World Englishes, Vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 141–150, 2011.

0883-2919

RESEARCH REPORT

Teaching English in Indian contexts: toward a pedagogic model

SHARDA KAUSHIK∗

ABSTRACT: This study addresses an important problem in English pedagogy in one Outer Circle context,
that of India, in that it investigates the match between the stated goals of English teaching in the policy
documents and their implementation in actual curriculum, teaching and testing practices. In order to achieve
a better match, the study suggests more use of local sample texts in teaching materials. In turn, in order
to test the acceptability of local norms, the study describes the results of testing the acceptability of a
number of unique Indian English items by several groups of ‘educated’ Indian English users by means of
a questionnaire.

INTRODUCTION
Indian English (IE) is a cover term for that variety of English used by a large number
of educated Indians as a additional language in communication at the intra-national level
in day-to-day dealings. It has absorbed the predominant local culture as well as the sub-
cultures in the approximately 300 years of its existence and it thrives in the form of several
manifestations, one of the most prominent ones among them being Hinglish, a pejorative
term used for the mixing of English and Hindi languages.

CURRENT MODEL OF GENERAL ENGLISH COURSES FOR UNDERGRADUATES

If we examine the Report of the Education Commission of India we get an overview of
the modern elite thinking on the issue of English in Education (1966: 15):

For a successful completion of the first degree course, a student should possess an adequate command of
English, be able to express himself with reasonable ease and felicity, understand lectures in it, and avail
himself of its literature. Therefore adequate emphasis will have to be laid on its study as a language right
from the school stage. English should be the most useful ‘library language’ in higher education and our
most significant window on the world.

The objectives stated above are meant for every undergraduate with the following
expectations that they:
(1) will come to possess a reasonable competence in comprehension and expression
of English;
(2) will have developed fairly sharp listening skills;

∗
Regional Institute of English, Chandigarh Administration, Chandigarh, UT 160019, India. E-mail: sharda_kaushik@
yahoo.com


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(3) will be able to make use of the literature available in English to acquire knowledge
of the world (the term literature here stands for any reading material in English,
not just British fiction, poetry and drama).

A study made by Aslam (1995: 152–66) quotes reasons given by learners for studying
English (Compulsory) as a subject. Heading the list of the reasons is the need to “read
English newspapers and magazines”.
As stated above, it is an accepted norm that English in India exists mainly for commu-
nicative purposes. But we continue to teach English through the “literature and thought
of England”, introduced by Thomas Babington Macaulay, Member, Supreme Council of
India, instead of a homegrown model. Macaulay’s Minute was passed by the British Parlia-
ment in 1835 when the British administration decided to spread education in India during
their rule. The then Governor General Lord William Bentick announced that the great
object of the British Government ought to be the promotion of European literature and
science among the natives of India and that all the funds appropriated for the purpose of
education would be best employed on English education alone. (Sharp 1920: Document
30).
It is an accepted fact that the study of any literature assumes proficiency in the given
language. But we teach the target language through traditional literary texts, generally
British, giving students a dated foreign model in the belief that it will result in the acquisition
of communicative English for current times. In order to ascertain if the desired results are
achieved, I conducted a study with tertiary students at a university. The target group of my
research is students of BA III English (Compulsory) course, Panjab University, Chandigarh.
The composition of the model used for the purpose of teaching English in classrooms can
be interpreted by examining the course’s 2004 syllabus and the final examination question
paper for the class under review.
We discover that the model, namely, the teaching materials and the tests, do not include
the skill of speaking, as if it were not a part of linguistic expression mentioned as an
objective in the Education Commission of India (1966). No marks are allotted to the
testing of listening and speaking. Therefore, the clearly spelled out objective of training
students to “understand lectures” is never tested. And once something is not tested, most
students and even some teachers tend to overlook it in the classroom. “Literature”, meant
as a multi-disciplinary body of knowledge in the Report, is confined to an anthology of
poems, The Silent Song, much of which dates from the 18th and 19th centuries, and The
Merchant of Venice. These texts are full of alien contexts and unusual usages and together
they get 50 per cent weight in the final examination paper. For students grappling with
elementary English, the model of the language the books offer has little relevance.
Of the 50 per cent left, 10 per cent is assigned to hackneyed idioms. Seemingly useful
activities such as essay and précis writing occupy 25 per cent, but the essays are on
predictable topics amounting to reproduction of crammed materials. The final 15 per cent
is devoted to the partially useful modelling of samples of modern usages, but these are
presented in decontextualized settings and therefore do not inspire much learning. From
the point of view of English language learning for an English (Compulsory) class of
undergraduates, the language is not fresh enough anywhere in the paper. The trouble is
that the paradigms of grammatical structures carried by the grammar books along with the
idioms prescribed do not relate to real life contexts.

