he con-
sistently hoped that “fanaticism and bloodshed could be ended throughout
Europe if caritas sapientis replaced theological hair-splitting.”25
Spinoza and Leibniz represent contending poles in the early
Enlightenment debate about the relationship among reason, religion, and
politics. Spinoza articulates a secular, modern politics in which individual
human beings realize that they best serve their natural rights by bonding
together into a democracy that protects the freedom to philosophize.
Leibniz yearns to recover a Christian, medieval politics that envisions the
Pope, the Holy Roman Emperor, and religious philosophers leading
the reunification of Christendom. It is into this battle – between the
23
Ibid., pp. 55–56.
24
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, “Excerpts from Two Letters to Bossuet Concerning the Re-Unification
of Christendom (1692–99),” in Leibniz, Political Writings, p. 190.
25
Riley, Leibniz’ Universal Jurisprudence, p. 238.
Pluralism in the ethical community 181
metaphysical and radical Enlightenment, or between those who look back
to the medieval order shattered by the Thirty Years War and those who
yearn for an as-yet unimaginable secular era – that Kant enters with his
Religion.
27
Susan Meld Shell, Kant and the Limits of Autonomy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
2009), p. 315.
184 NICHOLAS TAMPIO
distinction to determine who may or may not join this social union. A faith of
divine service views human beings as obligated to serve God through rituals
“however morally indifferent the actions might be in themselves” (R 6:103).
This type of faith is “a slavish and mercenary faith (fides mercenaria, servilis)
and cannot be considered as saving, because it is not moral” (R 6:115).
Religious mercenaries clearly are not fit to join the universal church or the
ethical community. A faith of moral religion, on the contrary, promotes and
propagates “good life conduct” (R 6:105). This type of faith recognizes that
“whenever [human beings] fulfill their duties toward human beings (them-
selves and others), by that very fact they also conform to God’s commands”
(R 6:103). A faith of moral religion knows that the object of human striving
ought to be a good will, not an action or quality that may or may not be moral
(G 4:393). Kant concedes that there may be many ways to graft this teaching
onto sensual human beings – which is why there may legitimately be several
kinds of faith. But Kant also thinks that any ecclesiastical faith in the ethical
community must ultimately endorse the one religion of reason (R 6:123).
Kant’s paradigm of a faith of moral religion is Christianity. In his
historical account of the gradual establishment of the “dominion of the
good principle on earth,” Kant begins with Christianity, the religion that
“effected a total revolution in doctrines of faith” (R 6:127). There is more
than a grain of salt in the dictum that Kant tries to secularize Christianity −
that is, to provide Christian ethics with a new philosophical foundation.28
How, though, does Kant square his respect for Christianity with the
previous century’s evidence of bloody intra-religious warfare? “The terrible
voice of orthodoxy . . . split the Christian world into bitter parties over
opinions in matters of faith (upon which, without recourse to pure reason
as the expositor, no universal agreement can possibly be attained)” (R 6:130).
For Kant, as for Leibniz, Christendom can reunify only if diverse ecclesias-
tical faiths recognize that what binds them (pure moral religion) is much
greater than what divides them (ceremonies, etc.). Kant makes this point
forcefully in The Conflict of the Faculties: “Enlightened Catholics and
Protestants, while still holding to their own dogmas, could thus look
upon each other as brothers in faith, in expectation (and striving toward
this end): that, with the government’s favor, time will gradually bring the
formalities of faith closer to the dignity of their end, religion itself” (S 7:52).
The historical referent in the title of the Religion within the Boundaries of
Mere Reason is Christianity, pure and simple.
28
This argument goes back at least to the young Hegel. See Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Early
Theological Writings, trans. T. M. Knox (University of Chicago Press, 1948).
Pluralism in the ethical community 185
Jews as such, Kant emphasizes, are not welcome to join the ethical
community: “The Jewish faith, as originally established, was only a collec-
tion of merely statutory laws supporting a political state” (R 6:125). Judaism
exposits coercive laws rather than moral principles; it ignores the moral need
for a belief in a future life; and it excludes nearly the entire human race from
its communion (R 6:125–27). Catholics and Protestants may disagree on
peripheral matters while still sharing the same final moral end, but Jews
“need to exchange their old garment for a new one.”29
Muslims also belong to a “fetish-faith (Fetischglaube)” that denies them
entry into the ethical community (R 6:193). A fetish-faith seeks to circum-
vent the arduous work of morality by finding an “escape route” that will
reward customs or formalities: “In every type of public faith the human
being has devised certain practices for himself, as means of grace, even
though such practices are not related in all faiths, as in the Christian, to
practical concepts and to dispositions conformable to them.” Kant notes
that four of the five pillars of the “Mohammedan faith” – washing, praying,
fasting, and the pilgrimage to Mecca – contain no intrinsic worth, and the
last one – almsgiving – may be performed by extorting others (R 6:194). In
light of Kant’s rare references to Islam, one scholar speculates that Kant
viewed Islam either as historically insignificant or as a potential threat to
rational philosophy hitherto at home only in Europe.30
Kant’s approach to the theological-political problem in the Religion
mirrors Spinoza’s in the Theological-Political Treatise.31 Both philosophers
think that reason may torture revelation, so to speak, to confess moral truths
(R 6:110–11). Both philosophers yearn for the day when historical or eccle-
siastical faiths may disappear in the universal recognition of rational moral
principles (R 6:135). And both philosophers temper their hopes for a
universal rational religion with a recognition that sensual human beings
with vivid imaginations are likely to form schisms and sects that prohibit the
formation of a single church (R 6:123). Yet the content of Kant’s moral
religion is very different from Spinoza’s religious ethics.32 To take only one
of many examples: Spinoza’s one-substance doctrine that denies the exis-
tence of an intelligible or noumenal soul (and thus its freedom or immortal-
ity) leads directly, in Kant’s view, to morality-killing fatalism (KpV 5:101–2).
29
See Shell, Kant and the Limits of Autonomy, p. 325.
30
Almond, History of Islam in German Thought, p. 29.
31
Yirmiahu Yovel, “Bible Interpretation as Philosophical Praxis: A Study of Spinoza and Kant,” Journal
of the History of Philosophy 11 (1973), pp. 189–212.
32
Gilles Deleuze, Spinoza: Practical Philosophy (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 1988), pp. 17–29.
186 NICHOLAS TAMPIO
37
To politicize a conception means to find arguments that may appeal to a wide range of reasonable
citizens who propose and honor fair principles of justice and recognize the burdens of judgment.
Ideally, there are many such arguments, not just “secular” ones.
38
John Rawls, “Justice as Fairness: Political Not Metaphysical,” in Rawls, Collected Papers, ed.
Samuel Freeman (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 410.
39
Jerome B. Schneewind, Essays on the History of Moral Philosophy (New York: Oxford University Press,
2010), p. 7.
40
Rawls, “Justice as Fairness,” p. 411. On political liberalism’s appeal to Sunni Muslims, see Andrew
F. March, Islam and Liberal Citizenship: The Search for an Overlapping Consensus (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2009).
188 NICHOLAS TAMPIO
41
See Wendy Brown and Janet E. Halley (eds.), Left Legalism / Left Critique (Durham: Duke University
Press, 2002).
42
See, for instance, Stephen K. White, The Ethos of a Late-Modern Citizen (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 2009).
43
See Sharon Anderson-Gold and Pablo Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil (Cambridge University
Press, 2010).
44
John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), p. 482.
Pluralism in the ethical community 189
society when reasonable citizens endorse minimal standards of justice from
the vantage points of their own comprehensive worldviews. The overlap-
ping consensus agrees to ius strictum but not to the metaphysical reasons
that support it. A politicized conception of the ethical community, how-
ever, envisions coalitions to advance common ends that surpass the minimal
requirements of justice. Many Islamists – that is, those who think the
Qur’an and the normative example of the Prophet (sunna, hadith) ought
to govern the entirety of the social and political world45 – would find the
idea of forming ethical coalitions with atheists absurd, akin to retreating to
the age of pagan ignorance of Islam (jahiliyya).46 Yet it is worth considering
whether some Muslims would favor joining the ethical community. If the
answer is yes, then those of us emerging from the Kantian tradition could
set about doing the hard work of instantiating this idea in practice. It is with
that intent in mind that we should read Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na‘im’s
recent book, Islam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari‘a.
An-Na‘im opens the book with a declaration that true faith may not be
coerced: “In order to be a Muslim by conviction and free choice, which is
the only way one can be a Muslim, I need a secular state.”47 An-Na‘im’s
argument against religious coercion is explicitly Islamic: “Religious com-
pliance must be completely voluntary according to personal pious intention
(niyah), which is necessarily invalidated by coercive enforcement of those
obligations. In fact, coercive enforcement promotes hypocrisy (nifaq),
which is categorically and repeatedly condemned by the Qur’an.”48
We see, here, a gesture toward refuting Kant’s assertion that Islam is a
“fetish-faith” unconcerned with purity of conscience. We also see An-
Na‘im aspiring to refute Islamists who wish to use the state, for instance,
to punish those they deem apostates.
An-Na‘im’s second claim is that Muslims have the resources from within
their own history and texts to endorse the principle of right underlying the
secular state. The Ottoman Empire indicates that Muslim authorities have
often been willing in practice to differentiate the state and religion, and
postcolonial Muslim rulers have clearly imported the model of the totalitarian
state from Europe.49 In addition to policy reasons why a secular state is more
effective than an Islamic state, there are also Islamic reasons to favor
45
Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman (eds.), Princeton Readings in Islamist Thought:
Texts and Contexts from Al-Banna to Bin Laden (Princeton University Press, 2009), p. 4.
46
See Sayyid Qutb, Milestones (Cedar Rapids: Mother Mosque Foundation, 1995).
47
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na‘im, Islam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari‘a
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), p. 1.
48
Ibid., p. 4. 49 Ibid., pp. 16, 20.
190 NICHOLAS TAMPIO
50
Ibid., pp. 34, 95.
51
Mohamed Mahmoud Taha, The Second Message of Islam, trans. Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na‘im
(Syracuse University Press, 1987), p. 72.
52
Ibid., p. 73. 53 Matthew 5:39. 54 Taha, The Second Message of Islam, p. 77.
55
Cf. Kant’s explication of Psalm 59 that, on its face, is a “prayer for revenge,” but that may be read to
enjoin that “one should seek satisfaction for insults in the court of justice” (R 6:110).
56
An-Na‘im, Islam and the Secular State, p. 293.
57
Surprisingly, An-Na‘im eschews appealing to the “objectives of Shari‘a” (Maqasid al-Shari‘a) to
formulate policy objectives that may be shared with non-Muslims. Cf. Tariq Ramadan, Radical
Reform: Islamic Ethics and Liberation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009).
Pluralism in the ethical community 191
Yet Muslims cannot simply expect non-Muslims to accept the rationale
“because it is in the Qur’an or Prophetic tradition.” Therefore, An-Na‘im
demands that Muslims honor human rights, follow constitutional proce-
dures, and employ public reason when presenting policy arguments to non-
Muslims in order to honor the principle of reciprocity. For An-Na‘im,
Muslims can be ethical and, in Rawls’ terms, reasonable, respecting the need
in pluralistic societies to formulate fair terms of justice and to recognize the
existence of reasonable disagreement about the ultimate ends of life.
One of An-Na‘im’s goals in Islam and the Secular State is to present an
Islamic argument for pluralism. Historical Shari‘a perpetuates a dhimma
system that grants full political rights to Muslims, some political rights to
“people of the book” (Ahl al-Kitab) such as Jews and Christians, and no rights
to unbelievers.58 Though few countries institute the dhimma system, An-
Na‘im thinks that its idealization for many Muslims corrupts civil relations
between people around the world. For An-Na‘im, it is not enough for
Muslims to accept the (unfortunate) fact of religious, ethnic, and demographic
diversity. Muslims must find a way to endorse pluralism, “an ideology and
system that accepts diversity as a positive value and facilitates constant
negotiations and adjustments among varieties of difference without seeking
or expecting to terminate any or all of them permanently.”59 An-Na‘im
recurrently appeals to Muslims to join an overlapping consensus supporting
the secular state, even if Muslims may adjust Rawls’ terminology to suit local
circumstances.60 He would also, I believe, be receptive to the idea of Muslims
joining an ethical community committed to promoting the good such as
distributing resources to the poor in what Jews call tzedakah, Christians call
caritas, Muslims call zakat, and Kantians call a duty of beneficence to others
(MS 6:432).61 An-Na‘im thus points to groups such as the Liberal Islam
Network, based in Indonesia, that promote a pluralistic vision of Islam.62
An urgent task facing Muslims today, according to An-Na‘im, is to lock arms
with non-Muslims to work for both political right and ethical ends.
5 Conclusion
The thesis of this chapter – that contemporary political theorists should
politicize Kant’s notion of the ethical community – will draw fire from at
least two sides. Enlightenment liberals may think that this approach makes
58
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na‘im, “Translator’s Introduction,” in Taha, The Second Message of Islam, p. 22.
59
An-Na‘im, Islam and the Secular State, p. 225. 60 Ibid., p. 101. 61 Ibid., p. 95.
62
Ibid., p. 257.
192 NICHOLAS TAMPIO
too many compromises with illiberal forces. Robert S. Taylor, for instance,
thinks that Rawls’ political turn was a mistake and that there may be certain
comprehensive doctrines with which one simply cannot negotiate.
Muslims, on Taylor’s account, view Shari‘a as binding law and thus could
not accept the idea of political autonomy that makes possible cooperation in
pluralistic societies.63 Far better, for Taylor, for liberals to advocate Kant’s
practical philosophy in the present war of ideas against illiberal doctrines
and regimes.64 From another angle, Islamists such as President Numerei in
the Sudan view any critique of Shari‘a or the dhimma system as fomenting
religious turmoil ( fitnah) – which is why he had Taha executed on January
17, 1985.65 Clearly we could not expect to find universal, or maybe even
wide, assent to the idea of a pluralistic ethical community today.
And yet there are good reasons, I contend, why Euro-American liberals
situating themselves in the Enlightenment tradition may be receptive to the
idea of politicizing the idea of the ethical community. Kant’s religious philos-
ophy in its original form contravenes what Rawls called the “fact of oppres-
sion” – namely, that a comprehensive philosophical or religious doctrine can
only maintain political or social hegemony through oppressing dissidents.66
Kantians may promote a vision of a secularized kingdom of God but they
should not coerce or stigmatize Jews, Muslims, atheists, or other groups that
doubt that pure practical reason is the ground of moral principles. This
position is consonant with admiration for Kant’s insight that we need to
form ethical assemblages that go beyond strict right and that incorporate a
wide range of voices: “All societies are in fact negotiating the relationship
between religion and the state [and politics] over many issues at different
times.”67 An-Na‘im’s point, I think, is valid and urges us – inspired by Kant’s
writings – to do our part in raising a banner of virtue that may rally people to
pursue ethical ends in tandem.68
63
Taylor, Reconstructing Rawls, p. 263.
64
“Liberals should dedicate themselves chiefly to perfecting, extending, and popularizing the canonical
comprehensive liberalisms,” especially Kant’s: ibid., p. 315.
65
An-Na‘im, “Translator’s Introduction,” in Taha, The Second Message of Islam, p. 16.
66
Rawls, Political Liberalism, p. 37. 67 An-Na‘im, Islam and the Secular State, pp. 36–37.
68
Pluralists may retain an ideal of the ethical community, I think, while recognizing in practice the
ineliminability of many interlocking and contending ethical communities. This idea abandons Kant’s
ideal of a universal church triumphant (R 6:135), but it may provide better guidance for human beings
who thoughtfully disagree on the basis of ethics. The United Nations, with all its flaws, may provide
an approximation of what the ethical community might look like today.
chapter 10
I want to thank Lawrence Pasternack, Gordon E. Michalson, and Lauren Barthold for their helpful
comments on an earlier version of this chapter, and the audiences of Oklahoma State University and
Rochester Institute of Technology for a lively discussion of my views.
