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    Cities and Saints

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    CITIES AND SAINTS Sufism and the Transformation of Urban Space in Medieval Anatolia wa Ethel Sara Wolper BONES) | U. Uprany Liray of Cong Cataloging Pbeation Dts Wipe, Ethel Sr, 960~ ‘Cia ant:Sufa ond te rarforation of wh space in mail nate tel Sars Wolpe pom Includes bibiogaphia efeences and index ssn o-37i-02256e6 (lth a pipe) +, Archies, Meinl — Turkey, 2 Achtet,blanie—Tutkes 5 Aethiteoire— Tash 4: Ciy planing Turkey Hin 5 Sufsm—Turky. 6, Derihes—Tatey 7 Architeaue an eligan 8, Archietore snd soety—Tuey: 2. Tite ans63 W655 2003, 736° .9/egs6ro902 dens 1903004686 NOISES Wes 4 Copyright © 2005 The Penna State Univers light resred Printed China Published by The Porton Slate Ut P, Unie Park, PA 682-1003, {eis the pli of The Pome tote Univeniy Press to a cdfioe paper, Publietion on coated lock ai the mini requirement of rican Natonel Stand for Infomation Seienes—Pernaene of Paper or Pre Libary Materials ast 259.481998 Cone ilattion Bodo Library, Ono ats Osler 2, fl 78 Page i Als photograph Page Baki, Sufi npesions, 78 age 1: lian Library, Oxford, M5 Ouseley A824, fl ‘0 Page go aha and Vi Bercher, Matiaus, 140 age 7 Bodleian Library, Ose, 1s Ousley Al 24 sr © merc umrary EEA 51186 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: ANOTE ON USAGE AND TRANSLITERATION Introduction PART 1 GUILOINGS AND RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY IN MEDIEVAL ANATOLIA HAPTER 1 Visual Authority and Sufi Sanctification Negotiating Elite Survival After the Mongol Conquest carrer 2. "The Patron and the Sufi Mediating Religious Authority Through Dervish Lodges PART OERVISH LODGES AND URBAN SPACES: SIVAS, TOKAT, AND AMASYA CHAPTER 3.0.2 Dervish Lodges and the “Transformation of City Spaces cnapren 4 City Streets and Dervish Lodges Constructing Spiritwal Authority iv Sivas, Tokat, and Amasya PART Ill AUDIENCES AND OERVISH LODGES: PROCLAMATIONS AND INTERPRETATIONS CHAPTER 5 Dervish Lodges and the ‘Transformation of Resident Populations Christians, Craftmen, and ARIS chapreR 6 Women as Guarantors of Familial Lines Demish Lodges and Gender Representation in Pre-Ottoman Anatolia cuapren 7 Islamization and Building Conversion Ee Heroes Afer the Babi Rosi! Revolt Eriocue sores 6 24 a 60 7 82 92 103 9 27 CONTENTS PREFACE ‘The successive houses in which we heve lived have no doubt made our gestures commonplace. But we are verp surprised, when we return to the old house, after an odyssey of many years, to find that the most delicate gestures, the earliest gestures suddenly come alive, are stil faultless. In short, the house we were om in has engraved within us the hierarchy ofthe various functions of inhabiting Gaston BacHRLARD! IN THE PAST decades, interest in Sufism, Islam’s main form of mysticism, and in the thirteenth-century poet and saint Jolal al-Din Rrimi (d, 2273) has reached new heights In the United States alone, there are two Ram festivals per year. A growing portion of his poetry is available in translations and interpretations, many of which are performed live and sold as recordings. As part ofthis trend, a number of recent publications have shown an interest in illuminating the works of this great Sufi poet. ‘These illuminations often mix poetry and images. The poems are Raimi, yet the images have been taken from every time period and geographic location. They are meant to evoke the spirit of Rami, What we gain from these publications is obvious. I write this book, however, out of a concern with what these books can obscure. As we spend more and mare time divorcing Rami and other Muslim mystic poets from their historical contest, it becames easy to forget why artistic greatness flourishes in some periods and not in others, We also obscure the influence of other mystics on Riim's thoughts, his belief and training in Islam, and the adjustments that he made in his life to the massive changes in the world around him. ‘This study seeks to recover these historical contexts by focusing on the physical place that produced this influential man, I begin, therefore, with some general definitions of Rams world. He came of age in Anatolia in the late Seljuk and early Beylik period, a period that is understood in this study as beginning in 1240 and ending in 1350. The rul- ing dynasties of the period were Turkish groups that followed Persianate traditions in gow- emment. Their religion was Islam, and their major sultans sought to bring Muslim scholars from all over the Islamic world to their courts in Konya and Sivas. Those that came found themselves in a land where Muslims were the minority and the Byzantine and Armenian legacy was sill strong, When we understand Rat and the whirling dervishes as an intrinsic part of the Islamic world, we help construct a more accurate picture of Islam as a dynamic and mul- tifaceted faith, After this monotheistic faith arose in western Arabia in the seventh cen- tury, with the revelations ofthe prophet Muhammad, it was enriched by a variety of philosophical and intellectual movements, an enrichment that continues to this day. Sufism is one of those movements. Like other mystical movements, the central goal of Sufism is knowledge of God. ‘The