98 PERCEPTIONS OF MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE
was needed to replace that of the men lost to war and Plague and
who had, subsequently, no male authority figure over them. The
depleted population pressured women to produce more offspring,
but the high rate of infant mortality at that time prevented a
quick replenishment. Childbirth, still within the realm of wom­
an’s affairs, was scrutinized by a desperate society.
This aspect of womanhood was yet a private affair between the
mother, child, and midwife. The midwife or wise woman was
knowledgeable not only in childbirth but also in herbal medicine
and magical practice. She specialized in curing disease with
herbal potions, incantations and rituals (Tucker 1986, 41). “She
[the midwife] could enjoy great if unsavory prestige, a reputation
for secret skills, and perhaps an augmented income. . . . She
could, in fact, capitalize on her status in the community, profess­
ing the power (for a fee) to cure disease, foretell the future, find
lost or stolen property, prepare love potions, and so on, as well as
claiming special skills at the bedside of the woman in labor”
(Forbes 1966,113). Knowledge is power and power can easily cre­
ate fear in those who lack it. Because women throughout histoiy
were associated with plants, the midwife had learned to use them
for both their medicinal as well as poisonous properties (Caro
Baroja 1961,60). As fantastic conjecture about the midwife’s abil­
ities transformed into demonic nightmares, society began to fear
her awesome power over the female reproductive cycle, assuming
that she wielded such power over men as well. In response, soci­
ety wove her talents and knowledge into the fabric of demonic do­
main to create the persona of the witch.
2
Spanish Intellectual and Medical Treatises
.There were no treatises specifically dedicated to magic in
Spain after Braga’s Sermdn (ca. 572) until the fourteenth and fif­
teenth centuries, when various authors wrote about Ttiagi'f.ai
practitioners with varying degrees of belief and disbelief. A four­
teenth-century author, Lope de Barrientos, writes about witches
and other magical practitioners in his Tractado de Adivinanqa.
He begins by pondering the reality of divination and the magiV
arts, and first addresses the philosophers’ assertion that it is im­
possible (Barrientos 1994,138). Their basic premise is that all of
the ma^c arts require the intervention of an evil spirit and they
maintain that those spirits cannot interact with the physical
world because they lack physical bodies and cannot take control
of any (Barrientos 1994, 138-39). The philosophers use this lack
of bodies to argue that the magical arts are not real without deny­
ing the existence of demons.
Barrientos does not agree with the philosophers’ position. He
accepts the beliefs of the theologians and argues that evil spirits
can indeed take on physical form, such as that of the serpent in
the Garden of Eden, the demon that tempted Christ, and the one
that tempted St. Martin, among others (Barrientos 1994,142).
The author prefers this argument because it relies on Christian
Scripture, which is the highest authority in his opinion. He goes
on to explain, as Braga did, that it is necessary for the angels and
demons to possess a physical body in order for others to see tharn
(Barrientos 1994,147).
Barrientos, in agreement with Augustine, maintains that divi­
nation is the theft of knowledge that belongs solely to God al­
though he does not explain how such a theft might occur
(Barrientos 1994,152). He holds that future knowledge acquired
through demonic aid is illusory because all demons lie and, should
they tell the truth on occasion it is only because they wish to es^
99
100 PERCEPTIONS OF MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE
tablish a false sense of security to render their victims’ souls eas­
ier to steal (Barrientos 1994,173). The only acceptable prediction
for human beings is for natural events, such as that of the sun
rising (Barrientos 1994,154). Any attempt to commandeer (jod’s
power is considered a mortal sin because it is prideful to seek
equality with Grod (Barrientos 1994,155). Barrientos, like Braga,
beheves that this is the sin that caused the first angels’ downfall
in Braga’s Sermon and the fallen angels are only too willing to
lead human beings off the same cliff (Barrientos 1994,155).
Barrientos believes demons can interact with and influence the
physical world, although not all forms of magic require demonic
intervention. Astrology escapes condemnation because of its sci­
entific premises and its relationship to astronomy (Barrientos
1994,157-58). For example, Barrientos attempts to separate sci­
ence and magic when he argues that astrology can predict large-
scale events, such as drought, through the stars, but magic can­
not predict the individual actions of people. Free will, a sacred
tenet of Christianity, cannot be influenced by such practices (Ba­
rrientos 1994,170).