1
The idea of singling out these sociable virtues is inspired by Nancy Sherman. See Nancy Sherman,
“The Virtues of Common Pursuit,” Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 53 (1993), pp. 277–99.
193
194 PABLO MUCHNIK
1
Liberalism, however, has accustomed us to seeing religion in a very different
light. Take, for instance, the case of Richard Rorty, who (at least in his
earlier writings) considers religion as an eminently private matter, some-
thing to be kept within the confines of one’s own conscience and aban-
doned when entering the public square. As he pithily puts it: “The main
reason religion needs to be privatized is that, in political discussion with
those outside the relevant religious community, it is a conversation-
stopper.”2 According to this view, those who bring religion into politics
have “bad taste,” because religion, very much like our family and love lives,
pertains to the search for private perfection and has no role to play in
deciding matters of common concern. Such matters, Rorty thinks, are best
settled “by public discussion in which voices claiming to be God’s, or
reason’s, or science’s, are put on a par with everybody else’s” (RCS 172).
In the free exchange of ideas, what matters is the ability “of a political
proposal . . . to gain assent from people who retain radically diverse ideas
about the point and meaning of human life, about the path to private
perfection. The more such consensus becomes the test of a belief, the less
important is the belief’s source” (RCS 173). To the extent that religion draws
on premises meaningful only for those who share a certain creed, its appeals
have no chance to achieve widespread consensus. Thus, in the extreme
liberal view the early Rorty advocates, avoiding reference to the religious
source of one’s vocabulary is necessary to preserve the “Jeffersonian com-
promise that the Enlightenment reached with the religious” (RCS 169) −
namely, the privatization of one’s religious views in exchange for liberty and
toleration. “It does me no injury,” Jefferson famously claimed, “for my
neighbor to say that there are twenty Gods or no God” – for what one’s
neighbor thinks about questions of ultimate importance, provided she
keeps her views sufficiently private, does not interfere with our common
project of building a just society together.3
Rorty eventually softened this view after reading Nicholas Wolterstorff’s
essay “Why We Should Reject What Liberalism Tells Us about Speaking and
2
See Richard Rorty, “Religion as a Conversation-Stopper” (hereafter, RCS), in Philosophy and Social
Hope (London: Penguin Books, 1999), p. 171. This paper was first published in 1994 (see Common
Knowledge 3.1 [Spring 1994], pp. 1–6). Page numbers are from the Penguin edition. Rorty later revises,
and considerably weakens, this extreme liberal view (see note 4).
3
See Richard Rorty, “The Priority of Democracy to Philosophy,” in Objectivity, Relativism, and Truth:
Philosophical Papers I (Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 175–96.
Kant’s religious constructivism 195
Acting for Religious Reasons.”4 I will ignore Rorty’s reformulation, because it
is in the starker version that Kant’s ingenuity becomes clearer. In his influential
essay, Wolterstorff takes issue with what he calls the “neutrality postulate” of
liberalism.5 This postulate contains two strands: the separation position, which
claims “that government is to do nothing to advance or hinder any religion”
(RLRR 165), and the independent-basis position, which claims that the legiti-
macy of a public utterance or decision must rest on “some source independent
of any and all of the religious perspectives to be found in the society”
(RLRR 166). The insistence on such an independent basis, Wolterstorff argues,
is a remnant of the wars of religion, but is no longer necessary in contemporary
societies. The “slaughter, torture, and generalized brutality of our century
has mainly been conducted in the name of one and another secularism”
(RLRR 167), not by invoking God or canonical scriptures. Contemporary
liberals, Wolterstorff reckons, misplace the source of their fears: the danger for
liberalism does not lie in religion, but in the secular ideologies that have
replaced it. Furthermore, the effort to find an independent criterion among
liberal theorists, old and new, has been futile. Neither Locke’s appeal to a
universal human nature nor Rawls’ “consensus populi” could do the job
(RLRR 168–76). Thus, in Wolterstorff’s critical assessment, contemporary
liberals have also misplaced the direction of their theoretical efforts.
The combined effect of these failures is devastating. The separation
position, Wolterstorff believes, has led to the split between the private
and public selves of the religious, and the independent-basis position, to
the impoverishment of public discourse. “[W]hat has rushed to fill the void
[left by silencing religion] is mainly considerations of economic self-interest,
4
See Richard Rorty, “Religion in the Public Square: A Reconsideration,” Journal of Religious Ethics 31.1
(2003), pp. 141–49. Here Rorty “back-paddles” (his words) and distinguishes between two different
functions of religion. At the level of the parish, a “congregation of believers ministered to by pastors”
can “help individuals find meaning in their lives, and . . . help individuals in their times of trouble”
(p. 142). This supportive role of religion, however, must be distinguished from the divisive function of
“ecclesiastical organizations – organizations that accredit pastors and claim to offer authoritative
guidance to believers” (p. 141). It is the encroachment of these organizations that needs to be
forestalled: to advance toward a secular utopia, one has to “prune back” religion to the parish level,
for ecclesiastical organizations aim at “promulgating orthodoxy and acquiring economic and political
clout” (p. 141), and “typically maintain their existence by deliberately creating ill-will toward people
who belong to other such organizations, and toward people whose behavior they presume to be
immoral. They thereby create unnecessary human misery” (p. 142). For the late Rorty, then, the
pertinent distinction is no longer between religion and secular reason, but between good and bad
religion, and good and bad secular reason – “good” understood as involving the diminution of
suffering and humiliation in both cases.
5
See Nicholas Wolterstorff, “Why We Should Reject What Liberalism Tells Us about Speaking and
Acting for Religious Reasons” (hereafter RLRR), in Paul J. Weithman (ed), Religion and Contemporary
Liberalism (University of Notre Dame Press, 1997), pp. 162–81. In my quotations, I provide the page
numbers from this text.
196 PABLO MUCHNIK
2
As I see it, the dispute between defenders and resisters of religious privati-
zation hinges on whether the so-called “Jeffersonian compromise,” i.e., the
conception of politics as a strictly secular enterprise, is sufficient to over-
come the disruptive effects our selfish tendencies have on the political – the
same effects and tendencies which make politics necessary in the first place.
Rorty endorses a self-sufficient and self-correcting conception of political
deliberation that accepts no authority higher than the consensus we may
reach – thus, he construes any appeal to a transcendent authority (be it God,
reason, or science) as a dubious attempt to escape our freedom and be told
by another what to do with ourselves. Interpreted this way, the privatization
of religion is part of “plugging away at the familiar tasks set for us by the
Enlightenment . . . [namely], getting our fellow citizens to rely less on
tradition, and be more willing to experiment with new customs and
institutions” (RCS 168). Wolterstorff, on the other hand, is skeptical about
the capacity of politics to achieve, all by itself, our highest aspirations – hence,
he resorts to God and scripture to guide (and correct) the political deliber-
ation process, breathing into it a moral life it would otherwise lack. For
Wolterstorff, religious appeals do not betray our freedom – they nudge us to
realize it. Interpreted this way, the privatization of religion does not contrib-
ute toward the goals of the Enlightenment – it undermines those goals.
Instead of the universal spread of freedom, peace, equality, and justice,
which were supposed to ensue from fighting God’s shadows, banning religion
from the public square has resulted in the impoverishment of our public
discourse and the hegemony of selfishness everywhere one turns.
The impasse resulting from these opposing views presents the features of
an antinomy of what, in Kantian spirit, one might call “religious reason” –
the variant of practical reason that plays itself out in religious matters.6
6
Although talk of God runs throughout the first Critique and is the centerpiece of the “Ideal of Pure
Reason,” what I refer to here by “religious reason” is the use that emerges in connection with Kant’s
doctrines of the highest good and radical evil. The “God” invoked here pertains to morality, not to
Kant’s religious constructivism 197
Kantian antinomies present opposed, yet equally plausible, arguments.
While their clash threatens to tear human reason apart, their resolution
turns on altering the scope of the assumptions upon which the conflicting
parties build their case.7 The effectiveness of this alteration resides in the
fact that, at the root of all antinomies, Kant finds an illegitimate extension of
human reason beyond its proper boundaries. Once reason is made aware of
its own limits, the clash loses its destructive force: although the questions
persist, “since they are given . . . as problems by the nature of reason itself”
(Avii), one can adjudicate between them by circumscribing each line of
argument to its proper domain.
Kant drew the arguments of his antinomies from the history of philosophy.
The assumption driving this procedure is that “reason itself does not operate
instinctively, but rather needs attempts, practice, and instruction in order to
gradually progress from one stage of insight into another” (Idea 8:18). That is,
human reason has a history, driven primarily by false starts and widespread
disagreement, at the end of which comes Kant’s Critical philosophy to offer
the olive branch of peace to all contenders.8 This philosophical self-
conception led Kant to “flatter [himself] that . . . [he had] succeeded in
removing all those errors that have so far put reason into dissension with
itself” (Axii). Thus, Kant would have seen the persistence of the conflict
between advocates of religious privatization and proponents of open religious
entrance into the public square as a sure sign of boundary transgression, as a
symptom of insufficient critical awareness. I suggest we take Kant’s diagnosis
seriously, for the first to suffer the ailment was Kant himself.
3
Our antinomy arises because it is not prima facie clear whether the
Jeffersonian compromise is in itself sufficient to guarantee a thriving and
speculation. In both cases, Kant believes, the idea of God “proceeds entirely from our own reason and
we ourselves make it, whether for the theoretical purpose of explaining to ourselves the purposiveness
in the universe as a whole or also for the purpose of serving as the incentive in our conduct” (MS
6:443–44). But it is in connection with morality that God’s existence gains a real grip in the Kantian
system – and it is this sense of “God” that will occupy us here.
7
I am referring, of course, to the so-called “dynamical” antinomies, for the resolution of “mathematical”
antinomies requires a different strategy − namely, declaring the falseness of both dialectically opposed
assertions (A531/B559). This technical distinction, however, is unimportant for our goals here.
8
For a similar reading of Kant’s Critical philosophy, see Philip J. Rossi, The Social Authority of Reason:
Kant’s Critique, Radical Evil, and The Destiny of Humankind (Albany: State University of New York
Press, 2005), particularly Chs. 1 and 5. Also, see Onora O’Neill, Constructions of Reason: Explorations of
Kant’s Practical Philosophy (Cambridge University Press, 1994), particularly Chs. 1 and 2.
198 PABLO MUCHNIK
peaceful polity. Kant struggled with this problem throughout his philo-
sophical career. One can see him gradually drifting away from a position
closer to Rorty’s in texts like What is Enlightenment? (1784), to a position
closer to Wolterstorff’s in texts like Religion (1793). For, during the 1780s,
Kant became increasingly skeptical about his earlier, optimistic claim that
“freedom to make public use of reason in all matters” (WA 8:37) was all that
human progress needed. This claim committed him to a melioristic view of
history, according to which
when nature has unwrapped, from under this hard shell the seed for which
she cares most tenderly, namely, the propensity (Hang) and calling (Beruf) to
think freely, the latter gradually works back upon the mentality of the people
(which thereby gradually becomes capable of freedom in acting) and even-
tually even upon the principles of government, which finds it profitable to
itself to treat the human being, who is now more than a machine, in keeping
with his dignity. (WA 8:41)
Kant was forced to question this gradualist view when he realized that at
the center of that progressive tendency to use reason freely lurked a self-
imposed propensity to evil (Hang zum Bösen), from which not even the best
of us is exempt – a propensity which corrupts rationality at its core and
“throws dust in our own eyes” (R 6:38). This realization made Kant more
wary about the self-sufficiency of the secularizing tendencies of the
Enlightenment, more prepared to admit a dark side to human reason, and
hence more reliant on God’s assistance to remove the dust from our eyes.9
In short, it made Kant more willing to have a porous relation between
religion and politics, rather than the impregnable wall the extreme liberal
view wants us to build. This wall, Kant thought, was necessary to protect us
from two equally mistaken religious attitudes − namely, the attitude he calls
“naturalistic unbelief,” “which combines indifference or, indeed, even
antagonism to all revelation with an otherwise perhaps exemplary conduct
of life” (R 6:119), and the attitude he calls “ritual superstition,” which
requires faith in contingent aspects of a creed as a pre-condition to a good
life-conduct. Kant’s “moral religion” avoided both extremes – and hence
made the rigid liberal wall outlast its function.
To put the point differently, in the run-up to Religion, Kant’s reflections
on radical evil made him draw a wedge between the calling (Beruf) to think
freely, which he identified in the Enlightenment essay with our moral
destiny (Bestimmung), and the propensity (Hang) that was supposed to
9
See Joseph P. Lawrence, “Radical Evil and Kant’s Turn to Religion,” Journal of Value Inquiry 36.2–3
(2002), pp. 319–35.
Kant’s religious constructivism 199
lead us there. This propensity Kant had linked in the 1780s to the invisible
hand of providence operating in history through the mechanism of unsocial
sociability (Idea 8:20).10 According to this view, the plurality of agents and
points of view would converge, in spite of their selfish and private agendas,
into increasingly more comprehensive political agreements – first at the
level of a single juridical state, then in a whole federation of republican
nations that would put an end to war in international relations. In the 1790s,
however, Kant began to suspect that those self-interested agreements would
remain forever unstable, and, therefore, that the progressive outcome of our
unsocial sociability was not to be trusted: the mechanical play of human
inclinations, abandoned to its own devices, left human beings stranded in
the imminence of continuous conflict, if not in open war.11
Religion, in Kant’s mind, thus became increasingly important to trans-
forming, from the ground up, the comparing and competitive tendencies that
count on self-love to secure a lasting peace. Between the destiny of human
beings and the historical mechanisms that promised its achievement, Kant
now realized, there was an abyss which only faith in God could help us cross.
Given the radicalism of evil, political reform had to be accompanied by a moral
revolution in our mode of thinking (Denkungsart) – and this revolution itself
seemed to require “some supernatural cooperation” (R 6:44), for “[h]ow it is
possible that a naturally evil human being should make himself a good human
being surpasses every concept of ours” (R 6:45). Politics could not deliver
reliable results without religion, because “out of such crooked wood as the
human being is made, nothing entirely straight can be fabricated” (Idea 8:23).
The question for Kant henceforth became: what kind of religion could
support, and even advance, the emancipatory goals of the Enlightenment?
What kind of God is compatible with human autonomy?
4
Before tackling this question, we must first discuss the role evil played in the
design of Kant’s answer. By “evil,” Kant means the form of volition that
underlies culpable wrongdoing. This form results from an inversion of the
moral order of priority between the incentives in the human will: “self-love and
10
The most lucid exposition of the relation between the propensity to evil and unsocial sociability
appears in Allen W. Wood, Kant’s Ethical Thought (Cambridge University Press, 1999), 286–90. I
criticized the naturalizing tendencies of Wood’s reading in Pablo Muchnik, Kant’s Theory of Evil: An
Essay on The Dangers of Self-Love and the Aprioricity of History (Plymouth: Lexington Books, 2009),
particularly Ch. 2.
11
See Howard Williams, Kant’s Political Philosophy (Oxford: Basic Blackwell, 1983), pp. 244–71), and
Paul Guyer, “Nature, Morality, and the Possibility of Peace,” in Guyer, Kant on Freedom, Law and
Happiness (Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 408–34.
200 PABLO MUCHNIK
their inclinations [are made] the condition of compliance with the moral law –
whereas it is the latter that, as the supreme condition of the satisfaction of the
former, should have been incorporated into the universal maxim of the power
of choice as the sole incentive” (R 6:36).