methods by which that knowledge is achieved form a main focts of Sufi literature and practice. Although Rami has entered the consciousness of the West as an ecumenical love poet, embraced by New Age movements, he was a devout Muslim, He came from a long line of Muslim clerics and gave legal judgments before his introduction to Sufism. He, and the other religious scholars ofhis era, lived at atime when the practice of Islam was changed by the proliferation of Sufi communities. These communities tested the outward ‘manifestations of islam to find new ways of achieving an intimate knowledge of God Ram's ecumenical message, which is so appealing to today's followers in the West, grew out of this search and is reflected and reaffirmed by other Sufi writers of the period ‘The Sufis inthis study were often called “dervishes,”a Turkish variant ofa Persian word signifying those who have renounced the world, Although such a term emphasizes poverty, it came to be associated with members of variety of urban movernents. Roms followers, commonly known as the whirling dervishes, ae shown in this book's frontis- piece, engaged in their ritual whirling, Although this is one of many photographs circulat- ing inthe West that have helped create a picture of Sufism as a timeless world of arcane spirituality, Rimtand the dervishes inthe photograph ate separated from each other by close to seven centuries, each of which brought major changes to the Islamic world and to the practice of Sufism. This study focuses on one of these periods of change through an examination of the complex relationship between religious authority and the visual world during Roms life- time. The careers of Raimi and other Sufi leaders, such as Baba Ilyas Khurasant and Fakhr al-Din ‘leigh, ate set against the spatial networks—urban, topographical and spirt- tual—commanded by the buildings in which they lived and worshiped. Sueh a focus allows me to reintroduce Riimf in the context of the unusual time and place in which he and his disciples lived. Although nothing remains of a portrait of Ramt that was painted luring his lifetime, there ate rich souece materials and building remains from the large number of Sufi buildings constructed during this period, and these help us reconstruct his world.’ By focusing on these buildings and the cities in which they are located, we can not only consider how the borders and spaces available to Sufis helped form their sense of themselves and their community, we may also learn something about how the borders and spaces available to us help form our sense of ourselves and our comrmunity. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My WORK ON this book began in the summer of 1985, while traveling from Istanbul to Erzurum with a group of fellow students from the summer language program at Bospho- ras University, As we traveled by bus from Amasya to Tokat and then to Sivas, I saw how medieval Islamic buildings worked in sequence within cities and from one city to another. Given the importance ofthis rip in the development of this book, it seems appropriate to begin by thanking my fellow travelers—David Hirsch, Mark Stein, Loma Tate, and Alexander Whelan—for their insights, enthusiasm, and humor. Writing a book about architecture and cities is as much about where people travel as where they rest. Since my first trip, Thave been fortunate to find homes, both abroad and in the States, in a number of institutions and universities that provided me with financial support and intellectual stimulation, I would like to express my gratitude to the National Gallery of Art, the Society for the Humanities at Cornell University, and the Center for the Humanities at the University of New Hampshire. For supporting archival research in Istanbul and Ankara, Iam indebted to Fulbright Hays, the American Association of Uni- versity Women, and the vice president’ office at the University of New Hampshire Lam especially grateful to the many friends, colleagues, and students who have con tributed to this book in ways too numerous to count. First and foremost, I wish to thank Leslie Peirce, whose encouragement and thoughtful criticisms have consistently been sources of aid and inspiration. Of special note are Lois Brown, Kelly Dennis, Salima Ikram, D. Fairchild Ruggles, Yvonne Seng, and Lucienne ‘Thys-Senocak. My special sgyatitude goes to the members of the Sufi in Society Project— Shahzad Bashir, Devin DeWeese, Jamal Elias, Farooq Ahmet, Ahmet Karamustafa, Omid Safi, and Kishwar Rizvi—and, especially, to Jamal Elias for helping me shape my thoughts on the histori cal development of Sufism. Much of what is good in this book came out of conversations with them and the inspiration I derived from their work, Early comments from Shahzad Bashir and Devin DeWeese were particularly helpfal in shaping my thoughts about the role of hagiography in Sul life. Finally, Kishwar Rizvi deserves special thanks for letting ‘me read sections of this work to her over the phone and for her general support and interest Anumber of friends and colleagues helped me shape this final project. Howard Crane, David Powers, Gulru Necipoglu, Cemal Kafadar, Rudi Paul Lindner, Nasser Rabat, and Scott Redford have generously given their time in answering questions