Although he is willing to believe in demonic influence, Barrien­
tos does not concede supernatural power to human beings, such
as magicians. He doubts the abilities of necromancers when he
states, “ca si los nigromanticos tal poder toviesen de ressugitar
los muertos e costrenir los spiritus mahgnos, mayor poder terr-
nian que los santos glorificados” (Barrientos 1994,161) [If necro­
mancers were able to resuscitate the dead and capture evil spirits,
they would have more power than the holy saints]. As a good
Christian, he cannot conceive of an average human being manip­
ulating cosmic forces on a level equal to or greater than the saints
and other divine entities since Christian hierarchy must be main­
tained. He argues that neither the dead nor the hving can be com­
pelled to speak auguries because such knowledge is simply not
available to them (Barrientos 1994, 163). He thereby denies the
possibility that a magical practitioner could attain such godhke
power. Reason takes command when he remarks “es de flaco en-
tendimiento el que entiende e cree que mirando en la piedra o en
el fierro o en el ayre, e en las otras cosas susodichas, puede por
ally saber e juzgar de las cosas ocultas advenideras que non tie-
nen causas determinadas” (Barrientos 1994, 164) [He is of poor
understanding he who believes he can know and judge occult
2: SPANISH INTELLECTUAL AND MEDICAL TREATISES IQl
things that have no specific cause by looking at a stone, or fire or
in other such things].
Because prayer might become mixed with “cosas illfcitas”
(Barrientos 1994,178) [illicit things], Barrientos argues that the
use of Christian invocation must be restricted to the Pater Nue-
stro when healing the sick, and only a few verses from the Scrip­
ture may be used on a protective pendant. Unlike his predecessors
who encouraged Christian rite and prayer to replace the Pagan
Barrientos seeks to retain Christian purity within the hands of
the erudite leaders. Rather than risk contamination from any
remnant Pagan practice or innovative creation, he prescribes
using a restricted version of Christian rituals, to ensure that the
masses remain passive before their Christian authorities. To fur­
ther discredit those who practice magic he states that “la arte no-
toria es yUi^ita e asimesmo es de ninguna eficagia” (Barrientos
1994, 185) [the notorious art is ilhcit and has no effect anyway]
bolstering support for the Christian leaders who outlaw it while
at the same time denying it any real power.
While most of the treatise concerns itself with various magical
practitioners, Barrientos waits until the end to address the ques­
tion of the existence of witches. Whereas before he had alluded to
the possibility of demonic deception, of bruxas [witches] he con­
tends: “Nin deve ninguno creer tan gramt vanidat que crea
acaeger estas cosas corporahnente, salvo en suenos o por opera-
cion de la fantasia, e qualquier que lo contrario creyese es infiel e
peor que pagano” (Barrientos 1994, 188) [No one should believe
that this great nonsense happens corporally, but only in dreams
or the operation of fantasy, and anyone who believes otherwise is
an infidel and worse than a Pagan]. Although Barrientos believes
in demonic power, he discredits the notion that demons make
pacts with magical practitioners to transform them into witches
and, in agreement with the Spanish Inquisition, he notes that
anyone who does beheve in a witch’s powers must be mentally
unbalanced. He reports that some have claimed that the witch
may leave her body or take it with her to the many places she
visits, but he affirms his position that such activities are impossi­
ble, supporting his claim with those of the theologians and philos­
ophers. He further denies the witch’s reputed ability to change
her shape to fit through small cracks in a house because “ca dezir
tal vanidat seria afirmar que tienen cuerpos glorificados para en-
trar como entrd nuestro Senor a los digipulos” (Barrientos 1994
102 PERCEPTIONS OF MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATXJRE
188-89) [saying such nonsense would be to affirm they have glo­
rified bodies and can appear as Our Lord did to the disciples].
Barrientos is so offended by the idea that anyone could produce
paranormal events, and thereby approach equaliiy with God, that
he is forced to deny the witch any power at all. To do so would
have been to grant women too much power, as the witches he re­
fers to are clearly female.
