Professional Documents
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Jurnal Intern Sepakbola 2
Jurnal Intern Sepakbola 2
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Sport in History
Vol. 27, No. 2, June 2007, pp. 217 240
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This article examines how the relationship between the media and football
managers has evolved over the twentieth century. In particular, it argues that
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before the late 1960s, the print media largely shaped perceptions of managers
but after this period, television became the dominant medium in framing
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10 their image. In a wider context, this relationship has reflected changes in the
media as well as mirroring football’s association with it. The transformation
of football managers into celebrities, for example, has reflected the so-called
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‘tabloidization’ process of the media. Not only have tabloid newspapers gone
‘downmarket’ but also both quality broadsheet papers and television
15 broadcasters have ‘dumbed down’. The article highlights not only how the
changing role of the manager has been partly due to changes in the media
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industry but also the impact managers themselves have had on media
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developments.
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Introduction
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20 The day after England won the World Cup in 1966, the journalist Ken
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ISSN 1746-0263 print; ISSN 1746-0271 online/07/020217-24 # 2007 The British Society of Sports History
DOI: 10.1080/17460260701437045
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218 N. Carter
25 in the 1960s, was of another time and place. Ironically, it was England’s
victory and its extensive television coverage that brought Ramsey and his
role as manager into greater focus: 1966 was a turning point. Television
henceforth increasingly determined the media’s relationship with the
manager.
30 Managers from Ramsey’s era and before had been seen as respectable
and deferential figures, enjoying relatively cordial relations with reporters
who concentrated on football matters rather than looking for scandal.
Through the increasing coverage of football on television from the late
sixties, however, this image changed considerably in a relatively short
35 space of time. Television had been at the heart of football’s cultural
transformation into the country’s national sport, taking over from cricket.
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Managers subsequently became emblematic figures for the clubs that they
managed and later part of an emerging celebrity culture. Such is the
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power of some managers such as Alex Ferguson and Sam Allardyce that
40 they have chosen to whom they will or not speak in the media. [2]
This article examines how the relationship between the media and
football managers has evolved over the twentieth century. In particular, it
argues that before the late 1960s the print media largely shaped
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perceptions of managers, but that after this period television became
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45 the dominant medium in framing their image. In a wider context, this
relationship has reflected changes in the media as well as mirroring
football’s association with it. The article highlights how the changing role
of the manager has not only been partly due to changes in the media
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industry but also the impact managers themselves have had on media
50 developments.
In a number of ways, the transformation of football managers into
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60 ‘hard’ policy-centred news and a preference for short, pithy news items
above sustained, lengthy and detailed analysis. ‘Infotainment’ has
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to the historical continuities over debates regarding ‘tabloidization’. [7]
For instance, Tulloch has argued that the history of journalism since the
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late nineteenth century has been punctuated by debates over the standards
80 of journalism in four separate periods, with newspapers reinventing
themselves each time. [8] Former journalist Roy Greenslade, in opposi-
tion to Anthony Sampson’s argument that ‘the media could no longer
claim to provide the first draft of history’ and were guilty of presenting to
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readers a ‘sense of a discontinuous, disconnected world’, has countered
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85 that, based on his reading of the broadsheets over a fifty-eight-year
period, ‘they have always presented a sense of a discontinuous,
disconnected world’. [9] Sparks argues that changes in news media have
been part of a long process in which serious newspapers have attempted to
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audiences has usually been ascribed as the main reason for any downward
shift in the media. Barnett, though, has argued that there has been
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relationship between football and the media has taken place when
compared to other news areas. Football’s traditional audience has been
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100 a largely male one. Garry Whannel has argued that because sport is
gender-specific, i.e. male, sports are bound up with the ‘production of
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220 N. Carter
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Although there were early pioneers such as William Sudell at Preston
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North End and Tom Watson of both Sunderland and Liverpool, the figure
of the football manager did not really emerge until the inter-war years,
120 when the first generation of former professionals began to take up
positions. Up until then clubs were ran, first, by committees and then
boards of directors. They saw picking the team as a perk of the job and
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this tradition continued well into the twentieth century. Professional
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football and the press had quickly developed a symbiotic relationship
125 from the late 1880s. [15] The press, both local and national, became part
of the sporting subculture, lending the game a cultural legitimacy. [16]
The game had its own trade journal, the Athletic News, known as The
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with the press. When he left Sunderland for Liverpool in 1896, the local
reporters presented Tom Watson with an inscribed, carbuncle gold pin
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135 and a silver matchbox as mark of their good relations. [19] Nevertheless,
by the inter-war period football managers, or secretary-managers as most
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were called, remained largely local figures and match reports revolved
around what happened on the pitch.