What is most disconcerting about the Kantian view is that evil is
compatible with good conduct:
So far as the agreement of actions with the law goes . . . there is no difference
(or at least there ought to be none) between a human being of good
morals . . . and a morally good human being . . . except that the actions of
the former do not always have, perhaps never have, the law as their sole and
supreme incentive, whereas those of the latter always do. (R 6:30)
Just as the good will is good not for “what it effects or accomplishes”
(G 4:394), the immorality of evil does not consist in its empirical manifes-
tations (violence, cruelty, greed, etc.). Evil is “an invisible enemy . . . who
hides behind reason and [is] hence all the more dangerous” (R 6:57).
Kant reached the conclusion about the invisibility of evil by reflecting on
the pattern of human development throughout history.12 This pattern
reveals a tendency in inclinations to overcome themselves and produce
concord by means of discord (Idea 8:20). Since unlawful inclinations are
patently destructive, Kant thought, they force human beings to submit
them to rational discipline. Nature thus comes to the aid of reason,
“precisely through those self-seeking inclinations, so that it is a matter
only . . . of arranging those forces of nature in opposition to one another
in such a way that one checks the destructive effect of the other or cancels it”
(ZeF 8:366). The value of nature’s aid, however, is ambiguous. For, Kant
realized, although nature can make us good citizens, it allows us to remain
evil people: nature teaches us to hide, behind a semblance of good conduct,
our unwillingness to place the moral law as “sole and supreme incentive”
(R 6:30). Having learned to channel unsociable desires toward socially
permissible goals, our reason has also managed to hide those motives
under the cover of politeness and respectability.
Kant’s expectation was that, by “checking the outbreak of unlawful
inclinations,” the legal order would gradually generate the conditions for
“the development of the moral predisposition to immediate respect for
right” (ZeF 8:376n). But, in the 1790s, he came to admit that legal and
political progress only represented “a great step . . . toward morality
12
I argued for this view in Muchnik, Kant’s Theory of Evil, introduction and Ch. 4. What I present here
is a snapshot of that argument.
Kant’s religious constructivism 201
(though . . . not yet a moral step)” (ibid.). The protection of the state
deprives agents of excuses for further violence, but since this arrangement
concerns only the externality of actions and leaves the “crooked wood”
intact, it does not amount to moral improvement. The illusion of virtue
(Tugendschein) reaches no further than the power of coercion − hence, it
cannot guarantee that a change in the balance of forces would not again
reveal the deleterious effects of our “invisible enemy”: “We are cultivated in
high degree by art and science. We are civilized, perhaps to the point of
being overburdened, by all sorts of social decorum and propriety. But very
much is still lacking before we can be held to be already moralized” (Idea
8:26). To the extent that our antagonism leads us to create a lawful civil
order out of the very self-love that gives rise to it (Idea 8:21), Kant con-
cluded, the moral battle merely begins with political victory. Although
pacification is attained through the power of the state, the value of such
achievement is uncertain, because it allows a “nation of intelligent devils” to
remain as evil as they were in the state of nature:
The problem of establishing a state, no matter how hard it may sound, is
soluble even for a nation of devils (if only they have understanding) and goes
like this: ”Given a multitude of rational beings all of whom need universal
laws for their preservation but each of whom is inclined covertly to exempt
himself from them, so to order this multitude and establish their constitution
that, although in their private dispositions they strive against one another,
these yet so check one another that in their public conduct the result is the
same as if they had no such evil dispositions.” Such a problem must be
soluble. For the problem is not the moral improvement of human beings but
only the mechanism of nature, and what the task requires one to know is
how this can be put to use in human beings in order so to arrange the conflict
of their unpeaceable dispositions within a people that they themselves have
to constrain one another to submit to coercive law and so bring about a
condition of peace in which laws have force. (ZeF 8:366)
This type of peace, however, amounts to no more than a truce, a temporary
cessation of hostilities. It thus neglects a fundamental Hobbesian principle:
War consisteth not in battle only, or the act of fighting, but in a tract of time
wherein the will to contend by battle is sufficiently known. And therefore, the
notion of time is to be considered in the nature of war, as it is in the nature of
weather. For as the nature of foul weather lieth not in a shower or two of
rain . . . , so the nature of war consisteth not in actual fighting, but in the known
disposition thereto during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary.13
13
Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. Edwin Curley (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1994),
Ch. xiii, 8.
202 PABLO MUCHNIK
Unlike Hobbes, however, Kant thought that the assurance of peace could not
be merely political. The Leviathan, wielding in one hand the public sword and
in the other the religious scepter, represents the temptation to eliminate the
difference between external and internal freedom. This gives rise to the most
dangerous form of despotism, because coercion through the public sword
ranges over the legality of actions but cannot determine their morality (MS
6:220). Juridical and ethical laws have distinctive spheres of influence.
Hobbes’ sovereign, however, tries to ignore this distinction, no matter how
ethically minimalist the political intervention on the religious sphere turns out
to be. For Kant, this intervention represents an invasion of our “internal
freedom,” where protection from external constraint opens up a space for
setting ends that give content to our moral vocabulary. As Kant puts it in the
Metaphysics of Morals: “I can indeed be constrained by others to perform
actions that are directed as means to an end, but I can never be constrained by
others to have an end: only I myself can make something my end” (MS 6:381).14
Since coercion to have ends is self-contradictory, Kant recognized that the
effectiveness of politics in pacifying a multitude of self-seeking individuals
depends on a source that is not itself political. For, unless peace is adopted as
an end in itself by each one of the intelligent demons, their belligerent
disposition is simply awaiting the chance to show its destructiveness again.
Such destructiveness could only be prevented if morality were to provide the
incentive to follow the law. But this is precisely what juridical laws cannot
possibly do, for they do not determine our motivation at all (MS 6:219).
Although politics may manage to transmute private vices into public
virtues, each of the demons remains in his conscience as inclined to dodge
the law as if he were still in the state of nature. Thus, the “unpeaceable
disposition” which led the demons to form a political compact marks, at the
same time, the limit of their political bond: although coercion can prevent
the outbursts of hostility, it cannot impose peace as an end in itself.
Peace could only result from the coordinated exercise of the use of internal
freedom by individual agents. This coordination, however, creates a reality
irreducible to the aggregative sum of their particular wills − for, once it is
adopted through separate and discrete acts of volition, peace becomes a shared
end. The pursuit of this kind of end represents a new type of virtue, different
in kind from the virtues Kant discusses in the Metaphysics of Morals.15
14
See Rossi, The Social Authority of Reason, pp. 101–4.
15
I take this to be the gist of Nancy Sherman’s interpretation of “common pursuits.” I part ways from
her analysis, because she does not seem to think that religion is essential to achieving a common end.
See Sherman, “The Virtues of Common Pursuit.”
Kant’s religious constructivism 203
For, while one’s own perfection (physical or moral) and the happiness of
others (MS 6:385) are ends whose adoption depends exclusively on the use of
my freedom, the end of peace is relatively independent of my will. As an end
we hold together, it is not totally my own – and this imposes constraints on
my freedom different from the self-constraint which I had to exert, as a single
individual, in order to adopt the end in the first place. In the “we” constituted
by holding a common end, there is more than the autonomous “I”s which have
made it possible: there are other end-setting selves whose freedom directly
affects mine, for the pursuit of the end in question depends on their will no
less than on mine. This mutuality of pursuit goes deeper than the standard
Kantian demand of non-instrumentalization: the requirement that another
may contain in herself my end (G 4:429–30) is expanded here to include her
adoption of an end that is ours – an end that can exist as neither hers nor mine.
Non-instrumentalization leaves our wills separate; mutual pursuits bind them
together in a single fate. To distinguish this type of end from the individualist
ends that depend on my freedom alone, let me call the obligation to adopt the
end of peaceful union a “sociable virtue.”
In order to adopt such a sociable virtue, the parties must have overcome
the effects of unsocial sociability in their respective wills, i.e., they must have
dislodged from their moral dispositions the vices of “ambition, tyranny, and
greed” which heretofore had made them mutually dependent but equally
hateful (Idea 8:21). Kant describes the situation thus:
He is poor (or considers himself so) only to the extent that he is anxious that
other human beings will consider him poor and will despise him for it. Envy,
addiction to power, avarice, and the malignant inclinations associated with
these, assail his nature, which on its own is undemanding (genügsame), as
soon as he is among human beings. Nor is it necessary to assume that these are
sunk into evil and are examples that lead him astray: it suffices that they are
there, that they surround him, and that they are human beings, and they will
mutually corrupt each other’s moral disposition and make one another evil.
If no means could be found to establish a union which has for its end the
prevention of this evil and the promotion of the good in the human being . . .
however much the individual human being might do to escape from the
dominion of evil, he would still be held in incessant danger of relapsing.
(R 6:93–94)16
16
Kant’s claim that the isolated individual has an “undemanding” nature, Jeanine Grenberg has rightly
pointed out, must be interpreted as part of a strategy of self-deception and rationalization character-
istic of radical evil. See Jeanine Grenberg, “Social Dimensions of Immanuel Kant’s Conception of
Radical Evil,” in Sharon Anderson-Gold and Pablo Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil
(Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 177–78.
204 PABLO MUCHNIK
That the pervasiveness of corruption does not require people to be “sunk into
evil” makes sense in light of our prior discussion: after the demons have
abandoned the “juridical state of nature” and established a sovereign, their
vices do not really disappear – they are concealed behind the appearance of
good conduct. Holding the monopoly of coercion, the state creates, at most,
the conditions for securing “freedom from the dominion (Herrschaft) of evil,”
but such freedom leaves citizens still “exposed to the assaults (Angriffen) of the
evil principle” (R 6:93). Kant calls this ambiguous situation the “ethical state
of nature” (R 6:95). Like in its political counterpart, the ethical state of nature
is one in which “each individual prescribes the law to himself,” does not
recognize an “effective public authority,” and “is his own judge” (R 6:95):
“Just as the juridical state of nature is a state of war of every human being
against every other . . . so is the ethical state of nature a public feuding between
the principles of virtue and the state of inner immorality which the natural
human being ought to endeavor to leave behind as soon as possible” (R 6:97).
The public sword is of no assistance at this juncture, for external legislation
has no “dominion over minds” (R 6:95) and cannot transform our moral
disposition: “woe to the legislator who would want to bring about through
coercion a polity directed to ethical ends! For he would thereby not only
achieve the very opposite of ethical ends, but also undermine his political ends
and render them insecure” (R 6:96). It is impossible to impose virtue by
force – only the individual can, of her own accord, make the end of peace an
end for herself.
Thus, Kant recognizes the need to keep apart the two kinds of lawgiving
to which a legislator might want to resort: the juridical and the ethical – but
the separation does not proceed along the lines of the Jeffersonian com-
promise. “Justice” and “virtue” do not divide in the same way as “public”
and “private” do in liberalism. The Kantian sphere of internal freedom
cannot be completely privatized. “What we do with our solitude” might
(under some libertarian interpretation) comprise permissible ends, and
perhaps even include the obligatory ends that depend on my freedom
alone.17 But the ends associated with shared undertakings directly affect
our collective project of building a common moral world. It cannot hence
be a matter of indifference whether my neighbor believes in “twenty Gods
or no God” at all − for, where my neighbor places her ultimate conception
of the good (i.e., the meanings that govern what she does with her freedom)
affects the way she goes about her more prosaic political business, how far
17
“What we do with our solitude” is a phrase Rorty takes from Whitehead. He uses it to describe the
eminently private role religion should play in a liberal polity (see RCS 169).
Kant’s religious constructivism 205
she is willing to uphold justice and respect the rule of law. To the extent that
the use of my internal freedom in adopting common ends depends on others,
sociable virtues have an inextricably “public” dimension. Peace is an end I
cannot sustain alone – mutual dependence and cooperation are essential to
the endeavor. Thus, like some contemporary liberals, Kant leaves the choice
of forming “a union which has for its end the prevention of evil and the
promotion of the good” (R 6:94) up to the individual agent. Yet, unlike
those thinkers, Kant refuses to consider the choice “private” in the liberal
sense of the term. Liberalism, in Kant’s mind, slices agents through the
wrong joints: even if, as a demon, my indifference to common ends does not
ensue in any harm to others, the moral disposition it conceals is nonetheless
a matter of public concern, for my attitude undermines the collective
chances of establishing an ethical community and securing a lasting peace.
It is true that the ethical community “can exist in the midst of a political
community and even be made up of all the members of the latter” (R 6:94).
But it cannot possibly be confused with it, since it has a “special unifying
principle of its own (virtue) and hence a form and constitution essentially
distinct from those of the other” (ibid.). The battle for communal virtue
starts where politics ends: since the demons’ commitment to civil laws
remains utterly contingent without sociable virtues, only good persons
can make good citizens. The task of Kant’s religion is thus determined by
the inability of politics to moralize human beings – or, to put it positively,
Kantian religion is designed to account for how the demons could shed their
selfishness and become good people.
5
The contribution of religion in this process is best understood by distin-
guishing between two different levels of moral analysis. First, religion is
supposed to help the single individual with a morally evil disposition to
become a “new man,” acquire a “good heart” (Herz) and be “well-pleasing
to God.” Second, religion is supposed to allow all virtuous persons who have
been released from the dominion of evil to gain victory over the universal
propensity to evil (Hang zum Bösen).18 Victory requires them to unite forces
in an ethical community. This division of labor between units of moral
analysis is reflected in the structure of Kant’s book: the possibility of
18
This group contains the newly converted and those who, in spite of unsocial sociability, have adopted
a good disposition to begin with, but nonetheless remain, as isolated individuals, “in incessant danger
of relapsing into [evil]” (R 6:94).
206 PABLO MUCHNIK
19
See Muchnik, Kant’s Theory of Evil, Chs. 2 and 4.
20
See Allen W. Wood, “Religion, Ethical Community, and the Struggle Against Evil,” in
Charlton Payne and Lucas Thorpe (eds.), Kant and the Concept of Community (University of
Rochester Press, 2011), p. 122.
21
The later Rorty captures this difference by distinguishing between ecclesiastical and faith-based
religion, and excluding only the former from the public square. See Rorty, “Religion in the Public
Square: A Reconsideration.”
Kant’s religious constructivism 207
For instance, Wolterstorff’s appeal to Psalm 72, with its defense of “the
widows, the orphans, the aliens, and the poor” (RLRR 162) Kant would
consider compatible with our duties and hence a legitimate candidate to
be part of divine commands. On the other hand, those homophobic
passages of Leviticus Rorty so dislikes, or Psalm 59, “where we find a
prayer for revenge that borders on the horrific” (R 6:110n), give us “cause
to consider [the alleged divine statutory law] as spurious, for [they]
contradict a clear duty, whereas that it is itself a divine command can
never be certified sufficiently on empirical evidence to warrant violating
on its account an otherwise established duty” (R 6:100n). In cases like
this, Kant suggests, I must “either fit the passage to those of my moral
principles which stand on their own” or, if this proves to be impossible,
assume that the passage is a historical contingency, not really part of
the rational core of religion (R 6:110n). Kant would wholeheartedly
endorse Rorty’s appeal to privatize or discard such “spurious” claims.
“Because the Bible says so” is a conversation-stopper – but those religious
enthusiasts who hinder the democratic dialogue in liberal societies make
the same mistake that Kant criticized in his own contemporaries. As he
argues in What does it Mean to Orient Oneself in Thinking?, Mendelssohn’s
alleged insight into God’s will and Jacobi’s alleged inspiration
equally undermine the principles of “rational faith” (Vernunftglaube)
(O 8:140–41) – the first by ignoring the boundaries of cognition, the
second by pitting faith against reason. Even more disturbing, Kant
thought, are the views of Johann David Michaelis, who claimed: “The
psalms are inspired; if they pray for revenge, they cannot be wrong: We
should have no holier morality than the Bible” (R 6:110n). The proper
response to ascribing moral infallibility to the Bible is to “ask whether
morality must be interpreted in accordance with the Bible, or the Bible,
on the contrary, in accordance with morality” (R 6:110n).