Because the Church has declared the Devil a real entity, Ba­
rrientos, as a good Christian, cannot deny his existence. He can
and does, however, deny that a human being could attain super­
natural power regardless of how much satanic aid might be of­
fered. It is inconceivable that a human possess the same type of
power as the Christian God. He does not make the connection
that the Malleus does between the Devil’s power and the witch’s
abihties, but instead expresses his doubt of it at the end of the
Tractado when he argues that “quando alguno oyere las tales
vanidades abhominables, aunque algunas cosas les scan mostra-
das por experiengia, non las deven creer nin poner en eUas mn-
guna fe, ca o seran inposibles o veman por iUusiones diabolicas
por meter a los onbres en lazos de semejantes errores” (Barrien­
tos 1994, 190) [when someone hears of such abominable non­
sense, even if he is shown them personally, he should not heheve
or put any faith in them because they are either impossible or
diabolical illusions meant to trap men].
While the intellectual treatises concern themselves with theo­
logical questions, medical texts address earthly matters. Severd
medical texts from medieval Spain, like the Tratado de Cirugia
(XV) by Guido de Cauliaco, briefly comment on the magicd arts.
In a section that describes the causes of frigidity and sterility, the
text equates echizamientos [spells] to maldades [curses] and then
defines it as mal pensamiento [bad relations] between husband
and wife, which manifests as coldness of body (Cauhaco 1998, fol.
159v). The text does not elaborate upon how the spells are cast
suggesting that the reader will already understand the process of
that activity. According to Cauliaco sorceiy is capable of gaining
control over another’s body, of preventing procreation, and of in­
terfering with one of the Church’s sacraments, marriage, because
of the evil nature of sorcery. The authors of the Malleus, as well
as coimtless documents of Renaissance Europe, also reveal much
concern for the power of a witch to interfere with men’s genitalia
2: SPANISH INTELLECTUAL AND MEDICAL TREATISES 103
and capacity to procreate, an idea that did much to fuel the Euro­
pean Witchcraze.
An anonjmious book dedicated to medicine, Visita y consejo de
medicos (XV) not only includes sorcerers but applies the term in
its feminine form: encantaderas. These women, who are aU old,
are murderers since their attempts to heal miserably fail. They
are not weU enough versed in the “excellent art of medical sci­
ence” (Visita 1998, fol. 37v), evidently the author’s only accept­
able form of medical practice. For this author, sorceresses’ magic
does not work, but the text insinuates that the sorceresses claim
the ability to heal, deterring patients or victims firom seeking real
medical aid from a doctor, suggesting that the author perceives
a competition between female magical practitioners, who in aU
likelihood were herbaUst-healers, and male adherents to the sci­
ence of medicine. Thus, it is not only the Church that has a stake
in discrediting magical practice, but also the men pioneering the
new age in scientific discovery.
Another medical text, the Cirugia Escorial (1440-60) also
mentions magical practice and, like the Visita, is skeptical about
its reaUty. In a section that explains how to stop excessive bleed­
ing, the author denounces magical use and discredits its efficacy.
“E esto contege del buUjmmento de la vena tal fluxo segunt que
dis don yugo non por polvos njn por encantaciones njn por vir-
tudes de piedras njn por Hgadura non se puede curar” {Cirugia
1998, fol. 57v) [And this happens firom the flow from the veins
that, according to Don Yugo, it cannot be cured with powders,
speUs, the properties or rocks, or binding]. Although the text does
not imphcate the sorcerer as a murderer like the Visita does, it
clearly discredits the practice. Because he includes this in his
text, the author acknowledges that there were enough people
who believed speUs could heal thereby making it necessary to
clarify that only scientific medicine can provide cures and relief
from ailments. WhUe Spanish medical texts concern themselves
with the competition, midwives who were generaUy also skUled
herbahsts, they do not dweU on the connection of the magical
practitioner with the DevU.