and discussing problems of architecture and religious studies with me. At the early stages of this project, I benefited from the counsel of Irene A. Bierman, Ira Lapidus, and Speros Vryonis Jr. { would also like to thank John Voll for his insightful comments on my man- script, which helped me see more clearly what [ was doing, I would like to thank an anonymous scholar who was kind enough to send me very helpful comments and sug- gestions. My colleagues at the University of New Hampshire deserve my special thanks for their suppot, especially Bill Harris. [ would particularly like to thank those who read and heard some sections of this manuscript: David Frankfurter, Jennifer Beard, Greg McMahon, Nicky Gullace, Lucy Salyer, and Jeff Diefendorf Likewise, Thomas Trout, Dean Hoskin, and Bust Feintuch were extremely generous in funding the illustrations for this book. Finally, Jeanne Mitchell worked her magic in smoothing out any difficulties. Iwas the most fortunate of authors in finding such a supportive and professional press. would particutarly like to thank Gloria Kury for her wise insights, Jennifer Nor- ton for her patience, and Lisa Tremaine and ‘Tim Holsopple for their good cheer. 1 ‘would also like to thank the Hemming family for their patience, love, and warmth, For assistance with maps and sketches, I would like to thank Karen Alexander, Chris Brest, and Photo Services at the University of New Hampshire ‘There are a number of people for whom it is impossible for me adequately to express my gratitude, My parents, Alyce and Edward Wolper, have shaped and supported my intellectual endeavors since I was born, From my father I learned a love of travel and adventure, while my mother’s thoughtful guidance taught me how to think about the world, Jake Viebrock was instrumental in every step of this project. He asked the right questions and encouraged me to think about nuances of the material only he could spot Itis for hitn that I wrote this book, and 1 hope it reflects my deep affection and admira- tion. To him and Natalie Viebrock, who continues to remind me of everything that is wonderful in the world, | dedicate this work. th Ayyatbids Baba brake beyarbey buat vishmendide dergah Anish ike EBretnids Bsliya Gelebi fog fog haz Tiss liga’ an Phan Phangate vada aidan Malas rmenagib nasi Macla vibra nudarie GLOSSARY OF ESSENTIAL TERMS (lit “beother") member ofa mysteahartienal oyanization niltry commander Mastin dynasty tha ved in Egypt pease) and Syria (1194-1260) {lit fates") honoree, often ye b ake bes to designate »eigions leader blessing nilitary governor {lit “place” Todge or coment ion, large commercial building Takis Todge or consent ry that led centtal Anatolia fom 1071 to 2497 ‘one who as renounced the word,” an exponent of Sumy (lit “repetition,” remembrance”) commonest en for Sufi meditative exercises ‘Maslin djmasty that led central Anatolia fom 1543 01380 famous Ottoman traveler ofthe seventeenth century who wrote the Seyahatiame (pl fagata anyone possessing knowledge (ig of thing technical term fora specials in religious law (it. poor" in mystic teminology' person who lives for God alone; in poplar erin! ogy. beggar or poor man ‘waar ofthe tha person conquering non-Muslim teritories ‘Mongol successor dynasty in Peis, 956-9549 (lit “oilding’ lodge, convent, or soup kitchen Tand grant fom a vale for military or administrative seices rendered by a client recessed 000 analy enclosed on thee sides, ait the fourth opening onto courtyard travel lodge, caravansaray lodge o consent school for higher leasing, especially fr lla law square, open place, Feld or lage all where dhitris performed ‘Maslin das that ruled over Hey and Si, 1250-1517 Tegene, book of pie deeds “any Muslin place of worship whee the prayers performed ia group member of Sufi order centered at Kooye and organized bythe followers of ala abDin ‘Run (€. 1273), often erred to asthe “whirling drvshes” niche in the gibla wal ofthe mosque, nesting the diction of Meces eae professor a madeasa xl mann eae we Qian ible bt sant soyid Sells sw fara ‘ulema! sagh vente wer saviya ‘Muslin dyaaty based in Anatolia, 1281-9924 Ht “oll ie used to designate a high affce in the Seljuk administration Mastin judge “Musi Tarkish dynasty that led er centea Anatolia, 256-1483 lection of payer for a Mason Sufi hospice, originally designated a miltarygasison lstinetive whiting dance perfonsed by fllovers of Jalal al-Din Rat as part of thei dtr (li. “ister” “lor} hones ile for Muhammail’s descendants Masian dynasty, originally a faiy ofthe Ogu Tink; brane ofthe Selb, tke Seljuks ‘oF Ram, eld Anatolia fiom 1037 401300 exponent of Sufi, Islam's main mstiel tation Fully developed hiewrehieal orders (it “learned me} those men versed in lami Fegan religious tes pious endow ment forthe pheep ofa menue, hosptl, the Tike deed setting out the conditions ofthe wagf oficer (ante) to whom a euler delegated the administration of his ein Tego” convent GLOSSARY OF ESSENTIAL TERMS : A NOTE ON USAGE AND TRANSLITERATION THIS BOOK QUOTES Arabic, Persian, and Ottoman Turkish source material. Because many words common to all three languages are pronounced differently, I have had in each instance to decide which pronunciation system to privilege over the others, Since the