This question introduces a Copernican turn into religious matters.
Kant’s method here is analogous to the one he had employed in the
Groundwork, where the design of the book followed a twofold move: first,
to analyze the assumptions implicit in common moral consciousness in
order to discover its supreme principle (the regressive argument that
organizes Groundwork I and II), and then to engage in a progressive/
synthetic style of argument that allows us to move from “the examination
of this principle and its sources back to the common cognition in which
we find it used” (G 4:392) (section III). The “two experiments” Kant
refers to in the Preface to the second edition of Religion replicate these
moves:
208 PABLO MUCHNIK
Since, after all, revelation can at least comprise also the pure religion of
reason, whereas, conversely, the latter cannot do the same for what is
historical in revelation, I shall be able to consider the first as a wider sphere
of faith that includes the other, a narrower one, within itself (not as two
circles external to one another but as concentric circles); the philosopher,
as purely a teacher of reason (from mere principles a priori), must keep
within the inner circle and, thereby, also abstract from all experience.
From this standpoint I can also make this second experiment, namely, to
start from some alleged revelation or other and, abstracting from the pure
religion of reason (so far as it constitutes a system of its own), to hold
fragments of this revelation, as a historical system, up to moral concepts,
and see whether it does not lead back to the same pure rational system of
religion from which I have abstracted. The latter, though not from the
theoretical point of view . . . may yet, from the practical point of view, be
independent and sufficient to genuine religion, which, as a rational con-
cept a priori (remaining after everything empirical has been removed), only
obtains in this relation. If this is the case, then we shall be able to say that
between reason and Scripture there is, not only compatibility but also
unity, so that whoever follows the one (under the guidance of moral
concepts) will not fail to come across the other as well. (R 6:12–13)
One must keep in mind, however, two important qualifications: first, the
experience in question in Religion is not moral but religious, and hence the
starting point of Kant’s analysis is “revelation,” not the alleged common
conception we have of a good will. Yet, here, as much as in morality, religious
experience contains empirical impurities and contingencies that threaten
its a-priori core with “all sorts of corruption as long as [it is] without that
clue and supreme norm by which to appraise them correctly” (G 4:390).
Second, the supreme principle Kant discovers to appraise religious experi-
ence is not a competing moral principle, offering an alternative form of
justification to the categorical imperative. For Kant, there is one morality
just as there is one religion (R 6:107–8) – and the former inevitably leads to the
latter, “and through religion it extends itself to the idea of a mighty
moral lawgiver outside the human being, in whose will the ultimate end (of
the creation of the world) is what can and at the same time ought to be the
ultimate human end” (R 6:6). Since, according to Kant, the belief in God
supervenes and completes morality, we can move, in the second experi-
ment, from the supreme moral principle we discovered by abstraction to
the religious consciousness from which we started the analysis. There is thus a
benign circularity in Kant’s Copernican method – the same circularity that
governs all our other rational undertakings, where we find in the objects what
our a priori concepts have put into them (Bxii).
Kant’s religious constructivism 209
6
The two experiments in Religion, then, are not substantially different from
the experiments Kant performed in speculation and morality, disciplines
which underwent a similar purge from their empirical grounds of determi-
nation. From this purge, pure a-priori metaphysics and morality emerged,
preserving what was rational in their pre-critical ancestors. This means that
an unspoken thought accompanies the title of Kant’s work: to reduce
traditional religion to the bounds of mere reason also implies that critical
religion is not a transitional genre, a concession to superstition that will
eventually vanish once the Enlightenment has done its secularizing job.
Religion, like everything that wants to procure “unfeigned respect” in the
“age of criticism,” must enter the tribunal of reason in order “to withstand
free and public examination” (Axiiin). But it will not vanish after it leaves
the court, because religion expresses a fundamental interest of human
rationality.22 As Kant puts it in the Canon:
All interest of my reason (the speculative as well as the practical) is united in
the following three questions:
1- What can I know?
2- What should I do?
3- What may I hope?
The first question is merely speculative . . . The second question is merely
practical . . . The third question, namely, “If I do what I should, what may I
then hope” is simultaneously practical and theoretical, so that the practical
leads like a clue to reply to the theoretical question and, in its highest form,
the speculative question. (A804/B832 − A 806/B834)
The question of hope pertains to religion and cannot be satisfactorily
answered by either metaphysics or morality, for it involves the problem of
the combination of the causality of nature and the causality of freedom.
These causalities belong to incommensurably different domains in the
Kantian system, and hence cannot be thought of as deriving analytically
from one another (KpV 5:111). While metaphysics can account for the
causality of nature, it assures us only of the possibility of freedom; and
while morality proves the reality of freedom, it is impotent to determine
22
I disagree with Yirmiahu Yovel’s analysis in “Bible Interpretation as Philosophical Praxis: A Study of
Spinoza and Kant,” Journal of the History of Philosophy 11.2 (1973), pp. 189–212. Yovel considers
religion as a ladder to be disposed of as soon as we have climbed to the (moral) top. In my view, hope
raises questions reason cannot pass over in silence but which morality is not prepared to answer. This
secures a distinctive place for religion in Kant’s critical system.
210 PABLO MUCHNIK
23
In the third Critique (1790), Kant resorted to reflecting judgment to bridge the “incalculable gulf fixed
between the domain of the concept of nature, as the sensible, and the domain of the concept of
freedom, as the supersensible” (KU 5:176). This mediation, however, could satisfy only the reflecting
needs of judgment, not the determining demands of practical reason. See Paul Guyer, “Bridging the
Gulf: Kant’s Project in the Third Critique,” in Graham Bird (ed.), A Companion To Kant (Hoboken,
NJ: Wiley Blackwell, 2009), p. 424, and Kristi Sweet, “The Moral Import of the Critique of
Judgment,” in Pablo Muchnik (ed.), Rethinking Kant. Vol. II (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge
Scholars Press, 2010), pp. 222–37.
Kant’s religious constructivism 211
duality that explains the emergence of individualist virtues in the
Metaphysics of Morals − namely, the duality between the obligating I (das
verpflichtende Ich) that imposes a duty and the obligated I (das verpflichtete
Ich) who endorses it (MS 6:417) − Kant uses in Religion to explain the
emergence of sociable virtues. In the new context, however, the I which
gives rise to the obligation assumes the guise of God. As Kant puts it:
There must therefore be someone other than the people whom we can
declare the public lawgiver of an ethical community . . . [Someone] with
respect to whom all true duties, hence also the ethical, must be represented as
at the same time his commands; consequently, he must also be one who
knows the heart, in order to penetrate to the most intimate parts of the
disposition of each and every one, and, as must be in every community, give
to each according to the worth of his actions. (R 6:99)
God is the obligating I in its legislative role of sociable virtues – the source
of a “we” that requires more than my agency, but which cannot exist
without my freedom.
God’s public dimension is the appropriate response to what Kant con-
ceives of as a collective moral problem, i.e., the unsocial sociability he
identifies with the propensity to evil. Yet, in direct contrast with traditional
religious views, the Kantian God does not entail a commitment to a tran-
scendent object, independent from our own reason. “Each individual,”
Kant claims, “can recognize by himself, through his own reason, the will
of God which lies at the basis of religion; for the concept of the Divinity
originates solely from the consciousness of [purely moral] laws and from
reason’s need to assume a power capable of procuring for them the full effect
possible in this world in conformity with the moral end” (R 6:104). Only the
god within, and the all-too-human need to assume his existence in order to
fulfill our collective moral destiny, can be compatible with Kantian
autonomy. Only a divine legislator, who gives at the same time (zugleich)
expression to my own will, can be the source of the kind of solidarity
necessary to moralize the demons.
7
We have seen that, like Wolterstorff, Kant refuses to accept the liberal
assumption that religion is a merely private matter, only shared by those
who happen to be so inclined. Properly understood, religion opens up a
space, beyond the political, where agents can pursue peace as a common goal.
Far from disrupting the dialogue, religion is a conversation-trigger: it
212 PABLO MUCHNIK
enables citizens to unite in building a peaceful world they can all share. It
does so, because it contains an essential moral core that underlies and shapes
all forms of ecclesiastical organization: “There is only one (true) religion; but
there can be several kinds of faith. – We can say, further, that in the various
churches divided from one another because of the difference in their kinds
of faith, one and the same true religion can nevertheless be met with” (R
6:108). This is the true religion of reason, hidden within but also structuring
the narrative form of historical revelations. The latter represent “a wider
sphere of faith that includes the other, a narrower one, within itself (not as
two circles external to one another but as concentric circles)” (R 6:12). Just as
Kant discovered the forms of intuition by abstracting from the matter of
sensations (A20/B34), or the categorical imperative by abstracting from the
matter of desires (KpV 5:27), he also discovers rational religion by abstract-
ing from the manifold of religious stories. This is the gist of the “first
experiment” in the Preface (R 6:12) – its importance cannot be under-
estimated: with it, Kant can discard religious dogmas but save religion.
Yet, like Rorty, Kant refuses to accept claims that require faith in God as a
transcendent authority. Such claims are a sign of obsequiousness, imma-
turity (Unmündigkeit), and “superstition” (Aberglaube) on our part. They
signify an attitude of mind (Denkungsart) that construes God like “a great
lord of this world,” revealing thus a kind of false consciousness which turns
religion upside-down. As Kant describes the process, the intention of those
who serve God through “passive obedience” is to perform some
service (Dienst) or other . . . for God . . . It does not enter their heads that,
whenever they fulfill their duties toward human beings (themselves and
others), by that very fact they also conform to God’s commands; hence, that
in all their doings and not doings, so far as they have reference to morality, they
are constantly in the service of God; and that it is absolutely impossible to serve
him more intimately in some other way (for they can act and exercise their
influence on no other than earthly beings, not on God). (R 6:103)
The urge to escape our freedom and be told by another what to do with
ourselves – the transcendent/metaphysical urge which so worries Rorty and
leads him to privatize religion − Kant turns to strictly immanent uses.24
24
This move replicates the strategy Kant used in the first Critique to deflect the speculative use of reason
to strictly regulative purposes, turning the unavoidable, yet self-destructive, search for the uncon-
ditioned, to the service of expanding human cognition. As Kant saw it, the critical project did not
consist in the wholesale destruction of traditional metaphysics, morality, and religion; rather, it
consists in their radical transformation to preserve what is rational in them. This is captured by the
dictum Kant uses to sum up his philosophical enterprise: “I had to deny knowledge in order to make
room for faith” (Bxxx).
Kant’s religious constructivism 213
The true service to God (not the counterfeit service which is a sure sign of
heteronomy) is always, at the same time, service to human beings: to be
“well-pleasing to God” requires no more than good life-conduct. Kant’s
“second experiment” shows that appeals to faith that undermine human
autonomy do not belong to rational religion – they are “conversation-
stoppers,” hurdles in our moral progress. With this experiment in hand,
Kant can construct a religion that furthers human freedom while avoiding
dogmatism.
As in the rest of his dynamical antinomies, Kant found the solution for
religious reason in limiting the scope of the opposing claims. This limitation
allows him to avoid, with a single stroke, the transcendent tendencies to
base religion in knowledge of God, as well as the atheistic dismissal of what
Kant considers a fundamental need of our reason. I have tried to show how
much both moves owe to Kant’s reflections on radical evil. The Kantian
God is made in the semblance of human reason. His kingdom is thus
protected from the encroachment of the public sword, the assaults of the
bigots, and the doubts of the skeptics. Such making of God is what I loosely
refer to as “Kant’s religious constructivism” in the title of this chapter.
chapter 11
1
There are, of course, three terms involved – Glaube (which may be translated as belief or faith,
depending on the context); moralische Glaube (moral faith); and Vernunftglaube (rational faith) – and
commentators have written on the differences and connections among them. Of Kant’s relatively few
usages of the term, Vernunftglaube (thirty-one according to a concordance check), only eight occur in
the Religion; eleven appear in Kant’s 1786 essay “What Does it Mean to Orient Oneself in Thinking?,”
four are found in the Critique of Practical Reason, four in the Conflict of the Faculties and three in the
Jäsche Logic.
What does his Religion contribute to Kant’s practical reason? 217
Ultimately, we will see that the relation of practical reason to human nature
means the question of the relation of practical reason to itself in its various
roles. It entails an inner trust relation (a matter of faith) between the
judgments of “ought,” “can,” “hope,” and “do.”
As Kant reiterates in the Critique of Practical Reason, while the “moral law
is the sole motive of the pure will,” it in turn “alone must be seen as the
ground for making the highest good and its realization or promotion the
object of the pure will” (KpV 5:109). Hence too Kant makes a repeated call
to make the moral concepts “subjectively practical”: the concepts “must not
stop short with the objective laws of morality, to be admired and esteemed
218 G. FELICITAS MUNZEL
The issue of moral accountability too arises not only with regard to one’s
duties, formally speaking, but with regard to one’s deeds (the realization of
the ends enjoined by the moral law). To conceive of oneself as thus
accountable, writes Kant in his Metaphysics of Morals, is a “moral self-
consciousness,” or “conscientiousness (also called religio),” for “conscience”
is here “thought of as a subjective principle of being rendered accountable
before God for one’s deeds” (MS 6:439).
That such conscientiousness is nonetheless a judgment of practical
reason in regard to its own exercise is a notion on which we will elaborate
in the discussion of conscience. Its role in the interconnection, however, of
morality and religion had already been raised by Kant in his 1775–76
Friedländer Anthropology Lectures. In the course of his reflections on the
character of humanity in general, Kant discusses civil constraint, the con-
straint of propriety, and the “final constraint,” the “constraint of conscience,
where everyone would judge in accordance with his conscience about his
actions” instead of looking to the opinions of others (VA 25:694–95). This
constraint “cannot, however, be achieved without religion, but religion
cannot have any effect without morality; hence religion aims at the highest
perfection of human beings. This would be the domination of conscience,
and since conscience is the Deity’s vicar, this would thus be the kingdom of
God on earth” (VA 25:695). Kant goes on to ask:
220 G. FELICITAS MUNZEL
2
Cicero, De officiis, trans. Walter Miller (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975), I.xxviii,
101.
3
Cicero, De finibus bonorum et malorum, trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1931), IV.xvi.
4
Ibid., I.iv, 11. 5 Ibid., IV.xiv, 38–39.
6
See G. Felicitas Munzel, Kant’s Conception of Moral Character: The “Critical” Link of Morality,
Anthropology, and Reflective Judgment (University of Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 107–26.
222 G. FELICITAS MUNZEL
7
For the importance and meaning of the notion of Bestimmung, both in Kant’s writings and in the
wider eighteenth-century context, see G. Felicitas Munzel, Kant’s Conception of Pedagogy: Toward
Education for Freedom (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2012), pp. 70–81.
What does his Religion contribute to Kant’s practical reason? 223
legislating unconditionally. All these aptitudes in the human being are not
only (negatively) good (they do not resist the moral law) but they are also
predispositions to the good (they demand compliance with it).
“They are original,” meaning that they “belong with necessity to the
possibility of this being,” to the “possibility of human nature” (R 6:28).