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155 broadcasting of games on radio widened football’s potential audience. The
impact of the BBC on football was not as great as the press, but its
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influence grew steadily throughout this period. The expansion in news-
paper readership continued, however, among the national dailies and the
Sunday papers. At the same time there was a decline in the number of
160 papers and also a fall in the readership of provincial newspapers. [23]
Football was aware of the advertising potential of newspapers. In 1921,
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for example, the Football League decreed that matches were to kick off no
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later than 3.15 p.m. following complaints by newspapers who wanted
enough time to provide full match reports. [24] But newspapers needed
165 football just as much. The game was a significant selling point for popular
Sunday papers such as the News of the World and The People as they
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carried the results and reports of Saturday’s games, something that was
important to fans. [25] Partly due to a developing circulation war between
popular dailies such as the Daily Mail, the Daily Express, the Daily Herald
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170 and the Daily Mirror, there was an increase in hyperbole accompanied by
stylistic changes. Headlines were bigger while sentences and paragraphs
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were shortened and the language used in match reports became more
aggressive and sharper due to the American influence of ‘Sportuguese’.
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museum pieces’. [27] One victim of this more populist approach was the
Athletic News, which was reduced to the back page of the Sporting
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180 coverage, and included more human-interest stories about the players.
Moreover, sports papers such as Saturday evening ‘greens’ and ‘pinks’
acted as forums for fans to vent their sometimes forthright opinions on
their teams’ performances. [28]
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was becoming more closely associated with the team’s performance, and
that manager-reporter relations had become institutionalized. [29] Dave
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Russell has also recognized how during this period the press began to
report on a club’s performance in terms of its ‘managerial activity’.
200 However, Russell is also aware that the press constructed reality as well as
reflecting it, and that the powers that managers actually held did not
always reflect the media’s perception of these powers. [30]
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Chapman had realized the worth of good relations with the media and
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used it to promote Arsenal as well as himself. Highlighting his stature, he
205 had his own column in the Sunday Express, the key newspaper of the
1930s. He embraced football modernity and saw the press as an extension
for advertising; in 1929, Arsenal hired a publicity agent. Perhaps
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215 for William Randolph Hearst, and in 1938, he and some Arsenal players
featured in the film The Arsenal Stadium Mystery.
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Allison had also been an early football commentator for the BBC; the
first professional game broadcast live had been Arsenal v Sheffield United
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Soccer is the game of the people, and they know too much about it to
be fobbed off with stories which are dressed with the artifices of the
showman. The sports commentator should be a reporter with expert
230 knowledge and able to tell an intelligent story. That is what the soccer
enthusiast wants, and not a blustering non-stop harangue to colour
the game grotesquely. [35]
Under John Reith, who dominated the organization from 1922 to 1938,
235 the BBC intended to bring different classes together, promote social unity
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and enhance a sense of national identity through the coverage of major
national events such as the FA Cup Final, first broadcast in 1927. The BBC
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took a keen interest in football, which helped to reinforce its status as a
national sport. Up to 1931, it had broadcast over a hundred games before
240 the Football League banned all broadcasts of its fixtures. [36] In addition,
Allison, with the BBC’s outside broadcast director S.J. de Lotbiniere,
organized a series of football talks throughout the 19323 season. [37] It
not only helped to popularize the game but also brought with it a
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Reithian, educational element. Allison had suggested to the BBC that the
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245 Leicester City manager Peter Hodges give a talk on ‘Team Building and
General Managerial Worries or Practices’. [38] Other programmes
included talks on the referee, the trainer and supporters. [39] Other
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managers were also being brought to national attention through the BBC.