primary source material on Anatolian dervish lodges is in Arabic, I have chosen to follow the Intemational Journal of Middle Eastern Studies guidelines for Arabic translit eration, with the exception of the hamza, which is indicated by an apostrophe. Although the names of sultans and other figures are rendered according to Arabic usage, titles like pervane, which are of Persian origin and Turkish use, are rendered according to a sim- plified system of transliteration. For the sake of simplicity and clarity, commonly used words such as “Seljuk,” “Sufi,” and “sultan” are rendered without diacritical marks. To farther simplify matters, I have used modern Turkish to designate the cities and rivers of Anatolia, For similar reasons, plurals of foreign words are rendered according to the rules of English While the problems of transliteration and of geographical names make it impossible to please everyone, I hope that the approach outlined here will accurately relet the way words are used in wagf documents and building inscriptions. rioure 3 roure 4 rioure 5 rroure 6 rroure 7 Figure & Fioure 9 Figure 13, FiguRe 14 Figure 35, FiguRe 16 siguee 17 FrouRe 28 roves 19 ILLUSTRATIONS Anatolia: majorities (Karen Alexander and Chris Brest. Anatolia, Danishmendid tettory (Karen Alexander and Cheis Brest) ‘Anatolia inthe time of Al’ al-Din Kay-Oubsd (Karen Alexander and Chris Brest, ‘The Bi esl revolt (Karen Alexander and Chris Brest), Anatolia and its neighbors (Chris Brest) ‘Tokat, Sunbul Baba lodge: portal (author) ‘Tokot, Sunbu Baba lodge: fagede (author) ‘Tokat, Sunbul Baba lodge: reconstructed fagade (Emit, Erken Osman, pl.73} ‘Tokat, Khalif Chae lodge: tomb windows (author) ‘Tokat, ‘Abd al-Mutalib lodge: tomb window: (author). ‘Amasya, Gok Madasa lodge: tomb window with inscription (author) Sivas, Seljuk hospital view from the west (courtesy of Aegean/Project Dendeochronology, Cornell University). Sivas, Turkey: reconstrueted plan (Chris Brea) Sivas, Gite Minare Madasa (on the lef) and Seljuk hospital (onthe ight) (courtesy of AegeanProject Dendochronology, Comell Universit} ‘Sivas, Gok Maciaso (courtesy of Aegean/Project Dendrochronology, Comell Univers). ‘Vokat, Turkey: eeconstucted plan (Chris Bre!) ‘Tokat, ‘Abed aL Muttalib lodge euthor) “Tokat, ‘Abd al-Mutalib lodge: Fagade (author, Amasya, ‘Turkey: reconstructed plan (Chris Brest) ‘Amasya, view tothe north (author. Amasya, Guk Madrasa lodge (Cabrel, Les monuments tures Anatole (1934 1, by permission of L'nsttut frangaisd'etudes anatoliennes) eroune 23, HieuRE 24 igure 25 Fioure 26 FiauRe 27 FiauRe 28 Figure 29 Figure 30 rieuRe 31 igure 32 Figure 33 FIGURE 34, riauee 35 FieuRe 36 igure 37 rrcure 38 FiouRE 39 Figure 40 rrcure 44 Ficure 42 “Tokat, interior of Gok Madea lodge (author, ‘Amasya, Gok Madirest lodge (author. ‘Amasya, Gtk Madasa lodge: detail (autho “Tokat, Sunbul Baba ledge: tomb room with comice (author), Fokat, Sunbul Bal Jedge: detail (author) ‘Tokat, Sunbuil Baba lodge: reconstructed plan (Rinir, Erken Osman, pl. 71) “Tokat, Shams abDin ib Husa lodge: econstrced pan (Fait Eden Osman, hao} “Tokat, Shik Manin lodge: reconstructed plan (Emit, Bren Osment, pl 7}. ‘Tokat, Khalif Ghat lodge: recoustructed plan (mir, Eker Osman, pl 49) kat, ‘Abd abMuialib lodge: reconstructed plan (Emit, Erk Osman, pl 08) ‘Tokat, Gok Madras, interior couryaed (author. Sivas, Cifte Minare Madrasa: fagade (author) Sivas, Burujyye Madrasa (Edher and Van Berchet, Matriaus, vol. 3, pt. © 1r00). ‘Amasya, Burmals Minare Madras (Gabriel, Les monuments tures d Anatole 1934], 1 by pertnission of L'nstitt frangais d’etudes anatolienes). ‘Amasya, Gok Madrasa, main entrance (Gabriel, Les monuments lures Anatole [1934), 1, by permission of Ltnstittfangais tudes anatoliennes). “Tat tomb windows plan {Chris Brest ohat, Sunbul Baba lode: insertion (ato: “oka, Shams alin bn Husayn lodge insertion author “Tok, Khalif Chic ledge: inscription (author) “Toa, bridge inscription (aon) Amasya, Khlif Chis Madiasa sd lodge (atbon he Vilayetname (Book of sanity) of Ha Bektish recounts a meeting between a wander- ing denvsh and a mork. fn the story the dervish swas sent to deliver wheat tothe Christian monk ‘Along the way, he sold the wheat to starving towns- people and replaced much oft with saw and dust. When the dervish tured his load ove tothe monk, he was impresed with the monk's hospital ityand began to think thatthe monk would make & good Muslim. The monk, having understood the dervsh’ thoughts, informed him that "he was already a Muslim, but he was afaid tobe such a Masi as the dervish who had betrayed the trust of is masterby selling some ofthe grain” At that ‘moment, church services began, and Christians entered the church. When the service was over and the last Christian had left the chub, the moni led the derish into the church and closed the door. He then lied a stone slab and opened a door hid den undemeath. The door opened into a room holding a al dervsh cap and a mirab (prayer niche}.'The monk donned the eap, prayed a the rikrab, and “informed the astonished dervish that the was himsea Belts dervsh "Aer his prayer, the “monk” removed his dervish garb and put on again his Christin garment! ‘Thisanecdote undeines some ofthe conta: dictions between the nature of religious belief