Reason’s role in relation to these levels is both to attend to their specific
interests and to maintain the requisite subordination of lower to higher so
that the moral vocation of the entire being can be realized. As Kant puts it in
the Critique of Practical Reason:
man is a being of needs, so far as he belongs to the world of sense, and to this
extent his reason certainly has an inescapable responsibility from the side of
his sensuous nature to attend to its interest and to form practical maxims
with a view to the happiness of this and, where possible, of a future life. But
still he is not so completely animal as to be indifferent to everything reason
says on its own . . . He needs reason, to consider at all times his weal and woe.
But he has reason for a yet higher purpose, namely to consider also what is in
itself good or evil, which pure and sensuously disinterested reason alone can
judge, and furthermore, to distinguish this estimation from a sensuous
estimation and to make the former the supreme condition of the latter.
(KpV 5:61–62)
This hierarchy is, of course, familiar to the reader of Kant’s moral
philosophy, but the important point to underscore is the definition of all
aspects of human nature with reference to reason and specifically the power
of choice. Thereby, all aspects of human nature and human interest are
connected to and brought under the umbrella of the human moral vocation.
Indeed, even the essence of self-preservation is redefined from a natural to a
moral sense. If we are to talk of it at all, writes Kant in the Critique of
Judgment, it is “a self-preservation of a completely different kind” from its
conventional meaning, namely that of the individual and the species as
moral beings (KU 5:261). In the defining context of the relation to reason
and our moral vocation, the obstacles that arise in regard to the latter are also
defined in relation to reason, in relation to its judgments of “ought,” “can,”
“hope,” and “do.” This point is important, in turn (as we will see), for
reason’s authorship of and appeal to faith in addressing them. The appeal is
made in the name of the self-preservation of reason itself, its effort to achieve
unity in its judgments.
The pivotal issue is whether and how the human rational subject can
deliver on what is expected, on the “ought.” It is an issue that Kant spells out
explicitly in his anthropology lectures in connection with his claim about
the need for knowledge of human nature. For example, in the Friedländer
224 G. FELICITAS MUNZEL
Lectures we read that “the human being however, the subject, must be
studied whether he can even fulfill what we require that he ought to do.
Lack of knowledge of human beings is the reason that morality and
sermons, which are full of admonitions of which we never tire, have little
effect. Morality must be combined with knowledge of humanity” (VA
25:471–72). The issue in all of its facets is understood by Kant in a more
complex way than the conventional opposition of reason and the appetites
that pervades so much of moral philosophy. Ultimately it centers on reason
being in danger of being a house divided upon itself. Parts of the problem
relate to the inherent nature of reason and parts relate to the conditions in
relation to and under which it must judge as a human rational power. We
will give an overview of the problems that are encountered and then turn to
the role that faith plays in reason’s effort to retain an inner unity and to hold
steadfast to the striving to realize the human moral vocation. Many of the
problems are identified already in the Critical philosophy, as is the turn to
rational faith as the avenue for addressing them (and so, in recounting them,
we will draw on all the texts in which they appear). When read in this
context, the integral relation of Kant’s Religion to the Critical philosophy
also becomes manifest.
That reason is a capacity that in general requires and seeks the totality
of conditions is a familiar characteristic from Kant’s Critique of Pure
Reason. He returns to this point and its consequences in the Critique of
Practical Reason: “In both its speculative and its practical employment
pure reason always has its dialectic, for it demands the absolute totality
of conditions for a given conditioned thing, and this can be reached only
in things in themselves” (KpV 5:106–7). So, too, as “pure practical
reason,” it seeks the “unconditioned totality of the object of pure practical
reason, under the name of the highest good” (KpV 5:108). Such a unity of
complete happiness and perfect virtue as a goal, end, consequence to the
moral law to be realized by human rational subjects runs into trouble in a
number of ways. In his Religion Kant identifies the corresponding moral
comportment of mind to such an unconditioned totality as one com-
mensurate with the archetype of moral perfection, namely the Son of God
(R 6:61, 74). In the section “Difficulties That Stand in the Way of the
Reality of this Idea, and their Solution,” he addresses the problem of
reconciling this ideal of holiness with the effect which human beings are
able to bring about, an effect that is to be nothing less than their conduct
of life (Lebenswandel) as the deed that corresponds to this idea as the
“good in appearance” (R 6:66–78). The “first difficulty,” Kant writes here,
is that
What does his Religion contribute to Kant’s practical reason? 225
the distance between the goodness which we ought to effect in ourselves and
the evil from which we start is, however infinite, and, so far as the deed is
concerned – i.e. the conformity of the conduct of one’s life to the holiness of
the law – it is not exhaustible in any time. Nevertheless, the human being’s
moral constitution ought to agree with this holiness. (R 6:66)
to practical rules, then the moral law which commands that it be furthered
must be fantastic, directed to empty imaginary ends, and consequently
inherently false” (KpV 5:114).
The difficulties do not end with completing the logical move, the
affirmation of the conditions of the possibility of the highest good. There
is the on-going issue of sustaining the steadfastness of the moral conduct of
thought (Denkungsart) and moral comportment of mind (Gesinnung). It is
the “second difficulty” Kant identifies in his discussion in the Religion: it has
to do with “the assurance of the reality and constancy of a disposition that
always advances in goodness (and never falters from it)” (R 6:67). To have
merely doctrinal faith, a theoretical cognition of the existence of God as a
condition for the unity of the moral and the natural “has something shaky
about it,” writes Kant in the Critique of Pure Reason; “for the difficulties
encountered in speculation often drive one away from this faith, although
inevitably one always returns to it again” (A827–28/B856). Hence the
conviction needed is “not a logical but a moral certainty”; a “faith in a
God and in another world so interwoven with my moral comportment of
mind that, as little as I am in danger of losing my moral comportment of
mind, so little am I worried that my faith could ever be torn from me”
(A829/B857). Kant returns to this issue in his discussion of teleological
judgment in the Critique of Judgment. Without moral faith, “upon the
contravention of theoretical reason’s demand for a proof (of the possibility
of the objects of morality), the moral conduct of thought” enjoys “no firm
steadfastness and vacillates instead between practical commands and theo-
retical doubts” (KU 5:472). A few lines earlier, Kant identifies faith or belief
(Glaube), considered “not as an act” but as “habitus,” as the “moral conduct
of thought” on the part of “reason in regarding as true what is inaccessible to
theoretical cognition” (KU 5:471). Again Kant is clear on the alternative: if
moral purpose (the highest good) were given up as impossible, it brings with
it the unavoidable impairment of the morally good comportment of mind
(KU 5:452). Faith also addresses the issue of the “intelligibility” or “com-
prehensibility” of the human final purpose conceived as the ideal of the
highest good (KpV 5:126). This conceptual possibility of grasping it as
meaningful in and for the world is a further help in overcoming the
vacillation between theoretical doubt and moral command.
There remain at least two more threats to the realization of the human
moral vocation: the inherent weakness of the power of choice itself − the
propensity for evil − and the sheer fatigue of maintaining moral striving in
the face of the vicissitudes of life. As Kant articulates it in the Religion, the
“root (Grund) of this evil” can lie neither in “human sensibility
What does his Religion contribute to Kant’s practical reason? 227
(Sinnlichkeit)” and its “inclinations,” nor in “a corruption of morally
legislative reason” (R 6:32–34). To attribute it to the former would be
“too little,” for the level of sensibility is only that of our aptitudes for
animality, while a reason that releases itself from the moral law is too
much: it would make of the subject a “diabolical being” (R 6:34). Thus
neither our inclinations, nor our moral capacity objectively considered − as
author of the moral imperative and our power of practical desire determined
by reason − is at issue. Rather, this propensity is “rooted in” and “inter-
woven with” the “subjective highest basis” of the adoption of “all maxims,”
our power of choice (R 6:32). The core of the issue is as follows. We begin
from an inherent capacity for setting purposes (and so indeed a germ of
good) and thereby from a capacity for orienting all human choice and action
in accordance with our final purpose and vocation. This capacity is at the
same time in itself subject to the propensity to take its guiding principle of
choice from the inclinations; this rooted-in propensity (and so “radical”
evil), the “true enemy” of the good, is a mental state (Gesinnung) so oriented
that when an “inclination entices one to the commission of a transgression”
against the law, one “does not want to resist” the inclination (R 6:58n).
Therefore, that act of resolve, the firm and resolute adoption of the moral
law from a subjective point of view as the unshakable highest maxim of the
free power of choice, is so important, and, in turn, so too is the elimination
of the hindrances to that resolve.8 Nonetheless, Kant names it as the “third
and apparently the greatest difficulty,” namely, “however steadfastly a
human being may have persevered in such a disposition in a life conduct
conformable to it, he nevertheless started from evil, and this is a debt which is
impossible for him to wipe out” (R 6:72). His conclusion ultimately is that
“it is always therefore only a decree of grace when we are relieved of all
responsibility for the sake of this good in which we believe” (R 6:76).
At the outset of his Religion, Kant notes that “we simply cannot do
without” the “combination” of “the purposiveness [deriving] from freedom
and the purposiveness of nature” (R 6:5). In his third Critique discussion of
the teleological judgment that would effect such a combination, Kant
identifies further impairments to the requisite steadfastness. It must also
be ensured that our moral “striving not be seen as utterly futile in its effects”
and that “the danger of it thereby growing weary [or flagging]” in its efforts
be avoided (KU 5:447): “Compelled by the moral law to strive for a
universal highest purpose, we nonetheless feel that we and all of nature
are incapable of achieving it” (KU 5:446). The “flagging” that Kant is
8
For an earlier discussion, see Munzel, Kant’s Conception of Moral Character, pp. 133–83.
228 G. FELICITAS MUNZEL
Conscience
For maintaining the moral journey over a lifetime, reason requires yet one
more subjective principle of direction or orientation, namely conscience.10
As we saw above, in his anthropology lectures Kant already connected
conscience with religion, while in other texts it is held to be of a piece
with practical reason. For example, we read in the Metaphysics of Morals that
“conscience is practical reason” in its role of “holding before human beings
in every case their duty under law, for acquittal or condemnation,” and its
relation is “solely to the subject” (whose “moral feeling” is thus “affected by”
reason’s “act”) (MS 6:400). As an “authority (Gewalt) watching over the
laws within,” conscience is (as it were) “incorporated into the [very] being”
of human nature (MS 6:438). It is thus effectively an “innate judge” of
10
For an earlier discussion of conscience, see ibid., pp. 215–23.
What does his Religion contribute to Kant’s practical reason? 231
humans over themselves, a “court” before which they stand for sentencing
(MS 6:437ff.; R 6:77, 146n). As such a “presentation of duty,” conscience is
an “original intellectual moral aptitude,” whose “business” is one of “human
beings with themselves” (MS 6:438). Most pertinent for our discussion here
is the exercise of reason, in its function as conscience, of an on-going self-
assessment to ensure that its guiding activity, the bringing of all contem-
plated and executed actions before it for moral judgment, is not allowed to
lapse. It is a role of conscience that Kant defines in his Religion: one “could
define conscience as the power of moral judgment passing judgment on
itself.” That is to say, “conscience does not judge actions as cases that fall
under the law” − this is the work of “reason insofar as it is subjectively
practical. Rather, here reason judges itself, as to whether it has really under-
taken in all diligence such judgment of actions (as to whether they are just or
unjust), and it calls upon individuals to be witnesses for or against them-
selves as to whether or not” such judgment has been exercised (R 6:186, my
emphasis). It is precisely in this “subjective judgment, as to whether or not I
have compared” a given case with “my practical (here judging) reason, for
the purpose” of making the objective judgment as to whether or not the
thing considered is a matter of duty, “that I cannot be mistaken,” writes
Kant in his Metaphysics of Morals (MS 6:401) − for, to be mistaken in that is
“not to have exercised practical judgment at all,” and so, too, “unscrupu-
lousness is not a lack of conscience, but the propensity to ignore such
judgment” (MS 6:401).
Conscience is thus intimately bound up with our moral self-
consciousness and ensuring that its activity not lapse. Its role relates to all
three of our spheres: what we ought to and therefore can do, what we
actually do, and what we may hope to achieve. In his Religion, in consid-
eration of the question of what “at [life’s] end, human beings may either
promise themselves, or have [reason] to fear, based on their conduct of life
(Lebenswandel),” Kant explicitly identifies the outer judge with the inner
one (R 6:76). The “verdict of the future judge” is thought of as one’s “own
awakening conscience together with empirical self-knowledge summoned” to
one’s aid; the basis for passing this judgment must be thought of further as
“having one’s entire life placed before one’s eyes at that time, not merely a
segment of it,” such as “perhaps the last and for oneself the most advanta-
geous part” (R 6:77, emphasis added). Later, in his interpretation of the
three Persons of the Godhead, Kant describes the Holy Spirit as humanity’s
judge who “speaks to our conscience according to the holy law known by
us” and in terms of “our own reckoning” (R 6:140n, 145n). In a parallel
discussion in the Metaphysics of Morals (MS 6:439–40), conscience is said to
232 G. FELICITAS MUNZEL
Conclusion
On the basis of this presentation of the intertwined relation one finds in
Kant’s writings on morality (what we ought to and therefore can do),
religion (what we may hope to achieve), and anthropology (what we can
and actually do), one comes to see a much fuller account of the human
moral vocation than is typically considered. In this regard, Kant’s Religion
serves an integral role in completing this moral account. As we have seen,
the various themes of our discussion are found in the Critical philosophy (in
all three Critiques). Whether or not one is persuaded by Kant’s appeal to
faith, understanding the role of the appeal is central to completing the
account of Kant’s conception of practical reason. In this context, one can
perhaps best understand Kant’s notion of faith in terms of his third Critique
conception of reflective judgment. In fact, in the Religion, Kant notes that
“one could call” such faith “reflective” (R 6:52).
chapter 12
1
The place of the essays of Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason
within Kant’s Critical philosophy cannot be duly appreciated unless one
considers how religion figures centrally in the critical enterprise. For this
purpose a preliminary account of the critical enterprise itself is indispen-
sable. One can start with a statement from near the end of the Critique of
Pure Reason:
From the whole course of our critique we will have been sufficiently
convinced that even though metaphysics cannot be the foundation of
religion, yet it must always remain its bulwark, and that human reason,
which is already dialectical on account of the tendency of its nature, could
never dispense with such a science, which reins it in and, by means of a
scientific and fully illuminating self-knowledge, prevents the devastations
that a lawless speculative reason would otherwise inevitably perpetrate in
both morality and religion. We can therefore be sure that however obstinate
or disdainful they may be who know how to judge a science not in accord
with its nature, but only from its contingent effects, we will always return to
metaphysics as to a beloved from whom we have been estranged, since
reason, because essential ends are at issue here, must work without respite
either for sound insight or for the destruction of good insights that are
already at hand. (A849–50/B877–78)
The fate of metaphysics is inextricably linked to the fates of morality and
religion, in that speculative reason proceeding in “lawless” fashion endan-
gers both the practical realm or “the interests of human beings” and
speculative inquiry itself, to which the philosopher is attached as to a
beloved. The investigation of the “rights of speculative reason” alone can
sever the roots of anti-religious and immoral doctrines (materialism, fatal-
ism, atheism) as well as hold reason back from “enthusiastic” claims to know
the supersensible, which bring it into theoretical conflict with itself
(Bxxxiv). The “natural dialectic of reason” that devastates both practice
233
234 RICHARD VELKLEY
and theory makes the self-criticism of reason the necessary first concern of
philosophy, for reason, if not subjected to criticism, is exposed to self-
destruction.1 The principal lesson of criticism is the existence of a boundary
that divides the striving of free rationality to realize itself according to ideas
of the unconditioned from the determination of the laws of natural phe-
nomena according to the categories of the understanding. Since this
boundary-drawing – the highest legislation of reason – has the character
of free self-restraint, its essence is moral; and Kant says it is with ancient
precedent that he regards moral philosophy as the highest part of philoso-
phy (A840/B868; KpV 5:107–10).