Martin de Arles’s (early XV) treatise does tie witches to Satan
when he writes of the superstitions of Pyrenean witches. Despite
his behef in their alliance with the DevU, he does not accept that
they could fly or carry out other superhuman feats (Caro Baroja
1961, 242). Their excursions are mere fantasy. Arles writes:
104 PERCEPTIONS OF MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE
sPAmsH mmKcTu^ am mmcM. teeatisbs
Y en primer lugar, con relacion a la falsa opinion de los que creen en
aquellas maleficas y sortflegas mujerzuelas, de las cuales hay muchas
en la region vasconica, a la parte septentrional de los montes Piri-
neos, a las que vulgarmente se llama “broxe”: opinion, segun la cual.
estas pueden trasladarse de lugar en lugar, por mutaciones reales. =vAAucumes enrougi hapov or saW ana aeceived,
Pero la opinion verdadera conforme al canon 26, llamaHn ‘Episcopi’, rather than spiritually Thus 80^^ w ^ ®?«nenced it corporeally
del condlio de Ancyra, es la de que tales personas non son llevadas ^ving been seduced by lbs Satan’s servants!
por el Demonio a los lugares en que dicen haber estado, creyendo ade-
mas, que cabalgan durante las boras noctumas con Diana o Herodia- Diana, or Venus, in the night carrvhm ® assodate with
wrestmgbabies from their moS^aaaJ ne^ous acts, which are:
de y que se transforman en criaturais distintas; sino que el mismo
Satan, a cada una de estas mujeres las capta, y, subyugadas por su entering through the window*? nf h cooking them*
misma infidebdad y dormid^, las hace ver, por medio de la fantasia,
que se transforman en distintas formas y semejanzas de criaturas. ody occur in fantasy. And not
Pwr old womon are given to thia
Si““ “f tkese
“nongae wicked, but also
Heas que aceptan luego los hombres supersticiosos como verdaderas. who heard in confesSiSt ^ SS T
Y la mente que el Diablo retiene cautiva y engafiada, unas veces por find herself riding the coot, ^ sleep would
^egres y otras por tristes imaginaciones, deduce no verazmente el believed herself to have relaSistith^r’ snd who
hecho, de suerte que habiendo tenido el ensueno la mujer infiel se cree pleasure in the act.] “^ feeling an intense
lo ha experimentado no en el animo, sino que le ha ocurrido corporal-
mente. .^i, algunas mujercillas, servidoras de Satan, seduddas por
sus ilusiones, creen y reputan que en tales boras noctumas se pre-
sentan con Diana, diosa de los paganos, o con Venus y en gran turba- “"If*-, ke believed
multa de ellas, equitando y realizando actos nefandos, como son: would be. Like
arrebatar a los pdrvulos del seno matemo, comerlos y asarlos; entreir of the witch’s evil ways but onlv thf> f deities as evidence
por las ventanas en las casas que encuentran en su mta, turbar a sus the same manner asX cany on in
habitantes de varios modes, cabalgando sobre ellos; todos los cuales wreajdng havoc. Arl6s deni2’th?^f^wcavorting and
actos s61o ocurren en la fantasia. Y no solo entre las sino not deny the existence of the DemT ^ events but can-
t^bien entre otras pobres mujeres, se da esta ilusion. Y, en estos Christian (Caro Baroja 1978 ifii a consider himself a
taempos, de cierto sacerdote supe que, en confesion, ima de ellas, le the stories of demSS that
habia revelado que, con frecuenda, durante el suefio, se veia cabal^ and illusions the Devil bS^if^jS by dreams
por los campos sobre asnos, con otras, y que sobre las aguas creia co-
babitar con el enemigo sintiendo en el acto un placer intense. (Caro papal dictates of the time with the
sought out and destro^d ^^s real and should be
Baroja 1978,16)

[In the first place, with regard to the false opinion of those who be-l kia audieace to
heve in those evildoers and sorceresses, of whom there are many W terms, Barrientos and Arles writing r* ’ A®®.^bed only in general
the Basque region, in the northern section of the Pjo-enees, those wW ^ of assuming that their kudiem^ af *be lux-
^e commonly called “witch”: according to opinion, they can move tian precepts. They can understands Chris-
from place to place by means of real mutations. But the true opinion Christianily’s enemies. It is clear thauSth B detailing
apees with Canon 26, called “Episcopi,” of the Council of Ancyra, in unders^d the concept of the SSTl “d Arles
that such people are not carried by the Devil to the places they daiTn' male who consorts onLlv V(_^d believe her to be a fe-
to We ^ne, also believing that they rode the night hours with Diana who
or Herodiade and that they transform into different creatures; but cem themselves with discrpdltw l t v “®dical treatises con-
rather that Satan IWself captures each one of these women, who oidy element stiU missing from beh^^^^L^ midwives. The
submit through their own infidelity and who are asleep, and make^ witch’s submission to Satan as his slav™ ^ of Europe is the
106 PERCEPTIONS OP MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE
A stronger position on the power of the magical practitioner is
taken by Pedro de Ciruelo in his Reprobacion de las supersticio-
nes y hechizerias (1530). As suggested by the title, his intent is to
condemn superstition and sorcery because it is sinful and danger­
ous to the soul, and pays homage to the Devil rather than to (jod
(Cmielo 1946, 25). He clearly links superstition and sorceiy to
the Devil. In his opinion, the State should have rid itself of these
arts long ago, but didn’t because magistrates and judges failed to
adequately educate the rest of the population.