in ‘medieval Anatolia and the contemporary pereep- tion of that belief. The wise Cheisian monk, who Introduction was also a Bektishy denish, understood that tose religious fecling and belief were different from the appearance and trappings of ath; inthis story, ven contemporary bcholders were easily confused by the tricky interplay of substance and shadow of, teligions sentiment, Not surprisingly, modern scholarship, in its efforts to understand the reli- ious miliew of medieval Anatolia, sometimes for gets the comple historical, celigious, and cultural developments that shaped it The following study concentrates ona crucial elementin these devel- ‘opments: the dervish lodges built in central Anato- lia between the second half ofthe thirteenth century andthe second half ofthe fourteenth cen- tury, when Halt Bektash and other ders leaders began to havea significant following These dervshes tried to impase theie understanding of the world onto a region undergoing apd transfor. imation by lage rambers of immigeants and @ breakdown of central authority. With the help of local ats (lity and political leaders} and other leaders who had prospered fom newly acquired landholdings, dervishes founded dervish lodges as center for communal worship and the standardization oftheir practices. These dervish lodges eventually became pilgrimage sites ancl commercial centers where vigorous new comm nities came into being, In the span of hundred years, a least fifteen dervish lodges were builtin the important trading ‘rato: major cies co Kong Metierrancen Sea cities of Sivas, Tokat, and Amasya (fig. 1). fu com parison to the few lodges builtin these cities before the mid.thiteenth century, a visitor or resi mber of new dervsh lodges beeause of both their nuraber dent would have noticed this lange and their prominent location within these three cities’ For example, by the second half of the urteenth century, dervish lodges occupied sites long major toads leading to three ofthe six gates ‘of Sivas (sce fig 13), atthe eastern and western entrances to Amasya (see fig 19), and oriented toward the single entrance and exit of Talat (see fig. 16). There were four dervish lodges nea ‘Toka’s primary markets, two near Amasya’s mar ket, and one at each ofthe three markets of Sivas. Generally sin the example of Sivas, dervish lodges, markets, and city gateways were close to ‘each other, that both residents and visitors would have encountered them, Furthermore, the time between these encountets with the different Tdges could have been short, because these cities were near each other along well-established trade routes running from the southeast to the northwest* oe Ec ae \ oe Nie nae moka Seay — Raye Beginning in the thirteenth century, Sivas, “Tok, and Amasya became major immigration and trade sites for Muslims traveling fiom Iran and Cntal Asia Atthe same time, these cities were located in an aea that was primarily Christian. “The Muslim lite who rte these cites were expected to support a number of istinet religions and educational services for Musim devotional activity. Yet, because thes cites had large nom Muslin population, their ruler faced a vatiety of challenges. Between the midthineenth and the tric fountent centuries, more devish lodges were endowed in Sivas, Tokat and Amasya than any other pious insttations, suggesting that derish lodges were cen as. espanse, ifnota solution, to some ofthe new problems facing the ut of these eis! What this study attempts to demnon- strate ishaw these local leers used these build sng to support and este local communities connected to densishes. Not only di these dervish lodge provide each community with 2 geographi- cal and spiitual center, they also became the physical structures around which new uiban for nations were oxganized AIMS AND APPROACHES “The main goal of this book is to examine the role ‘of dervish lodges in religious and cultural tansfor- mation. To this en, the book combines three tra ditionally disrete fields the history of lame achitectute, the history of pre-Ottoman Anatlia, and the history of Sufism It draws upon these Fields to constucta picture of denvish lodges as ‘oth buildings and institutions and ask two sepa rate but interrelated questions about them. The frst focuses on how the placement, exientaton, and stuctuee ofthese bildings changed the hier archy of spaces in thee Anatolian cities between the midthietenth and midfourteenth centuries “The second question addreses how dervish lodges worked as places where diferent pes of anthority—religous, spiritual, and political — were mediated” Asin any study ofthe role of architecture in soial change, thi book is based on a number of assumptions regatding how people interact with ‘heir environment, The mest important assamp- tion is thatthe organization of urban space has 2 major effect an one's perception and experience of the world” Urban spaces are important because they form a spatial order that distinguishes a range of choices for the pedestrian by determining what buildings and sites he or she ean ox cannot se, and how easly.’The resulting visual hierarchy helps to define the city’s dominant featores; in consequence, any significant change inthe arrangement of urban spaces can redefine what those dominant features