As Kant argues most fully in the Critique of Practical Reason, practical
reason has a constitutive principle within its own sphere, since the pure
moral law is the objective ground of an unconditional determination of the
will. It has no constitutive power beyond that, and the postulations con-
cerning God, freedom, and immortality that reason requires for the sake of
conceiving the realization of the highest practical end of reason are not
theoretical assertions but subjectively necessary assumptions made by prac-
tical agents so as to conceive the possibility of carrying out their duty, and
they admit neither theoretical confirmation nor theoretical disproof. In this
connection, Kant writes of the “primacy of practical reason,” in the sense
that the practical requirements of reason lead to the assertion of positive
claims (concerning God, freedom, and continued existence beyond this life)
that are not theoretically demonstrable. Practical reason has its own sphere,
independent of the theoretical, in which its requirements are realized. But
there is a further aspect of Kant’s position, until recently mostly ignored by
commentators − namely, that the highest practical end of reason has a role
in the account of theoretical reason as well as of practical reason, as the
organizing and justifying end of all uses of reason. In other words, the
practical provides the end in relation to which all uses of reason are oriented.
In the “Canon of Pure Reason” in the first Critique, Kant writes: “What
sort of use can we make of our understanding, even in regard to experience,
if we do not set ends before ourselves? The highest ends, however, are those
of morality, and only pure reason can grant us cognition of these” (A816/
B844). In the same passage, Kant states that reason’s unavoidable propensity
to go beyond the bounds of cognition by means of mere ideas, whereby it
1
See O 8:144–46, where Kant argues that freedom of thinking in the form of lawless “flights of genius”
results in the destruction of civic order and ultimately in the destruction of speculative reason itself.
Kant proposes the orientation of reason by pure practical reason as necessary for the self-preservation of
reason.
Culture and the limits of practical reason 235
falls into the dialectical errors of speculative reason, cannot be explained
solely by the speculative interest in these ideas, which he calls “very small.”
It is far outweighed by reason’s practical interest in them. Accordingly, the
effort to attain knowledge of these ideas for practical purposes is what sets
speculative reason in motion (A797–98/B825–26). Kant puts forth his
critical strictures, such that speculative knowledge of these ideas is shown
to be impossible, but use of them as postulates grounded in knowledge of
our moral end is permissible. But beyond this he also claims that the
practical use of the ideas, as the outcome of the critical inquiry, is what
ultimately justifies that inquiry. More precisely and fully, reason as moral
necessarily gives itself a highest object to be realized, the highest good as a
moral world in which perfect virtue exists in just proportion with happiness
− striving toward this goal then brings into play the ideas of God, freedom,
and immortality. More strikingly, in the “Canon,” Kant introduces the
notion which is the germ of the Critique of Judgment, namely that the ideal
goal of realizing the highest good leads to “a special kind of systematic unity,
namely, the moral” (A807/B835) which in turn “leads inexorably to the
purposive unity of all things that constitute this great whole, in accordance
with the universal laws of nature.” In other words, it leads to the idea of a
highest unity which
unifies practical with speculative reason. The world must be represented as
having arisen out of an idea if it is to be in agreement with that use of reason
without which we would hold ourselves unworthy of reason, namely the
moral use, which depends throughout on the idea of the highest good. All
research into nature is thereby directed toward the form of a system of ends,
and becomes, in its fullest extension, physico-theology. (A815–16/B843–44)2
Kant goes on to say that the moral order encompassing nature is a “unity
grounded in the essence of freedom and not contingently founded through
external commands.” Kant already has the elements of the program of the
third Critique wherein pure morality grounds the approach to the totality of
reason, both theoretical and practical, as reason seeks out signs that the
natural order is purposively directed toward the promotion of the end of
pure practical reason. Kant certainly denies that the practical interest can
2
Philip Rossi, following Susan Neiman, views Kant’s concern with system as incompatible with Kant’s
account of the fracture within reason between the rational ideal and practical realization. But Kant’s
notion of system does not abandon this distinction, since it still maintains the theoretical limits of
reason and the primacy of the practical, in which the practical gives orientation to all uses of reason.
See Philip J. Rossi, “Kant’s ‘Metaphysics of Permanent Rupture’: Radical Evil and the Unity of
Reason,” in Sharon Anderson-Gold and Pablo Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil (Cambridge
University Press, 2009), pp. 13–32.
236 RICHARD VELKLEY
3
For the best account of the acquisition and development of character in Kant, see G. Felicitas Munzel,
Kant’s Conception of Moral Character: The “Critical” Link of Morality, Anthropology and Reflective
Judgment (University of Chicago Press, 1999).
Culture and the limits of practical reason 237
clear from an extended passage defining the philosopher in the Critique of
Pure Reason. In this context Kant is discussing the Weltbegriff (cosmopolitan
or world concept) of philosophy, which he distinguishes from the
Schulbegriff (scholastic concept), which has no end in view other than the
logical perfection of knowledge as a system of cognition (A839/B867). Kant
says one can refer to the ancient idea of the philosopher as first and foremost
a moral philosopher, due to the preeminence which moral philosophy has
over other uses of reason, and it is this notion that grounds the Weltbegriff
(A840/B868): “From this point of view philosophy is the science of the
relation of all cognition to the essential ends of human reason (teleologia
rationis humanae) and the philosopher is not an artist of reason but the
legislator of human reason.” The statement does not mean that the philos-
opher produces a legislation simply expressing his own arbitrary will, but
that the philosopher looks to the essential end that reason itself prescribes,
and whose idea “is found in every human reason.” From the standpoint of
that highest end (which one can relate to the highest good and its fulfillment
through the pursuits that realize the purposive unity it requires) the philos-
opher evaluates the roles of the various sciences and uses of reason in
promoting the essential end – an end which concerns all human beings,
and hence philosophy, as promoting it, is called the Weltbegriff of philos-
ophy. “The mathematician, the naturalist, the logician are only artists of
reason, however eminent the former may be in rational cognitions and
however much progress the latter may have made in philosophical cogni-
tions. There is still a teacher in the ideal who controls all of these and uses
them as tools to advance the essential ends of human reason” (A839/B867).
Separated from the third Critique by only a few years, Religion exposes a
remarkable state of affairs. The account of rational faith in this writing has
still the same basic structure as the approaches presented in the three
Critiques: pure morality alone is the valid foundation for religion as a set
of beliefs supporting the aim of realizing the highest good in the world, now
called the “the ethical commonwealth” which gives the highest good
communal embodiment, inherently elusive, as an “invisible church.” But
the notorious reflection on “radical evil” seems to call into question the
intelligibility of the structure of the practical project, insofar as it places end-
setting itself in a problematic light. Thereby philosophy itself, as science of
the highest ends, falls under the shadow of this question-mark. At the same
time, the notions of culture as nature’s support of the project, featured
especially in the third Critique but also in the historical and political essays,
have a precarious and almost nugatory role in Religion. Yet, as I will argue, at
crucial points in Religion the role of poetic figures, the products of “genius”
238 RICHARD VELKLEY
in the terms of the third Critique, underlines the presence of the concerns of
culture.4 Moreover, they point to the thought that philosophy itself can
exist or have a home in the world only because of the persisting gap between
autonomous lawgiving and realization of ends that characterizes the human
as finite being. Paradoxically, then, radical evil has a hidden beneficence as
the condition for metaphysics as the “beloved from whom we have been
estranged” and to which “we will always return.” As I shall argue, the
necessary incompleteness of the practical project is conveyed by poetic
figures coming to the assistance of philosophical reason, in an unexpected
twist in Kant’s conception of culture as nature’s promotion of reason’s
highest end.
2
The problem of ends is announced immediately in the preface to the first
edition. The highest end the human being can have is grounded on reason
as a self-legislative power that conceives for itself the object of its will, as an
end it places before itself in order to formulate the course of right conduct.
As Kant says, in the absence of all reference to an end no determination of
the will can take place, for no such determination can occur without an
effect (R 6:4). To think of the most comprehensive end of conduct is to
think of an object that unites within it the formal condition of all such ends
as we ought to have (namely, duty as compliance with the moral law) with
everything that is conditional upon ends we naturally have, yet in accord-
ance with duty, namely happiness proportioned to observance of duty. But
Kant insists that morality as autonomy in conceiving its duty alone abstracts
from all ends, for the moral law binds the will through the mere form of
universal lawfulness. The will which determines itself by a material ground
ceases to be moral (R 6:3–4). The human will’s need for the idea of a
comprehensive end only reflects the dual character of the human, as needing
to realize moral self-determination in the realm of nature where human
action must achieve the effects of willing.5 Human reason has need of a
particular point of reference for the unification of all ends, and to conceive it
4
See especially Sections 49, 53 and Comment I to Section 57 of the Critique of Judgment (KU 7) on spirit
(Geist) as an animating principle in the soul, found above all in the talent (genius as a natural gift) for
poetry, or in the capacity to produce imaginative presentations (aesthetic ideas) which give sensible
expression to rational ideas of the supersensible.
5
The human will as determining itself under the moral law for a particular material maxim as an end is
acting as a particular will or, one could say, as the particularization (or individuation) of pure practical
Culture and the limits of practical reason 239
the human who honors the moral law asks himself this question: what sort
of world would I create were this in my power, under the guidance of
practical reason (R 6:5)? Kant says the moral agent arrives at this judgment
with complete impartiality, without regard to his own happiness, and in this
way he evinces a need of adding to the thought of his duties an ultimate end.
Thus morality inevitably leads to religion, the idea of a world that finite
moral beings strive to realize but know they cannot bring about wholly
through their own power (R 6:5–6).
Hereby the book on Religion begins by declaring that religion as such is
problematic, insofar as all end-setting is problematic, evincing a limitation
of human reason as finite.6 The limitation is intrinsic to the defect of
historical religion in which humans seek relief from the difficulties of
realizing their highest end by appealing to superhuman powers and their
acts of grace to lighten the human burden. Historical religion accordingly
focuses on practices of praising supposed superhuman powers and inter-
prets virtue as being pleasing to them, and thereby it is a prime manifes-
tation of moral evil, as the subordination of compliance with the pure moral
law to maxims of self-love. The project of overcoming moral evil is insep-
arable from that of transforming historical or ecclesiastical religion into the
religion of pure practical faith. But insofar as humans in this project must be
guided by conceptions of ends and never cease to face challenges to their
actualization, humans remain susceptible to the attraction of deliverance by
higher beings; they remain vulnerable to the appeal of miracles and other
signs and promises of direct participation in supernatural powers.
Moreover, Kant poses in this work the most disturbing questions about
the realizability of the critical rational project itself, even as he forbids any
retreat from the strictest standard of autonomous self-improvement. Thus
Kant’s proposals in his other works of a “hidden plan” of nature to further
the attainment of the highest good seem to fall by the wayside.
Since the task of overcoming evil involves addressing the teleological
tendency of reason, the nature of evil cannot be placed anywhere outside
reason itself. Kant claims that he wants to find a middle ground between the
dark pessimism of the complaint that “the world lieth in evil,” as having
fallen from a Golden Age – a complaint as old as history and the even older
reason. In effect the problem of radical evil is inherent in the human particularization of the pure will,
which reason represents as an event (choice) although clearly there is no possible conceivable will that
as pre-particularized chooses to be subject to the conditions of a particularized (self-loving) will.
6
See Susan Shell’s account of the central problem of Religion: the moral agent must assume responsi-
bility for the natural flaw in human reason, its need to represent an end, but at the same time human
beings can never make present to themselves whether they have made progress in this: Susan Shell,
Kant and the Limits of Autonomy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), Ch. 5.
240 RICHARD VELKLEY
art of poetic fiction (Dichtkunst) – and the “heroic opinion” found only
among philosophers (Seneca and Rousseau are cited) that the world pro-
gresses from bad to better since the natural foundation of goodness in the
human being permits cultivation (R 6:19–20). Experience supports neither
position, and in fact the impossibility of observing maxims (as contrasted
with lawful and unlawful actions) means that no judgment of human evil
is reliably based on experience (but see R 6:32). Kant then makes a risky
a priori inference from consciously evil actions to an underlying evil maxim
as the subjective ground of all particular evil maxims. The underlying
propensity to evil can be called innate in the sense that it is “posited as
the ground antecedent to every use of freedom given in experience,” but it is
not a ground that determines as a natural impulse, which would contradict
freedom. The human being alone is its author in an act that, however, does
not fall within experience (R 6:21–22). To say that the propensity is innate
does not mean that it has not been earned by the human being who harbors
it; it means that it has not been earned in time (R 6:25). A propensity (Hang)
differs from a predisposition (Anlage) in that it can indeed be innate like a
predisposition, “yet may be represented as not being such: it can rather be
thought of (if it is good) as acquired, or (if evil) as brought by the human
being upon himself” (R 6:29). In its status as “posited” and “represented,”
the propensity to evil has neither empirical confirmation nor transcendental
legitimation.7 It is oddly both contingent with respect to humanity and
“woven into human nature,” “entwined with humanity itself” (R 6:29, 6:30,
6:32). The “middle ground” supports both pessimism and optimism and
provides no definite support, it seems, for inclining one way or the other.
Kant admits that his way is not easy to follow, as he notes that moral
philosophy has commonly supposed that the presence of moral evil in the
human can be “very easily explained” by appeal to the power of sensible
incentives and by the impotence of the incentive of reason (R 6:59n). The
true culprit is “an invisible enemy, one who hides behind reason and hence
all the more dangerous” (R 6:57). The ground of evil is not a natural error
of weakness or failure of will but a positive principle of free choice, one
that is “absolutely inexplicable,” as reason’s ability to become master of
the inclinations to the good and its propensity to hand over its authority
to the inclinations to evil are equally incomprehensible. Philosophers
7
On the lack of proof that the human is by nature evil, see Peter Fenves, Late Kant: Towards Another
Law of the Earth (New York: Routledge, 2003),Ch. 4; also see Pablo Muchnik, “An Alternative Proof
of the Universal Propensity to Evil,” in Anderson-Gold and Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil,
pp. 116–43, for an account of the proof as “quasi-transcendental . . . neither reducible to empirical
observation nor totally severed from it.”
Culture and the limits of practical reason 241
understandably recoil from an explanatory basis “forever shrouded in dark-
ness,” and yet the problem of evil (or freedom) can be seen as the genuine
provocation to philosophy: “For if all the world proceeded in accordance
with the precept of the law, we would say that everything occurred accord-
ing to the order of nature, and no one would even think of inquiring after
the cause” (R 6:59n). The argument of Religion is as much a critique of
earlier philosophy as of historical religion, and it draws on biblical sources in
the correction of philosophy. For when the apostle represented the invisible
enemy as a being outside us (“principalities and powers . . . evil spirits”) the
intent was not to extend cognition to the supersensible but “to make
intuitive, for practical use, the concept of something to us unfathomable”
(R 6:59). More remarkably, Kant praises the Christian representation of
moral goodness and moral evil in terms of the distinction between heaven
and hell, which is “not any the less philosophically correct in meaning” for
being figurative and stirring, and which “though containing an element of
horror, is nonetheless sublime” (R 6:60n). It was not philosophers who first
saw correctly the “immeasurable gap” between good and evil, and the
practically effective way of conveying this truth requires a poetic gift. At
the same time, self-critical philosophy does not mistake the poetic image for
supersensible insight, and while facing the unfathomable mystery of the
cause of evil it also remains provoked to inquire about it. Perhaps philos-
ophy is indebted to discoveries of religion for the disclosure of the mystery
of freedom (enabling it to correct a blindness in the Stoics, the ancient
moralists, and their modern heirs), as it must also criticize the tendency of
historical religion to obfuscate the discoveries with literal readings of the
poetic representations as beings outside the human will.