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 Teaching English in Indian contexts: toward a pedagogic model 143

FORMULATION OF A PEDAGOGIC MODEL

The formulation of a model amounts to codifying the language that is considered
ideal and exemplary in the form of dictionaries with meaning and illustrations, usage
and pronunciation, spelling and idioms, etc. Additionally, grammar books are written to
include and illustrate the rule-governed language structures of morphology, namely, word
formation; and syntax, namely, sentence formation. But in modern times, we need to give
an extended meaning to the word “model”. A language is not limited to its orthography,
lexis, morphology and syntax alone. Learners and teachers need models of ideal or near
ideal speaking and writing formats covering different genres and styles, all represented
through relevant content. The models should serve local needs and their content should,
generally speaking, be wedded to the sociolinguistic, socio-political, socio-cultural and
socio-economic environment of the learners. If we accept the extended meaning of “model”
to include samples of texts, then the models of English need to be drawn from the entire
range of disciplines such as science, humanities, law, medicine, mass media, etc. And
there are many linguists and ELT teachers who share this view such as, Krishnaswami and
Sriraman (1995: 32–57):

We need to evolve dynamic models, (meant as samples of language) . . . aimed at the development of the
students’ ability to reason well within and across multiple domains.

Media serves as the best source for such a venture, as it moulds public opinion and
mirrors their attitude. Media comprises newspapers, magazines, radio, TV, the Internet
and films. From among the various forms of media, print media best serves our purpose
as even amidst welcome fluidity in language, it offers stability. For centuries, the printed
word has served as the touchstone of standardization. Also, it is easy to obtain samples
of interest and value from it. Besides, media generally has multiple originators who pass
through certain standards of quality control. Media represents all kinds of discourse and
offers a variety of styles. And, as Görlach (1991) observes, they can also be compared
worldwide in respect to events they deal with.

PRESENT STUDY
It was assumed that people closely associated with English in India will accept the use
of Indian variants of English in classrooms and also their inclusion in the pedagogic model.
The study conducts an attitudinal survey of subject response to Indian variants drawn
from the print media and after evaluating the findings, evaluates the implications of the
findings.
The issues addressed in the questionnaire used for the survey are:
• attitude towards acceptance of variants of IE;
• order of acceptance of variants of IE;
• comparative acceptance of each element or aspect of IE.
I selected 50 Indian variants (items) for the questionnaire from well-recognized national
dailies, namely, The Times of India, The Indian Express, Hindustan Times, The Statesman
and The Tribune. This data is appropriate to be considered for inclusion in the model for
the focus group mentioned earlier, as the items drawn have been used by contemporary

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journalists and writers of repute during the period 1991–2003. The data is embedded in
the political, social, cultural and economic milieu of modern India.
The task comprises a questionnaire with 50 variants of IE. The respondents are expected
to examine these excerpts grouped under the subheadings: lexis (Items 1–17); morphology
and syntax (items 18–33); and discourse (items 34–50); and indicate if they will recommend
their inclusion in the English teaching classroom. The 40 questionnaires carry 50 items
each and are assessed by the 40 subjects selected. The total number of responses is 2,000.
The final tabulation should be able to prove or disprove the assumption stated earlier.
The subjects comprised 10 journalists, 10 linguists, 10 teachers of literature and language
and 10 students of BA III English (Compulsory) course of Panjab University, Chandigarh,
the subjects considered the initiators of Indian variants. They represent three demographic
groups, namely, 18–29 years, 30–45 years and 46–60 years. The groups are a proportionate
mix of male and female respondents.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The results take us closer to the claims made in the hypothesis that people closely
associated with English teaching/learning/writing will favour the move of formulating a
contemporary indigenous model for pedagogic purposes (see Table 1).
In a little over one tenth of the judgments where doubts were expressed, the opinion
on the items was almost equally divided. Judgments accepting the use of the items in the
classroom are on the higher side than those rejecting them.
The findings of Table 2 are the most significant as they demonstrate there was no item,
which was accepted by all 40 respondents. The lexical item bride-burning, a coinage for
a deviant incident which had occurred repeatedly at one time in the recent past within the
country’s socio-cultural milieu, found the highest number of takers, namely, 35 out of 40,
which is 88 per cent. On the other hand, a syntactic item, a case of missing object, in an
SVO structure, was the least acceptable.
The study proves that the initiators of Indian variants:
• are willing to accept the inflow of variants in the area of formal instruction, namely,
the classroom;
• are not ready to accept just any and every Indian variant.
The findings of my survey are as follows:
• IE is not one homogenous body but has multiple variations and it cannot be accepted
or rejected as a whole.
• Coinage of lexical items within the rules of SBE was accepted in near totality by
the respondents, for instance bride-burning, lumpenisation, etc.