In 1944, Frank Buckley was interviewed by Dennis Moore on the radio
250 programme Strike a Home Note, where he expounded his views on the
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bring themselves to the notice of a national audience. In the late 1930s, for
260 example, Frank Buckley brought notoriety to Wolverhampton Wanderers
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265 Tinn also had his players photographed by the press apparently also
taking monkey glands. [42]
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275 accelerated football’s commercialization. It forced directors to relinquish
some of their powers and to hand these over to the manager, especially
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team selection. It was felt that with the extra financial risks, they now
needed a specialist to take a greater hand in the running of the club. In
addition, increasing numbers of managers gained coaching qualifications
280 and became responsible for team tactics. As a result, a generation of
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managerial ‘team-makers’ emerged. Matt Busby at Manchester United
and Stan Cullis of Wolves had been examples from the early post-war
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period and they were followed by the likes of Bill Shankly at Liverpool,
Tottenham’s Bill Nicholson, Don Revie at Leeds, Everton’s Harry Catterick
285 and Jock Stein at Celtic.
Not only was post-war Britain marked by a decline in deference, where
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more people did what they wanted more often than ever before, but there
was an increase in affluence and the emergence of a consumer society.
These changes were both partly brought about by and reflected by
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cent, while it was 91 per cent in 1971. At its outset, though, the Football
295 League resisted television’s commercial potential. [43] During this period,
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there were only a few live games shown such as the FA Cup Final plus a
few international and European games. Yet its potential to directly affect
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300 However, as there was little football on the television, the press still
largely formed perceptions of managers in this period. Newspapers had
enjoyed a boom period up to the mid-1950s before falling into a gradual
decline ever since. However, there were variations. While the sales of
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seen to be responsible for their team’s performance, creating the
perception of them as important figures.
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However, this was a double-edged sword as, in light of the circulation
war, managers became more open to criticism. The press had been
320 particularly critical of England’s 63 defeat by Hungary in 1953. This
defeat, in conjunction with the Cold War and the strident patriotism of
the press, helped to reshape the role of the England manager. Walter
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Winterbottom his remit also including Director of Coaching had
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been appointed in 1946 but at first there was little attention paid to him.
325 The FA’s international selection committee picked the team while
Winterbottom was reduced to making suggestions. [46] As a consequence,
criticisms in the newspapers brought the job of national team manager
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into sharper focus. Desmond Hackett of the Daily Express identified the
selectors as the ‘guilty men’. Throughout the 1950s and early 1960s, there
330 were increasing calls for a manager who had been a former professional
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335 Following the war, radio had been a more important medium for
football than television and the BBC had been keen to expand its coverage
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All I would say is that whenever possible, we should use someone who
is well connected with league management and also well able to give a
350 match summary. It would probably pay us to do so. People’s vanity can
so easily be tickled by microphone appearances that a 5 minute
‘personal appearance’ can sometimes make all the difference to future
Outside Broadcast facilities. [49]
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Danny Blanchflower (then a player). Some managers developed their own
post-match soundbites, a trend further accentuated by the arrival of
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television. Asked a question by Eamonn Andrews on Sports Report, Stan
Cullis would invariably reply: ‘I haven’t got a crystal ball here to tell the
360 future.’