But Religion also clearly pronounces that critical philosophers themselves
will have the tendency to self-obfuscation, as reason as such in striving for
realizable ends will tend to schematize the non-sensible character of the
highest moral end grounded in freedom through sensible representations.
“It is plainly a limitation in human reason, one which is ever inseparable
from it,” that matters of moral worth will be anthropomorphically
expressed, “for we always need a certain analogy with natural being in
order to make supersensible characteristics comprehensible to us.” Thus
proceeds the “philosophic poet” who, as we have seen, can be aware of his
own devices (R 6:65n). Kant here refers to his account in the third Critique
of reason’s need to make the cause of organic life comprehensible to itself by
means of an analogy of an artificer in relation to his work, i.e., through
anthropomorphizing nature by attributing understanding to its causality.
Kant thus refers directly to his own use of poetic schemata as indispensable
242 RICHARD VELKLEY
3
It could be said that Kant engages in another philosophic−poetic use of
analogy to illuminate the highest mysteries when he characterizes the
propensity to evil as the “intelligible deed,” for here he applies the temporal
language of deed to a ground that cannot be temporal. Nothing can be
morally evil except what is our own deed, “yet by the concept of propensity
is understood a subjective determining ground of the power of choice that
precedes every deed, and hence is itself not yet a deed” (R 6:31). The evil
propensity corrupts the very highest maxim in us, which determines
whether the will is disposed toward or against the law. As we have seen,
this propensity must be represented as acquired, and hence as the outcome
of a free deed. On the other hand, this subjective condition corrupting all
actions materially considered, as unfolding in time, cannot itself be a
material−temporal event. Kant says one must take the term “deed” as
having two meanings: one as the non-temporal propensity or “formal
ground” of material deeds, and the other as the material−temporal resistance
8
See Gordon E. Michalson, “Kant, the Bible, and the Recovery from Radical Evil,” in Anderson-Gold
and Muchnik (eds.), Kant’s Anatomy of Evil, pp. 57–73, for Kant’s use of narrative elements from the
Bible as “stand-in” for philosophic reasoning, when he is unable to provide the required philosophic
argument (notably in the motif of “revolution” in moral disposition), and the relation of this use to
“schematism of analogy” in Kant.
Culture and the limits of practical reason 243
to law. He says here, as elsewhere, that the propensity can be called innate,
but adds “because it cannot be eradicated,” for this would require that the
will, following the supreme maxim for the good, perform the eradication.
This is impossible, since the will’s supreme maxim has been corrupted and
there is no higher will above the corrupted will to carry out this conversion.
In effect the highest “deed” has no “doer,” just as it has no temporal
“doing”: “We are just as incapable of assigning a further cause for why
evil has corrupted the very highest maxim in us, though this is our own
deed, as we are for a fundamental property that belongs to our nature.” The
propensity to evil must be regarded both as a fundamental property and as
the effect of a deed. Kant asserts that the intelligible deed is “cognizable
through reason alone apart from any temporal condition,” unlike a deed
that is “sensible, empirical, given in time (factum phenomenon).” But what
kind of cognition is this? It seems to be only an intuitive schematizing of a
ground that Kant elsewhere acknowledges is “absolutely unfathomable.”
Only this schematizing allows us to think of the propensity as the work of
freedom, hence imputable to the will and thus in principle corrigible by the
will. But this schematism is unlike an intuitive−analogic representation of
what is simply unknown, since here the original ground must be conceived
both as unchanging and as the effect of a free will. At one point Kant openly
states the conflict of regarding the propensity both as unchangeable and as
the effect of freedom:
This evil is radical, since it corrupts the ground of all maxims; as natural
propensity, it also is not to be extirpated through human forces, for this could
only happen through good maxims, something that cannot take place if the
subjective supreme ground of all maxims is presupposed to be corrupted. Yet
it must be equally possible to overcome this evil, for it is found in the human
being as acting freely. (R 6:59)
This is nearly a contradiction if not literally one. What is the intent? The
causality of freedom as a power to affect sensibility is unknowable, yet a
representation of it must be posited for practical purposes. It would seem
that avoiding a contradictory positing is a minimal requirement – unless
something is gained, something disclosed, by contradictory positing. This
may be the case if something is learned by trying to carry out the thought of
overcoming the evil propensity and then encountering the impossibility of
wholly doing so. If evil is in fact inextirpable, what remains possible and
worthwhile in the human condition? The effort to improve the human
condition remains a worthy end. Yet this effort to improve, and with it
something else of utmost human importance, remains a possible good for
244 RICHARD VELKLEY
9
In The End of All Things (8: 334–36), Kant remarks that the cessation of all striving in a state of eternal
tranquility is an idea “very closely related to reason in its practical reference,” although surpassing our
powers of comprehension, since “the representation of an infinite progression toward the final end is
nevertheless at the same time a prospect of an infinite series of ills.” But this idea as equivalent to the
end of all alteration, and with it time itself, must outrage the imagination, “for then the whole of
nature will be rigid and as it were petrified.” Indeed, this condition must spell the annihilation of
thought itself for a being like ourselves, which can become conscious of its existence only in time:
“Thinking contains a reflecting, which can occur only in time.” Practical reason’s demand for
achieving the highest end therefore tends toward a conception that undermines all reason, including
philosophy.
10
See the note at R 6:23, where Kant replies to Schiller’s criticism that Kant’s notion of duty as
unconditionally necessary stands opposed to gracefulness (Anmut). Kant attests that virtue as a firmly
Culture and the limits of practical reason 245
that some readers will more deeply embrace the idea of unattainability,
understanding its beneficial consequences, and be sustained not only by the
thought of progress but also by its endlessness. These will in the full sense
re-enact the “intelligible deed” and affirm evil−finitude as the necessary
condition of the higher uses of reason.
4
It is contrary to prevailing readings of Kant to view him as a philosopher of
the beneficence of evil, and it might even be for some readers a shocking
heresy. Yet one aspect of this reflection in Kant is widely known and
acknowledged as central to his thought, and this is his account of human
unsociable sociability. According to Kant’s hypothesis about a hidden order
in human historical development, the natural inclinations of seeking supe-
riority in honor, wealth, and power over others have the unintended
benefits of furthering the development of the rational powers, disciplining
and refining natural impulses, and forcing human beings into a law-
governed way of life in which they can more freely expand their powers.
This “hidden plan of nature” culminates in a federation of sovereign states
maintaining peace. Such historical developments, Kant claims, lay the basis
for the moral progress of the species in the internal legislation of maxims
that no external order can enforce but which despotic and warlike orders can
hinder. The role that Kant then gives to nature as furthering civilization (the
external and legal advances in rationality) and culture (the discipline and
refinement of natural dispositions leading toward moral autonomy)
describes nature as self-limiting and self-effacing (see Idea, MA, and KU,
especially section 83).11 It could be said that such historical conjectures
present evils relating to natural inclinations as nullifying themselves over
time. But if there is a doctrine of the beneficence of evil in these accounts it
seems a conditional one, in that moral evils can be seen as good only insofar
as they provide the basis for their final overcoming, as human beings acquire
through them the disposition needed for living in full autonomy and
acquiring complete mastery over their natural inclinations.
grounded disposition to fulfill duty gives rise to a courageous and joyous frame of mind, hence to an
aesthetic benefit of virtue, allowing for a graciousness not in duty itself but in its consequences: “The
morally oriented reason (through the imagination) calls sensibility into play.” Kant illustrates his
point with a poetic figure, whereby he exemplifies the virtue described: “Hercules becomes Musagetes
only after subduing monsters, a labor at which those good sisters shrink back in fear and trembling.”
11
For “culture as a site of the self-effacement of nature in its influence on the will,” see Kristi Sweet,
“Kant and the Culture of Discipline: Rethinking the Nature of Nature,” Epoche: A Journal of the
History of Philosophy, 15 (Fall 2010), pp. 121–38.
246 RICHARD VELKLEY
Kant in such accounts does not claim that the natural inclinations them-
selves are evil, but rather that humans acquire the vicious aspects of social life as
rational beings by employing their natural inclinations for purposes not given
by nature. Scholars have commented on the similarity of this account to
Rousseau’s views on human perfectibility and the transformation of amour
de soi into amour propre.12 Kant’s social-historical analyses suggest a speculative
projection that the rational increase of human power (entailing new miseries as
well as new satisfactions) will ultimately result in a moral rationality triumphing
over rationally instituted evils, in an optimistic correction of Rousseau’s lower
estimate of reason. So the question arises whether Kant’s accounts constitute a
social and historical analysis of the ultimate origin of evil. It may seem that
Kant proposes such a genesis in order to envision the social-historical over-
coming of evil. On close examination, one sees that this is not his thought.
In Religion, Kant introduces unsociable sociability under the heading of
predispositions to the good, and describes it as “self-love which is physical and
yet involves comparison (for which reason is required)” (R 6:27). This predis-
position gives rise to the inclination to gain worth in the opinion of others,
which originally means only equal worth, but becomes a desire to acquire
superiority over others which (at some point) takes unjust forms in the
passions of jealousy, envy, ingratitude, etc. Kant asserts that “nature itself
wanted to use the idea of such a competitiveness (which in itself does not
exclude reciprocal love) as only an incentive of culture” and so even the desire
for superiority is, in itself, not a vice. But onto this good inclination there are
“grafted the greatest vices of open or secret hostility” or “vices of culture”
which do not really issue from nature. Reason is active in the first beneficial
form of this predisposition and becomes the corrupting factor. The natural
inclination is not the cause of the corruption. Therefore sociability as such, the
tendency to judge one’s worth only in the opinion of others, is not the cause of
vice, for this tendency is in itself good and has a natural purpose. Although the
greatest vices occur in the sphere of human social life, the social inclinations,
including competitiveness, are not, as such, vicious. No causal account of evil
is offered in this passage, but one draws from it the idea that something within
reason or affecting reason, but not nature, transforms the good predisposition
into vice. Also it should be said that Kant offers no suggestion here that
nature’s purpose of promoting culture can, by itself, bring about progress in
moral self-legislation. Thus far, Religion’s account is consistent with accounts
of nature, history, and culture in other critical writings treating these themes.
12
See, for example, Allen W. Wood, “Kant and the Intelligibility of Evil,” in Anderson-Gold and
Muchnik (eds.)., Kant’s Anatomy of Evil, pp. 144–72.
Culture and the limits of practical reason 247
Kant follows the discussion of natural predispositions to the good (which
include animality or “mechanical self love” and personality or susceptibility
to respect for the moral law, as well as humanity or unsociable sociability)
with a sobering account of the propensity to evil and the claim that the
human is by nature evil. Here enters the grounding of evil in the intelligible
deed, and as this deed precedes all empirical determination of the will by
humans Kant claims that one never finds an empirical state of nature in
which humans are free of evil. Reason’s corruption of the good dispositions
has always already occurred. Kant does not suggest that humans have ever
existed, or ever can exist, in a noumenal or intelligible condition in which
they have purely moral wills. It is not an implication of the notion of
the intelligible deed that the human will fell from a pure condition in a
genetic−temporal story, although the language of “deed” temporally sche-
matizes a non-temporal state of affairs. Kant catalogues some of the “vices of
culture and civilization” which he calls the “most offensive of all evils,”
capable of inducing the vice of misanthropy. Above all, he cites the evil of
war, a constant condition between civilized peoples living in states that
stand in relations of raw nature with each other (R 6:34). “No philosopher
has yet been able to bring into agreement with morality” the principles that
states follow in their mutual relations. The passage has a footnote which
might seem puzzling if one thinks of Kant as arguing in the historical
writings that war is the greatest evil. It claims that there is an evil yet greater
than war between states, namely universal monarchy, “a state constitution
in which all freedom would necessarily expire, and together with it, virtue,
taste and science (which follow upon freedom).” Kant speaks once more of
nature having ends which are not the conscious aims of human actors, for
the tendency of states to subjugate their neighbors in striving for universal
rule results in “monsters” which disintegrate of themselves as their compo-
nents rebel. The liberated smaller states fail to form a republic of free
federated peoples and “begin the same game all over” (R 6:34). But Kant’s
message here is not that nature’s plan is to compel states to form a federation
of free peoples (as in the essays on history), although he speaks in praise of
scorned “philosophical chiliasm which hopes for a state of perpetual peace.”
In this passage, nature, as operative in the human as both sensible and
rational, only aims at preventing the death of reason in universal monarchy,
and indeed by means of war (internal rebellion).13 Kant pens the rather
13
See also R 6:123n on a “design of providence” averting a premature and dangerous (since it would
come before the moral improvement of the species) fusion of states through two causes: the difference
of languages and the difference of religions.
248 RICHARD VELKLEY
startling assertion that war is “not so evil as the grave of universal despotism
(or even as a federation of nations pitted against the relaxation of despotism
in any state).” The parenthetical federation, one has to suppose, is not the
same as “the republic of free federated peoples” but one wonders what kind
of alliance formed against a despotic state causes such great injuries to
freedom.
The passage which seems to be the most suggestive of a historical and
genetic account of human evil begins the third part of Religion on the
victory of the good principle over evil. Speaking of the dominion of evil over
the human, Kant writes that “the human being is nevertheless in this
perilous state through his own fault; hence he is bound at least to apply as
much force as he can muster in order to extricate himself from it” (R 6:93).
What follow sounds very much like a wholly social account of the origin of
evil, in which association with other humans is mutually corrupting. Living
in society arouses the passions, for the human concern with the opinion of
others necessarily draws one away from a life of limited needs: “It suffices
that they [other humans] are there, that they surround him.” But again one
does not have a genuine genetic account, as there is no beginning to this
condition, which belongs to the human as such. Thus Kant writes that if a
person “searches for the causes and the circumstances that draw him into
this danger and keep him there, he can easily convince himself that they do
not come his way from his own raw nature so far as he exists in isolation, but
rather from the human beings to whom he stands in relation of association.”
One can “easily convince onself” (sich leicht überzeugen) through the abun-
dant experience of mutual corruption that a condition of solitary innocence
precedes the corruption and that only entry into social life brings about evil.
Yet one knows from the account of the good predisposition to sociability
(humanity) that the rational concern with the opinion of others belongs,
like the other good predispositions, “to the possibility of human nature”
and is original (R 6:28). Concern with the other members of the species
belongs to the human as such, and therefore the transition from innocent
forms of that concern to vicious forms is not explicable through becoming a
member of the social order. Kant’s effort at explication – the intelligible
deed – is a poetic schematism that posits imputability to the human for
what must remain a mystery. Even so, Kant invites one to take encourage-
ment from the notion that human cooperation in the formation of a moral
society − that is, progress toward an ethical commonwealth, an idea made in
analogy to the juridico-civil state − will gain the upper hand over evil (R
6:94). But as soon as this idea is introduced, it is dissolved: “The idea of such
a state has an entirely well-grounded, objective reality in human reason (in
Culture and the limits of practical reason 249
the duty to join such a state), even though we cannot subjectively ever hope
of the good will of human beings that these will work harmoniously toward
this end” (R 6:95).