are*Thus, major changes to urban space alter not only daily pattems of behavior but, to some extent, world outlooks, At the same time this study recognizes that no ‘matter how much society employs architecture and urban space a a means to stabilize isl architecture's inherent confrontation between space and its use dictates that space is constantly unstable and othe verge of change tn as simple aot as navigating city spaces, pedestrians always seek to alter the spatial ader to sit thei xen needs In sch away, changes in the spatial order reflect the dynamic between a preeanceivel ier: arch of spaces and the revision ofthat hierrehy bythe vistors and residents navigating them, Thisstudy, then, aks what made people sup pot, fv in, and vist dervish lodges and not other billings. Although this question may seem ta be a simple one, answering it requiresa knowledge of hhow medieval audiences understood their word. svgue that the ueation of dvvsh lodges within cites, thee accessibility tthe pubic, and the fit erature on them worked together in constructing new meanings, as wel as reting and shaping new audienees, for them Toaddtes the dynamic intecelationship between audiences and buildings, the book is divided into thee pats, exch of which focuses on adiflerent moment ina building’ history: the ni ‘ial funding ane construction, the moment of completion, andthe sueeceding eats of ts hic tory: Thus, each part examines a ferent set of relationships between buildings and their audi cences. le the ist, I aeus on the nstically inclined eligious cites who fled to the Seuk cour afer the Mongo invasions ofthe ea thie teenth century, and ague that competition among these figures created a situation where buikings, especially dervish lodges, took ona inereased importance as visual markers of veligious prestige, ‘what I all vival authority. In addition, pint out that some of the social tensions caused by the interixing of Christian residents and’ Token invnigants were alleviated by derish lodges: inte tutions that were relatively open and provided a vide range of social services, Finally, this part explains that rulers who supported dewish lodges svete eligible for unique tax benefits hecause of the Aexiility ofthese insitations inrropuerion In Pact, the focus turns tothe actual build ings and examines how they were integrated into the visual and social environments of these three cities, Using the layout of dervsh lodges in combi- nation with information fiom endowment deeds, I seus in this part how and why formal changes ‘were made to the stucture of dervsh lodges and thaw these changes were tied to ritual practices. In ‘Chapter 3, Idocutent the major building activity for four twenty-five year intervals in Sivas, Tokat, and Amasya, [also explore changes inthe sptial order ofthese ities by examining how the eon- struction af new buildings and the appropriation an] adaptation of existing monuments altered the experience of city residents Part 1 looks at these buildings as epositories of histor and as monuments othe foundation of the Sufi communities that began to form in the late fourteenth and eal fifteenth centuries. ‘examine such questions as how buildings appeared in Sufi literature and how this Iiterature Tooked atthe role of Christians. Because a large number of dervh ledges mention women in theit building inscriptions, [use this pat to reevaluate the role of women in the Sufi communities of pre- Otters women became important emblems of regional natolia, As guarantors of familial lines, Aynastic alliances. Finally, through an examing- tion ofthe spatial and spiritual networks com- ‘manded by these lodges, I conclude this section with 2 focus on how communal identities were extended ta other tegions and time periods in Ana- tolia and the Middle East ANATOLIAN DERVISH LODGES AND orroman wisToRiocRAPHY “Desh lodge” designates one of the most dif ct categories of bulngs in dar. In this study, Irae the term to refer to bulngs that could be identified with a mate technical vocabulary hangah (Sul hospice), awiya (Sufi hospice or CITIES AND saints. comer of building), dar alsiyada (house ofthe sayyids (descendants ofthe Prophet), dar al suluha’ (house ofthe pious), bug's (Suf hospice cor tomb), and “indre(building or hospice). Although it could be argued that many ofthese terms have regionspecilic connotations," the ‘buildings indieated by them share important char- acteristics each housed devishes and provided a center for communal atvites, including prayer, study, diseusion, conversation with vistors, accommodation of travelers, feeding the poor, and sometimes the performance of sama auition} or dike (epettion of certain words in praise of ‘God In general, these buildings included tombs and main hall to facilitate these activities Although many activities were conducted around the tombs, other activities suchas providing food, shelter, and entertainment fr travelers usally took place inthe main hall Aside from supporting prominent individuals, dervsh lodges provided newly formed groups with a secure place for diseussion, scholarship, and i= ‘al sctivty, It was in these buildings that the etal of ritual life and corammunal practice were worked out. By providing insitational support fr the evolution of Safi