In addition to reporting on the actions of managers, some, such as
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Cullis, were aware of the importance of newspapers as a tool for publicity,
and their relationship was becoming increasingly reciprocal. In 1954
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Wolves beat Honved of Hungary in a game under floodlights another
365 innovation with the second half broadcast live. After this game, Stan
Cullis was (mis-)quoted calling his team ‘Champions of the World’ in a
national newspaper. [50] Despite the misquote, it was a story that helped
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[51] However, this did not prevent him from banning David Jack, then a
journalist, from the Molineux press box for a report that, according to
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reporters who were aiming for a working-class audience themselves.
Shankly’s style of providing quick-witted one-liners for the media
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established a template that other managers would try to follow. [56]
400 Shankly also had a flair for publicity. When he was manager at Carlisle,
before their home games he addressed the fans through a loud speaker.
After buying Ron Yeats for Liverpool, he nicknamed him the ‘Colossus’
and invited the press to ‘walk around him’. [57] Not only was he
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promoting the club by keeping Liverpool’s name in the papers; he was
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405 also, perhaps unconsciously, enhancing his own image at the same time.
Others, though, like Alf Ramsey, were still uncomfortable dealing with
the press. When, following England’s victory, Ramsey was congratulated
by reporters who had been critical of him his response was to ask ‘Are you
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continued to walk on. [58] Soon after, though, football entered the
television age with managers, from being well-known in local circles,
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was the heyday of the ‘boss class’. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s,
football managers enjoyed more autonomy than ever before or since. They
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420 devised tactics, spent big in the transfer market, dominated players and
challenged the authority of directors. This set the mould from which
future managers would be judged in terms of their powers and their
accountability. It was an image cultivated further by their relationship
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with the media. Russell has argued that the period from the late 1960s was
425 a crucial one in football’s relationship with the media, and that ‘the
media, in all its forms, took an ever more important role in shaping
perceptions of the modern game’. [59] In particular, television became the
most important medium and by 1970, most households had a television,
bringing the game to a wider audience and implanting it more deeply into
430 the national consciousness. [60]
Aided by television exposure, managers became more visible, with
some more colourful than others. It was an era of ‘big’ men like ‘Big Ron’
(Atkinson), ‘Big Mal’ (Allison) and ‘Big Jack’ (Charlton). Not only did
they become renowned for their successes (and failures) but some also
435 through their charisma and personality became household names due to
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their frequent appearances on ‘the box’. Because of television, managers
were becoming more central to the coverage of football. It was they on
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whom the cameras would increasingly focus before and after games for
interviews, and during the match itself as the camera tried to catch their
440 reactions to on-field incidents.
Initially, the televising of football had been low-key, with only a few
games broadcast live each year. In 1964, Match of the Day had been
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launched on BBC2, in black and white, as a compromise to the pressure to
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allow televised football and the perceived need by the Football League to
445 protect live attendances. Its first showing attracted only 75,000 viewers but
by the 1970s, now in colour and with an eye-catching style of presentation
developed by Jimmy Hill, it was averaging audiences of twelve to thirteen
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Later, both the BBC and ITV began to compete for the attentions of
football fans. Following an unsuccessful attempt by ITV known as
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‘Snatch of the Day’ to force itself into the Saturday-evening slot in 1978
and thus replace the BBC’s Match of the Day, a deal was struck between
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455 the broadcasters and the Football League. From 1979 to 1983, both
channels shared the Saturday show on alternate weeks across the season.
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From 1983, there was live coverage of Football League games. In 1988, a
four-year contract was awarded entirely to ITV. It built its strategy around
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next World Cup in Mexico, ITV copied the format but with pundits such
as Malcolm Allison and Derek Dougan, who were prepared to be more
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outspoken and, with the added attraction of colour television, were more
480 ‘colourful’ and, importantly, entertaining. In addition, panels helped to
legitimize managers as experts, something that reaffirmed their profes-
sional identity. On Saturday lunchtimes, both channels also screened
football magazine shows that featured interviews with managers. While
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the BBC showed Football Focus, ITV had On The Ball and later Saint and
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485 Greavsie, which made much of the presenters’ on-screen banter a sop to
football’s mainly tabloid-reading audience.