Demons play a more prominent role for Ciruelo than they did
for Barrientos. They are eager to aid humans in their quest to
cause damage to the world since men “buscan socorro y ayuda de
los malos angeles que son los diablos: porque ellos estan muy
prestos para cumplir los malos desseos de los hombres” (Ciruelo
1946, 46) [seek help and aid from the wicked angels who are
demons: because they are veiy ready to carry out men’s wicked
desires]. Sorcerers cause mountains to move, animal.a to talk^ and
the dead to come alive (Ciruelo 1946, 36), and witches have spe­
cial ointments that allow them to fly and carry out the Devil’s evil
desires (Ciruelo 1946, 49). He does not trouble himself to distin­
guish between witches, necromancers, and sorcerers, nor does he
assign a particular gender to any of those magical practitioners
because they are all guilty of entering into a pact with Satan and
thereby they are g^uilty of offending God. “Los hombres niegan la
deuida obediencia a dies y dan su honrra al Diablo” (Ciruelo
1946, 33) [Men deny obedience to God and'honor the Devil], All
magical arts originate in the Devil, which renders those who prac­
tice them Satan’s disciples (Ciruelo 1946, 39). The author re­
proves the old justice system of using ordeals to determine
someone’s innocence or guilt because it is diaboUc in nature and
tempts God (Ciruelo 1946,67). Only astrology escapes condemna­
tion because it requires observation and scientific method rather
than a demonic pact to predict large-scale events (Ciruelo 1946,
54).
Although he condemns magical practice, Ciruelo demonstrates
an understanding of why someone would resort to the magical
arts when he observes that, after someone has made a request of
God, they often see “que no les viene de dies ni de los buenos
angeles tan presto como ellos querrian” (Ciruelo 1946, 46) [that
it does not come to them from God or the good angels as quickly
as they would like]. Ciruelo recognizes that people often seek re­
2: SPANISH INTELLECTUAL AND MEDICAL TREATISES 107
fief from worldly maladies and that, when the Christian God does
not provide that relief quickly enough, they invoke the Devil to
obtain faster results. Because he cannot promise that even with
patience God will answer aU prayers, he must rely upon the
Church’s doctrine that God’s Wfll is sometimes mysterious and
people must simply accept it. In Ciruelo’s view, this acceptance
vastly outweighs risking eternal damnation from having made a
pact with the Devil. Admitting that it is possible for a Christian
rite to be used for non-Christian purposes, Ciruelo condemns the
sorcerer’s use of it for his own purposes (Ciruelo 1946, 74). Al­
though acknowledging that God does not answer aU prayers, Ci­
ruelo is adamant that only appeals to God are appropriate for
problems with wealth, love, and health (Ciruelo 1946, 79), and
that only the Church is qualified to deal with such problems (Ci­
ruelo 1946,109).
Despite Ciruelo’s training m mathematics, he believes in su­
pernatural, diabolical power (Ebersole 1962,431). Since astrology
was considered a science, many other inexplicable phenomena
and experimentation were also considered scientific and thus
magic and science were separated only by a large gray area (Eber­
sole 1962, 431). What Ciruelo attempts to pioneer, however, is a
distinction between science and superstition (Ebersole 1962,
433). Unlike Barrientos, he is unwilling to consider tales of magi­
cal acts Ulusory, and instead agrees with the papal decrees issued
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, which maintained that
pacts with the Devil and subsequent magical manipulation of
physical reality were real.
Behef in magical arts was not completely condemned, as evi­
denced by El libro de recetas de Gilberto (late XV), ivhich includes
in its fist of remedies for physical ailments some that protect from
maleficios, encantamientos, and the demonio [curses, spells.