Table 1. Acceptability of total items

Total Acceptable Not acceptable Not sure

50 items 46% 43% 11%

2,000 responses 919 853 228


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 Teaching English in Indian contexts: toward a pedagogic model 145

Table 2. Order of general acceptability: descending order

Item # Subject = 40 Subject = 40

15 bride-burning 35 49 Guns ‘only’ kill people 19

14 lathi-charged 34 31 mixing tenses 18
3 shilanayas puja (foundation 33 33 missing conjunction 18
stone-laying prayer)
29 picturised 30 43 embedded clauses 18
12 gunman 28 6 ? creativity not permitted 17
8 archrivals 27 9 lay people 17
17 lady luck 27 36 mukhautas(masks) 17
42 . . .holds. . . stick owns. . . 26 10 opined (obsolete) 16
buffalo
45 to dance to the tunes 26 22 will it (should be ‘it will’) 16
11 tridents 25 19 mixing of tenses 15
39 IB, RAW 25 40. . .samaj mein se badi matra (a 15
large number from among the
society)
34 Hum Apke Hain Kaun (who am 24 16 novel collocation 14
I of yours)
46 Khaps. . .Chaubisi. . .Chalisa 24 47 convoluted style 14
(rural administrative bodies)
41 not like the face of 23 30 missing determiner 12
4 lumpenisation 22 44 muslim samaj. . .nikale (let the 12
muslim society expel)
5 tapori. . .swadesh (street 22 32 missing article 10
urchin. . . Ethnic/national)
7 dilliwallas. . .(delhiites) 22 2 Mrs. 8
21 missing preposition 22 38 a dog from Italy 8
1 saffronspeak 21 50 yoyoness. . .zipzoot 8
24 ‘has asked’- ‘been’ not needed 21 23 clash of tenses 7
26 word order problem 21 25 excessive embedding 7
13 desi (ethnic) (vs) phoren 19 37 long-winding sentence. . . 7
20 missing article foreign 19 18 missing plural 6
27 present continuous not needed 19 48 word order 6
35 solah singar. . .Bindi, kajal. . . 19 28 missing object 1
(sixteen forms of makeup. . .
mark on forehead, eyeliner)

• Respondents accepted maximum number of lexical variants and minimum number

of syntactic variants.
• Generally, the respondents were not rigid about missing or intruding articles, prepo-
sitions, etc.

INTERPRETATIONS
“What to do, we are like this only. . .” goes the subheading of an Asian Age article
(17 August, 2003: 17). The line is from the article titled Hinglish by David Gardner,
borrowed from the Spectator. The expression ‘only’ in an Indian’s speech has become
a metaphor for easy reference to IE. In the context of the survey on variants, I included

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the word ‘only’ to assess if my respondents, most of them English-educated metropolitan

Indians, will accept it for BA III English (Compulsory) classroom. Fifty per cent of them
did. Close in line with Kachru’s (see Baumgardner 1995: 263) statement, “the attitudinal
conflict between indigenous and external norms is slowly being resolved in favor of
localized educated norms”. It is quite in tune with Kachru’s (1991: 3–13) advocacy of
“liberation linguistics”.
Indian English, like all languages, possesses a range of varieties and variants, forms
and expressions which are popular as usages within the community, for example, the
word dilliwallas; and are peculiar to an individual, for example, the phrase silk strides.
While some of the variants are stigmatized, such as Auntyji, certain variants are considered
normal and enjoy prestige, like bride-burning. Indian English has freshly coined usages
like shilanyas puja, which are taken as a positive growth of the variety. On the other
hand the variety continues to suffer with the status-quo syndrome and needs to do some
load-shedding in the context of the colonial lag, for example, ‘honorable’ chief guest and
‘worthy’ guests or I ‘beg’ to state. It can sometimes twist an idiom, ‘I don’t like his face’
into a third person account of ‘Bush may not like the face of Mr. Saddam’ and get away with
it. It exhibits creativity in yo-yoness and saffronspeak which is as yet at the individual level,
but then that is how all varieties grow. In brief, IE pulsates with the energy of inventiveness,
in Gardner’s words (2003: 17). It may apply a semantic shift such as in ‘tension’ to mean
pressure/ worry/ obsession/ sense of responsibility, etc, use archaic terms like ‘opine’,
victorian terms like ‘countenance’ for face, ‘officialese’ like ‘the needful will be done, as
soon as possible’ and ‘babuisms’ like ‘a change of guard is on the anvil’. But it also engages
in creativity by code-switching within “regular grammatical constraints”, says Bhatt (1996:
369–75). Indian English certainly needs to rid itself of instances of large scale embeddings
and complex sentence structures, characteristic of the educated South Asian literary style.
A non-resident Indian, Arundhati Parmar from Chicago, while complementing the writer
of an article on several fronts, showed reservations on the difficulty level of words, sentence
structure and length of sentences. “Much of what’s wrong with Indian writings in English
is that they seem to be writing for themselves”, she says. She advises the writer, “Use
grandiose terms selectively and if you do, clarify it in parenthesis” (Parmar 2003).
On the basis of the findings, I would like to state that when recommending the inclusion
of Indian variants in the classroom and the formulation of an Indian model of English, no
respondent suggests a complete replacement of Standard British English (SBE). They are
all in general agreement on the combination of SBE and IE.