Supplementing, and in response to, the growing power of television,
there were also changes in the newspaper industry. In particular, Rupert
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more salacious stories and controversial articles, a trend that fed through
into other areas of the media. The relationship between football and the
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196875, this had increased to 53 per cent. [63] Even The Times, which
continued to give extensive coverage to amateur sports such as rugby
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war, football reporters sought new angles and approaches to their stories.
Apart from a glut of stories about the Royal Family, there were few people
who received as much attention from the tabloids as the England football
505 manager during this period. Newspapers continually competed with one
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Proops titled ‘You need help Bobby’. Both the Sun and the Mirror ran
stories about Robson’s claim that he wasn’t ‘cracking up’. On the day of
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520 the game, both tabloids ran similar headlines: the Sun, ‘Win . . . or get the
hell out of it Robson’; the Mirror, ‘One last chance’. The game ended 00
and the next day the Mirror’s back page read ‘Go! In the name of God
Go!’ The next game brought a 11 draw with Saudi Arabia. On this
occasion the headline was mutated to say ‘Go in the Name of Allah’. The
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Sun back page read: ‘England Mustafa New Boss’ with a picture of Robson
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with a fez superimposed on his head. In 1992, Graham Taylor was
similarly ridiculed when the Sun superimposed a turnip on him after
England had been knocked out the Euro ’92 championship. It not only
illustrated the expendability of managers and their role as scapegoats but
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530 also the fickleness of a press more concerned with declining sales than
constructive debate concerning the long-term future of English football.
Scottish managers did not escape criticism from the media. Perhaps
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most famously was Ally McLeod, Scotland’s manager for the 1978 World
Cup in Argentina. Before the tournament he had drummed up a lot of
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535 publicity for and about the team. He had predicted that Scotland would
win the championship, but when Scotland went out in the first round,
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McLeod was pilloried by both press and television critics alike. One
consequence of Scotland’s apparent failure and highlighting both the
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public perception of the power of managers and at the same time their
540 vulnerability was that some Scottish restaurant owners put signs up
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Poland, he famously labelled Poland’s goalkeeper Jan Tomaszewski a
560 ‘clown’. When challenged on this view after Tomaszewski had helped to
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knock England out of the World Cup, Clough became temporarily
inarticulate, repeating several times ‘I am a manager’. [68] Such was his
celebrity status that Clough’s views he publicly supported the Labour
Party were sought on non-football matters. On one occasion in 1980, he
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565 appeared on a Friday-night chat show and became engaged in a discussion
with a Soviet diplomat on the USA’s abortive attempt to free hostages
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from its Tehran embassy that day.
Despite television’s greater interest, football and the national tabloids’
circulation war, the local newspapers and radio stations were still
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News had ‘the inside story on every story associated with the club’. [69]
When he was manager at Liverpool, Kenny Dalglish claimed that his
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working relationship with locally-based reporters was much better than
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that with the national journalists. He was portrayed as a dour Scot due to
his often guarded comments during press conferences and interviews,
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Some managers used their contacts with local reporters to help them in
their jobs. Brian Clough claimed that ‘journalists often tip off managers
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Clough, who then signed him the following day for Nottingham Forest.
Weatherall was then able to write an exclusive story. [71]
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growing media duties, the visibility of football managers increased,
reinforcing the perception that they were important and powerful figures.
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Managers became part of celebrity culture. Sven-Goran Eriksson, for
600 example, became the focus of lurid tabloid headlines concerning his
private life. Alex Ferguson developed links with the New Labour
administration. However, this trend was a paradox. Despite the increase
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in their perception, the influx of money into the game coincided with a
decline in the overall powers of managers and their role became more
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605 narrowly defined. At the top of football, this saw English clubs move, if
somewhat reluctantly and not without some cultural resistance, towards a
more European style of management, with the manager now more or less
as head coach.