Devil] by using crow hearts, red coral, and teeth from corpses
(Eibro de recetas 1998, fol. 33v). The term maleficio [evildoer] is
clearly finked to those who cast spells and to the Devil, but be­
cause the author includes magical remedies to ward off these evil­
doers, he indicates a belief in the old division between black and
white magical practices. It is interesting that at this late date this
text advocates the use of foUdoric rather than Christian magical
remedies to combat Evil. Despite its efforts, the Church had not
yet destroyed folkloric superstition, remnants from the now an­
cient Pagan cults.
108 PERCEPTIONS OF MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE
The last of the treatises to be reviewed in this study is that of
Fray Martin de Castanega, Tratado de las supersticiones y hechi-
zerias y de la possibilidad y remedio dellas (1530), which was
written in response to the witchcraft outbreak that occurred in
Vizcaya and Navarre. Castanega’s treatise takes positions similar
to Ciruelo’s because he also beheves in the power of the Devil and
the possibihty that witches exist.
Castanega argues that there are two Churches in the world, the
Catholic and the Diabolic (Castanega 1994, 13) in which “ay en
las yglesias diabohcas particulares, a ymitacion de los sacramen-
tos de la yglesia catoUca, ciertas ceremonias y execramentos que
por vocable familiar los llamamos supersticiones y hechizerias”
(Castanega 1994,14) [there are those in diabohcal churches who,
imitating the sacraments of the Catholic Church, have certain
ceremonies and execraments which we call in the common lan­
guage superstitions and spells]. His division of the world into two
Churches effectively places all non-Christians, including Jews
and Moors, into the diabohc and thereby reinforces the base from
which discriminatory arguments were launched involving these
people as weU as witches. Beyond that, his writing also betrays a
concern that allowing the practice of other rituals would supplant
Christian power through the imitation of Church rituals.
Unlike the authors of previous treatises, Castanega devotes
much space to the argument that the majority of witches are
women. Because they are excluded from Church sacraments, are
more curious and gullible about the black arts, and cannot keep
secrets and hence teach them to other women (Castanega 1994,
19-20),^ women turn to the Devil’s Church in order to fuUy par­
ticipate. It is also possible for men to be witches, but not as likely.
He recognizes the importance of the pact in that the Devil caimot
be coerced by conjuration alone.
Mas en la verdad, assi son bruxos los que el vulgo llama nigroman-
ticos, como las mugeres simples al demonio consagradas por sus fami-
liares, porque el demonio no acude ni responde a las inuocaciones e
conjuras del nigromantico por alguna virtud o efficacia que su arte o
ciencia tenga sobre el demonio, porque no ay tal ciencia ni arte, saluo
por el pacto e familiaridad que con el tiene. (Castanega 1994, 20)
[But in truth, such are witches whom people call necromancers, like
the simple women consecrated to the Devil by their familiars, because
2: SPANISH INTELLECTUAL AND MEDICAL TREATISES 109
the Devil does not respond to the necromancer’s conjurations or in­
cantations by any quality or efficacy that the art or science has over
him, because there is no such art or science, but rather because of the
pact and familiarity he has with them.]
The Devil imderstands people’s weakness for materied comforts
and uses it as a means to lure others into his deceptions (Casta­
nega 1994, 11). In fact, “vemos cada dia que las mugeres pobres
y clerigos necessitados e codiciosos, por officio toman de ser con-
juradores, hechizeros, nigromanticos y adeuinos por se mantener
e tener de comer abundosamente” (Castanega 1994, 13) [we see
everyday that poor women and needy and greedy clerics become
conjurers, sorcerers, necromancers, and diviners in order to sup­
port themselves and have an abundance of food], which conveys
his recognition of a market for the practice. “Los conjuradores y
conjuros de las nuues y tempestades, son tan pubhcos en el reyno,
que por marauiUa ay pueblo de labradores, donde no tengan el
salario senalado y vna garita puesta en el campanario o en algun
lugar muy pubhco y alto para el conjurador, porque este mas
cerca de las nuues y demonios” (Castanega 1994, 57) [Conjurers
and spells for clouds and storms are so public in the kingdom that
surprisingly, there is no town that does not have a specific salary
and garret in the bell tower or in a high, pubhc place for the con­
jurer, so he can be closer to the clouds and demons]. Castanega
points out the blasphemy inherent in referring to Diana as a god­
dess (Castanega 1994, 24), suggesting that there are stiU some
who continue that Pagan practice, or at least that there are sto­
ries of it that others are willing to believe.