groups, these buildings ‘became a crucial element inthe development of Sufi practice, particularly the sanctification of Sufi saints." Whether dead or alive, chavismatic leaders, rose to ssinthood only through the efforts of ind vidual followers and the micro societies that foumed around them. Because oftheir proximity to God, these saints also became models of correct behavior. twas in derish lodges where the very narratives that shaped the identities of those who later usd these buildings began to be collected." ‘Modern scholarship's understanding ofthe relationship between the Sui mystial movement ‘and the cultural transfonmation of Anatolia has created a numberof problems forthe study of dervsh lodges, primarily because the study of pre- Ottoman dervish ledges has often been subor- dinated to other inquires: the rise ofthe Ottornan Empice, the slamization and Tuskification of Anatala, nd the development of Suf order, Begining with he groundbreaking work of Fuad Kopels (1890-1966), a Taki scholar known asthe father of Seljuk and Ottoman stdies, dleosh lodges came to be understood as enc in the se of the Ottoman Empire because ofthe tole of dervishes inthe Mauszation and Tufca- tion of Anatoli. Although no singe gure has done more to enhance our undentanding ofthe rise ofthe Ottomans, Kopi, who wrote dung the republican period in modern Tuckey, fllowed a number of Turkish scholars fom the 920s by ermphasizng the importance of the nensadic Tusk- ‘sh trbes that had come te Anatolia in the wake of the bate of Manzikert "In his writing, Kopalt vale the individuality of the Téeken nomads, who had fought agains oppressive foreign rules, and stressed the role of Babas (athers,” an hon orilfi title use to designate religious leaders) in carying Cental Asian taditions to Anatoli. kn Keprl’s writing, Babss converted the pagan “Tuskmens toa Turkish fr of lam that was heavily tinge with shamanism.” In his focus on defining Turkish slam, Keprlt divided Anatolia’s Muslim residents into two groups, with one a heterodox, ral, lower lass andthe other an ethodox,wiban, educated group, He further divided them along linguistic lines between the Turkish and the Pesan and ‘Arab intellectual traditions. Ths, the heterodox soup was traced back to Ahmad Yasavt, a Cental Asin Sufi who was described a representing the ‘Turkish element, while the oxthodax group was personified by sch famous Sufi as Najen Raat and Baha’ al-Din Waled, representing the Persian tradition, and Ibn al“Arabr’s stepson Sade al-Din Qunast, leading the Arab tradition.” Kop, who also wrote in reaction to European scholars who stese the Iranian and the Greek cgi ofthe Ottoman sate, focused on the spread of slam to pagan Taken groups and dimin- ‘shed the role ofthe lage numberof Cristian res dents in Anatolia nis focus on Cental Asian “Turkish traditions there was tle room for any dis cussion of how Térkmens mixed with Christian residents and other immigrants” Likewise, in his ‘evaluation of Anatolian Sufism, in particular, his ideas about pagan survivals and Turkish Bass ‘marginalized the Sufism of any Turkish groups by placing ther outside the mainstream Sufi tadi- tion and at the same time diminished the role of Isla in this tadition.? The implications of Keprili’stheory'that the revolutionary and ethnically pure Turkmen Babs-cum-shaman figure spread Islam in Anatlia through a Sufism that was close to pagan tribal ta ditions had a major impact on the study of dersish lodges as institutions and buildings." Ina g42 artic cle, Omer Barkan used Kopel’ approach to segue that these Babi ‘Kolonizer Dewishes" who used dervish ledges in hamanlike dervshes were the Islamization and Turkificaion of Anatolia. The Barkan thesis was given a formal basis of support twentyone yeas ater, in 963, with Semavi Eyice’s aicle entitled “tlk Osman devrinin dinbigtimat bir miiesesesi: Zaviyeler ve ziviyelicamiler” (Zavises and zavye camis: A social eligius insite tion ofthe early Otoman petiod)” inthis tile, Eyice st up a developmental scheme that began veith a Central Asian house fren that was brought to Anatolia bythe Turks. In Anatolia, is form developed into what is called a T-tyle or Bursa masque: a mosque that combined the functions of, a denvsh lodge anda mosque by incorporating side rooms int the mosque plan.” With Eyice’s article and that of later Turkish ar historians, Kepril’s work came fll eitcle. Képrili had used mystics to stress the Centeal Asian origin ofthe Ottomans, and late ar historians buttressed that argument by sophisticated Muslim centers and had set outin search of tae religion, From their homes in fran ‘and Cental Asia, they had watched different Sufi movement grows inereasingl insltutionaized and meatringless. ‘Their response to the limitations of thei thenlogieal and mystical taining was terally to turn their backs on society and, lke the early friends of God (wally), rely solely on God? developing a formal schema whereby the Ottoman ‘mosque complex was formed from the Central Asian house plan. fn this schema, the denvish Fodges built in thirteemh-and fourteenth -centary Anatolia became the central element in this forma tion, acting asthe condi through which Central Asian traditions and building forms were brought te Anatolia From the standpoint ofthe