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directors looked to make money from football and saw television as the
most profitable source of income. The deal signed between the newly-
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1996, rugby league was transformed into a summer sport as part of its
television deal with BSkyB.
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640 Due to their faster and 24-hour access to news, the new media had
caused newspapers to further adapt in order to survive. In sport, rolling
news channels such as Sky Sports News created an instant supply of
football gossip and updates. Competition within the newspaper industry
was further intensified through a declining readership, especially in the
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tabloid press. As a result, the tabloids focused more on personalities and
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sensationalism, spawning a more intensive and intrusive celebrity culture.
This was mirrored by the emergence of reality television shows such as Big
Brother, highlighting a greater individualism and exhibitionism within
society generally. Moreover, there was a ‘general emotionalism’ within
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655 relatively well over this period. One reason for this was that they realized
the importance of sports coverage, which could attract advertisers. [76]
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Papers such as the Daily Telegraph, the Guardian and The Times
published separate sports sections, for example. There was much quality
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game, became less important. The broadsheets began to follow the lead
of the tabloids and concentrated on controversies, personalities and ‘the
personal’. Furthermore, the access of reporters to increasingly wealthy
670 footballers had been limited. [78] More attention in reality, specu-
lation was given to other matters, especially the fate and actions of
managers. In 2004, for example, following months of gossip and
conjecture, a period in which then manager Claudio Ranieri had been
constantly asked about his position, Jose Mourinho was appointed coach
675 at Chelsea. After being knocked out of the European Cup in 20056, the
Guardian sports section contained four articles over two pages devoted
solely to the future of Manchester United manager Alex Ferguson. [79]
When England manager Eriksson announced his forthcoming departure
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in 2006, the FA’s search for a new head coach was followed incessantly by
680 the media pack, which picked over any new, even minor, developments.
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This trend had been given further impetus due to the imposition of two
transfer ‘windows’ in 2003. Whereas previously high-profile transfers were
major news items for football reporters for most of the season, they were
now limited to the months of August and January.
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685 One consequence of this trend towards reporting the sensational and
focusing on personalities has been that football managers, like politicians,
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have been usually credited with success while made scapegoats for the
failure of their team. Nowhere was this more evident than on national and
local radio football phone-ins. In the face of competition, radio had
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690 carved out a niche for itself by providing supporters with the opportunity
to rant and give their instant reactions to the latest results. Inevitably,
many disillusioned callers saw a change of manager as the answer to their
team’s poor form.
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audience, especially in Asia. As a result, many became more sensitive to
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their image. It reflected the culture of ‘spin’ that had permeated politics,
especially following New Labour’s election victory in 1997 and its
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queries about injuries. [80] But due to the club’s increasing commitments
and value as a company, it had been felt that this side of the manager’s job
705 should be devolved to someone with more expertise in this line of work,
allowing Ferguson more time to concentrate on the team.
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the sidelines during a game. It highlighted how the televising of football
720 was seen by broadcasters to be as much about entertainment as the game
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itself. Moreover, since the 1990s punditry has boomed as more air time
has been allotted to football coverage. [82] Boyle has argued that over the
last few years the game’s coverage has tended to be driven by ‘soft opinion’
rather than ‘hard analysis’ and has been framed by entertainment rather
than journalistic values. He adds that ‘Much of what passes for journalism
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in British television coverage of football exists within an all-too-cosy
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network of ex-players and current managers. The few journalists involved
seem unprepared to risk upsetting this closed world by asking difficult
questions.’ [83]
730 Not only did their frequent media appearances shape their public
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their comments and their ‘performance’ due to the pressure either to fill
735 airtime or column inches. Each manager dealt with the media differently,
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depending upon his own personality and the profile of his club. When he
was manager at Newcastle, Kevin Keegan met the press every single day at
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the training ground, for example. By contrast, Alex Ferguson claimed that
he increasingly protected himself at conferences in case his comments
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740 were misconstrued, admitting that he had become bland and said nothing
that really meant anything. [84] After reading reports of one United game,
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the match?’ and wondered what benefit press conferences served managers
745 if they turned into an exercise of character assassination. [85]
Post-match interviews also became almost mandatory for managers.