5
The argument of Religion has a profoundly perplexing character, as it
proposes the most stringent and austere version of Kant’s conception of
human progress toward the highest good in the world as the necessary
object of practical reason and the central teleological idea of philosophy. So
austere is the presentation that Kant removes the comforting props, well-
known from other critical writings, of support from nature as promoting
culture and preparing the human species for moral perfection. In fact, this
work shows a few instances of nature’s hidden intentions, but these relate
ambiguously to the ultimate end of the ethical commonwealth. Thus nature
has a hidden mechanism for destroying universal monarchies, but not for
the creation of the universal federation of states; unsociable sociability
provides the arena for the unfolding of vices but almost nothing is said
about how it also furthers the moral end of the species. At times Kant openly
puts forward the moral project as incompletable: evil cannot be eradicated
yet we must think that it can be overcome. The unbridgeable gap is
exhibited in the figure of the “intelligible deed.” Beyond this, in general
Kant emphasizes the unavailability of any causal or genetic account (as
contrasted with “positing”) of the universal propensity for evil. At the same
time, Kant employs here, as in other works, figurative language intended to
help make intuitable for practical purposes fundamental concepts that lie
beyond sensibility. But the poetic figures seem to serve a paradoxical
purpose in Religion or, to put the matter another way and more precisely,
they make present the necessity of contradiction as the condition for human
striving toward the good. In other terms, Kant resorts to the products of
poetic genius to expose this paradox as the deepest philosophic meaning of
the project of rational religion.
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Index
Abraham, 126 Christianity, 3, 4, 10, 15–17, 18–22, 53, 118, 120, 130,
Allison, Henry, 161 147, 158, 164, 184, 220
Aner, Karl, 158, 159 and natural religion, 28
animality, 42, 43, 45, 65–67, 68, 222–23, 227, 247 Christology, 7, 16, 18
An-Na‘im, Abdullahi Ahmed, 176, 192 church, 8, 18, 23, 28, 115, 183
and coercion, 189 invisible, 16, 20, 146, 182, 237
and pluralism, 191 universal, 183–84
and secularity, 189 Cicero, 220–21
connection between Islam and politics, 190 Conflict of the Faculties, 4, 13, 23, 110
antinomy, 122, 123, 193, 197, 225, 228 and Kant’s religious outlook, 25–30
Aristotle, 11, 13, 80, 96 Confucius, 17
Augustine, St., 127, 128 conscience, 9, 28, 74, 210, 216, 219–20,
autonomy, 49, 61–63, 146, 213, 238 230–32
and divine will, 210 and God, 232
and radical evil, 4 and practical reason, 230
relation to Christianity, 20 defined, 231
Copernicus, 150
Bacon, Francis, 10 Critique of Judgment, 9, 223, 226, 228, 229, 235
Bahrdt, Carl Friedrich, 158 Critique of Practical Reason, 2, 8, 40, 132,
Baillie, Donald, 128 148, 170, 210, 214, 217, 222, 223, 224,
Barth, Karl, 157, 159 225, 234
Baumgarten, Alexander Gottlieb, 163 Critique of Pure Reason, 6, 12, 16, 215, 217, 219,
Baumgarten, Siegmund Jakob, 163 220, 224, 226, 233–37, 241
belief, 98, 117 religious implications of, 13
relation to hope, 6, 98–100, 106 culture, 237, 242, 246, 247
Bible, 17, 19, 21, 157, 181, 220, 241 and moral improvement, 245, 249
and practical reason, 183
and Semler, 163 Day, J. P., 101
and Spinoza, 177 depravity, 35, 50, 51
rational interpretation of, 10, 13, 19, 23, 26–29 Descartes, 11
Bloch, Ernst, 101 diabolical will, 34, 36, 227
Bohatec, Josef, 168 disposition, 5, 134, 181, 204, 205, 206, 210, 225,
Bossuet, Bishop, 180 226, 227, 236, 245
Bovens, Luc, 101 and character, 91–96
Buddha, 125 and infinite regress, 86–87
Buffon, Georges Louis Leclerc, 152 and moral law, 79
Bultmann, Rudolf, 163 meaning of, 79–80, 82–83
relation to action, 89–91, 95–96
categorical imperative, 79, 80, 173, 212 relation to maxims, 82–83, 84, 86, 89, 93
character, 42, 80, 229 Downie, R. S., 101
and the disposition, 91–96 duty, 51, 67, 75, 79
262
Index 263
Eberhard, Johann August, 158 as possible object of knowledge, 13–15, 29, 213,
ecclesiastical faith, 183, 184, 188, 206 216, 226
Epicurus, 11 as postulate of practical reason, 77–78, 173,
Erasmus, 128 225, 234
ethical commonwealth. See ethical community relation to ethical community, 48, 116, 184,
ethical community, 7, 19, 48, 115–16, 175, 205, 210
210–11, 237, 248 relation to the world, 153–54, 225, 229
and coercion, 182 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang, 1, 4
and ethical state of nature, 182 grace, 5, 6, 53, 100, 114, 138, 227, 239, 242
and Islam, 188–91 and nature, 125, 149
and pluralism, 181–86 as incomprehensible, 119, 130, 132
and the individual, 182, 204–05, 210 as providential, 125
as political, 186–88, 205 as supernatural cooperation, 120, 124, 138, 199
ethical state of nature, 182, 204 traditional view of, 118, 126–29
evil, 199–200, 226, 239–41, 249 Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, 2, 7, 8,
and free choice, 32, 240 42, 51, 79, 81, 133, 180, 182, 207
and human nature, 68
and will, 62–63, 67–69, 243 Haller, Albrecht von, 11
compatible with good conduct, 200 happiness, 35, 36, 46, 61, 67, 87, 95, 96, 99, 103,
imputability of, 42 106, 133, 160, 161, 210, 214, 218, 223, 224, 225,
incentives to, 33 235, 238
intelligibility of, 32, 33–34, 49, 51, 240, 243 Hare, John, 118
social context, 45, 46–50, 115, 181, 188, 203, 206, Herder, Johann Gottfried, 1, 22
245–49 Hesiod, 17
Heumann, Christoph August, 158
fact of reason, 140 highest good, 77, 103, 154, 170, 210, 214–15, 216,
faith. See historical faith; rational faith 217, 218, 221, 225, 226, 229, 249
Feuerbach, Ludwig, 118 and Cicero, 221
frailty, 50 and the ethical community, 182
Frankfurt, Harry, 85–86, 87, 124 and the moral law, 225
Frederick William I, “Frederick the Great,” 1, 158 as end of reason, 235
freedom, 5, 49, 75, 78, 85, 87, 112, 114, 128, 130, 134, historical faith, 20, 183, 239, 241
137, 139, 148, 151, 196, 212, 217, 218, 227, 235, considered as a vehicle, 3, 20, 26
240, 241, 247 relation to moral faith, 26
and causality, 59–60, 74, 76, 209, 243 historical religion. See historical faith
and ethical community, 181–82 Hobbes, Thomas, 10, 11, 25, 47, 177, 202
and evil, 72–73 Hodges, H. A., 123
and God, 153–54 Holbach, Baron d’, 10, 11, 14, 30
and good will, 60–61 Homer, 17
and maxims, 81, 222 hope, 5, 6, 77–78, 138, 139, 140, 209, 216, 236
and radical evil, 53 and divine aid, 110–15, 134
as absolute, 140, 148, 152 and miracles, 107–10
external/internal, 202–03, 204–05 and moral progress, 115–17
empirical possibility of, 103
Gesinnung. See disposition formal possibility of, 104–05
God, 8, 10, 17, 98, 110, 119, 150, 170, 193, 196, 208, logical possibility of, 105
212 modal status of, 100–02
and grace, 127 real possibility of, 105–07
and moral discouragement, 228 humanity, 42, 43, 44, 65–67, 222–23
and moral duties, 206 Hume, David, 10, 11, 16, 22, 30, 118, 155
and moral regeneration, 110–15, 121–23
as moral author of the world, 106, 210, 214, 218 Idea for a Universal History, 56, 115, 151
as moral legislator, 19, 210 ideas of reason, 27, 149
264 Index
immortality of the soul and the categorical imperative, 80
as postulate of practical reason, 210, 225, 234 relation to freedom, 81
impurity, 50, 51 relation to intentions, 81
incentives, 5, 40, 51, 52, 58, 65–67, 69, 75, 76, 130, Meirav, Ariel, 101
183, 199 Mendelssohn, Moses, 11, 207
and the passions, 44 Metaphysical Foundations of Natural Science, 12
inclinations, 36, 40, 44, 45, 199, 200, 236, 240, Metaphysics of Morals, 12, 96, 133, 202, 211, 219,
245, 246 230, 231
and evil, 34, 227 Michaelis, Johann David, 158, 207
interests of reason, 9, 99, 225, 235, 236 Michalson, Gordon, 118
Islam, 185 Mill, John Stuart, 98
and the ethical community, 188–91 miracles, 6, 7, 100, 107–10, 113, 117, 162, 167, 169,
Kant’s view of, 185 239
and natural laws, 141–43, 151–52
Jachmann, Reinhold Bernhard, 149 and Neologists, 158
Jacobi, Friedrich Heinrich, 207 and Reimarus, 160
Jerusalem, Johann Friedrich Wilhelm, 158 Kant’s definition of, 169
Jesus, 7, 19, 21, 24, 120, 125, 135, 143 political aspects, 141
and moral perfection, 171 possibility of, 138
and Neologism, 159 relation to “wonder,” “admiration,” 144–48
as an ideal, 172, 224 theistic, 142
as viewed by Reimarus, 161–63 Montaigne, Michel, 115
breaks the power of evil, 172 moral argument for existence of God, 15, 98–99
context for Kant’s views, 168–71 moral feeling, 43, 230
humanity of, 172 moral law, 34, 40, 41, 45, 51, 58, 67, 77, 148, 153,
Kant’s use of name, 171 174, 183, 200, 214, 216, 217, 219, 223, 225
relation to Christian tradition, 157 and the will, 234, 238
Job, 144 called into question, 228
Judaism, 161–63, 166, 185 moral perfection, 46, 133, 171, 219, 236, 249
Kant’s view of, 169 moral progress, 47, 210, 213, 240, 244, 245, 249
relation to hope, 115–17
Kierkegaard, Soren, 128 moral regeneration, 53, 69, 75, 76–78, 239, 243
Kripke, Saul, 105 and religion, 205
as a revolution, 145, 199
Lavater, Johann Kaspar, 11 relation to hope, 110–15
Lectures on the Philosophical Doctrine of Religion, Moser, Friedrich Karl von, 158
128 Moses, 126, 130
Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm, 8, 72, 108–09, 175, Muhammad, 125
176, 178–81, 184, 186
Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, 158, 159, 161, 164 natural religion, 2, 18, 30, 160, 171
Locke, John, 190, 195 necessity, 4, 5, 50, 68, 105, 140, 187, 217
Luther, Martin, 127, 128, 156, 177 Neologists, Neologism, 157–59
view of Chistian teachings, 157–59
Mandeville, Bernard de, 47 Newton, Isaac, 151
Mariña, Jacqueline, 124 Nicene Creed, 156
Martin, Adrienne, 101 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 118
Marx, Karl, 30, 118 Nösselt, Johann August, 158
maxims, maxim making, 5, 40, 43, 45, 46, 50, 54, noumenal, 4, 48, 59, 86, 247
61, 79, 143
and action, 80–81, 83, 84, 86 On Perpetual Peace, 21
and character, 83 original sin. See radical evil, relation to original sin
and evil, 68–69, 71, 130, 227, 240, 242–43
and freedom, 94, 222 Pascal, Blaise, 11
and grace, 120 passions, 43–45, 248
and miracles, 142 Paul, St., 121, 126, 127–29, 131, 157
Index 265
Pelagianism, 128, 129 and search for totality, 224
personality, 42, 43, 53, 65–67, 73, 222–23, 247 as having ends, 218, 235, 236–37, 238–40, 241
Pettit, Philip, 101 in title of book, 23, 207–09
Pietism, 145, 157, 168, 176 redemption. See moral regeneration
Pistorius, Herman Andreas, 158 reflective judgment, 50, 232
Plato, 11, 13 Reimarus, Hermann Samuel, 7, 159–65, 170, 173
postulate, 14, 77–78, 104, 105, 149, 170, 173, 183, and Kant, 168–71
210, 225, 234, 235 compared with Semler, 163–68
Practical Reason, 8, 14, 18, 27, 52, 148, 153, 183, 196, his view of Jesus, 161–63
215, 228, 239, 249 summary of teachings, 163
and classical thought, 221 Reinhold, Karl Leonhard, 147
and search for totality, 224 revealed religion, 2, 3, 15, 183
and trust, 229 relation to morality, 16, 18
multiple sense of, 216–17 revelation, 7, 11, 12, 15, 17, 18, 20, 23, 24, 28, 151,
primacy of, 216, 234 160, 183, 185, 198, 207–08, 212
relation to theoretical, 235 rigorism, 38–41
relation to theoretical reason, 234 Rorty, Richard, 8, 193–96, 198, 206–07, 212
predispositions, 45, 48, 53, 56, 69–70, 75, 200, Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 10, 11, 20, 30, 47, 115, 146,
206, 246–47 147, 148, 150, 240, 246
and freedom, 42
as aptitudes, 222–23 Sack, Friedrich Wilhelm, 158
contrast with propensity, 240 schemata, 243, 247, 248
propensity to evil, 4, 16, 20, 21, 44, 55, 75, 79, 172, and visibile representation, 241–42
182, 198, 205, 211, 226, 227, 229, 240, 242, Schleiermacher, Friedrich, 22
243, 247–49 Schweitzer, Albert, 161
and social context, 48, 49 Semler, Johann Salomo, 7, 11, 158, 159
and the will, 243–45 and Kant, 168–70
degrees of, 50–52 comparison with Reimarus, 163–68
propensity and freedom, 45 view of Jesus, 165–66
propensity defined, 45 Seneca, 240
pure religious faith. See rational faith Smith, Adam, 46
Spalding, Johann Joachim, 158
Quinn, Philip, 123 Spinoza, Baruch, 8, 10, 11, 25, 106, 153, 175–79, 181,
Qur’an, 189–91 183, 185, 190
and religious pluralism, 178
radical evil, 5, 38, 120, 132, 137, 188, 198, 213, 227, Stoicism, 16, 19
237, 243 Sussman, David, 92
and human nature, 53–57, 69–70 Swedenborg, Emanuel, 28
and moral obligation, 5
and the disposition, 5 Taha, Mahmoud Mohamed, 190
and the Enlightenment, 47, 56 Taylor, Robert S., 192
hidden beneficence, 238, 245 teleology, 7, 9, 41, 50, 137, 147, 149–51, 154, 227,
innateness of, 53–54 249
relation to original sin, 16, 20, 32, 38, 47, 53, 56, Teller, Wilhelm Abraham, 158
69–70, 129 The Conflict of the Faculties, 145, 173, 184
social aspects, 8, 48 theodicy, 7, 144, 147, 148, 154
rational faith, 9, 14, 20, 137–40, 147, 154, 207, 216, The Only Possible Argument in support of a
224, 229, 237 Demonstration of the Existence of God, 150,
as inadequate translation, 137, 216 151, 160
relation to knowledge, 139 Thielecke, Helmut, 163, 164
Rawls, John, 8, 175–76, 186–87, 188, 190–92, title explained, 2, 21, 22–23
195
reason, 22, 23, 24, 29, 58, 223, 224, 246 unsociable sociability. See evil, social context
and its limits, 119, 183, 197, 228, 233, 234, 239
and propensity to evil, 46 Voltaire, 10, 11, 18, 21, 30, 98
266 Index
What does it Mean to Orient Oneself in Thinking?, Wolf, Susan, 85
207 Wolff, Christian von, 163
What is Enlightenment?, 198 Wolterstorff, Nicholas, 8, 193, 194–96, 198, 206,
Wheatley, J., 101 207, 211
will, 52, 64, 74, 199, 217–19, 238, 247 Wood, Allen W., 186
and evil, 217–19, 243
and moral regeneration, 75, 243–45 Xenophanes, 13
and practical reason, 217–19
as power of choice, 222–23 Zoellner, Johann Karl Friedrich, 158