history of dervish Jodges, the cental problem with the Kopel! Barkaw/yice thesis is that itrests on a shasp dite tinction between papolar or heterodox dervish groups an those upholding an orthodox Islam.” ‘Many scholars, including those writing on the conversion of Christians in Asia Minor, used these divisions to suggest that lodges presented more accesible form of Islam toa usually ror pagait and/or Christian population, Recent work by Ahnet Kerarnustafa, Reuven AvnitaisPeiss, and Devin DeWeese has pointed out z number of problems with Kaprilt’s theory of shaman tradi- tions and Islamization: it suggest the process of Islamiration was supesicial and divides Sufi p&W int folk: and elite taitions" As pointed out by Koramastafa, this theory fits into the greatand- lite-radition paradigm and suggests that there as minimal interaction between a great orth tradition, expressed in Arabie and Persian, and @ litle heterodox tradition, expressed in Turkish.™ “The mos serious challenge to this division is the large numberof derives designated as ‘Many Anatolian cerish orders, lke the fol Colanders. These wild antinomian figutes, who lowers of fall al-Din Rams (the Mavsaw) ane rightly desere tobe considered heterodox, ha no the fllowers of Kaif Bektsh (the Bektashis, trace their beginning to the thirteenth century foors prominent ‘ulema’ families and were well Fully developed hierarchical orders (tarigas), versed in Arabie and Persian sources, As pointed however, were rarely in existence before the fi- cout by Karannustaf, the Qalandars cannot be teenth century.” Yel, modem scholars have di sidered part ofa popular religious movement cused the thirteenth century asa time when based on minimal Islamization; instead, they were there were standardized orders, Infact, what part ofa new mode in dervih religiosity. They had makes drvish movements in this periad so con aiven wp the comforts of settled urban fife in fusing is that most of them have been understood telationship with shamenism. Many of them were Melarraan Sea trough the work of Ashikpashazade, a fiteenth- ‘century Ottoman Sufi who divided thirteenth ‘century Anatolian dervshes into the separate and distinct groups they became by the fifteenth cen tury By ascuring that thete were standardized ‘orders in tirtoenth- and fourteenttveentury Anas tol, sc fal and central than the loeal heterogeneous hhave made the orders more power: communities that surrouneled important dervishes associated with partielar buildings DERVISH LODGES AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF ANATOLIAN CITIES ‘The way audiences reacted to derish lodges was ptt ofthe lager story of how Anatolian cities changed between the middle ofthe thieteenth ‘century ad the middle ofthe fourtenth. As this study argues, the location and orientation ofthese devish lodges was a crucial put of this change, Aefore the midhisteenth century only four lodges existed inthe three cites — Siva, Tokat, and Amasya that form the subject ofthis book. Bot to understand why the large number bile gh between 1240 and 1350 created such a drama change in the organization of these cities requires a suumntay ofthe earlier events that malded thei topography. Sivas, Tokat, and Amasya are in a mountainous region of central Anatolia known as the Pontus ‘The region was uamed after the Pontus Eaxinus (Black Sea), which lent its name tothe exiginal Pontic kingdom set up by Mithtalates tin 502 8. with Amasiaas the eapital. Up until the ridsecond century 0.€. Amasya remained impor: lant as the burial site ofthe Pontic kings. Through Jate antiquity the name continved to define a sepa: tte administative unit adjacent to Armenia Prima in the Roman Empire." Uncler the Byeantines, the atea came to be associated with some important Chistian martyrs, the most famous whieh were the Forty Maris of Sebasteia, Roman soldiers ‘who had perished for Cirstanity.” With the Byzantine defeat bythe Seluk Turks atthe Batle of Manzikert in 1071, the region came under the contol of the Danishimendds, a “Turkish Muslin dynasty that ruled in northern intRopuctio ‘nate, Osrishmendi tenon. 7 | risune 3 Fito in the tine of AS hon Key cubad 8 ‘Cappadocia fom the last quarter ofthe eleventh century until 1178, The century of Danishmendid rile was marked by almost continual warfare. By the time of the fet erusade, the eponymous leader ofthe Dainishmendids, Malik Danishmend, had secured a tentitory including Sivas and Amasya. By 1142, Danishmendidtenitory included two capi- tals: one in Sivas andl one in Malatya (fig. 2). The Sivas branch ruled tis region unl they were con- «quered in 1478 by the other tnajor Turkish Muslin force in the area, the Seljuks of Ram. ‘Although Danishmendl cule lasted less than 2 century, the Dinishmenelds liad an enormous impact on the patterns of religious transformation for tis region. Their pattern of conquest and adaptation followed an established tradition in the ‘egion: celigious buildings that had fist celebrated local eults, then Greek Orthodox and Armenian ‘ones, were now adapt to the needs ofthe new rulers and so were converted into mosques” AS patt ofthis pattern of adaptation, the Danishmen- ids also adopted a bilingual coin that displayed 2

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