Most usually criticized the referee in between delivering excuses for
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760 Keegan hadn’t seen between one of his players and an opponent. Later,
even the media-friendly Keegan complained, citing that he had been given
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no warning about the question. He then refused to speak to the BBC for
over three months. [86]
Conclusion
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765 It may be argued that the current perception of the football manager is a
product of a tabloidization process. However, this obscures as much as it
reveals. The relationship between managers and the media has been part
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football has grown closer. Managers have come under the spotlight as
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775 been mirrored in other sports where attention has been lavished on
national team coaches such as Clive Woodward, Brian Noble and Duncan
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sports to that of football managers a figurehead for their teams, the first
780 point of call for the media and a scapegoat when results go wrong. Hence,
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[6] Kevin Williams, Understanding media theory (London, 2003), p. 233.
[7] Boyle, Sports journalism , pp. 7 29; McNair, News and journalism , p. 50.
[8] John Tulloch, ‘The eternal recurrence of new journalism’, in Sparks and Tulloch,
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Tabloid tales , pp. 131 46.
[9] Roy Greenslade, Press gang: How newspapers make profits from propaganda
AQ2 (London, 2003), p. 627.
[10] Sparks, ‘Introduction’, pp. 1 40.
[11] Steven Barnett, ‘Dumbing down or reaching out: Is it tabloidisation wot done
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805
it?’ in Jean Seaton, ed., Politics and the media: Harlots and prerogatives at the
turn of the millennium (Oxford, 1998), pp. 75 90.
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[12] Gary Whannel, Media sport stars: Masculinities and moralities (London, 2003),
p. ix.
810 [13] Women tend to be more attracted to games involving the national team. For the
1990 World Cup semi-final between England and West Germany, for example,
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[16] Tony Mason, Association football and English society 1863 1915 (Brighton,
1980), p. 187.
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[17] Tony Mason, ‘All the winners and the half times . . . or England lose by one goal
and 326 runs’, Warwick Centre for the Study of Sport in Society Working Papers , 3
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825 (1912 18) and Huddersfield Town (1921 5) where he won the FA Cup in 1922
and the Football League twice in 1924 and 1925.
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238 N. Carter
[24] Football League management committee minutes, 11 May 1921; Football
League ordinary general meeting minutes, 30 May 1921.
[25] Tony Mason and Joyce Woolridge, ‘Press’, in R. Cox, D. Russell and W.
Vamplew, eds, Encyclopedia of British football (London, 2002), pp. 236 7.
835 [26] Fishwick, English football , pp. 100 13; Percy H. Tannenbaum and James E.
Noah, ‘Sportuguese: A study of sports page communication’ in John W. Loy
and Gerald S. Kenyon, eds, Sport, culture and society: A reader on the sociology of
sport (London, 1969), pp. 327 36.
[27] Matthew Taylor, The Leaguers: The making of professional football in England,
840 1900 1939 (Liverpool, 2005), p. 266.
[28] Fishwick, English football , pp. 94 100.
[29] Stephen Wagg, The football world: A contemporary social history (Brighton,
1984), pp. 44, 54 7.
[30] Dave Russell, Football and the English (Preston, 1997), p. 88.
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845 [31] Islington Gazette , 28 Oct. 1932, p. 6.
[32] Roy Peskett, ed., Tom Whittaker’s Arsenal story (London, 1957), p. 95.
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[33] Chapman died relatively young and suddenly in 1934 at the age of 55. Allison
had been a director, had not played professional football and left the players in
charge of the trainer, Tom Whittaker.
850 [34] Russell, Football and the English , p. 106.
[35] BBC Written Archives Centre (hereafter WAC), R30/915/1, 17 Nov. 1942.