Overall, Castaiiega develops, with more detail than Ciruelo, an
image of the powers of Satan although he does not include details
about the Devil’s mark, satanic ceremonies, or fl3dng, like the
Malleus. Toward the end of his work in chapter 19, Ceistanega dis­
cusses acceptable remedies for magical spells and states; “es de
mirar si los maleficios y fictiones humanas, segun que adelante se
dira, de los endemoniados fingidos. Mas quando fuessen verda-
deros los maleficios, los quales no se pueden Hgeramente negar,
porque comunmente todos los dotores hablan deUos senalando los
impedimentos del matrimonio y ay decretos expresses para eUo”
(Castanega 1994, 61) [it remains to be seen if curses and human
fictions, and what will be said later about fake demon possessions.
But when curses were real, which cannot be hghtly denied, be-
110 PERCEPTIONS OF MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE
cause doctors speak often of it, pointing out marriage impedi­
ments, and there are express decrees for it]. He is unwilling to
accept all the beliefs surrounding the magical practitioner’s abili­
ties but, because be cannot deny the Devil’s existence and remain
a good Christian, he must accept part of it.
Despite Barrientos’s and Arles’s doubts concerning the reality
of witchcraft, the later treatises written by Ciruelo and Casta-
hega demonstrate a trend toward an increased belief in witch­
craft and make it appear that Spain would follow the rest of
Europe into the burgeoning Witchcraze. However, because the
educated and the powerful in Spain held vacillating opinions and
questioned papal authority, Spain was able to preserve a more
balanced attitude toward the witch and the magic arts. Although
Ciruelo’s and Castanega’s treatises suggest a degree of under­
standing and belief in the concept of witchcraft, they did not pro­
vide enough fuel to catapult Spain into a full-blown Witchcraze.
I?
I unorthodox doctrine and Manichaeism^ often to nocturnal gath­
3
“Real” Magical Practitioners in Spain
Priscilian
Medieval spain understood, but did not necessarily believe
in, the concept of magical practice and witchcraft. A number of
Spaniards acquired fame as magical practitioners, the earliest of
whom was Priscilian, who became the Bishop of Avila in 380.
During Priscilian’s time, Memphis, Egypt was considered the
magical center of the known world and Priscilian, student of the
renowned magician Marcus of Egypt, acquired a reputation as a
magician (McKenna 1938, 50; Chadwick 1976, 21). He preached
erings of women, gaining much popularity as he did so (Menendez
y Pelayo 1880, 106; McKenna 1938, 54). Because he became a
threat to the leaders of the Christian Church, he was charged
with and tried for these offenses as well as for practicing the black
arts, and was sentenced to death. His teaching gave birth to the
Priscilianist heresy, which continued to gain momentum after his
death. Despite the desire of his executioners to destroy the her­
esy, Priscilian’s martyr’s death served to spread his teaching,
mainly in Galicia, rather than to suppress it, until the First Coun­
cil of Braga ended it in 561 (McKenna 1938, 72-73; Menendez y
Pelayo 1880,122-23).
Much can be learned from the First Council of Braga about
Priscilian’s beliefs since the authors write seventeen anathemas
opposing them. The Council was held approximately two centu­
ries after Priscilian’s life ended, principally to refute the hold
Priscihanism had gained on society. The fact that the rehgious
leaders dedicated an entire Council for this purpose indicates the
widespread threat they perceived from Priscilian’s legacy. The
punishment for beheving in any of Priscilian’s teachings was to
be “cortado del cuerpo de la iglesia como miembro podrido” (Con-
111
Perceptions of Magic
in MedievEil Spanish
Literature

Jennifer M. Corry

Lehigh
University
Press

Bethlehem: Lehigh University Press

 Contents

Introduction

1. Magic 24
2. Spanish Intellectual and Medical Treatises 99
3. “Real” Magical Practitioners in Spain m
4. Magic in Medieval Spanish Literature 128
Conclusion £02

Notes 206
List of References 230
Index 243

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