IMPLICATIONS
The findings indicate that the community comprising English-educated metropolitan
Indians is prepared to accept a range of Indianisms in the classroom. The whole concept
of legitimizing socio-cultural usages of the local languages in English has been generating
much heat at linguistic forums and cocktail circles alike. A subject that can arouse interest
in various quarters can indeed carry long term implications.

Question of intelligibility
Linguists and teachers all over the world have projected varied opinions over mutual
intelligibility, comprehensibility and interpretability of different varieties of English. King

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 Teaching English in Indian contexts: toward a pedagogic model 147

(1971) voices sincere concern over English disintegrating into incomprehensible dialects.
As education spreads, English spreads and becomes more lax as it does. There is the danger
that, as you get more English in a country, it may become less internationally compre-
hensible. However, contrary to such concerns, some non-native varieties have proved their
credentials by not only meeting the local community’s needs, but by also proving their
intelligibility beyond the local terrains. Ascertaining the factors underlying their success
in communication, Smith and Nelson (2006: 428–45) state:

the greater the familiarity speakers, native or non-native, have with a variety of English, the more likely
it is that they will understand and be understood by speakers of that speech community.

According to them, meaning of any discourse is essentially rooted in its socio-cultural

context and therefore its interpretation overrides its comprehension and even its intelligi-
bility, measured in accuracy of pronunciation or grammar. If we extend this argument to IE,
the variety found in the standard national dailies of India emerges as a standard variety. For
centuries, newspapers have served as a model for their readers. The national newspapers
of India carry Indianisms, but this variety is found to be intelligible internationally as in
Bansal (1969), Sridhar (1989) and Trudgill and Hannah (2002). Further, this study raises
the query whether or not IE forms used by a majority of educated speakers and found in
newspapers should be accepted in the Indian classroom as a model for teaching. In respect
to intelligibility Verma (1986) emphasizes that this variety does not inhibit communication
and is capable of clarity, complexity, power and tenderness which means it is capable of
performing required functions of the community using it.

Question of proficiency
The debate here is not between a lot of English or some English that Indian students
studying an English (Compulsory) course can acquire. The debate here is between a lot
of English and practically very little of it. In other words the debate is over whether a
learner achieves a high level of proficiency in the use of English or meets barely passable
standards while pursuing undergraduate education through the model given in the English
(Compulsory) course. With the texts being prescribed, sampling a contemporary model of
English through fresh writings, there is hope the learners will learn to use at least a certain
amount of English without relying on ‘help books’ to clear exams based on canonical
literature. Many learners lean on ‘help books’ called ‘guides’ to pass examinations since
prescribed textbooks mentioned earlier in the paper cannot be tackled by a learner who is
much below the desired proficiency level of English.

Question of class distinction

Class distinction, more often than not, can be noticed between those who have received
education through the medium of English and those who have received it in the vernacular
medium. English medium instruction perpetuates a segregationist system by creating an
elite ghetto while alienating the masses. High level proficiency in English, wealth, power
and sophistication are usually observed to go together as per the accepted norms of social
judgment. Competence in English helps one to climb the social ladder − around four to
five per cent of India’s population speaks English (Crystal 1997: 41) – which can help one

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overcome even the deeply entrenched caste structure. It is needless to state that English
has become the language of opportunity. Its possession leads to the opening up of a sea of
opportunities while the lack of it puts road blocks in professional and social progress. As
Tickoo (2006: 172) observes:

The educated middle class sees English as the one and only gateway to the world of endless opportunities.
English has come to symbolize power, economic prosperity and latterly information-technology -powered
modernity.