[36] Russell, Football and the English , p. 107.
[37] BBC WAC, George Allison File 1, 1927 32.
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[38] De Lotbiniere actually preferred Fred Everiss, the secretary-manager of West
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855 Bromwich Albion.
[39] BBC WAC, George Allison File 1, 1927 32, Letter from George Allison to S.J.
De Lotbiniere, 22 June 1932.
[40] BBC WAC, R30/915/1, 1 March 1944; Express and Star, 3 March 1944, p. 7.
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[41] West Bromwich Public Libraries, Scrapbook no. 10, p. 29, Midland Chronicle
860 and Free Press , 18 Oct. 1946; Albion News , 26 Oct. 1946.
[42] Jimmy Guthrie, Soccer rebel: The evolution of the professional footballer (Newton
Abbot, 1976), p. 16, plates.
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[43] Richard Haynes, ‘A pageant of sound and vision: Football’s relationship with
television, 1936 60’, International Journal of the History of Sport , 15 (1) (April
R
[45] Stephen Wagg, ‘Naming the guilty men: Managers and media’, in Gary Whannel
AQ3 and Alan Tomlinson, eds., Off the ball: The football World Cup (London, ???),
p. 38; Wagg, The football world , p. 162; Russell, Football and the English , p. 140.
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870 [46] Even after England’s improbable defeat by the USA in the 1950 World Cup,
Winterbottom was not held responsible by the press, who instead concentrated
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‘England’s world turned upside down? Magical Magyars and British football’,
875 Sport in History, 23 (2) (Winter 2003 4), pp. 27 32.
[48] Russell, Football and the English , p. 139.
C:/3B2WIN/temp files/RSIH243586_S100.3d[x] Wednesday, 23rd May 2007 20:14:52
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much more important than that.’ Ian St John, quoted on BBC Radio Five Live,
13 March 2004.
[57] Dave Bowler, Shanks: The authorised biography of Bill Shankly (London, 1996),
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pp. 93 4; Stephen F. Kelly, Bill Shankly, it’s much more important than that: A
895 biography (London, 1996), p. 143.
[58] Bowler, Winning isn’t everything , p. 228.
[59] Russell, Football and the English , p. 195.
[60] By 1976, over half of British households had a colour television. James
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Obelkevich, ‘Consumption’, in J. Obelkevich and P. Catterall, eds, Under-
900 standing postwar British society (London, 1994), p. 146.
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[61] Radio Times , 7 July 1966, p. 12.
[62] Fabio Chisari, ‘Football and TV the case of the 1966 World Cup’ (paper
presented at FIFA: A Century of World Football Conference, Lausanne, Dec.
2004).
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[71] Brian Clough, Clough: The autobiography (London, 1994), pp. 164 5.
[72] David Conn, ‘The new commercialism’, in Sean Hamil, Jonathon Michie and
915 Christine Oughton, eds, The business of football: A game of two halves? (London,
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1999), pp. 40 55; Anthony King, The end of the terraces: The transformation of
English football in the 1990s (Leicester, 2002), part IV.
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240 N. Carter
925 [77] Kevin Williams, Get me a murder a day! A history of mass communication in
Britain (London, 1998), p. 250.
[78] Raymond Boyle, ‘The soft soaps in the press box’, Guardian , 21 Aug. 2006.
[79] Guardian , 9 Dec. 2005, Sport, pp. 4 5.
[80] Guardian , 22 May 1999, Weekend, p. 6.
930 [81] Alex Ferguson, A will to win: The manager’s diary (London, 1997), p. 227.
[82] Joyce Woolridge, ‘Radio and television pundits’ in Cox, Russell and Vamplew,
Encyclopedia of British football , p. 253.
[83] Boyle, ‘The soft soaps’.
[84] Ferguson, A will to win , p. 170.
935 [85] Ibid., p. 181.
[86] Kevin Keegan, Kevin Keegan: My autobiography (London, 1997), p. 241.
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