The way out is to introduce a homegrown updated model of English, which will equip
learners with communicative proficiency. With proficiency levels well-suited to their job
requirements, such individuals will not have to compete with their counterparts from
English medium school background on the scale, quantity or variety of English known.

RECOMMENDATIONS
The solution, at least one of them, to such problems lies in formulating a definite
pedagogic model. This requires selection and standardization of a variety or varieties
along various clines, namely, the cline of bilingualism, the cline of proficiency, the cline
of intelligibility, etc, with due recognition to the concept of multi-identities of English.
The acrolects which do not represent any particular region but particular classes of people
should be taken into consideration.
A model usually has four stages: selection, codification, elaboration and acceptance.
Standardization will involve the codification of rules. Dictionaries and books defining rules
and patterns of pronunciation, spelling, vocabulary and grammar along with discoursal
descriptions will have to be produced and made accessible to everybody. Standardization
need not “eliminate diversities” − it has to only “control” them (Gupta and Gumperz 1968:
151–66) and so a controlled use of MT equivalents may be prescribed. Compilation of
the Kolhapur corpus (Shastri 1988), and the IEC Indian English Corpus is of significant
importance here. It should stimulate worthwhile action in formulation of a much larger
corpus and eventually in standardization of the local varieties of English. By and large, the
core grammar of, IE is the same as that of SBE, and ought to be retained as it is.
We can have a descriptive-cum-prescriptive model which, as a pedagogic model, will
be prescriptive but which will also be descriptive as linguists and teachers will prepare it
by collecting day-to-day usages from the print media.
The new model should capture the written language used in national level newspapers,
magazines, the internet, short stories, and essays written by modern writers, scripts of
documentaries, interviews, speeches, correspondence, etc. The language should be simple,
fresh and imaginative. The model should capture language in varied settings like law,
politics, art, culture, commerce, science and environment aimed at enriching the learners’
vocabulary, grammar and cultivating stylistic features. It should be practised with the
linguistic skills such as listening and speaking, reading both intensive and extensive and
writing, creative and functional. The model should be glocal (Yano 2001), a blend of the
global and the local, meaning, it absorbs openness and internationality along with the
local self-identity. A multi-model approach will prove beneficial as students can be put on
different courses based on different models, namely, a model for English (Compulsory),
a model for Elective English, MA English, a model for Engineering students and so on.

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 Teaching English in Indian contexts: toward a pedagogic model 149

An average English course may include texts covering contemporary concerns drawn from
different aspects of life like science, environment, sports, etc. These aspects may have
a proportionate representation in the course in a variety of formats following different
genres.

FUTURE RESEARCH
An in-depth and extensive study, IE usages of acrolects and their analyses will serve as
a stepping stone in the standardization of IE. Care has to be taken so that idiosyncratic
features of authors, the famous and the not-so-famous, do not creep in. As one can observe,
IE in this context is used as an ethno-political term. In their effort to give a formal shape to an
indigenous variety, linguists should not get carried away and nativize English excessively.
All the variant items collected can be passed through certain tests to measure their
utility and validity for incorporation. Wong (1981: 97–108) proposes a scale, which can
be modified by adding fresh dimensions to make it more comprehensive as a testing
instrument:

Is it the result of a new ‘unEnglish’ linguistic and cultural setting?

Is it the result of a productive process, marking typical variety-specific features?
Is it systematic not idiosyncratic within the variety?
Does it have a language history of acculturation in a new cultural and geographic context?
Does it have use in the local educational/ adminstrative / legal system?
Is the new nativized discourse/ style types a functionally determined register?
Is it the result of a linguistic vehicle of creative writing?

Certain new inquiries can be added to this checklist though further research is required
in this respect. For instance:
• What is the frequency of occurrence of the items selected?
• Is the item indispensable?
A scale will have to be developed with four-point measurements, namely, high, medium,
low, and zero for accurate computation, analysis and evaluation of each item’s validity,
utility and acceptability while the model is being formulated.
It is time to work at the logistics of expenditure of time, finances and other resources and
take steps towards the formulation of an indigenous model or a set of models, incorporating
local varieties and sub-varieties of English. Otherwise, SBE and similar models may first
teach us to speak and write like their social groups, get us addicted to their popular culture,
hook us on to their goods, services and cultural practices and breed us on their social and
political ideology, thus influencing us enough into absorbing it all. English in its newly-
found status of being a world language is not aspiring to homogenize world cultures.
Therefore, in order to maintain the diversity of cultures, diversity in pedagogic models of
English will also have to be promoted. We need to teach English to the masses who have of
late joined the former elite cadres of English and who want to learn it through the medium
they are comfortable with, namely, the mass media, in particular the print media, which
incorporates the culture they belong to, the popular culture of our country.

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